Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical

study in synthesis of Religion and Politics

 Rabindranath Tagore, the
visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and
Politics

Shankar Bhattacharya

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Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study in synthesis
of Religion and Politics

Shankar Bhattacharya

Published by

Vicky Publishers

4th Floor, Saraswati Appartment, Chilarainagar Path, Bhangagarh,

Guwahati-5, Telefax : 0361-2451586,

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First Published in 2010, Guwahati

© Author Dedicated
to
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used, reproduced or my mother Mrs.Bela Bhattacharya
translated in any manner, by any media whatsoever, without written who first taught me to recite the
permission, except in the case of brief quotations for critical articles or poems of Tagore
reviews. Please address all enquiries to the publishers.

Cover : Nayan Jyoti Sarmah

Price : 200/-
ISBN 978-93-80382-23-4

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 Acknowledgements

I would like to express my deep gratitude to all those

persons who have rendered to me generous help and
encouragement in the preparation of this book.
I am particularly indebted to Professor Partha Sarathi
Sanyal, Department of English, L.N. Mithila University,
Darbhanga for his unstinting assistance and valuable supervision
during my post doctoral research.
I would like to thank those persons who extended me
strong support and unfailing help. I must especially mention the
names, in this connection of Prof Nikhilananda Mukherjee, Prof.
Ashis Sen and Dr. Ramdulal Bose.
I must also record my gratitude to Miss Lalrammawii, Librarian,
Govt. J.B. College, Lunglei, Mizoram for her painstaking effort
in preparing manuscript of this book and getting it typed.
I am very grateful to Soumen Bharatiya for kindly
accepting this book for publication.
I would also like to thank those persons connected by
family relationship who were behind the progress of this work.
To my elder sister Mrs. KumKum Mukherjee and my brother-
in- law Subas Chandra Mukherjee, I am greatly indebted for
their unfailing help, encouragement and affection. I take this
opportunity to thank my wife Mrs. Mitali Bhattacharya for sparing
me from many domestic responsibilities so that my academic
Special Thanks works do not lose momentum. My son Abhilash and daughter
to Swagatalokhi were constant source of inspiration and enjoyment
Amaresh Roy, Pintu Gupta, Prasun Barman, Basab Roy,
Malek Ali, Nayanjyoti Sarmah during my leisure period after serious study.
&
Saumen Bharatiya

4 5
 I pay homage to my father late Bibhuti Bhusan
Bhattacharya whose intense knowledge and intellect enlightened
my literary sensibility.
Finally, I would like to pay a warm tribute to Swami
Buddhananda, General Secretary, Bharat Sevashram Sangha Foreward
for his blessings and good will through many worrying and
difficult times that lay between the start and finish of this poject. Dr. Shankar Bhattacharya's book entitled Rabindranath
Tagore, the Visionary Activist : A critical Study in synthesis of
Religion and Politics, on a cursory reading may appear to be a
compendium of Rabindranath's biographical details and his ideas
and views on nationalism and internationalism, religion and politics,
education and social reforms etc and more concerned with the
visionary than the activist. But the book is actually a sincere attempt
at presenting the world- view of the poet based on his diverse
literary works. It also takes adequate note of the views of the
eminent contemporaries of Rabindranath in its discourse.
Additionally, it stimulates thinking on the question of synthesis of
religion and politics which seems to be the main argument of the
book.
When we discuss Religion and Politics academically or
from the point of view of the visionary, we talk of concepts, of
ideals. But in the playing field of life what we encounter is
confrontations even within various religious formations. This is not
a new phenomenon. In the past the spiritual authority of the church
claimed supremacy even over temporal or civic affairs.Ultimately,
however, in the western countries, the state or the temporal power
managed to confine, by and large, religion, religion to its religious
fold. In ancient India the Brahmins and Kshatriyas contended for
this kind of inclusive hegemony . Located mostly in the Afro-
Asian sub continent this confrontation has now become a threat to
peaceful living all over the world and it seems no reconciliation is
possible in the present global situation. One of the reasons for this

6 7
deadlock could be that there is no consensus on the need and
value of religion and though we admit that the spiritual aspiration is
a part of our being we do not direct religion only to that end. All
major religious groups claim that God sent his commandments to
be followed in all spheres of life, through his messengers but these
commandments being different for different sects, it appears that
God also is different for different groups. The idea that God is one
though called by different names is , on the ground level, only a
wishful or consoling thought. There is yet no universal acceptance
of the fatherhood of one God and brotherhood of all men. Religion
abetted by exclusive nationalism may, therefore, turn more easily
into fanaticism. Being born into a religious community is not a matter
of choice and yet attachment to a religion tends to be more emotional
and is fed and sustained more by community instinct than reason,
which naturally leads to disaffection and even murderous rivalry
among the zealots. The only way out of this disaster- spelling role
of religious bigotry, within the perimeter of the model of life that we
have almost universally accepted, is to keep the institutionalized
religions away from the political and socio- economic activities of
men.
Rabindranath and Gandhiji all along advocated the ideal
that the true religious perception of man and his awareness of his
status in the cosmic scheme, should inform and enrich his political
pursuits and that the exclusiveness of the rigidly defined religious
and their dogmas should not only be eschewed but positive efforts
should also be made to help create an atmosphere for peace and
unity among men.
Rabindranath and Gandhiji were both very deeply religious.
But both of them fought relentlessly against all types of superstitions
particularly those based on religion. Rabindranath was not actively
involved in practical politics though he was acutely conscious of
the political forces of his time. Gandhiji, on the other hand was a
8 9
full time political worker. But neither of them allowed his personal
faith to blur his vision of harmonious world. Rabindranath talked of
the religion of man and Gandhiji of the search for the universal truth
of human life and both of them firmly believed that mere political
freedom was not the end of the search.
Dr. Bhattacharya, with his wide reading on the subject has
shown, with detailed evidence, how Rabindranath envisioned a
world order of mutual trust and understanding and how he wished
it to be ushered in by religion and politics and how each by fulfilling
its mission, in its true spirit and working on each other can lead to
our dream world of peace and prosperity for all men.
Dr. Bhattacharya's work deserves to be considered a
contribution to the growing critical corpus on Rabindranath's
immortal writing. I am sure the book will be welcomed both by the
common readers and specialists.
Prof. Amaresh Dutta, D. Lit (Double)
Professor Emeritus (English)
Former Chief Editor,
Encyclopedia of Indian Literature
Sahitya Academy, New Delhi
 Contents

CHAPTER-I
INTRODUCTION 13

CHAPTER- II
Bankimchandra, Rabindranath and the Religion of Motherland 31

CHAPTER-III
Tagore’s Political Doctrine 66

CHAPTER - IV
Tagore and his views on Religion 109

CHAPTER-V
Tagore, Gandhi and the vision of a new India 149

CHAPTER- VI
THE CONCLUSION 176

Notes and References 183

BIBLIOGRAPHY 189

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 CHAPTER-I

INTRODUCTION

Rabindranath Tagore, the most versatile embodiment of the modern

Indian Renaissance, was born in 1861 when the current of three
trends (religious, literary and political) had commingled in the life
of India. One of these, the religious trend, was propelled by Raja
Ram Mohan Roy who appeared at this juncture to play his
revolutionary role with a considerable width of vision. In fact, Raja
Ram Mohan Roy holds the key to our understanding of the origins
of the nineteenth century renaissance in India and its far- reaching
consequence.
Ram Mohan was born soon after the East India Company
had established its rule in Bengal. By the time he took up permanent
residence in Calcutta in 1814- 1815, British domination in India
was total. The establishment of commercial and administrative
relations with the British saw the emergence of a new middle class
in Bengal which rapidly grew in strength. Ram Mohan and some of
his close friends, such as Dwarkanath Tagore and Prasanna Kumar
Tagore, were conscious of the historical importance of the
emergence of this new class. The editorial that appeared on 13
June 1829 in ‘Bengal Herald’ focussed on the British middle class
that grew powerful enough to take a leading role in the establishment
of a new era between the reigns of Henry VIII and Cromwell. This
class had widened the sphere of social life in the nineteenth century
India when the British conquest and the consequent expansion of
colonial culture and ideology had led to an inevitable introspection
about the strength and weakness of native culture and institutions.1
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
13
 Ram Mohan’s importance in the evolution of modern India
is enormous. He considered different religions as national
embodiments of universal theism. He, in fact, restated the doctrine
of man’s spiritual pre- eminence by formulating the Brahmo idealism
in the opening decades of the nineteenth century, that is, at a time
when the country wallowed in the conservative ideas of medievalism.
Ram Mohan Roy devoted himself with great enthusiasm towards
acquiring a wider, greater and stronger insight into human civilization.
Associated with the western intellectuals of the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries- the forerunners of humanism, Ram Mohan
was an extraordinary personality who belonged to his times.
Ram Mohan Roy started as an Arabic and Sanskrit Scholar
but soon took up a serious study of western thought. He was a
defender of the basic and universal principles of all religions-the
monotheism of the Vedas and the Unitarianism of Christianity. At
the same time, Ram Mohan Roy forcefully criticized both the
polytheism of Hinduism and the trinitarianism of Christianity. He
eventually established the Brahmo Samaj which was initially
conceived by him as a universal church. It played a significant role
in the Indian Renaissance that was far greater than one would expect
from the consideration of their number.2
Ram Mohan’s great intellect, enriched by extensive
knowledge and informed by rational humanism and a universal
outlook, contributed to bring about a renaissance and a reformation.
He was no doubt, a great reformer with a pride in India’s glorious
past and her great achievements and was, in fact, determined to
uphold all that was noble and great in the Hindu view of life. He
never contemplated any radical change in Hindu religion or for that
matter, never attempted any total renovation of Hindu society. He,
however, advocated the necessary changes which the contemporary
age desired. He had a firm faith in rich cultural heritage of his country.
For instance, his opposition to the Christian missionaries attacking
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
14 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
Hinduism was as great as his aversion to the Hindu orthodoxy
which defended the evil and obsolete practices of that religion.
There is no denying the fact that Brahmo Samaj has rendered useful
service to Hinduism. It generated social reform; it prevented
conversion to Christianity by creating a half-way house and it
aroused the orthodox Hindus to organize themselves and work for
a genuine revival of their religion.
Sir Syed Ahmed Khan voiced the same idea with deep
enthusiasm for the uplift of Muslims but did not meet with similar
success in comparison to what Ram Mohan Roy did for the Hindus.
His reinterpretation of the teachings of Islam in the light of western
knowledge was another exemplary attempt at reconciling value of
the East and the West. Moreover Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s greatest
contribution was that he laid the foundation of a new scholasticism
and initiated comparative religious studies. He wrote a commentary
on the Quaran. His intention to write a commentary was not due
to any religious exuberance but was inspired by a desire to create
effective step against the permeation of ideas, which, he considered,
would shake conviction in the validity of the principles of Islam.
He also wrote a commentary on the Bible. This was the first
significant attempt at a comparative study of religions in the 19 th
century India.
Interestingly, it was at the court of Akbar Shah II that Sir
Syed Ahmed Khan for the first time, had a golden opportunity of
meeting the great Indian reformer Raja Ram Mohan Roy.
Significantly, at that young age, the impression that he formed of
Raja Ram Mohan Roy was one of ability, scholarship, seriousness,
culture and urbanity. Indeed, Ram Mohan’s successor Sir Syed
Ahmed stands out prominently in the history of India’s transition
from medievalism to modernism as a dynamic force pitted against
conservatism, superstition, inertia and ignorance. Although he did
not meet with similar success in comparison to what Ram Mohan
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
15
did, however the contribution made by Sir Syed cannot be denied
easily.
It is worth while to mention that although the ambit of
reforms was particularistic, Ram Mohan and Sir Syed Ahmed’s
religious doctrine was universalistic. It is important to remember
that throughout the eighteenth century, under the counselling of such
prominent western scholars as Halhead, a number of Bengali books
were Published. Even though they were not works of considerable
importance, they were experimental and innovative. In this context,
Bankim Chandra’s critical assesment is quite significant. He writes,
“ The Nation which has memories of former greatness can
preserve that greatness, or if lost, try to restore it. Blenheim
and Waterloo are the results of the memories of Crecy and
Agincourt. Italy has been able to rise again after her fall. Today
the Bengalis want to be great. Alas! where is their historical
memory?” 3
Bankim Chandra emphatically advocated: “ We need a
history of Bengal. Without this, Bengalis can never rise to their
full stature... Bengalis who are convinced that their ancestors
were always feeble and without substance, that their
predecessors never achieved anything glorious, such Bengalis
cannot aspire to any other than an unsubstantial, inglorious
condition, nor would they strive for anything different... ...
And where would we find substance? Has a proper
history of Bengal been written yet? Englishmen have written
numerous histories of Bengal. Stuart Saheb’s book is so large
and heavy that it would kill a strong young man if thrown at
him. Marshman, Lethbridge and others have made a lot of
money by writing slighter versions of Bengali history.
But do these books tell us anything historical about
Bengal? In our considered opinion, not one of these English
books contains the true history of Bengal.” 4
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
16 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Bengali literature
discovered two specific cores from where to gain new inspiration
for creative activity, the Fort William College and the Serampore
Mission. The college, founded in 1800, started the study of Bengali
under the patronage of William Carey from 1801. He served as a
professor of Bengali and Sanskrit till 1831. Carey, with the help of
Mritunjoy Vidyalankar and some other Bengali scholars, brought
out Bengali books for the use of the civilians who underwent training
in the college. These attempts brought Bengali literature into touch
with a number of diverse subjects. The missionaries on their part,
translated the Bible into Bengali, published newspapers and helped
the growth of a vigorous Bengali prose-style. Thus the spadework
being done by the missionaries and a few zealous native scholars,
Ram Mohan’s pamphlets and essays on the contemporary problems
related to social, religious, ethical and moral topics generated the
process of enriching a vibrant style in Bengali prose. A kind of
renaissance in Bengali literature dawned with the tremendous effort
of Ram Mohan Roy. His disciple in the ‘ Tattvabodhini Society’
and the advanced thinkers among the western educated young men
who styled themselves as ‘young Bengal’ gave a great impetus to
Bengali language in a modern direction.
Hence it cannot be denied that the new spirit of individuation
and intellectuality, freedom of inquiry and expression reached Bengal
in the wake of the British conquest, and it helped to rearticulate
that critical function of intelligence which had been obscured for a
long time. The initial infatuation for western values finally led to a
deep study of literature, philosophy and religion of the west.
Simultaneously, the same was counterbalanced by increased
knowledge of and regard for the values of the East. Western scholars
like Sir William Jones, Maxmuller, Charles Wilkins and William
Carey helped to rediscover some of the valuable treasures of Indian
tradition and culture.
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
17
 Among early figures, the most famous and outstanding, of
course, was western scholar Sir William Jones (1746-94). The
enthusiastic programme of inquiry which he outlined at the
foundation of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, the total freedom from
a tribalist or closed outlook which characterized his approach to
non-European and non-Christian civilizations, the combination of
scientific discipline and aesthetic refinement in his translations and
discourses, the reconciliation of reason and romanticism which his
personality embodied- in all these, Jones was a representative of
the European Aufklarung and not merely an orientalist as he is
commonly supposed to be.3
There were other western scholars like Charles Wilkins
(1750-1836), who, besides translating the Bhagavad Gita,
established the first vernacular printing press in Bengal, himself
designing and casting Bengali types and printing the first book where
the Bengali types were used. Wilkins also taught a blacksmith from
Hoogly, Panchanan Karmakar, punch-cutting, type-setting and
other techniques related to printing.Panchanan was engaged by
William Carey at the Baptist Press at Serampore and he,together
with his son-in-law Manohar, securely laid the foundation of
vernacular printing in Bengal.
Jonathan Duncan (1756-1811), eventually energetic in the
abolition of infanticide and creation of a modern Sanskrit college
of Benaras in 1791, John Gilchrist, surgeon, indigo-cultivator,
professor, author of an Urdu grammar and dictionary, and H.T.
Cole Brooke (1765~1837) whose painstaking researches laid
securely the foundations of Scientific Indology. Early in the 19th
century, we come across stalwarts like David Drummond, the Scotch
schoolmaster at Dharmatollah, whose ideas of secularism and
libertarianism fascinated his disciple Henry Louis Vivian Derozio
(1809-31). It is important to mention that within ten years of the
establishment of the Hindu College at Calcutta on 20 January 1817,
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
18 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
radicalism occupied the intellectual world of Bengal of which
Derozio was one of the pioneers. The group gathered round
Derozio was known as '' young Bengal ''.
Mr. David Hare (1775-1841), watch-maker and
agnostic,also from Scotland, whose life and passionate enthusiasm
were dedicated to the growth of a modern and secular education
in Calcutta. It is important to mention that the meeting of Ram Mohan
and David Hare is an important episode in the history of 19th century
Renaissance. Ram Mohan devoted his indomitable zeal and energy
to the translation, interpretation, and publication in several languages
of Vedanta and a selection of the Upanishads.Eventually he realized
that without the knowledge of western education and modern
knowledge, India’s intellectual, ethical, social and economic
development was impossible. It was in his house that his friend
David Hare first proposed the founding of “a higher institution
for dissemination of English education,” but when Chief Justice
Sir Edward Hyde East positively responded to the proposal and
held a meeting for this purpose at his house which was attended by
“50 and upwards of the most respectable Hindoo gentlemen
would not support the project if Ram Mohan were to be
associated with it,” 5 David Hare communicated the decision of
the meeting to Ram Mohan Roy, and ultimately Ram Mohan kept
himself aloof for the accomplishment of the project. Despite the
success of the orthodox in preventing Ram Mohan’s active
participation, the Hindu College after a few years developed into a
principal centre for the dissemination of modern knowledge among
the students of the new middle class. The new Bengali intelligentsia
of the eighteen thirties emerged as a current of liberal thoughts and
ideas of which Derozio was one of the pioneers. Derozio who was
enlightened with the progressive outlook of the West, was appointed
a teacher in Hindu College. Derozio became very popular among
the students as his personality and progressive ideas had great
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
19
impact on students. Derozio’s radical ideas constituted a group of
intellectuals popularly known as “young Bengal” of eighteen thirties
and early forties. Derozio taught the young intellectuals to question
customs, traditions and scriptures in stead of accepting them as
authentic. The ‘young Bengal’ group shared in common several
features as intellectual enlightenment, openness to new ideas and
experiments, strong interest in history and geography, rejection of
traditional values, advocacy of western social and political ideology.
Undeniably the group, created turbulence in the placid cultural life
of Bengal.
Commenting on the historical significance of “young
Bengal,” Reverend James Long (1814-87) wrote on 15th October
1842, “there is greater activity of mind among natives in
Calcutta , ‘ than in the country.” He thought that Calcutta “in
some respects resembles Cambridge or Oxford.” The
intellectualism and passionate enthusiasm of this radical ‘young
Bengal’ 7 group expressed itself through the publications of
periodicals, e.g., The Inquirer, The Quill, Bengal Spectator etc.
and in establishing associations, e.g., ‘the Academic Association’
and ‘the Bengal British India Society.’ 7 The young radical
intellectuals freely visited Derozio’s house where they not only
challenged the traditional customs and beliefs of Hinduism but also
tasted wine and beef prohibited in Hindu religion. Some
conservatives felt that Derozio was corrupting the youth and that
he was subversive to established religion and tradition. In
consequence, the Managing Committee of Hindu College and the
leaders of the traditional Hindu community like Radhakanta Deb
(1783-1867) and Ram Kamal Sen (1783-1844) blamed Derozio
as ‘the root of all evils and cause of public alarm’ and proposed
that he 'should be discharged from college.' At the
recommendation made by the college visitor, Dr. H.H.Wilson,
Derozio was compelled to resign from his job. However, there is
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
20 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
no denying the fact that young Bengal elite group contributed to
develop the intellectual environment which enlightened young minds
with new critical and creative spirit. The elite group established a
secular intelligentsia very responsive to the ideas of contemporary
Bengal of which the pioneers were Rev. Krishna Mohan Banerjee,
an outstanding scholar, linguist and eminent educationist and Peary
Chand Mitra whose magnum opus Alaler Gharer Dulal is a unique
achievement during the Indian Renaissance. The other significant
personalities of this movement were Ram Tanu Lahiri, Radhanath
Sikdar and Durga Charan Banerjee who carried on some of the
reformations started by Raja Ram Mohan Roy. Their vital role in
the intellectual history of modern India cannot be ignored. It is
worthwhile to mention that the success of these young radical
intellectuals is considered scanty by the historians as they showed
little reverence and fascination for vernacular languages. They
preferred to express their thoughts in English as their mind hovered
with western thoughts and norms. Ram Mohan had realized the
role of vernacular languages as the medium of expression which
was followed to an extent by some young intellectual radicals like
Peary Chand Mitra and Radhanath Sikdar. Indeed, the phenomenal
transformation which took place in Indian life commonly termed as
‘The New Renaissance’ was not just confined to religion. The
movement or trend expanded into a comprehensive one, touching
almost all branches of national life. Consequently,there, emerged
new dimensions in the field of literature, art, education, science and
politics. Significantly, after the religious movement of Ram Mohan,
another movement, literary in character, took place about the time
when Tagore was born. Ram Mohan’s unfinished task to uplift
Bengali literature was taken up by his successor Bankim Chandra
Chatterjee, the second historic personality of the Indian
Renaissance. In fact, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee was the pioneer
of this literary movement in Bengali literature which had been
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
21
hitherto cramped by a rigorous rhetoric and poetic diction. It is,
however, important to mention that at a time when servile imitation
of the West was the fashion of the elite Indians and country’s
heritage and culture stood considerably devalued, Bankim Chandra
contributed significantly to the growth of self-esteemed nationalism.
Indeed, the entire corpus of his thought embodies a constructive
patriotism of a high order which had definitely a stimulating impact
upon the contemporary society lying lifeless and decadent under
foreign yoke. Moreover, he took the stupendous task of revitalising
India’s culture and tradition in the light of challenge from the West.
There was yet a third movement which commenced a little later,
namely, the National Movement. The National Movement was not
completely political. The impact of the West had violently jolted
the peaceful surface of Indian life and a new awakening was
spreading gradually throughout the land. Its radiant effect had stirred
the Indian mind and impressed some of the early reformers so much
that they seemed at times to be blind imitators of the West. Today,
one may scoff at their efforts, but without their sincere and
courageous acceptance of western thought, the Indian Renaissance
would not have been so rapid and widely influential. The bastions
of conservatism could be stormed only by a band of young
intellectuals with a crusading spirit. The National Movement ushered
in to proclaim that Indians must not be indiscriminate in their
rejection of the past. This was not a reactionary movement but an
evolutionary one which gave voice to the Indians. It was a voice of
disgust and irritation at the humiliation constantly piled on Indians
by the British with an intention to divide the human world into the
good and the bad according to their specific code of conduct.
It is worthwhile to mention that after the conquest and
possession of India, the British power was interested in strengthening
its hold on the country ever since 1857. Indeed, the Revolt of 1857
was the earliest manifestation of traditional India’s struggle against
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
22 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
foreign rule. However, it was no sudden occurrence but the
culmination of a century-long tradition of fierce resistance to British
domination.
British rule also meant misery to the artisans and craftsmen.
British policy discouraged Indian handicrafts and promoted British
goods. The highly skilled Indian craftsmen were deprived of their
source of income and were forced to look for alternate sources of
employment that hardly existed, as the destruction of Indian
handicrafts was not compensated by the development of modern
industries. Moreover, the reforming zeal of British officials under
the influence of utilization had aroused considerable suspicion,
resentment and opposition. The orthodox Hindus and Muslims
feared that through social legislation, the British were trying to destroy
their religion and culture. Both of these communities apprehended
that legislation was undertaken presumably to aid the missionaries
in their quest for evangelism.
The orthodox and the religious, therefore, arrayed against
the British. The coalition of the Revolt of the sepoys and that of the
civil population made the 1857 movement an unprecedented
popular upsurge. However, apart from a commonly shared apathy
for foreign rule, the revolutionaries had no concrete political
perspective or a definite vision of the future. The rebels revealed
their indomitable courage and valour, dedication and earnest
commitment. Despite the sepoy’s limitations and weaknesses, the
effort of the rebels to emancipate the country from alien rule must
be viewed as a patriotic act and an important episode of progressive
step. Although the success was limited, it served a grand purpose
as a source of inspiration for the national liberation movement which
later achieved what the Revolt could not.
The government was subsequently transferred from the East
India Company to the crown after the Great Revolt of Sepoys.
Peace and harmony was restored in 1858 A.D. and with it gradually
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
23
came a uniform system of administration, law and coinage. India
needed the importance of political unity which had been absent for
many centuries and she was at the same time brought into the
mainstream of modern European civilization and culture. Her own
civilization and culture had been at the lowest ebb for over a hundred
years from about the middle of the eighteenth century.
The onrush of a totally different civilization put an end to all
creative work for a time and an uncritical admiration for all things
western took possession of the mind of the educated class coupled
with a contempt for things of native origin. This was the first time
perhaps that the Indian mind was thrown off its balance. Even the
ravaging waves of Muslim invasions and conquests had not
produced a result of this kind but already there were new forces
working like undercurrent towards a great renaissance which came
into tremendous enthusiasm in the early years of the nineteenth
century itself.
Indeed, the most significant development was the spread
of the English education which broke the intellectual isolation of the
Indian mind and brought it into contact with western science,
literature and history. The result of this interaction was a great mental
expansion similar to that which the European nations experienced
at the time of the Revival of Classical learning in the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries. Along with the progressive knowledge came
the fierce attacks of the early Christian missionaries on the doctrine
of Hinduism. The missionaries never missed a chance to scoff at
Indian religions and social institutions though they performed the
role of educationists. They opened schools and colleges where
they not only imparted the new secular knowledge, but also taught
and interpreted Christianity as the only true religion.
When one turns from political scenario to the religious
atmosphere, an important event which merits attention is the birth
of an organization called’ Brahmo Samaj’ which gained forces
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
24 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
because of matching of two minds Devendranath Tagore and
Keshab Chandra Sen. For the following ten years, the two great
personalities worked together, and the Brahmo Samaj was a beacon
of light in Bengal, the nerve centre of both the religious and the
Cultural Renaissance. But Keshab Chandra was more and more
drawn to Christ and His gospels, though he always gave it a Hindu
twist, and this in time brought about a split in the Brahmo Samaj.
Keshab Chandra Sen felt that Christianity was not inconsistent with
the spirit of Hinduism, and he was convinced that a close
understanding between India and England was not only possible
but also desirable. He was also an ardent orator, and his oratory
made a profound impact on his listeners in India as well as in
England.
As against the former, in spite of all his rationalism,
Devendranath Tagore was a conservative Hindu whose spiritual
life was nourished by the Upanishads and as such he favoured
introducing reforms into Hindu society in a gradual and systematic
way. By contrast, Keshab Chandra Sen was, fervent admirer of
Christ and he delivered two lectures, one on ‘Jesus Christ: Europe
and Asia’ and another on ‘Great Men.’
Devendranath, a great friend of Ram Mohan Roy, was an
essentially spiritual person and like Ram Mohan Roy, he remained
faithful to the rich cultural heritage of his country. Devendranath’s
autobiography is a valuable religious document in which he explains
how he passed through a spiritual crisis at the age of eighteen on
the occasion of his grandmother’s death. This incident changed his
materialistic life-style and an intense feeling of renunciation came
within him.
The first excitement of enthusiasm for the West thus
gradually paved the way for its balanced valuation around the time
Tagore was born. In his essay “The Religion of An Artist,” Tagore
explains: “People who cling to an ancient past have their pride
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
25
in the antiquity of their accumulations, in the sublimity of time-
honoured walls around them. They grow nervous and angry
when some great spirit, some lover of truth, breaks open their
enclosure and floods it with the sunshine of thought and the
breath of life. Ideas cause movement and all forward
movements they consider to be a menace to their warehouse
security.
This was happening about the time I was born. I am
proud to say that my father was one of the great leaders of
that movement, a movement for whose sake he suffered
ostracism and braved social indignities. I was born in this
atmosphere of the advent of new ideals, which at the same
time were old, older than all the things of which that age was
proud.,’8
Tagore was very close in spirit to European Renaissance.
In fact, what is generally termed as the Indian Renaissance of the
nineteenth century was largely a product of this western influence.
As for, Rabindranath Tagore, the youngest of the seven
sons and the fourteenth child of Maharsi Devendranath Tagore,
affluence and aristocratic culture surrounded him, and as a boy
Rabindranath grew up enthusiastically animated and vigilant to the
world of man and nature surrounding him. Tagore writes, “I was
born in what was once the metropolis of British India. My own
ancestors came floating to Calcutta upon the earliest tide of
the fluctuating fortune of the East India Company. The
unconventional code of life for our family has been a
confluence of three cultures, the Hindu, Mohammedan and
British. My grandfather belonged to that period when the
amplitude of dress and courtesy and a generous leisure were
gradually being clipped and curtailed into Victorian manners,
economical in time, in ceremonies, and in the dignity of personal
appearance. This will show that I came to a world in which
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
26 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
the modern city-bred spirit of progress had just begun driving
its triumphal car over the fuscous green life of our ancient
village community. Though the trampling process was almost
complete round me, yet the wailing cry of the past was still
lingering over the wreckage.’’9
The peculiar status of the family helps to explain the
combination of tradition and experiment that characterized Tagore’s
attitude to life. It had already produced three generations of
exceptionally noble men when Tagore was born. Rich and well-
known, the family still had an invidous position among the Brahmins.
Conscious of its wealth and talents, the family reacted by a proud
unconcern to many of the social taboos of the day, but clung to the
deeper values of Indian life. Tagore’s grandfather, known as Prince
Dwarkanath Tagore for his grand lavish living, was one of the
pioneers of western education in India and a friend of Ram Mohan
Roy. Dwarkanath Tagore went to Britain in defiance of the existing
prejudices and conventions. His son, Maharshi Devendranath, on
the other hand, himself went from house to house from morning till
evening, entreating Hindu parents not to send their children to
missionary schools but to native schools. Most of the members of
Tagore’s family were endowed with some gift (some were artists,
some poets, some musicians) and the whole atmosphere of his
home was permeated with the spirit of creative elegance.
Tagore’s father Devendranath, a sincere student of Indian
philosophy, Islamic mysticism and western thought, began his
morning with chanting verses from the Upanishads and mystic
hymns from Hafiz. Known as ‘Maharshi’ for his profound religious
faith, Tagore’s father stood against orthodoxy in his championship
of the Brahmo faith and became the most prominent leader of the
Brahmo Samaj after the death of Ram Mohan Roy.
Deeply steeped in the Upanishadic and the Islamic
traditions, the Tagore family was thus at the same time one of the
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
27
pioneers of western education and the western way of life. Tagore
comments with a touch of irony: “We were ostracised because of
our heterodox opinions about religion and therefore we enjoyed
the freedom of the outcast; we had to build our own world
with our own thoughts and energy of mind."10
The young Rabindranath grew up, as a matter of fact, in
an atmosphere thick with western influence, and imbibed further
doses of it on his first visit to England at the age of seventeen
where he studied for two years (1878-1880), first at Brighton,
and subsequently at University College in London. He had already
been recognised as a prolific poet of Bengal but, of course, in that
remote island in the northern ocean, he was a stranger in a strange
land. Here he attended lectures on English literature at the University
College. Tagore was under the guidance of the noble teacher and
distinguished scholar, Professor Morley who had left a unique
impression on his mind. Tagore pays him a high tribute in his My
Boyhood Days. Indeed, it is one of his most lively recollections of
studying under the eminent, rather formidable Henry Morley who
encouraged him to appreciate seventeenth century prose, and
particularly Religio Medici by Dr. Thomas Browne. Undoubtedly
it was a time when Tagore, with his oriental ideas, was drawing
avidly on the precious stores of the West, and the rich elite families
in Bengal in those days were most sensitive to western literature,
art and thought. Tagore was no exception.
In the years following his return from England, Tagore spent
a good deal of his time delving deep into western literature and
thought. Apart from the atmosphere of home, Rabindranath was
fortunate enough in his early literary associates; there was, besides
his elder brother Jyotirindranath Tagore, the latter’s classmate,
Akshay Chandra Chaudhari, and there were Priyanath Sen,
Ashutosh Chaudhari and Loken Palit, men who helped him to widen
his acquaintance with western literature. In fact, western education
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
28 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
led, paradoxically, to a re-discovery of the national heritage. The
subsequent growth of the Indian national consciousness throughout
the second half of the nineteenth century was fostered by and in its
turn fostered an increasing knowledge and appreciation of the cultural
legacy of the country’s noble heritage.
Indeed, no family in Bengal had a finer awareness of this
legacy than the highly enlightened Tagores. Significantly enough, the
poet’s father Maharshi Devendranath Tagore made it a specific point
to cultivate this awareness in his family in vision and in activity.
Rabindranath Tagore’s educational ideals rested upon
ancient Indian thought and literature as well as western culture and
literature. Accordingly, Sanskrit and Pali literature were greater
formative influences on the writings of Tagore than western literature
and thought. Another major influence was the mysticism of Vaishnav
poets of medieval Bengal, which as his own words show, deeply
affected his creative imagination. In his essay entitled ''The Religion
of An Artist,'' Tagore writes. “ When I began my life as a poet,
the writers among our educated community took their guidance
from their English textbooks which poured upon them lessons
that did not fully saturate their minds, I suppose it was fortunate
for me that I never in my life had the kind of academic training
which is considered proper for a boy of a respectable family
.....What gave me boldness when I was young was my early
acquaintance with the old Vaishnav poems of Bengal, full of
the freedom of metre and courage of expression.”11
Tagore explains how his imagination was fully occupied with
the magnificent beauty of their forms and the magniloquent music of
their words laden with erotic flavour and voluptuousness. However,
he found his way into it at the age of thirteen or so, and some of his
earliest verses were outright imitations of Vaishnav poetry and were
given out to the world as the writings of a Vaishnav poet of the name
of’Bhanusingha Thakur’ much like the ‘Rowley Poems’ of
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
29
Chatterton. Tagore,very much in tune with western values, carried not submit to the conflict or content himself with writing panegyrics
within him a practical and rational direction of mind towards a to the Indian princes or the English rulers of his time as noticed in
method of unification which is European in its manner and its political the works of major Indo-Anglian novelists such as Mulk Raj Anand,
values. It was this combination of two forces which made him so Bhabani Bhattacharya and Manohar Malgonkar. Unlike most Indian
influential not only as an educationist and as a social doctor in writers, Tagore looked at the problems of home and abroad, from
India, but as also India’s cultural ambassador to world at large and the perspective of a world-poet seeking a certain harmony in the
the western world in particular. whole of human experience.
Rabindranath Tagore was a consummate artist as well as a Tagore is one of the few ‘Indo-Anglian’ writers whose
great thinker and philosopher. Politics, public administration and personal history has become the mental and emotional history of
education claimed his attention as well as social and religious our own epoch. He was at once the inaugurator of the heightened
reforms. It is in the field of politics, education and religion that he consciousness of our age, even as he was its product. At any rate,
shows his innate feelings and noble vision. In the sphere of education, we cannot understand the inner fabric of our relations with the
Tagore played an important part as he placed an exalted value on outside world without understanding him, particularly his
scientific education. Indeed, the background of the poet as well as humanitarian attitude towards basic conflicts of the East and the
the contemporary social scene reveals this fact that Tagore tried to West and his constant search for reconciliation of these two political
synthesise religion and politics of enslaved Indians who were under concepts into a larger mental perspective.
double threat of both political and cultural domination. Intensely
aware of this twin danger of enslavements which led to the rise of
nationalistic forces and onslaught on the religious rituals and practices 000
of the people, he was deeply moved by Raja Ram Mohan Roy
who was engaged in extricating Hindu society from a morass of
dead beliefs and obnoxious customs that had latterly come to be
referred as Hinduism. As a poet and man of vision, Tagore’s impact
on Indian political development was not direct, but nevertheless
pervasive and far-reaching. Primarily a creative artist, nevertheless,
he continuously evinced a keen interest in social, political and
religious issues and in his works these matters are taken up in great
detail and depth, and thus not only his writing but his whole personal
life assumes symbolical importance, reflecting his time as well as
moulding it. At the end of the feudalist eras of India’s history, and
the beginning of the modern age, Tagore’s eighty years of life
spanned the era of conflict between Asia and Europe. But he did

Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
30 in synthesis of Religion and Politics in synthesis of Religion and Politics
31

CHAPTER- II
Bankimchandra, Rabindranath and the
Religion of Motherland.
In his essay The Religion of An Artist, Rabindranath Tagore hailed
Bankim Chandra Chatterjee as the pioneer in the literary revolution
of India. Tagore appreciates the indomitable courage, masculine
firmness and extraordinary zeal of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee who
played a very important role in the cultural and political renaissance
of India. Rabindranath comments:
“Bankim Chandra was brave enough to go against the
orthodoxy which believed in the security of tombstones and in
that finality which can only belong to the lifeless. He lifted the
dead weight of ponderous forms from our language and with a
touch of his magic wand aroused our literature from her age-
long sleep. A great promise and a vision of beauty she revealed
to us when she awoke in the fullness of her strength and grace.”1
Indeed, Bankim Chandra and Rabindranath are luminaries in Indian
literature. Rabindranath was born twenty three years after Bankim
Chandra. Tagore was a mere child when Bankim began writing
novels. Since his youth, Rabindranath was attracted by the magnetic
personality of Bankim Chandra and held him in high esteem for his
brilliant literary works. They were well-acquainted with each other.
Rabindranath looked up to Bankim Chandra as a mentor from
whom he received encouragement and enthusiasm, and Bankim
Chandra himself had much affection and expectation for this young
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
32 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
poet. Both of them were perceptive critics and assessed each other
from their own angles of vision. In his essay Bankim Chandra:
His Continuing Relevance, the eminent critic and novelist Prof.
Gopal Haldar comments:- “I feel Bankim and Rabindranath, as
much as Shakespeare in world literature, will remain undying
sources of inspiration to the human mind.” 2
As a writer, Rabindranath was influenced by his predecessor
Bankim Chandra and he frankly acknowledged it. Tagore had deep
appreciation for the outstanding pioneer role of Bankim.On his part,
Bankim had no reservation against Tagore in welcoming
wholeheartedly young Rabindranath, the rising creative genius on
the literary horizon of India. Rabindranath first met Bankim Chandra
in 1876 when he was a boy of fifteen. But even before that
Rabindranath had come to know the uncommon genius of Bankim
through his writings, especially those published in the Vangadarsan,
the monthly journal founded and edited by Bankim. To propagate
his ideas more clearly and forcefully, he took to writing essays in
Vangadarsan on subjects like literature, history, religion, music
and science. It is important to mention that the first flush of English
education was over when Bankim Chandra started writing. English
education had a disturbing effect as it had shaken the fabric of
India’s social, cultural and religious life. Indeed it was an age of
transition. Rabindranath praised the role of the Vangadarsan, which
heralded a new dawn in Bengali literature. Rabindranath wrote that
the tidal waves of new ideas that the Vangadarsan brought in had
flooded all the rivers and rivulets of Bengali literature and they started
flowing with youthful joy and vigour. Tagore’s ardent desire to see
Bankim Chandra was fulfilled when he had an opportunity when a
‘college re-union’ of old and new students was organised at
Emerald Bower in 1876. Rabindranath was then fifteen and Bankim
Chandra thirty-eight. Chandranath Basu volunteered to take
Rabindranath to the meeting. Ever since the momentous glimpse of
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
33
Bankim Chandra, Rabindranath was very keen to be acquainted
with him. Tagore called upon Bankim Chandra in Howrah.
Rabindranath records his meeting with Bankim in the following lines:
“After this occasion, I have met him many a time, have received
much encouragement and advice from him, and have seen how
the gentle smile of affection gave his face a tender graciousness,
but I have not forgotten till today that bright and keen intensity
like flaming sword that l found on his face.” 3
Rabindranath found a remarkable combination of strength and
delicacy in the temperament and genius of Bankim Chandra.
Tagore’s poetic talent was appreciated by Bankim for the first time
when Bankim had an occasion to see Tagore’s musical play Valmiki
Pratibha, staged at Rabindranath’s ancestral home of Jorasanko
in the year 1881. Eventually, Bankim’s contact with Rabindranath
became closer. Bankim Chandra read more of Tagore’s writings
and his appreciation of the young author grew as profound as did
his affection for him. Bankim Chandra was quite impressed by
Tagore’s Evening Songs. The episode is revealing of the rise of
Tagore as witnessed by a literary stalwart. In his first two novels
Bauthakuranir Hat (The Young Queen’s Market) published in
1883 and Rajarsi published in 1887;Rabindranath was very much
influenced by Bankim Chandra. In these two novels, Tagore
followed Bankim, taking the setting, major characters and events
from history but he gave more emphasis on the psychological
analysis of the character. Tagore’s novels are marked by incisive
analysis of the human mind and inward development of characters.
Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, the pioneer of the modern
Indian novel, started his literary career with the novel Raj Mohan’s
Wife in English in the year 1884 at the age of twenty six when he
was a Deputy Magistrate posted in Khulna District (Bengal
Presidency) for about four years, from November 1860 to March
1864. During this time there was a big challenge before Bankim to
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
34 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
deal with some notorious indigo-planters and river-pirates. It is
evident from the statement of C.E. Buckland that while Bankim
was posted as a Deputy Magistrate at Khulna subdivision, he
successfully suppressed river-pirates and established peace and
order in the eastern canals. Obviously Bankim’s life at Khulna was
full of exciting and thrilling incidents. His life was full of adventures
and risks and he had to go through critical and odd situations. His
life was saved many times from possible death. At the same time it
was convenient for Bankim as he had enough time to dedicate for
his creative writing. Most probably the novel Raj Mohan’s Wife
was written at the inspiration of Kishori Chandra Mitra (1822-
’73), a Deputy Magistrate. In 1857, Kishori Chandra Mitra started
to publish a journal in English entitled Indian Field. Raj Mohan’s
Wife was serialized in Indian Field in 1864, a short-lived weekly
magazine published from Calcutta, but did not appear as a book in
the author’s life time. Later on, Brajendranath Banerjee, a sincere
reader of Bankim rescued this forgotten book from the files of that
weekly magazine in the year 1935. Raj Mohan’s Wife is a fascinating
novel for various reasons. When Bankim wrote Raj Mohan’s Wife
in 1864, the novel as a genre in India was in its infancy. Bankim
Chandra with his width of vision presented realistic contemporary
society in a very convincing way in his first literary work Raj
Mohan’s Wife. Moreover, this novel was Bankim’s initial and
tentative attempt to write fiction based on a Victorian narrative
model to which colonial education exposed a new generation of
urban Indians.4 The story of the novel Raj Mohan’s Wife deals
with the passionate love of Matangini for the landlord Madhav, an
English educated gentleman who is married to her sister Hemangini.
Matangini is married to Raj Mohan who is a staff in the estate of
Madhav. Raj Mohan is a villainous character who tortures his wife
in a rude manner, confining her to the domestic world. Bankim
delineates the character of Matangini with compassion as she
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
35
accepts the harsh realities of life. Eventually, Raj Mohan joins up
the gang of robbers who plan to steal the will made by Madhav as
well as gold and money kept in the treasure box. Matangini
overhears the planning of the gang of robbers and her husband Raj
Mohan.Matangini with her indomitable courage and extraordinary
presence of mind goes to Madhav’s house and informs him about
the intended robbery. Matangini’s secret journey through a dark
and stormy night is adroitly presented by Bankim. Although Madhav
conceals the will and the precious ornaments, he is entrapped by
the gang of robbers who plan to bury him alive. Raj Mohan discovers
that his wife has turned informer and been to Madhav’s house. Raj
Mohan tortures Matangini during interrogation while Matangini
confesses her love for Madhav, the landlord. As the crime of the
robbers and Raj Mohan is proved, they are punished by the
landlord. The novel Raj Mohan’s Wife ends on a tragic note as
Matangini returns to her father’s house as a widow. The life of
Madhav is saved but according to Hindu custom, Matangini could
not live with him in his house. The novel Raj Mohan’s Wife reflects
the novelist’s command of the English language, his ability to mould
it to his purpose in describing Indian life and to express moods
freely in Indian English.
In this context Dr. Meenakshi Mukherjee’s comment is
significant when she writes,“In Raj Mohan’s Wife Bankim
Chandra's attempt to negotiate the semantic and connotative
hurdles that are involved in rendering an Indian ethos in the
English language, without any previous model whatsoever,
forces us to think about the interconnectedness of culture and
language, narrative voice and implied readership- issues that
have not ceased to be relevant. It is indeed worth considering
the complex circumstances that made Bankim Chandra shift
from English to the mother tongue before he could gain national
recognition, while in late twentieth century India, the process
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
36 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
may well get reversed.” 5
There is no denying the fact that Raj Mohan’s Wife, the first Indian
novel, is a successful attempt in the domain of characterization.
Bankim’s focus on Matangini is unique, she is a woman of
uncommon verve and vitality as she refuses to be completely
subjugated either by her ruthless husband Raj Mohan or by the
expectations of society. Dr. Meenakshi Mukherjee is of the view
that the abrupt and the ambivalent ending of the novel reflects an
unresolved dilemma in the novelist’s mind regarding “such women
of energy” who may pose a threat to the existing social order.6
It may be thus inferred that Bankim’s first novel Raj
Mohan’s Wife is in no way a‘premature’ English rendering,
betraying “visible signs of immaturity”7 as alleged by some
carping critics. Bankim Chandra brilliantly executes the
contemporary Indian society in his novel Raj Mohan’s Wife.
Besides the realistic representation of traditional Indian society,
Bankim Chandra introduces the new liberal humanist ethos of English
education as revealed in the refined, aristocratic and sympathetic
character of Madhav, the product of English education.
Unfortunately the novel Raj Mohan’s Wife was overshadowed by
the fourteen Bengali novels of Bankim and he abandoned his
creative writing in English. In retrospect it seems Bankim was not
satisfied with the performance of his first literary effort in English.
The novel Raj Mohan’s Wife is still relevant as it is an
attempt “to foreground the ways in which the home and the
world are inextricably linked, a relationship which also
happened to be of some concern to the classic realist novelists
of nineteenth century Europe about the helplessness and
claustrophobia of women, a recurrent concern in Indian fiction
for many years to come.” 8
Bankim Chandra concentrated on historical romances when he
switched over to Bengali novels from English writing. The
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
37
publications of historical romances reveal Bankim’s strong
fascination for historical subject. His three novels Anandamath,
Debi Choudhurani, and Sitaram, published between 1882 and
1887, when his mind was occupied with the deeper problems of
society and life, are indeed remarkable in terms of their impact in
building a sense of nationalistic fervour. It is important to mention
here that around July 1880, Bankim Chandra started to write
Anandamath which was first serialized in Bangadarshan. Later
on Anandamath was published as a book in December 1882.
The novel Anandamath is based on certain historical events such
as the dreadful famine of 1770 in Bengal which took the lives of
one third of Bengali population. It seems that Bankim used the
Bengal famine as the background of this novel for which he collected
materials from eminent historian Hunter’s The Annals of Rural
Bengal published in 1868. The first chapter of Bankim’s novel
Anandamath records the horrors of the famine on the basis of
Hunter’s vivid and realistic picture of the calamity as presented in
his book The Annals of Rural Bengal.
“All through the stifling summer of 1770, the people went on
dying. The husbandmen sold their cattle, they sold their
implements of agriculture, they devoured their seed-grain, they
sold their sons and daughters, till at length no buyer of children
could be found, they ate the leaves of trees and the grass of
the field, and in June 1770, the resident at the Durbar affirmed
that the living were feeding on the dead. Day and night a torrent
of famished and disease-stricken wretches poured into great
cities.”9
In the novel Anandamath Bankim first used ‘prologue’as a stylistic
device which focuses on the author’s major concern of patriotism,
revolt and ultimate atonement. Besides the dominating theme of
militant patriotism and nationalism, there are other themes of
passionate love and temptation brilliantly executed by the novelist.
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
38 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
In the opinion of some critics, they are the remarkable achievements
of his life whereas others assert that they are more of a message
than of art. In his book History of Bengali Literature Dr. Sukumar
Sen, a renowned critic and scholar, says that Bankim Chandra
was a great novelist “in spite of the fact that his outlook on life
was neither critical nor was his canvas wide.” 10
The comment made by Dr. Sen seems unfair and unjust to a writer
who was trying to restore the glory of the country at a time when it
was struggling to maintain its identity. Annada Shankar Roy’s
comment as quoted by K.R. Srinivas Iyenger is more pertinent in
his comparative observation of Bankim Chandra and Tagore. He
writes: “When Bankim wrote, the chief question was to restore
the nation's self-respect. In Rabindranath Tagore's time it was
how to bridge the East and the West.” 11
One cannot deny the relevance of Roy’s comment in this respect.
Indeed Bankim’s canvas is wide with a marvellous presentation
and uncommon precision. Behind the romantic or obscure idealism
of Bankim or say behind his spiritual exploration of the mystery of
human existence, there lies a cool, detached, analytical observation.
Hence his literary creations are at once colourful and vibrant.
Bankim’s emotions and passions radiate warmth and his characters
have tremendous vitality who pass through awful spiritual
experiences. The novels Anandamath, Debi Choudhurani and
Sitaram represent Bankim’s idealistic prediction for service to the
country and, on a wider canvas, to humanity and also his passion
for a social order, based on uprightness, ethics and impartiality.
There is a conflict of two contradictory ideals, romanticism and the
doctrine of utilitarianism in Bankim’s novels.
Indeed, Bankim achieves perfection in the creation of
romantic atmosphere in his novels because they contain the fervour
of patriotism in a very artistic and inspiring manner. His creative
imagination has its intellectual aspect as well as emotional aspect
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
39
and his knowledge and imagination work in perfect balance.
According to Aurobindo, the great poet and philosopher, “It is
possible that the literary critics of future will reckon
Kapalkundala, Visbriksha and Krishnakanter Will as his artistic
masterpieces and speak with gratified praise about his Debi
Choudhurani, Anandamath. Krishna Charitra and
Dharmatattwa.” 12 Indeed, any categorization of Bankim’s novels
is bound to be overlapping. Most of them have some common
characteristics viz skilful plot construction, mastery of art of
characterization, sparkling flow of narration and splendour of
description; these are some of the marked traits of Bankim
Chandra’s novels. The quality most obvious in Bankim’s work is
his genius for vitalizing the past. Like Walter Scott, Bankim was a
born skilful story-teller, and had that delightful power of
improvisation which is the secret of all successful story-telling. Sir
Walter Scott is the greatest novelist of the Romantic Revival
because, while seizing upon the picturesque elements of
medievalism, he does not reject the great tradition of the eighteenth
century in the direction of transcript of life. His romanticism is
tempered with cool common sense very similar to Bankim Chandra.
It is true that Scott is an historical novelist by temperament, not by
profession. In this context mention may be made that Charles Reade
reconstructed the past with the art of a brilliant journalist, Thackeray
refashioned it as a sympathetic critic and George Eliot treated it
from the scholar’s stand point. Scott simply breathed it as it was
part and parcel of his thinking about life. No one had a keener
sense of the pomp and pageantry of a bygone age. All Scott’s best
work is marked by three characteristics: a genius for vitalizing the
past, a love of nature and a study of humanity.
When Bankim started writing, novel as a genre of literature
was at its highest peak. Some great novels appeared during
Bankim’s life time- Jane Eyre, Wuthering Heights and Vanity
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
40 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
Fair (all written in 1847), David Copperfield (1850), Madam
Bovary (1856), War and Peace (1862), Crime and Punishment
(1866), Anna Karennina (1877) and The Brothers Karamazov
(1880). Bankim witnessed the growth of the novel in European
countries as well as in other countries but he was not willing to
imitate the trend of realism which was very common during his
lifetime. Bankim’s vision was romantic but unlike the European
romantics he did not challenge the established social order. He did
not pretend to be a social reformer. Obviously his romanticism is
manifested in his passionate description of beauty. In Europe, as
Bertrand Russel mentions in his book History of Western
Philosophy, ‘the type of man encouraged by romanticism
especially of the Byronic variety, is violent, and anti-social, an
anarchic rebel or a conquering tyrant.’ 13
Despite Bankim’s appreciation for romanticism he was
unwilling to liberate human personality from social commitment and
moral obligations. As a romantic novelist he discarded the ‘prosaic
reality’of the contemporary novelists. However, there is no denying
the fact that Bankim’s characters are more appealing in comparison
to the contemporary realistic novelists.
Throughout his life Bankim was absorbing the folklore of
his country, and he exhaled antiquarianism as a flower exhales
fragrance. There is therefore about his books a fine atmosphere of
improvisation while his rich and varied knowledge flowed from his
pen with the ease and naturalness, he is true to the inmost spirit of
the age he is depicting. In Bankim’s novels, the delight and relish
for the past was warmed by a genuine love of nature. He loved not
merely the institutions of his country but also his country’s soil. The
influence of Sir Walter Scott is obvious in the historical novels of
Bankim Chandra Chatterjee. It is worthwhile to mention that Sir
Walter Scott drew historical scenes from his special readings and
researches into the past history of Scotland and England of the
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
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41
Medieval Ages as well as Elizabethan and Jacobean period but
what made his novels unique was the combination of realism and
historical insight. His main characters were splendid masculine figures
and his mission was to portray them with skill and authenticity.
Most of his characters are shadowy figures but he treated their
manners, customs and behaviour in such a way as he became a
model for the subsequent authors to follow him. He particularly
loved the spirit of Middle Age because he thought the men of those
periods believed in values like loyalty, brotherhood and chivalry.
Scott’s choice of language was another reason of his popularity.
He followed a middle course which was a kind of compromise
between pedantry and contemporary idiom. Scott’s individuality
lies in creating characters who represent the virtues of romantic
imagination and contain a vast range of personages from peasants
and wild people of the hills, heroes, kings, traitors and saints.
However, while his masculine characters are quite fascinating, his
female heroines are generally lovely, tender, virtuous and two-
dimensional types.
Ivanhoe (1819), one of Scott’s characteristic novels deals
with a typical situation and the period is once again early Middle
Ages where we have a lion-hearted good Richard, Coeur-de -
Lion contrasted by the black-hearted John and followed by a
glamorous figure of Robin Hood. The novel Ivanhoe is full of clashes
of steel and the dashing knights riding in full armour against one
another. Scott’s sincere attempt to present the medieval atmosphere
makes it decorative and provides gaiety and gallantry. Scott’s
interest in Middle Ages and his understanding echo Shakespearean
cadences. In the novel Ivanhoe, there is sombre power, plenty of
heroic action and histrionic episodes which make it an exception
work of art. The cumulative power of drama and compactness
make the novel Ivanhoe very much effective. The characters are
described with the authenticity that springs from direct knowledge
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
42 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
and deep understanding of the novelist.
Bankim’s passionate enthusiasm reminds us of Scott.
However, unlike Scott, Bankim was a sublime and inevitable artist.
There is tremendous sweetness and intensity in Bankim’s novels
which one cannot find in Scott’s novels. In comparison to Scott,
there is much integrity, precision and organic quality in Bankim’s
novels. Bankim Chandra in his uncommon zeal for patriotic fervour
was indebted to Sir Walter Scott in violating chronology and in
inventing situations so that he could make the past come alive,
glamourize it and create the value of tradition in his scheme of re-
interpretation. In this context, the comment made by Dr. Meenakshi
Mukherjee seems significant when she writes: “The influence of
Sir Walter Scott is often cited as important in shaping the
historical novel in India, specially the works of Bankim and
Romesh Chandra Dutta; on a closer examination Scott's
influence turns out to be much less than is rumoured, but
perhaps Scott acted as a catalyst for the feeling of nationalism
that was germinating in the country.” 14
Kshetra Gupta, an eminent critic, in his essay “The Art
Form” comments :- “Bankim was acquainted with the novels
of Scott and Dickens. Reference to one of Victor Hugo's novels
is found in an article. It is an accepted fact that as a novelist,
Bankim was inspired by Western novels in general. But he did
not imitate any Western novelist in particular. Nevertheless,
Scott s method of combining history and imaginative fiction
served as a model for his historical novels. But that is true for
almost all early European writers of this type of tales. Bankim
was not in debt to Scott in any other way. His motivation and
sense of art-form were very much different from those of Scott.
Similarly, in treating social themes he did not follow Charles
Dickens, whose sketch-like tale had not much appeal for
him.”15
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 Indeed, Bankim Chandra’s works have spontaneity, and
ease which one may not find in the novels of Sir Walter Scott.
Endowed with this creative energy of imagination, he made the
reader also feel the glamour of places and the actuality of the past.
By reason of his intuitive perception that Bankim had of his own
day, the product of the past was organically connected with that of
present. Thus he united together the past and the present in a uniform
consistency and explained to the reader the spiritual continuity of
history. He makes manifest how the national type of character is
the vital embodiment of centuries, and the result of the assimilation
from innumerable rituals and traditions. With this creative enthusiasm,
wherein one can see the finer aspects of traditional concept, Bankim
reconstructed Indian society and he was very much worried about
the dangers that threatened to demolish the precious cultural identity
of the nation. Bankim’s indomitable fascination for the age-long
tradition of his country is mingled with his spiritual attachment to its
soil. He had a passionate love for his country’s soil, particularly of
many ideas, concepts, memories and feelings embedded in the
mind of his countrymen. Anandamath, Debi Choudhurani and
Sitaram were written with a definite purpose. In all these novels,
Bankim chooses an indistinct period of history so that lofty
imagination can be executed brilliantly. In a social context, Bankim
chooses the characters whom he can use and manipulate according
to his necessity and give a new dimension.
It is important to mention here that the publication of English
books on Indian history made it possible for Indian writers exploit
historical material from other part’s of India and create a new myth
of valour. The three books most important in this connection are
Tod’s Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (2 vols, 1829), Grant
Duff’s The History of the Marathas (3 vols, 1826) and Counter’s
Romance of History: India (2 vols). The significance of Tod’s
Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan lies in its rich collection of
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
44 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
fables, folk tales and legends of Rajasthan. Many Indian novelists
including Bankim Chandra were influenced by Tod’s historical
works. Bankim’s novel Raj Singha (1893) may be mentioned in
this context which is considered as the most successful and genuine
historical novel written in Indian literature.16
Bankim’s Raj Singha was first published in the journal
Bangadarshan in 1877-78 and later on it was developed into a
full length novel in 1893. In Bankim’s opinion, the novel Raj Singha
is his only complete historical novel. It is generally considered that
Bankim collected his materials for the novel Raj Singha from James
Todd’s Annals of Rajasthan, Orme’s Historical Fragments and
the accounts of Manucci.
In this novel, the major concern of Bankim is that of
patriotism as he wants to reveal the indomitable courage and noble
dedication of the Rajputs in defence of their motherland during the
Mughal empire. In Raj Singha, Bankim Chandra tried to portray
the ideal of human excellence through the protagonist of the novel
and he succeeded in his mission as Raj Singha serves as the moralist’s
model by virtue of his righteousness. About Raj Singha Bankim
Chandra clarifies his mission:
“Human body becomes weak through lack of exercise. The
same is true in regard to a nation. The Hindus have lost their
physical prowess during the British regime, but it was not so
during the Pre-British period. My aim is to establish that truth.
I have taken up Raj Singha to illustrate the truth.” 17
Bankim Chandra does not distort historical facts.
Contemporary evidence projected Raj Singha as a man of strong
character, determination and valour. He has been praised for his
masculine firmness, indomitable zeal and energy, extraordinary
presence of mind, uncommon courage during his confrontation with
Aurangzeb. Raj Singha, the Mewar king, and his Rajput chivalry
made the proud and arrogant imperial army of Aurangzeb kiss the
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dust, by dint of efficient generalship.
Bankim Chandra appreciates Raj Singha not only for his
valour and skill in politics and heroic battle but also for the refuge
of the rejected and the protector of the weak’18, the epithet
used for Lord Krishna in Hindu mythology. Perhaps Bankim’s
characterization of Raj Singha is based on Bankim’s favourite
historical character of Krishna of Krishnacharitra. He brings out
the enthusiasm and passion of the Rajputs and depicts the defeat
of great emperor Aurangzeb which creates a feeling of epic grandeur.
The major characters in the novel such as Aurangzeb, Raj Singha,
Zebunnisa, Mobarak, Daria, Udipuri, Chanchal, are executed
marvellously by Bankim Chandra. The valiant Rajputs and the worn-
out Moghuls are drawn with powerful deftness. The success of
Raj Singha is the victory of righteousness and the failure of Aurangzeb
is the defeat of unrighteousness. The design, structure, characters
and situations make the novel Raj Singha sublime and majestic.
Rabindranath Tagore is charmed with the magical quality of this
novel as is evident from his heartwarming comment: ‘Events surge
and fall and a chapter of Indian history closes and another
begins.’19 It is relevant to mention that while Rabindranath Tagore
was fascinated by the history of three different groups of people-
the Marathas, the Rajputs and Sikhs, each is valiant and heroic in a
different way.
Bankim Chandra after drawing upon Rajput history in Raj
Singha looked wistfully backwards into the past of Bengal to find
inspiring event on which to base his novels. But the historical record
of Bengal of past centuries was one of defeat, surrender, humiliation,
atrocity and exploitation. Bankim Chandra’s mission was to create
a new myth for Bengal as well as India in order to shake people
out of their somnolence, and he found in the historical record of the
Sannyasi rebellion a convenient point where elements of valour,
religion, culture, nationalism and patriotism would be made to
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46 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
converge. With this mission and a definite purpose, Bankim Chandra
wrote Anandamath. Indeed, the most important quality of the novel
Anandamath is tremendous vitality and it is considered as one of
the best-known novels.
It is significant to recall that the period from the Battle of
Plassey to the days of Hastings’ reforms, a period of power without
responsibility, of civilization without mercy, was one of the darkest
periods in India’s history. Anandamath takes us back to those
anarchical days of the 1770’s when, under a curious dual system,
the Nawab was the titular head, while the East India Company
was functioning as Dewan.
The Nawab was powerless to protect his subjects while
the company whose only object was revenue collection, had little
care for the welfare of the public as well as maintenance of Law
and Order. In consequence under the pressure of this dual system,
there was dual torture on the people, by Nawabs as well as the
company’s servants. Against their atrocities, the people had no voice
and they felt quite insecure and humiliated. Ultimately many of them
had to leave their home and property, roaming as helpless
vagabonds. To add to their agony, famine came as a disaster in
1770. It is against this background that Bankim presents the action
of the novel Anandamath. The plot of the novel Anandamath is
based on the important historical event commonly known as the
Sannyasi rebellion that took place in North Bengal in the year 1773.
These Sannyasis were roving pilgrims from the upcountry visiting
in large numbers the various districts of Bengal. These rebel gypsies
inspired Bankim to recreate a magnificent band of dedicated patriots,
the followers of the teachings of the Gita the most holy book of
Hindu religion. They revolted against the British atrocities and they
considered the British as their enemy responsible for the famine of
the preceding year.
In fact, the historical material receives a grand and noble
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47
transformation with artistic excellence of Bankim. Here Bankim’s
inventive powers are certainly brilliant and striking. His literary style
is evocative and attractive, and his craftsmanship invariably sound
and conscientious. Bankim’s purpose in the novel Anandamath is
not the cinematographic presentation of the historical facts but a
highly imaginative transformation of historical material to serve his
dual objectives. Indeed, the author excels in producing a parable
of patriotism on a historical canvas.
In the novel Anandamath, Bankim first used ‘prologue’
as a stylish device. This short prologue is extremely thoughtful and
significant in itself as it focuses on the author’s major concern of
patriotism, revolt and ultimate atonement. In a dead silence of a
dense, dark forest, two unknown persons talk in a mysterious way,
one offering to lay down his life for the fulfilment of his solemn
pledge and the other demanding devotion of the former- without
personalizing these two shadowy figures, the novelist gives a hint
that the story that follows is one of a stern oath and sincere devotion.
Then the story begins with a detailed description of the village
‘padachinha’ completely ravaged by the disaster of famine. Death
and impoverishment has made the land silent and desolate. During
this chaos, a Zaminder (landlord) Mahendra Singh finds himself
helpless and goes out in search of food in the company of his wife
Kalyani and little daughter Sukumari. Strange and unexpected
circumstance separates the husband and the wife. Unfortunately
Kalyani is entrapped by the robbers but she is successful in her
escape and eventually reaches under the shelter of Satyananda,
the chief of Anandamath, the monastery of bliss. Anandamath, a
monastery of nationalist ‘Sannyasis’ (saints) stands hidden in a
dense forest. A huge building is the abode of ‘Sanatans’ of the
children of the mother, as the ‘Sannyasis’ call themselves. It is
worthwhile to mention that the ‘Sanatans’ are motivated not by
any political ideology, but by a passionate feeling for freedom. The
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48 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
intense and active awareness of patriotism and nationalism of the
‘Sanatans’ is marvellously presented by Bankim Chandra. There
is no denying the fact that the real struggle of the’Sanatans’ is
against the British dynasty to maintain the dignity of rich cultural
identity of India. Whatever its aesthetic worth, Anandamath needs
to be evaluated for its unique contribution to the movement for
India’s independence. Hence it is insignificant to evaluate
Anandamath on its artistic merits alone. Dr. Sukumar Sen
comments on Anandamath, “Anandamath is a political novel
without a sufficient plot. It definitely marks the decline of
Bankim Chandra's power as a novelist. As fiction it cannot be
called an outstanding work.” 20
Indeed it is quite difficult to subscribe to the comment of
Dr. Sukumar Sen which is a kind of sweeping assertion without
any objective scrutiny. As any perceptive reader feels, Anandamath
is no ordinary novel. Indeed, it is a great and memorable work
with a definite purpose. It gives a powerful message of nationalism
and patriotism in extricating Hindu society from a morass of orthodox
and conservative ideas. In the novel Anandamath, Bankim tried
to synthesize religion and politics of enslaved Indians who were
under double threat of political and cultural domination. Bankim
took the stupendous task of revitalizing India’s culture and tradition
in the light of challenge from the West. It is evident that the novel
has plenty of didacticism and some of the characters have been
too much idealized which are certainly weaknesses from the purely
aesthetic point of view. What is, however, remarkable is that it is
the message or gospel of patriotism that throws artistic limitations
into the background. At the same time it is obvious that Bankim’s
brilliant realism, vivid description, economy of expression and
dramatic conflicts give the novel Anandamath uncommon artistic
excellence. A close observation of the novel Anandamath gives
the impression that for the fulfilment of the noble vision of the
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49
deliverance of the nation, it calls for supreme sacrifice under a
rigorous vow of renunciation, unless and until the mother’s badge
of slavery is removed. Bankim’s stand is that the position of the
mother Kali (Goddess Kali) is very great for the religious worship,
so is true for the patriotic man who worships his land as a holy
mother. Incidentally, the hymn Vande Mataram (I Worship
Mother)’ mentioned in Anandamath became the mantra of
nationalism with a tremendous impetus and appreciative attention.
It is also important to mention here that before Bankim Chandra
wrote 'Vande Mataram' in a moment of patriotic and nationalistic
inspiration, a number of moving songs of patriotic expression were
written in Bengal by some eminent personalities. One of the
remarkable National Songs, composed by Satyendranath Tagore,
elder brother of Rabindranath, begins thus: “Children of India,
sing together, and in complete unison, the glory that India is.”21
The remarkable thing is that the song written by Satyendranath
Tagore was sung at several sessions on the occasion of the ‘Hindu
Mela’ or ‘Chaitra Mela’ started from 1867 onwards by a true
and loyal nationalist Naba Gopal Mitra. The purpose was definitely
noble as to create a sense of patriotism among the citizens of India.
The poets and intellectuals through their patriotic poems and songs
started idealizing India. Satyendranath’s song has been described
in some quarters as India’s first National Song. It was commended
by Bankim himself22. In a book review dealing with the merits of
the Hindu religion, Bankim says that Satyendranath’s great song
should be sung all over India and by twenty crore Indians.23
With intense patriotic enthusiasm Bankim composed the
famous lyric 'Vande Mataram' to mother India. Mention may be
made that this patriotic song did not receive any political legitimacy
during Bankim’s lifetime. Later on the famous hymn ‘Vande
Mataram’ received grand recognition by the revolutionaries in the
first decade of the twentieth century. Uncommon importance was
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50 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
given to the patriotic song 'Vande Mataram' in different political
and national activities. This is evident from its inclusion in the musical
section of the Tagores family journal called Balaka in 1885 and
the echo of this song in a poem written by Hem Chandra
Bandopadhayay in commemoration of the 1886 Congress at
Calcutta. It was for the first time sung at the 12th Congress session
at Calcutta in 1896 by Rabindranath Tagore. From contemporary
records it is known that the poet’s melodious and powerful voice
reverberated in the whole pandal moving the audience visibly and
transporting them to a higher plane of patriotism.24 ‘Vande
Mataram’ became extremely popular during the national movement
that took place against the partition of Bengal by the British and the
song was taken up by the rest of India in its wake. During those
tempestuous days of political upheaval, the song 'Vande Mataram'
became inner cry of Bengal against the British atrocities. ‘Vande
Mataram’was sung at the vast gathering in Calcutta Town Hall on
7th August 1905 when the famous boycott resolution was adopted
and the Swadeshi movement was inaugurated on October 16, the
day on which the partition of Bengal came into effect, no hearth fire
was lit in whole Bengal as a sign of protest, while the volunteers
went about singing the patriotic hymn‘Vande Mataram’ on the
street. Eventually, the government sedition notification came banning
its public performance.
Indeed, in many ways, the anti-partition movement was
among the first steps in non-violent passive resistance practised on
a mass scale and set the pattern for the country’s subsequent
movement for independence. The patriotic hymn 'Vande Mataram'
became a slogan symbolising a new movement all over India. The
two Congress sessions of 1905 and 1906 were relevant in the
sense that they adopted resolutions vehemently protesting against
the dismemberment of the province of Bengal. The 1906 Congress
session in Calcutta passed a resolution to that effect and also
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51
favoured boycott and Swadeshi movement organised by the
nationalists. It is important to recall that during the Congress session
in 1905, Gokhle expressed his grave concern for the woes of Bengal
whereas Sir Surendranath Banerjee moved the resolution against
the partition of Bengal amidst thunderous slogan of 'Vande Mataram'
and explained in detail the atrocities committed by the British on
the singers of 'Vande Mataram'. Since then, almost in every session
of the Congress 'Vande Mataram' was sung with great enthusiasm
and solemnity. Indeed, all the national deliberations of India began
invariably with the 'Vande Mataram' song sung as a prelude.
Needless to mention 'Vande Mataram' automatically became the
country’s unofficial National Anthem even before the independence
of the country. In the beginning, a controversy started regarding
the interpretation of the hymn. It is interesting to note that during
the period of the partition of Bengal, no objection was raised against
'Vande Mataram' by the Muslim community. In fact, the Swadeshi
movement inspired both the Hindus and the Muslims uttering 'Vande
Mataram' against the British atrocities. But during the heyday of
the same Muslims, raised objection that 'Vande Mataram' was an
idolatrous song and thus contrary to the ethics of Islam.
Bankim Chandra was thus severely condemned by a
section of Muslim community and a demand was made for banning
Anandamath and Raj Singha, the two major novels of Bankim
Chandra. Replying to the objection, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the first
President of India had said that “It did not urge idol worship”
and that “Durga did not mean any idol but was another name
for the mother country.” 25According to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru,
the first Prime Minister of lndia, “I think that the whole song and
all the words in it are thoroughly harmless and nobody can
take exception to their meaning.” 26
The Editor of the Modern Review, himself a noted member
of 'Brahmo Samaj' and no admirer of idolatry, strongly urged that
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52 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
the patriotic song 'Vande Mataram' has no animus against Islam
and that the seventy million throats referred to in the song comprise,
in fact, the total population of the Hindus and the Muslims of the
then Bengal, including Bihar and Orissa.27
Mr. Rezaul Karim, a veteran author and Congress leader
of Bengal, has vehemently objected to the allegation that Bankim
Chandra was a Muslim hater and that 'Vande Mataram' itself was
idolatrous. He is of the view that 'Vande Mataram' does not
represent worship of God but is the worship of the motherland. He
considers the song 'Vande Mataram' as an imperishable contribution
of Bankim. He believes that Bankim Chandra had a genuine love
of humanity, a compassion for the oppressed and sufferings.
According to him, “There is one clear difference between Bankim
and Shakespeare. Shakespeare was not an idealistic poet; he
did not promote any moral ideal; he did not represent anyone
morality; he did not offer any solutions. He created a ‘non-
moral atmosphere’. But Bankim was a moral sage. He wanted
to create a moral ambience. His fervent desire was for the
reform of the society. He wanted to give mankind clear moral
guidance through the trials and tribulations of life.”28 Hence
Rezaul Karim is of opinion that Islam does not restrict conceiving
the motherland as mother which has already been done by several
Arabic and Persian poets. Consequently, there had been a strong
dispute regarding the hymn 'Vande Mataram'. In October, 1937
the Congress Working Committee took off official notice of the
matter and ultimately recommended the singing of only the first two
stanzas of the song 'Vande Mataram'. It is important to note that
Rabindranath Tagore in his letter to Jawaharlal Nehru dated
October 26, 1937, recommended the singing of the first two stanzas
of the song. In its resolution, the Working Committee explained
how the song 'Vande Mataram' had become emotionally attached
with the independence movement of India. The song and the words,
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53
explained by the Committee as “a living and inseparable part of
our national movement.”30
However, once again warm controversy arose around the
patriotic song 'Vande Mataram' when after independence the
National Anthem of India was to be declared officially and the
Constituent Assembly was seized of the problem. In the mean time,
Rabindranath Tagore’s patriotic song ‘Jana Gana Mana
Adhinayaka Jaya He’ had appeared which was first sung at the
Calcutta Congress of 1911, preceded, of course by the singing of
Bankim’s ‘Vande Mataram’. Again, in 1917 at the Congress
Session of Calcutta, ‘Jana Gana Mana’ was sung along with the
inaugural song 'Vande Mataram'. Tagore’s song ‘Jana Gana
Mana’ became very popular onwards and eventually it was
recognised as the National Anthem of India. At the same time,
from some quarters there was some misapprehension about ‘Jana
Gana Mana’ that it was composed in honour of King George V,
which was completely eliminated. The Azad Hind Fouz organised
by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose adopted the song ‘Jana Gana
Mana’ as the National Anthem, and this to a large extent
strengthened its claim for genuine acknowledgement as such by
the government after independence. After the independence of India,
the government declared ‘Jana Gana Mana’ as the National
Anthem in reaction to the claim from the country’s U.N. delegation.
In this context, the comment made by Pandit lawaharlal Nehru, the
first Prime Minister of India in August 1948 is significant: “It is
unfortunate that some kind of argument has arisen between
‘Vande Mataram’ and ‘Jana Gana Mana ‘. 'Vande Mataram'
is evidently and unquestionably the first National Song of India
with a great historical tradition; it was thoroughly connected
with our struggle for freedom. That position it is bound to retain
and no other song can displace it"31 Indeed, ‘Jana Gana Mana’
was found to be more convenient for orchestration by many distinct
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
54 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
persons and eventually the steering committee of the Constituent
Assembly decided in January, 1950 ‘Jana Gana Mana’as National
Anthem and “the same honoured place” was given to ‘Vande
Mataram’ as it had great historical tradition in the independence
movement of India. The Congress party amended the Committee’s
decision by adding “the same status” to the words “the same
honoured place.” Ironically, in stead of a resolution being passed
by the Constituent Assembly, the President of India Dr. Rajendra
Prasad himself made an announcement about the National Anthem
saying, “The composition consisting of the words and music
known as ‘Jana Gana Mana’ is the National Anthem of India
subject to such alterations in words as the Government may
authorize as occasion arises; and the song ‘Vande Mataram'
which has played a historic part in the struggle for Indian
freedom shall be honoured equally with ‘Jana Gana Mana’
and shall have equal status with it. I hope this will satisfy the
members.” 32
The noteworthy thing regarding Bankim’s ‘Vande
Mataram’ is that the song achieved glorious position with
spontaneity. Mahatma Gandhi pointed out that “Bande Mataram,
apart from its wonderful association, expresses the one national
wish- the rise of India to her full height.” 33 Thus, Anandamath
is Bankim Chandra’s greatest gift to the development of intense
patriotic feelings and deeper sense of national identity and the song
'Vande Mataram' became the heartthrob slogan of revolutionary
patriots as well as nationalists during the Indian National movement.
Infact, the novel Anandamath is an important document
of Bankim’s convictions. Bankim’s noble vision of selfless
dedication gave the political aspirations a solid moral basis and
provided indomitable zeal and energy to the revolutionary
movement. Patriotism was to him the highest form of religion. To
Bankim, life was a continuous search for self realization which found
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55
its fulfilment in the harmonious development of all human faculties,
physical, intellectual, aesthetic and spiritual. There is no denying
the fact that Bankim’s novel Anandamath explored the theme of
patriotism and nationalism which enlightened his successors to dwell
upon this sublime subject. Rabindranath Tagore explained his
political doctrine and his sense of nationalism and revolution in his
novels Ghare Baire (The Home and the World), Char Adhyay
(Four Chapters) and the most popular Bengali novelist Sarat
Chandra Chatterjee dwelt on the subject of revolution in his Bengali
novel Pather Dabi which was banned by the British Government.
In Dharmatattva (The Doctrine of Religion), Bankim
Chandra propagates a religious system based on reason and he
considers patriotism as the highest virtue to be cultivated. Bankim
considers that all human virtues and qualities of excellence depend
on the viable existence of a society which gives rise to a government
or state responsible for the protection of the social organization. In
Bankim’s view, patriotism is supremely significant as a quality and
should be cultured by all societies. It is not limited within the
periphery of self-protection or protection of one’s near and dear
ones. Patriotism demands the sacrifice of life for saving the nation
from foreign aggression. In the history of the world, enlightened
and cultured citizens have sacrificed their lives for the sake of their
nations inspired by the feeling of patriotism. The interpretation of
patriotism which Bankim Chandra proposed in Dharmatattva (The
Doctrine of Religion) is a unique practical solution, not a utopian
idea. Commenting on the virtue of patriotism, Bankim Chandra
says that only Indians have been deficient in cultivating the
excellence of patriotism and have suffered to a great extent in the
wake of every foreign conquest. This is due to the fact that India
had given excessive emphasis on universal love and brotherhood
without cultivating the intense feeling of patriotism. It is thus evident
that without the idea of patriotism, there is no safeguard for social
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
56 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
polity. With the precise purpose of propagating his ideas about
patriotism, Bankim says that patriotism does not disrupt the universal
love for mankind. Bankim reveals to us radiant visions of patriotism
in Dharmatattva (The Doctrine of Religion). He integrates
nationalism with religion with his evocative and original conception.
This humanistic religion expounded by Bankim is unique and
remarkable which was never attempted before by any Indian
theologian, philosopher or author.
By incorporating the selfless and unattached performance
of duties (niskam karmayog) as explained in the Gita, Bankim
declares that it is the only comprehensive system of religion. He is
ready to welcome an agnostic and even an atheist to join the
comprehensive system of religion, as far as they are ready to accept
the theory of culture, and he is not willing to discard anyone on the
ground of his being a Christian, Hindu or Muslim. Bankim Chandra
had tremendous faith in Hinduism and he believed that Hindu religion
is the most perfect of all religions as it is basically a religion of
culture, and Hindu scriptures, particularly the Gita, containing the
highest spiritual doctrine.
In his magnum opus Krishna Charitra (The Character
of Krishna), Bankim presents Lord Krishna as the most perfect
ideal of manhood, with all his faculties perfectly developed,
performing all his responsibilities with absolute non-attachment.
Mention may be made that Krishna Charitra, a treatise on Krishna
was first published in the journal Prachar (Propagation) which
was started by Bankim Chandra in 1884. This enormous book
consists of seven parts divided into sixty nine chapters. For Bankim
Chandra, Krishna, the greatest Hindu mythological character is not
an abstract doctrine alone but a historical authenticity. Bankim’s
mission to write Krishna Charitra is to project Krishna as a symbol
of sublimity and all-comprehending personality. In his interpretation
of Krishna, Bankim is most probably encouraged by the attempts
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
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57
of David Strauss and Joseph Renan had done with regard to Jesus
Christ, in their presentation of Jesus. They had tried to present
Jesus as a human personality rather than an incarnation in their
books both entitled Life of Jesus published in 1835 and 1863
respectively. In this context it is relevant to note that before Bankim,
neither any theologian nor any historian attempted to dwell on the
historical authenticity of Krishna, a legendary figure as depicted in
the epics and in the Puranas. In Krishna Charitra, Bankim Chandra
brilliantly examines the texts and their chronology, their relevance
and reliability in the first part which consists of seventeen chapters.
From Part two to Part seven, Bankim marvellously executes the
multifaceted personality, divine life and multi-dimensional activities
of Krishna, the phenomenon beginning from his birth to his death.
Bankim discards the popular legends and poetic imagination related
to the life of Lord Krishna, the incarnation.
It is significant to mention that Strauss and Renan in their
biography of Christ had tried to unearth the human aspect of Jesus,
from the legends of the mythical figure Christ, the divinity shrouded
under an impenetrable aura of miracles. The humanism and
rationalism of the nineteenth century, which encouraged these
authors, insisted on discovering the human truth behind the image
of God.Unlike Strauss and Renan, Bankim Chandra wanted to
present 'Krishna' the man, to his age, as well as he wanted to
project him up as the supreme instance of his precise theory of
culture. In Bankim’s presentation, Krishna appears as a man who
had attained sublimity of all his faculties, that worked in perfect
harmony for the welfare of the cosmos. In Krishna Charitra and
Dharmatattva, Bankim Chandra’s main focus is on the Principle
of all comprehending which embraces, develops and refines the
multi-dimensional faculties of human being. Like Tagore, Bankim
also rejects the doctrine of renunciation. He declares unequivocally
that an ideology or religion, which is not concerned with natural
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
58 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
laws or phenomenon cannot exist for a long time. Herbert Spencer,
Jeremy Bentham, Auguste Comte, John Stuart Mill and the English
historian, John Robert Seely are some of the western philosophers,
who influenced Bankim Chandra most and their western scientific
outlook and progressive ideas including humanism are integrated
in Bankim’s concept of theology or culture. In Bankim’s writing,
there is ‘enthusiasm of humanity’ which one finds in the writings
of John Stuart Mill. The seed of this integral culture is latent in
human personality and through proper nurture it can unfold itself in
full glory. Bankim’s contemporary author Mill was a man of high
integrity and sincerity. Bankim’s intellectual eminence has
certain’resemblances with Mill. Like Mill, Bankim is a systematic
thinker concerned with social grievances and weaknesses. In
Bankim’s writing, one may find a sense of justice which is obvious
in Mill’s social and political writings.
In Krishna Charitra ‘Sri Krishna’ whom Bankim exhibits
as the embodiment of the ultimate and a sublime human personality
and whose historical authenticity Bankim attempts to establish by
inventing rigorous analysis, incarnates, in his opinion, this unity of
Being. In Bankim’s view, the perfection of existence lies in the
union of nature with soul and of the human with the divine. There is
no denying the fact that Bankim Chandra’s three major novels
Anandamath, Debi Choudhurani, and Sitaram are illustrations
of his doctrine of culture and religion which is explained with
elaborate argumentation in Dharmatattva. The novels and essays
written by Bankim reveal the fact that the major concern of this
'Serious and Sage' author was to revitalize the cultural identity
ofthe nation and establish righteousness and purity ofthe mind. In
Krishna Charitra, Bankim propagated the ideals of a perfect man
whereas in Dharmatattva he explained the religion of humanism.
Indeed, Bankim’s humanism as interpreted in these books is
remarkable for his original thinking and intellectual integrity, and
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59
not an imitation or adaptation of any European philosopher or
thinker. He has presented references from Comte, Mill and Seeley’s
doctrine of humanism only to establish the fact that there is a
universality in human thinking. The comment made by Tagore on
Bankim Chandra is relevant when he says, “In Literature one
finds two kinds of yogis- those devoted to knowledge and those
devoted to action, Bankim was devoted to action.” 35
Human life in all its glory and splendour inspired the creative
imagination of Bankim Chandra. Indomitable courage and supreme
sacrifice for the motherland are important aspects of human
character as considered by Bankim Chandra. Bankim Chandra,
being not satisfied with his contemporary society, turned to the
past and created characters like Jagat Singha, Pratap, Raj Singha,
Satyananda and Sitaram. The women characters likewise are not
confined to the narrow domestic world as they throw off the
shackles of bondage. Vimala, Matibibi, Debi Choudhurani, Brhamar,
Shri are enlightened female characters of Bankim’s novels as they
are symbols of beauty, valour and wisdom. Bankim Chandra wrote
some social novels of which Bisha Briksha (The Poison Tree)
and Krishnakanter Will (The Will of Krishnakanta) deal with
the controversial problem of widowhood. Bisha Briksha is the
first novel of Bankim dealing with the contemporary social life
which first appeared in the journal Bangadarshan. The main
episode of the novel revolves round Kunda, a widow. It is
worthwhile to mention that the widow-remarriage Act was sixteen
years old at the time of publication of this novel, but the widow-
remarriage had been strongly criticized by the contemporary society.
Bankim’s own attitude towards Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, the
eminent scholar and one of the pioneers of modern Indian
renaissance, who launched the widow-remarriage movement in
1856, was clearly ambivalent. In an article published in 1872,
Bankim severely criticized Vidyasagar and his reformation
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
60 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
movement regarding widow-remarriage. In fact this article of
Bankim is a manifestation of Bankim’s dilemma. Although he agreed
with Vidyasagar on the compassionate and humanitarian ground
that it was unjustified to deprive the right of the widow of remarriage
when the same right is enjoyed by a widower, however he was
afraid of social chaos and dire consequence caused by widow-
remarriage. Bankim could not ignore conventional morality. Bankim
earnestly believed that chastity is the greatest virtue for women.
Hem Chandra, the protagonist of the novel Mrinalini expressed
his feeling without any hesitation to Manorama, “Being a widow
you should not think of anyone. If you do so, you are condemned
forever, not only in this life but also in the next. If you happen
to love someone, forget him.”36
Bankim’s concern with the problem of widow-remarriage
inspired Rabindranath Tagore to write Cokher Bali (1903), an
important social novel. Like Aeschylus, Bankim was an idealist
whereas Tagore was a romanticist as his novels have extraordinary
poetic beauty that transforms the events of life into external truths.
Bankim wanted to maintain moral order within the social frame but
keeping the view of artistic presentation of his characters in the
mind, he explains the weaknesses and downfall of his noble
characters like Bhavananda, Nagendranath, Govindalal and
Sitaram, whose inner conflicts and sufferings show the readers
external mystery and universal truth of human life.
In fact, the framework of Bankim’s novels reminds us of
Shakespeare’s dramas. The downfall of Bankim’s noble characters
is very similar to Shakespeare’s noble tragic characters like
Macbeth, Othello and King Lear. Bankim Chandra exploits
Shakespeaerian technique of plot and character in his novels. Like
Shakespeare’s plays, Bankim’s novels have sub-plots and they
emerge from the main plot, help its development and return to the
main stream. Indeed, Bankim’s novels have compactness very
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61
similar to plays of Shakespeare. There is conflict in the characters
of Bankim and they are dramatic as well as life-like and three-
dimensional like those of Shakespeare’s dramatic characters.
Bankim Chandra, like Shakespeare, observes that no man is
absolutely good or absolutely bad either. Therefore, his characters
reveal the complexities of human life. Bankim Chandra, being aware
of this complexity, presents the whole truth about man in his novels.
That is why Bankim’s characters, for example, Nagendranath,
Suryamukhi, Rohini, Chandrasekhar, and Saivalini are neither angels
nor devils. Unlike Bankim Chandra, Rabindranath Tagore ventured
to ‘go down into the pit of the human mind where, as in a
smithy, the hard-metal images take shape, burn in the furnace
,,
and beaten by hammer. 37
It is important to note that the current trend in literary art is
not to depict the sequence of events but to dissect the inner world
of characters. In this respect there are certain reservations against
Bankim’s art of characterization. However, one cannot deny the
artistic excellence, tremendous and rich variety of Bankim’s novels.
The opinions of Bankim and Tagore as related to art and
literature are interesting and relevant. Bankim believed that while
the main purpose of literature is to create the image of beauty without
violating the laws of probability, he was at the same time equally
conscious of the fact that it must reflect the conditions of the society
and supply a remedial measure. In this respect, he was very close
to Aeschylus and Plato than to Aristotle who believed that the
primary duty of an artist is to provide delight or pleasure. Thus, like
Plato and oriental thinkers, Bankim Chandra held that art must
enlighten, ennoble and elevate. He believes that poets are the
teachers of humanity but they do not preach moral lessons.
According to him, beauty, truth and religion are the ideals of a
poet. Bankim’s novels reveal the fact that the theory of art for art’s
sake was repugnant to him. Bankim’s purpose of writing was multi-
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
62 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
dimensional. His aim was at once to create beauty and maintain the
moral standard of a strong, purposeful society. Another major
concern of Bankim was to construct a dedicated,disciplined and
cultured society based on the teachings of the Gita and to liberate
the motherland with the help of sincere patriots and nationalists
who could renounce all personal desires inspired by sublime spiritual
ideals.
Like Bankim Chandra, Rabindranath Tagore also thinks
that the main purpose of art and literature is to create pure artistic
beauty linked with eternal good or truth. Bankim ridicules the idea
that literature should aim at pleasing people. But Tagore does not
ignore amusement, an important aspect of literature. He believes
that literature gives pleasure and amusement to the readers. There
are certain differences between Tagore’s works and the novels of
Bankim. While Bankim Chandra inspired a strong nationalist
enthusiasm to liberate the nation from foreign bondage, Tagore was
against narrow nationalism as revealed in his novels The Home
and the World (Ghare Baire) and Gora. The story of Tagore’s
political novel The Home and the World is narrated by different
characters like Nikhilesh, Sandip and Bimala, a form first executed
successfully by Bankim Chandra. While Bankim shows a
compassionate psychological understanding of his characters, in
Tagore the characters are idea-oriented, for instance, Nikhilesh in
the novel The Home and the World is a spokesman of the novelist’s
ideology. Tagore criticises the emotional outburst and coercive
methods in the novel The Home and the World and he is against
militant nationalism and misguided terrorism which is also evident
in his brilliant political novel Four Chapters (Char Adhyay). In
the novel Gora the conflict between the Hindus and the Brahmas
in the contemporary society has been presented with intellectual
integrity by Tagore. Gora, the protagonist of the novel is a powerful
symbol of Hindu nationalism and cultural identity of India having
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63
irresistible and passionate love for his motherland. The revelation
at the end of the novel that Gora is the son of an Irish lady is like
tragic 'discovery' in a Greek drama and eventually the character of
Gora is transformed as he has a wonderful realization of all-inclusive.
He comes to believe in one unified India without distinction of caste,
creed or religion. Indeed, Tagore’s faith in pluralism is reflected
through the character of India. Unity in diversity was the main motto
of Tagore’s life which is the spirit or cultural identity of India. This
idea of all- comprehending recurs time and again in Tagore’s novels,
articles, poems, lectures including the National Anthem. While
Bankim Chandra strictly adhered to the moral order, Rabindranath
was cool to the question of social morality. Tagore wanted to
emancipate human mind from all bondages of ignorance, superstition
and traditionalism. His social views were more liberal and
progressive than those of Bankim Chandra. Bankim’s language is
picturesque and sonorous whereas Tagore’s language is lyrical and
embellished. Bankim effects a sublimation of characters whereas
Tagore projects his characters with fine delicacy of touch. The very
spirit of the nineteenth century Indian renaissance revolved round
the two poles of patriotism and humanism. Before the advent of
the British, nationalism did not exist in the mind of the Indian people.
Love for one’s caste and faith was so dominant that made people
narrow and parochial. The enlightened Indians felt that patriotism
was the strength of the ruling British people. The elite class of Indian
realized that it was patriotic intensity that had encouraged and framed
the history of Europe and therefore they cultivated the enthusiasm
of patriotism in their character. Bankim Chandra had studied
European history and literature passionately and he was intensely
imbibed with the feeling of patriotism. With tremendous vitality
Bankim propagated the sentiment of patriotism in his writings in
Indian context.
The other important value which inspired the pioneers of
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
64 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
the Indian Renaissance of 19th century adopted from the West
was that of humanism. The secular and egalitarian concept of
humanism enlightened the Indian intellectuals to value man without
any discrimination of caste and creed. Indeed, patriotism and
humanism were major concerns for the nineteenth century Indian
social reformers and thinkers. In all his writings, Bankim
communicates his ideology of humanist culture as a liberal and
pluralist novelist. The remarkable thing in Bankim is that to establish
his ideology of humanism, he never forgets his commitment as an
artist and he does not ignore the demands of art and life. Bankim’s
commitment to a particular ideology compels him to perform the
responsibility of a humanist teacher, who has to empower his
countrymen with the noble vision of nationalism and encourage them
to action for the implication of their sublime thoughts. Bankim with
his tremendous enthusiasm is committed to instruct his readers about
the precious cultural identity, political doctrine and the philosophy
of ancient India which are very much relevant in the modern time.
Hence it would be only natural to conclude that the geniuses
of Bankim and Rabindranath were complementary and both the
stalwarts of Indian Renaissance were committed to the glorious
task of national reconstruction of India’s character and destiny with
their own original thinking. Tagore and Bankim, like all great writers
of the world, belonged to their own country and to humanity. Bankim
Chandra and Rabindranath stand before us as the embodiment of
intellectualism and liberal thought, of universalism and love of
humanity, of imaginativeness, and of an emotionalism which links
itself up to the eternal verities of human life, as well as of a supreme
realization for beauty and sense of the ultimate reality.
Bankim and Rabindranath were equally great patriots and
internationalists and visionary activists. Both of them offer a
wonderful analogue to William Shakespeare, the greatest poet
and dramatist of 16th century Elizabethan age who was closely
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65
associated with England throughout his life and yet he represented
the whole of European culture of the contemporary period, and his
spirit of thrilling adventure and his intense humanism held in its
bosom, the whole of mankind. Tolstoy is another instance of those
classical authors who remained a true witness of the important social
and political episodes which occurred in the national scenario of
his country and yet he maintained his liberal and universal vision of
mankind. Thus Bankim Chandra and Tagore, like Shakespeare
and Tolstoy, are great inheritors of the ages, and herein lies their
eternal appeal as universal personalities in literature.
000
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
66 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
CHAPTER-III
Tagore’s Political Doctrine
Tagore proclaims that the real problem in India is not political though
politics has entered in every sphere of life of India following the
western ideals where politics is the dominating factor of national
life. “Those of us in India who come under the delusion that
mere political freedom will make us free have accepted their
lessons from the West as the gospel truth and lost their faith in
humanity. We must remember whatever weakness we enrich
in our society will become the source of danger in politics. The
same inertia which leads us to our idolatry of dead forms in
social institutions will create in our politics prison-houses with
immovable walls”, so wrote Rabindranath Tagore in his essay
“Nationalism in India.”1
Though not considered a systematic thinker, Tagore with
his sure intuition and maturity over the years, had a very clear grasp
of various ailments that plagued the Indian mind. A clear evolution
of his mind is detected in his various writings over a long stretch of
years. There is a close relationship between Tagore’s political
doctrine and his social and intellectual views. With a profound
intuition the political and social views expressed in Tagore’s songs,
short stories, plays, novels, essays, letters, addresses and lectures
enlighten the whole world for their intellectual and moral integrity.
Tagore does not believe in an exclusive political interest and he is
critical of Europe’s political and commercial aggressiveness. The
tendency of political aggrandizement in the present age of western
countries is the root cause of the exploitation of the whole world.
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67
In his appraisement of Indian tradition and heritage, Tagore writes,
“In spite of our great difficulty, however, India has done
something, she has tried to make an adjustment of races, to
acknowledge the real differences between them where these
exist, and yet seek for some basis of unity. This basis has come
through our saints like Nanak, Kabir, Chaitanya and others,
preaching one God to all races of India”.2
Tagore gives emphasis to sympathy and mutual help. His
idea of Universal Humanism and design for a co-operative living is
not a static ideal, a distant utopia, it is a way of living which can be
increasingly made more real and wide spread to solve the crisis of
the modern world. He believed that the aim of a free society is the
harmonious and creative manifestation of all individuals. The
perennial endeavour of mankind is to expand the frontiers of
individual freedom and social welfare. Such a society of enlightened
co-operation shall create a congenial cultural moral atmosphere.
According to Tagore, “The people who are lacking in this higher
moral power, and who therefore can not combine in fellowship
with one another must perish or live in a state of degradation.
Only those people have survived and achieved civilization who
have this spirit of co-operation strong in them”.3 The sense of
unity or the moral spirit of combination is the demand of the present
age which has brought all the different races of men close together.
In fact, it is the true basis of reconciliation and mutual help or co-
operation. Tagore considers that the atmosphere of co-operative
living and cosmopolitan humanism shall gradually remove all false
divisions and boundaries between man and man, geographical,
racial, religious, sexual, political, economic and cultural. He
unhesitatingly declares that “those who are gifted with the moral
power of love and vision of spiritual unity, who have the least
feeling of enmity against aliens, and the sympathetic insight
to place themselves in the position of others, will be the fittest
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
68 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
to take their permanent place in the age that is trying before
us, and those who are constantly developing their instinct of
fight and intolerance of aliens will be eliminated''.4 Tagore, on
the one hand was critical of the megalomania of the west, on the
other he had no illusion about’the development in western countries,
which has come to be synonymous with multiplication of luxuries
and appreciation of materialistic life-style. The real conflict, according
to Tagore, is not between the East and the West but between
mechanized life and the life of spiritualism.
Tagore considers violence to be the very negation of
freedom, reason and personal integrity. In his view, cosmopolitan,
secular, liberal co-operative philosophy mark the emergence of a
global Renaissance which would provide inspiration and guidance
to restructure societies and politico-economic system. Tagore’s
objective and tangible explanation in this regard is valuable when
he writes emphatically "I believe in life only when it is in harmony
with life, I preach the freedom of men from the servitude of the
fetish of hugeness, the non-human”.5
By progress, Tagore meant a continuous development of human
personality, both individual and corporate. Tagore’s statement
reveals that he was a true nationalist and patriot and not merely an
ordinary politician or statesman. He was never interested in involving
himself with active politics. On 15th November 1936, in a letter to
Maharaja Bahadur (of Darbhanga?) who was a candidate for the
election in 1937, Tagore wrote: “For various reasons, chief
amongst which is my general apathy towards, and ignorance
of the present day politics in the country, I had long ago decided
not to be identified in any way with coming elections. Quite
deliberately I have not even registered myself as a voter. Various
parties have already approached me to support their favoured
candidates and I have denied the request in every case.”6
Earlier,Tagore was requested to be the President of the Indian
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
69
National Congress. In a Letter to Tagore on 5th of October 1918,
Annie Besant wrote.-7
Theosophical Society,
Adyar,
Madras,
Dear Sir Rabindranath Tagore, Oct.5.1918.
I wonder if you will let us have the great joy of electing you
as President of the Congress. Your words would go everywhere &
you could claim India’s freedom as none other can. The subject
committee can be taken by some ex-President & thus spare your
strength. It is the speech that matters. Would it be of any help if I
become one of the Congress Secretaries for the year?
Please let me know if we may propose your name.
Yours ever,
Annie Besant.
What Tagore wrote to Besant is not known to us but we are sure
that Tagore never became the President of Indian National
Congress. This ‘general apathy’ started in him after the Partition of
Bengal. Though Tagore was not in favour of the interference of
politics directly in his creative works, he could not afford to be
indifferent to his environment. He realized that the link between art
and politics is an organic part of the consciousness of every artist
of integrity. At the same time, Rabindranath Tagore believed that a
writer could only serve true art when he stood above classes and
set himself apart from political movement. He was basically a
creative writer, a poet as singer who experienced an inner urge to
express his feelings in songs and poems and other genres without
any pressure. However, Tagore’s writings are the varied and
continuous expression of a distinctive comprehensive vision. As a
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
70 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
keen observer, Tagore could not fail to see the intellectual poverty
of modern life. Whether one may agree or disagree with his views
on religion or politics or purely literary standpoint, the fact remains
he never wrote anything without experiencing or feeling the same
steadily and wholly.
Although primarily a creative artist, Tagore’s writing on social and
political issues were quite considerable. In some of his political
essays and in his Presidential address at the Provincial conference
at Pabna (1906), Tagore drew up a programme for rural
reconstruction of our country which is even now far in advance of
anyone outlined by the Government of the Present day.
Tagore’s views on politics are scattered in his lectures and
addresses, letters and articles, some of his early critical writings
and suggested alternatives were offered in Atmashakti (1905),
Bharatbarsha (1906), Raja 0 Praja, Swadeshi and Samaj
(1906). These writings were further developed and elaborated in
Nationalism (1911), Creative Unity (1922), Kalantar (1937),
Crisis in Civilization (1941), A vision of lndia’s History (1951)
and other works.
Tagore was not primarily a political leader, but at every
moment of India’s political crisis he was one of the most outspoken
spokesmen of the nation. When in the first decade of the century
Bengal was partitioned, he was one of the first to protest against
the act. His patriotic songs and poems inspired men to acts of
heroism and sacrifice, and for a while he took a leading part in the
political movement that swept through the land. In that famous anti-
partition movement of 1905 in Bengal, Tagore marched on the
streets along with teeming millions to register the protest of the
people against the imperialist machinations of the British rulers. He
condemned the British policy of divide-and-rule as he could sense
the sinister design of Lord Curzon in a speech at Dacca which
hinted at the creation of a Muslim-dominated separate province.
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71
This protest of Tagore was clearly revealed in his protest marches
and writings, wherein he analysed the grass root problems of a
truly Indian social polity. As the time of partition (October 16, 1905)
drew near, the attitude of the people stiffened. A slogan was given
to boycott of British goods. In Calcutta’s Town hall, Tagore
presented a paper The Situation and The Remedy (Abastha 0
Byabastha) in which he strongly recommended the setting up of a
parallel government. Besides, his songs were quite popular and he
had earned his fame as an established poet. Young martyrs went
up the scaffold singing fragments of a Tagore song. It was during
these stirring days that he wrote ‘Sonar BangIa (Golden Bengal)’,
which was to become, by an irony of the Muses, the National
Anthem of Bangladesh. Singing his own song “Let the hearts of
our people be one”, Tagore actively participated in a procession.
He had probably come closer to the life of the people than ever
before. The idea of boycott included an alternative education
through National Schools (Jatiya Vidyalaya). Inconclusive
arguments went on over the methods and there were numerous
protest meetings everywhere. In Barisal (presently in Bangladesh)
the police fired on an unarmed crowd. When the revolutionary-
idealist leader Aurovindo (then Principal of the National College)
was charged with sedition, Rabindranath expressed his reverence
for the great Patriot-philosopher Aurovindo.
For all his love of the country, Tagore was averse to violence
and the politics of assassination. He made his statement clearly for
which he was often criticized. Perhaps looking for an alternative,
he concentrated on rural reconstruction in his own country estate
where a few enthusiastic young men encouraged him in his mission.
To add his mental agony, his favourite son Shamindra died on 23rd
November 1907. Those who think Tagore’s life was “untouched
by the tempest”8 are quite misinformed. To the reactionary,
Tagore’s growing global perspective must have been doubtful and
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
72 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
they scoffed at him. For himself Tagore was beginning to look
beyond the national horizon and the urgencies of politics. The
unfortunate massacre at Jalianwala Bagh occurred on April 13,1919.
The police fired on an unarmed crowd at Amritsar. Many innocent
people were brutally killed. Tagore was the first to protest against
the inhuman and the repressive measures of the government.
Eventually he surrendered his knighthood as a token of protest
against the British atrocities. He unhesitatingly declared that an
incident like the one at Jalianwala Bagh could take place only
because of the gulf of separation between the rulers and the ruled.
Renouncing the Honour of Knighthood, Tagore wrote a letter to
the Viceroy on 30th May, 1919. “The enormity of the measures
taken by the Government in the Punjab for quelling some local
disturbances has, with a rude shock, revealed to our minds the
helplessness of our position as British subjects in India knowing
that our appeals have been in vain and that the passion of
vengeance is blinding the noble vision of statesmanship in our
Government, which could so easily afford to be magnanimous,
as befitted its physical strength and normal tradition, the very
least that I can do for my country is to take all consequences
upon myself in giving voice to the protest of the millions of my
countrymen, surprised into a dumb anguish of terror And these
are reasons which have compelled me to ask your Excellency,
with due reverence and regret, to relieve me of my title of
Knighthood..."9
Tagore’s active involvement in politics, from which he later
broke away, had made him deeply aware of the sources of Indian
culture and creativity. Out of this came his A vision of India’s
History. Tagore writes, “the history of India has been the history
of the struggle between the constructive spirit of the machine,
which seeks the cadence of order and conformity in social
organization, and the creative spirit of man which seeks
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freedom and love for its self-expression.We have to watch and
see if the latter is still living in India; and also whether the
former offers its service and hospitality to life, through which
its system can be vitalized”.10
Tagore did not confine himself to narrow parochialism. He reacted
against the catastrophic disaster of the West under the trampling
tread of contending commerce and politics, the monstrous greed
and hatred. Appreciating the spiritual wealth and welfare of India,
Tagore says: “I love India, not because I cultivate the idolatry
of geography, not because I have had the chance to be born in
her soil, but because she has saved, through tumultuous ages,
the living words that have issued from the illuminated
consciousness of her great sons: Satyam, Jnanam, Anantam
Brahma, Brahma is truth, Brahma is wisdom, Brahma is
infinite; Santam, Sivam, Advaitam, peace is in Brahma,
goodness is in Brahma, and the unity of all beings”.11
Tagore’s exposition of the main historical movements of India is
quite relevant. Interpreting India’s past history and civilization,
Tagore says that India’s problem has been far more complex than
that of the West. In western countries the state forms the core of
the national life, but in ancient India the life of the people had little
to do with the state and its activities. Tagore reiterated that the
problems that confronted Indian society were not so much political
as cultural and social. Various people with their divergent culture
came to India. Hence the most important problem before India
was to adjust and harmonize these diverse cultures into a concrete
synthesis. The spirit of India lies in “unity in diversity” and this
expression was explained time and again in Tagore’s creative works,
lectures and addresses. Tagore’s major concern in A vision of
India’s History is that Indian history belongs to all who belong to
India. There was nothing narrow about his cultural synthesis, as he
writes in Nationalism in India: “India tolerated differences of
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races from the first, and that spirit of toleration has acted all
through her history. Her caste system is the outcome of this
spirit of toleration”.12
It is worthwhile to mention that the two basic facts of our political
life since independence are that India has decided to be a secular
democratic state and has accepted for her constitution a quasi-
federal form which recognizes the value and constituent units of her
national life. The secular nature of the state flows from equal regard
for citizens of all religions and communities. Its democratic ideals
can be fulfilled only on the basis of social, economic and political
equality among all citizens. Its federal character follows from the
recognition of the equality of men and women speaking different
languages, professing different religions and following traditions and
customs. While there are many elements in India’s ancient history
which support the federal approach, it can not be denied that the
conscious acceptance of the secular democratic ideal marks perhaps
the greatest movement that India has known in her history. Indian
society has, from the earliest times, been hierarchical and remained
dominantly so till the advent of the British. In the earlier ages, there
was hierarchy of caste in which the position of an individual was
fixed by the accident of Birth. The rule of the Pathan or the Moghul
may have loosened the bonds of Caste, but did not challenge its
basis. As regards the political hierarchy which gave almost unlimited
powers to the rulers, there was hardly any change as a result of
change of rulers.
The advent of the British brought a radical change in the
situation. There was rule of law in place of the earlier rule of might.
It is true that in practice the British also deviated from their own
principles. The establishment of British power in India was a
prolonged process piecemeal conquest and consolidation and
colonialization of the economy and society. This process produced
discontent, resentment and resistance at every stage. The reason
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for this apathy of mass Indians towards British rule was due to the
atrocities committed by the British people which affected the
interests of almost all sections of society. Under the burden of
excessive taxes the peasantry became progressively indebted and
impoverished. The only interest of the company was the realization
of maximum revenue with minumum effort. Consequently,
settlements were hurriedly undertaken, often without any regard
for the resources of the land. One of the commonest expressions
of social system in India was found in untouchability and caste.
From the earliest times, reformers in India have condemned them.
The institutions of Lord Buddha had softened the severity of caste.
The influence of Islam had further weakened it through the teaching
of the medieval mystics and saints. Reformers like Ram Mohan
Roy, Dayananda, Vidya Sagar, Swami Vivekananda and Swami
Pranavananda had struggled against this system. Gandhi dedicated
his life for its eradication, but, nevertheless, caste till remains a
powerful factor of Indian life. In Tagore’s poetry, stories, novels
and essays there is a voice of conscience, an appeal for justice and
concern for man’s unsettled life. The appeal was addressed to Indian
intellectuals whom he called upon to free life of slavery, humiliation,
caste hostility, poverty, religious fanaticism and national animosity.
The thundering voice of the writer’s conscience did not remain
without response, but there were lots of serious obstacles on the
way to liberation from centuries of prejudice. In spite of that,
Tagore’s love of truth never wavered as his moral principles were
rooted in deep compassion for the common man of India. Tagore
gave whole-hearted support to action capable of destroying evil,
restoring justice and helping the downtrodden and sufferers. We
have in Gitanjali (Songs Offering) one of the most powerful
condemnations of untouchability that has ever been written.
Addressing India, Tagore said, “Those whom you seek to
suppress shall pull you down by the burden of their suffering.
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Those whom you have deprived of their human rights, shall
drag you down to their own level till their shame is yours.''13
Tagore warned that if the country did not wake up and provide
equality to all her children, the result would be common destruction
in which there would be equality in death in the ashes of the funeral
pyre. While legislation has made such a concept a cognizable
offence, thereby vindicating the stand of both Tagore and Gandhi,
in actual implementation much still remains to be done. While Tagore
unhesitatingly approved the western notion of democracy, he added
to it the Indian principle of social activity and social obligation. He
pointed out that in ancient and medieval India, kings might have
given up valuable possession and political strength, but the affluent
and effective men were not contented till they had accepted the
appreciation of their community. The existence of many communities
with differences in languages, religions and customs is one of the
harsh realities of Indian life. Tagore, therefore suggested that all of
these communities should be offered fullest opportunity and freedom
for maintaining their ethnic identity and culture. Of these many
communities, the two largest are the Hindus and the Muslims. Their
interaction would thus set the pattern for relations among the
different communities of India. Speaking of the relation between
Hindus and Muslims, Tagore observed that it is only when they
attained a unity of purpose on the basis of equality and harmony,
there would be an actual unity among them. So long as there was
inequality, there could not be amity, for there will always remain a
narrow wall of conflict and suspicion.
Tagore was almost prophetic in his observation. He was
against regimentation or standardization at every stage of life, and
rejected the uniformity which does not approve of different shades
of views and opinions. Any action which threatens man in one way
or another was unacceptable to Tagore. Tagore had realized that
the bubble of communalism would burst one day in India. He had
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recognized the rot in the Hindu-Muslim equation. About seventy
years ago, in his essay Kalantar Tagore observed, “Muslims
represent numbers to us today. Of late, they had become a
problem of addition and subtractions. They are throwing up
arithmetic of division.”14 Indeed, Tagore had his first glimpse of
the Hindu mindset on this problem when he was engaged in the
affairs of the estate. Tagore narrates his experiences, “When I first
entered the zamindari office, I saw that the naib had folded in
a corner of the divan cover in his drawing room. On asking
why, he was told that the corner was for those respectable
Muslim subjects who were allowed in; the area with the cover
was for the respectable Hindus, we invite them in and point
out that they are different.”15
Tagore never could accept this distortion in Hindu
behaviour. Few leaders of the times realized this despite their active
involvement in the freedom struggle. Rabindranath Tagore had
realized that if Muslims were excluded from the main stream of
national life, the country would remain forever divided. In this
context, one may recall the incident when Tagore rushed to tie
a‘Rakhi’ on Muslims during 'Rakshabandhan'. Describing the
incident Abanindranath Tagore writes: “We were returning from
the Pathureghata when we saw some stable hands grooming
the horses in Binu Mullick s stable. Suddenly Rabikaka made a
dash and went and tied Rakhis on them. God! What is Rabikaka
upto, I wondered, they are Muslims. There's bound to be trouble
now..... Far from it, Rabikaka even hugged them after tying
Rakhis in their hands. The stable boys were flabbergasted, to
say the least. That was not all. We set off on our way once
again when Rabikaka thought he’d go to the masjid in Chitpur
and tie a Rakhi on everybody. ‘Chalo sab, ‘he ordered.”16
Tagore’s reaction to religious fanaticism is spontaneous. He never
regarded contemplation as the absolute. He spoke of the need to
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78 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
achieve a balance between action and contemplation. Tagore’s idea
was that Muslims did not come to join in the independence
movement of the nation because the conflict between these two
communities was “so naked, so ugly.” He further says that
“sometimes ago a Hindu Swadeshi activist without battling
an eyelid asked his Muslim colleague to get off the Verandah
because he was going to have a glass of water.”17
One can hear the voice of conscience in the following lines
of Tagore. The humanitarian spirit of Tagore is manifested in this
extract. His dissatisfaction is evident as he stated explicitly with
lamentation: “I was there when the Swadeshi Movement was
launched. Some of our leaders were angry with the Muslims
and wanted to disown them altogether... Hindu Bengalis had
come together like never before. But this strong tide of emotion
was confined only among Hindus. It did not reach the Muslims.
We did not learn any lesson that day. We let the deep schism
between us remain and blamed it on society. And now we want
to keep that schism intact, and at the same time jump it. That
is absurd.”18 Five years later Tagore wrote ironically: “Let us not
sit to judge the Muslims. If we have not been able to bring
them closer to us, let us at least be ashamed of that.”19
Pointing out discrepancies in the Swadeshi movement he
further explained, “For some reason, we were drawn towards
Swadeshi Salt that day. We proclaimed Muslims as our brothers,
as our near ones, in an unnaturally loud voice. And when
Muslims did not melt our call of love, we were angry. It was
rather wicked of them, we thought. Never for once did we
think there was initiative in our call, true, but there was no
truth in it.”20 Tagore was very much aware of the fact that “when
ever we have drawn the Muslims closer, it was to serve our
own purpose. We never thought of him as our own. And we
will not hesitate to push him aside when we find that he is not
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needed any more.''21
Tagore’s observation about Hindu psyche was accurate and justified
as Subash Chandra Bose, the pioneer of Indian National Movement
also shared Tagore’s valuable ideas. It is clear when in 1938, Subash
Chandra Bose wrote to Gandhi saying, “Today a coalition
ministry in Sindh, Bengal and Punjab is within the domain of
practical politics. If the changes could be brought about (and
in my humble opinion it can be) the Congress will be in a
position to speak to the British Government on behalf of
Provincial governments. This will mean that even without a
Hindu-Muslim settlement, the Congress will be able officially
to represent the people of British India, while dealing with the
British government, and we shall not be seriously handicapped
because there has been no settlement with the Muslim
League.”22
In his ironical comment Tagore clearly states his idea, “It
is pointless digging for water when the house is on fire. We did
not do that when the Muslim was needed during the partition
of Bengal. We thought we would stamp on the ground and
water would gush out. And when all our stamping did not yield
any water- it only raised dust we were bewildered. Even now
we do not realize that we have forgotten to dig deep. We will
therefore continue to trample upon the ground and upon our
destiny."23
It is a matter of great regret that it continues to be trampled
upon even today. The attitude of the Hindu community towards the
Muslim community was extended to the weaker sections of the
Hindu society as well. And in consequence “all kinds of insults
are heaped on the simple folk. We have to admit that to us
India means the India of the elite.” 24And that is why Tagore
believed, the percentage of Muslims among the poorer sections
had become so high particularly in Bengal. The Hindu elite never
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considered the downtrodden class and the Muslim community as
one of them.
Tagore’s grave concern for this social discrepancy is
revealed through Nikhilesh, the central character of The Home
And The World (Ghare Baire): “The Muslims in our area were
almost as much against cow-slaughter as the Hindus. But cows
have been slaughtered in a couple of places. It was my Muslim
subjects who came and gave me the news. And there have
been protest, too. I dont think we can go on like this much
longer: There is anger at the root of all this, a superficial anger.
Any resistance will only drive it deep.”25 The political leaders of
the contemporary India had no realization of the liberal idea of
Nikhilesh that “in this country buffaloes give milk as well
buffaloes till the land too. So when dance around with the head
of a sacrificed buffalo, sprinkle its blood all around and fight
with Muslims over cow-slaughter, the Almighty must surely be
smiling to himself.”26 Nikhilesh is sincere in his approach and he
discards the orthodox social and religious taboos and declares that
"When cows have sanctity and buffaloes do not. it cannot be
religion. It is superstition."27
Tagore was not challenging religion, but he was against of
social and religious restrictions imposed in the garb of religion,
“When religion says reach out your hand to the Muslim, I will
gladly accept that. But when religion says you cannot eat
anything that has been touched by a Muslim, I will have to
question that. Logic will decide whether I will accept or reject
such a dictate... ." 28
Tagore further comments explicitly: “Once upon a time
people of varied race- Persians, Greeks, Shaks- would
frequently travel to India. But that was before the (Puranic)
Hindu age. It was basically a reactionary age. It was during
this period that Brahminism dug its roots. It raised an
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impenetrable wall and made itself unreachable. Brahminism
chose to overlook the fact when any living creature is sought
to be brought under such control, it ceases to exist.”29
Tagore has no prejudice against any community as he is
equally critical of fundamentalism of Muslim community. Quite
genuine in his belief that Islam was the first to attack Brahminism
from the outside; he was indeed convinced that Islam was confined
in its own limitation and time frame. In his essay Kalantar Tagore
expresses his view without any hesitation. He writes, “The Muslim
conquered territories with force, but that did not help him
evolve.”30 Indeed, Tagore never spared Hindu obscurantism of
any kind either. He explains,“The Hindu calls himself religious.
So does the Muslim. In other words, each one shuts each other
and the rest of the world off with his religion. This wall of
alienation has prevented them from any kind of human
interaction....that is why the external behaviour pattern
becomes more important in their cases.”31 As a result, it has
always been a serious concern between the two communities.
Tagore’s observation is minute as he says that “To the Muslim the
Hindu is a Kafir. To the Hindu the Muslim is an irreligious
mlechha."32
Unfortunately the Hindus and the Muslims, the major
communities of India have failed to unite even after so many years
of independence. “Pity be the nation that uses religion to divide.
It is the most dangerous divide.”33
Rabindranath Tagore believed that Mahatma Gandhi also
had failed to build a bridge between the Hindu and the Muslim.
That was because of the wavering foundation, believed Tagore.
One cannot erect a lasting structure on weak foundation. Internal
weaknesses are sure to bring it crumbling down. Tagore is convinced
with the fact “That the Khilafat was only a patch up job is
evident from the Hindu- Muslim differences we find today. But
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some people do not seem to agree that the problem lies with
us. They argue that the British are creating the differences...
Have we not lived in harmony so far, they ask.”34 Tagore could
not accept such an argument: “When we erect walls of difference
among our people, it is religion. But when foreigners use that
difference to their advantage, it is evil."35
Tagore with his sure intuition and maturity over the years,
had a very clear grasp of various ailments that plagued the Indian
mind. “The crack was always there. As long as the sea was
calm, the ship kept sailing. On occasions we even threw out
buckets of sea-water from its hull- and somehow managed to
stay afloat. But when there was a storm, the crack grew wider.
And now the ship can sink any moment. But the captain says it
is the fault of the storm. He asks us to deplore it, and criticise
it. And the crack yawns wide. Can we expect such a leader to
take us to the shores? Or to the seabed?”36
Ironically the conflict between the Hindu community and
the Muslim community remains as it is. Tagore denied that Gandhiji
had been successful in bringing Hindus and Muslims close together.
“No I cannot accept that, you have only brought about a
political unity. The two are now united against the British. But
what happens when the British are gone? Ask your conscience
just once. Have you really removed the suspicion vis-a-vis
Muslims?”37
The integration of the Hindu and the Muslim community
has been one of our main objectives since independence but we
realize that it remains incomplete as yet. In this regard we may
recall Tagore’s message. Indeed his intuition is profound and mature.
There is no denying the fact that Tagore’s letters, articles, lectures
and addresses reveal his concrete political sensibility. Unlike the
opportunist politicians, Tagore with his pure secular views believed
that the harmony between the two communities lay in the uplift of
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Muslims. “Even if we don’t like the fact that the Muslim is
trying to improve his lot independent of us, we must bear with
it whatever the irritants may be. That is bound to bring us
together one day.” 38
True harmony and amity, Tagore believed, could exist only
among equals. “We did not pay attention to modern education
in time. That is why the Muslim has fallen behind. He has to
help himself become an equal. That is why he is today asking
for more than the Hindu in all respects. And we ought to support
that whole-heartedly. The day Muslims acquire equal status, it
can only be good for the Hindu."39
Tagore had no faith in political solution. He earnestly
believed that only a social and cultural revolution could bring about
true egalitarianism. “We must not fear the word. True revolution
has come about through perseverance in other places. They
have left their cocoons and learnt to fly. We must also overcome
the barriers within our minds.”40 Of all great personalities who
dominated India’s cultural renaissance and the run-up to the
country’s political independence, Rabindranath Tagore was the least
deflected from his vision of the future by immediate events and
goals. When he asked Gandhijee what would keep Hindus and
Muslims united after the British departed, he exposed the rickety
basis on which a purely political early pre-independence unity was
patched up. He saw the need for an overhaul and a modernization
of Hinduism itself to rid it of its exclusive, divisive characteristics,
its mentality of apartheid. It is the Hindu, he realized, whose food is
polluted by the shadow of a Muslim and whose temple is defiled
by other religions and not vice versa. The problem, as he saw it,
was not merely one of Hindu and Muslim; it proceeded from the
very concept of ritual purity and the infrastructure of the caste
system based on the principle of exclusion.Tagore’s deep concern
with the cultural identity of India is presented passionately in an
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essay written in the early years of the twentieth century- “The time
has come now to discuss this change because an element of
doubt has certainly crept in. We seem to be sitting undecided
at the cross roads of ancient India and modern civilization.
Even a few years ago, our educated people had no genuine
hesitation. Whatever the nationalists might have professed
verbally, their faith in western values was unshakable. The
emotional effusion generated by the French Revolution, the
effort to abolish slavery and English poetry written at the dawn
of the nineteenth century had not yet subsided. Western
civilization seemed to proclaim an inclusiveness for all
humanity irrespective of race and colour. We were spellbound
by Europe. We contrasted the generosity of that civilization
with the narrow-mindedness of our own, and applauded the
West.” 41
The novel Gora which was published about seven years
after this essay, focus on Tagore’s growing nationalist consciousness
and his social and cultural awareness in the context of human
relations that transcend racial or religious boundaries. There is no
denying the fact that in the novel Gora the problems of the individual,
of the society and of the state are intertwined in a marvellous way.
In the comprehensiveness of the canvas of the plot as well as in the
brilliantly execution, the novel Gora has been correctly assessed
as Mahabharata of modern India. The epic grandeur of the novel
Gora is excellent and universal. Indeed, the novel Gora reveals
Tagore’s profound intuition as there is a clear prediction of the
Non-cooperation movement of Mahatma Gandhi which was to
come a decade later. In Tagore’s concept of religion of man, all
human beings deserve honour and reverence. In his novel Gora
written in 1907, Tagore held that religion is a personal matter and
that faith and sincerity of heart are far more important than rites
and rituals. Institutionalised practice of religion through rites and
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rituals is not essential. Tagore adroitly presents the disillusionment
which hovered the British occupied India in his novel Gora.
The debate on cultural identity, religion, caste and class,
hesitation and introspection, religious orthodoxy and secularism,
modernization and Hindu tradition intervene in the novel Gora.
There are varied and interesting characters like Krishnadayal,
Anandamoyee, Gora and Abinash who belong to Hindu tradition
whereas Paresh Babu, Barada Sundari, Sucharita and Haranbabu
are the followers of Brahmo Samaj. The intellectual discussion
presented by Tagore gives the novel Gora a new dimension to
Indian literature.
Dr. Meenakshi Mukherjee’s articulate observation is quite
significant as she writes, “... the ideas and praxis of the major
figures in this novel get modified constantly through mutual
interaction- logic and instinct, intellect and emotional
attachments often getting into each other's way to complicate
the drift of the arguments. By the end of the novel, we recognise
this interpretation to be an enrichment; the reticulation of the
public domain of debate and the private arena of love, affection
and friendship seem to initiate a process that might lead
towards wholeness.The wholeness always remained an elusive
goal in Rabindranath's work. Reconciling the integrity of a
person with the public demands of a group was for him a task
fraught with irreducible conflict. In his own life as in his novels
we repeatedly see the tension between the introspective
individual and the collectivity that tends to flatten out the
nuances of his ideas through mindless adulation or hostility.”42
Tagore explores the problem of humanism against religious
nationalism. Humanism, Tagore believed was above all political
ideologies. Once he wrote: “I felt I found at last my religion- the
religion of man.”43
Covering a wide canvas, the novel Gora marks an important
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phase of Tagore’s mature work. Harmonized with brilliant intellectual
debate and two love stories, the novel Gora has both exuberant
energy and commendable dignity. Every major character is a kind
of mouth-piece of a distinct point of view. Some critics have
compared Gora to Rudyard Kipling’s Kim, but the treatment and
atmosphere of the two novels are very different. Kipling was perhaps
a better craftsman, but Tagore had a deeper insight into human
nature. The humanitarian aspect remains insignificant in Kipling’s
novel. In the novel Gora Tagore has reflected with great sincerity
the intellectual and emotional change that swept in the wake of the
Indian Renaissance. Gora is a militant Hindu and accepts the spirit
as well as rigid rituals and practices of upper-caste Hindu tradition.
He is critical of his own mother Anandamoyee’s liberal views. Gora,
the orthodox follower of Hindu tradition when discovers that he is
an Irish orphan brought up in a Hindu household, suddenly realizes
the importance of humanism against all social conventions and
taboos. The introspection in Gora creates a sense of tremendous
respect for Anandamoyee, “You are the mother,” he tells
Anandamoyee at the end of the novel, “Sitting right here at home
and I have been wandering far and wide seeking for you. You
have no caste, you make no distinction between your children,
Hindu, Mussalmann or Christian. You are the benefactress of
us all. In you I have found my India."44 This is paralleled by a
poem written by Tagore about this time.
“Awake my mind, gently awake, in this holy land of
pilgrimage,
On the shores of this vast sea of humanity that is India.
Here I stand with arms out stretched to hail Man, divine in
image.
And sing to his glory in notes new and free.
No one knows whence and at whose call came this endless
multitude. Pouring- to lose themselves in this sea
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 Aryans, Non-Aryans, Dravidians, Chinese,
Scythians, Hun, Pathans and Moghuls.
all mixed and merged in one single body
Now the west has opened its doors -they will give
And take, and none shall be turned back
from the shores of this vast sea of humanity India.”45
Tagore pointed with appreciation towards the western
nations whose members co-operate with one another in spite of
great differences in political, economic and social matters. Tagore
was fairly conversant with different liberal thought currents emanating
from both East and West. W.H. Auden, one of the foremost
spokesmen of the English poetry of thirties diagonised the ailments
of modern life in terms of acute selfishness, hypocrisy and lack of
compassion. Auden writes,
“Let the winds of dawn that blow
Softly round your dreaming head
Such a day of Sweetness show
Eye and knocking heart may bless.
Find the mortal world enough.
Noons of dryness see you fed
By the involuntary powers,
Nights of insult let you pass
Watched by every human love.”46
At first sight, no two poets would appear to be more
dissimilar than W.H. Auden and Rabindranath Tagore. This is
because Auden was the most remarkable poet of the thirties and
the chief spokesman of Marxist ideology. He was at once inspired
by his search for a new spiritual order and moral responsibility.
However, in the end even Auden turned to his search for a personal
faith based on a synthesis between scientific culture and liberal
influence of Christianity as well as other areas of new psychology
and new economic order.
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Rabindranath Tagore was the finest flower of liberal
tradition and he went on in his relentless search for synthesis between
science and religion, nationalism and internationalism, above all
between tradition and modernity. Specially after getting the Nobel
Prize, Tagore went on a world tour and visited some of the countries
and was impressed by their achievements but at the same time he
also viewed with dismay the disturbing trend such as the rise of
anarchy, fascism, tyranny and exploitation both in Asia and in Africa.
W.B. Yeats, like Tagore, had the wisdom of heart. Yeats also offers
a parallel case of development. Initially he was an Irish poet but
his career started with the imitation of Britain's Romantic tradition.
Alongwith the influences of Spenser, Shelley and Blake, the
discovery of his Irish background and meeting with Maud Gonne
provided a new strength and identity to his poetry. Like Tagore, he
initially kept himself aloof from political movement because the
present day leaders appeared to be petty politicians interested in
publicity and character assassination.
Yeats was basically a traditionalist and loved the aristocratic
way of living and wanted to spend his time and energy in spreading
cultural Renaissance and establishment of Irish National Theatre,
but Easter Rebellion and the Communist revolution in Russia and
rise of Hitler and Mussolini in Germany and Italy forced him to
have a fresh look at the disturbing trend. His subsequent poems of
prophecy e.g. The Second Coming, Leda and the Swan, A Prayer
For My Daughter reflect his concern at the rise of violence. The
case of W.H. Auden is much more explicit because he took a direct
plunge in politics and wrote a typical poem about the Spanish Civil
War. Outlining the role of intellectuals however Auden appreciated
Yeats with certain reservation which is beautifully presented in a
balanced poem In Memory of W.B. Yeats. Auden therein is
particularly critical of the callous majority who were making money
and were indifferent to the misery of the suffering humanity,
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“When the brokers are
roaring
like beasts on the floor of the Bourse,
And the poor have the sufferings to which they are fairly
accustomed
And each in the cell of himself is almost convinced of his
freedom.“47
Auden pays tribute to Yeats for his courage of conviction
and capacity of rising to the occasion without compromising his
ideals of freedom of expression. Tagore also in his poems of thirties
similarly expresses strongly in favour of suffering humanity and
particularly disapproves of the cult of violence and rigidity
perpetrated by the autocratic rulers in different parts of the world.
Thus, in spite of apparent difference, these major poets of India,
Ireland and Britain showed their remarkable response to the
international situation and the political climate of the then times. All
his long life Tagore was deeply interested in and in close touch with
goings on in western countries which he visited several times. He
was an indefatigable world traveller and in the five continents he
had visited most of the great countries, and a number of little ones
also. It is worthwhile to mention that Tagore spent some of his
most fruitful years in England beginning, the year 1878 and
intermittently during the nineties and finishing his last visit in 1930.
England became his door to Europe and to modern western
civilization. The several visits of Tagore to England and then to
Europe made him an unofficial ambassador of India to these
countries. One of his thoughts was to establish a relationship of
give and take between the East and the West. He believed that
unless the relationship grows, there will be no intellectual progress
of the East particularly India. Tagore held up Raja Ram Mohan
Roy, the celebrated social reformer as a tangible symbol of this
process of give and take between the East and the West. Indeed,
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Rabindranath Tagore who has joined the East to the West, is quite
the universal man in his appeal to all the sections of Humanity in
different countries and climes. He is the finest representative of the
Indian Renaissance which was occasioned by the cultural and literary
contact established between India and the West in the nineteenth
century. Tagore belonged to a family which was intimately
acquainted with the best art and thought of Europe; he belonged to
a religious group which had been deeply influenced by the western
ideal; he knew English and loved English poetry; he spent in England
some of the formative years of his adolescence. The young Tagore
grew up, as a matter of fact, in an atmosphere thick with the western
influence, and imbibed further doses of it on his first visit to England
at the age of seventeen where he studied for two years (1878-
’80), first at Brighton, and subsequently in London. Through his
works as much as through his travels, his talks and his personal
contacts, Rabindranath Tagore has left his impression on the civilised
modern cultural mental horizon of the present age in a way which
was quite impossible for his predecessors in world literature during
the days of restricted communication. An indefatigable world
traveller, it is not wrong to present him as a roving Odysseus of
culture and internationalism.
Romain Rolland appreciates the noble and harmonious
wisdom of Tagore as revealed in Tagore’s Nationalism. In his
appraisement of Tagore’s essay Nationalism, Romain Rolland
wrote to Tagore: “The reading of Nationalism has also been a
great joy for me; for I entirely agree with your thoughts it pains
me very deeply (and, I might say, I am conscience-stricken, if I
could not consider myself a human being as well as a European)
when I consider the monstrous abuses which Europe makes of
her power, this havoc of the universe, the destruction and
debasement of so much material and moral wealth of the
greatest forces on earth which it would have been in her interest
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to defend and to make strong by uniting them to her own...After
the disaster of the shameful world war which marked Europe's
failure, it has become evident that Europe alone cannot save
herself. Her thought is in need of Asia's thought, just as the
latter has profited from contact with European thought, these
are the two mental hemispheres of mankind.” 48
Like Tagore, Romain Rolland felt it necessary to re-
establish the union of Asia’s thought and European thought. In fact,
Romain Rolland sent an appeal to Tagore seeking his co-ordination
along with the intellectual elite of all the nations for his venture of a
Declaration of Independence of the spirit. It is worthwhile to
mention that W.B. Yeats also acknowledged the political relevance
of Tagore’s writing in the contemporary political scenario of Europe.
Tagore’s prose essays, his criticisms, reminiscences, travel diaries
and correspondences, and his translations reveal an extensive
acquaintance with and a profound appreciation of the intellectual
heritage of the West- a heritage which formed a major component
of the cosmopolitan culture in an Indian framework that he tried to
build up in later years at the Visva-Bharati. It is of some interest to
note in this connection that Tagore’s early literary writings,
composed before he had left for England, included on Anglo-Saxon
literature, Anglo-Norman literature and on Dante, Petrarch and
Goethe. All these literary essays were written when Tagore was
seventeen or so. Tagore has something in common with every one
of them; but to give a complete idea of his poetry, one should include
all of them together with Spenser and the Irish symbolists and yet
others. Tagore assimilated much, he benefitted artistically and
spiritually, by his contact with the world and its writers; but he had
no western preceptor.
Tagore’s romanticism was certainly deepened by his youthful
reflections on Dante, Petrarch and Goethe; Shelley and Keats fired
his young mind and heart. Much later, he came to know and
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appreciate the Irish symbolists; he met and certainly esteemed, Yeats
and Ezra Pound, Robert Bridges and other English poets; he
followed with great interest the developments of the new Bengali
poetry and was thus brought into contact with the more recent
poetry of Europe. But Rabindranath Tagore’s work was little
affected by these outside influences or contacts.
There is no denying the fact that Tagore, a 20th century
world celebrity, was the most prominent of the great thinkers who
tried utmost to draw the East and the West closer together. Indeed,
he was one of the most active participants of the dialogue between
Eastern and Western cultures. Tagore’s love for Europe was quite
genuine and spontaneous. This is clear from his visit to England.
Tagore visited England for a very short time in the autumn of 1890.
At that time he was twenty nine and a married man with two children
(and one more expected). He was not happy to be away from
home and his family; however he was delighted with ‘unfamiliar’
experiences. Tagore wrote in his diary on September 16: “It is
pleasure to go out into the streets here. One is bound to come
upon beautiful faces. My lord patriotism will forgive me if he
can, but it is my conviction that nowhere in the rest of the
world can you find girls to compare with English girls for beauty.
On the ground of a snow white and butter soft complexion are
a pair of thin rosy lips, a shapely nose and clear blue eyes with
long lashes. To look on all this is to have the fatigue of travel
washed away. Well wishers will become alarmed and dear
friends will aim jests, but I do have to admit that when I see
beautiful faces I fall for them. Otherwise the very intention of
the creator would have been failed.” 49
Tagore’s experience was really unique and it had a
tremendous impact upon him. Five years later Tagore experienced
another unique impression when staying in his country estate in
central Bengal. Tagore was one day humming the tune of an old
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Bengali song he had heard in his childhood but only the first line he
remembered. The eloquent magic tune and the magniloquent words
evoked in his mind the wondrous vision of a foreign maiden which
inspired him to write a marvellous melodious song. Nirad C.
Choudhari in his essay Buried Treasures ofTagore remembers this
episode and gives the first and last lines of the song with their score
as written by the English musicologist A.H. Fox Strangways in 1911
when he visited Tagore. The words mean: “I know you. I do know
you. O foreign maiden!” And “After wandering over the world
I have at last arrived in a new land. I am the guest at your
door, O foreign maiden!”
Tagore’s later experience of his visit to England in the
summer of 1912 is quite relevant in his literary career. At that time
Tagore was fifty. During his way to England, Tagore in his cheerful
mood wrote from the Red Sea that it was a joyous voyage in search
of a new life. Eventually Tagore passed through Paris on his way to
Calais and discovered the great city to be a wonderful theatre of
entertainment. However the experience Tagore gathered was quite
different as soon as he reached Dover. Tagore narrates his peculiar
experiences: “When I took my seat among Englishfellow
passengers I had a decided feeling of being comfortable. Why?
Because I knew the Englishman's language. Human speech is
like light. The more it spreads, the more does the heart reveal
itself. By securing the language of the Englishman I had also
secured his heart. There is joy only in what can be known.
With France my acquaintance was of the eyes, and I was
deprived of acquaintance with the heart. That was an
impediment to joy. But as soon as I stepped on to the Dover,
the barrier vanished, I did not stand merely on English soil, I
had entry to a heart.” 51
There was an important turn in the literary career of
Rabindranath Tagore when William Rothenstein, the eminent painter
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and artist, visited Tagore in Bengal. Later on, William Rothenstein
invited Rabindranath at his home in Hampstead and introduced
him to many important literary personalities of the day. There is no
denying the fact that William Rothenstein played a significant role in
the life of Tagore. Tagore expresses his gratitude towards William
Rothenstein with intense and passionate feelings, “The friend whom
I had found had an unlimited capacity to receive as well as
give the joy of friendship. The advantage of being with a man
who had this ‘affluence of friendliness’ was that in getting one
friend I was able to gain many more."52
In 1912 during his stay at Shelaidah, Tagore had translated
some of his Bengali poems of Gitanjali into English. Later, on the
ship, during his journey to England, he went on translating poems
but he was not confident about his effort. It is important to recall
that in the house of his English friend Rothenstein at Hampstead,
Tagore met W.B. Yeats, Ezra Pound, George Bernard Shaw, H.G.
Wells, John Galsworthy, Andrew Bradley, John Masefield, Robert
Bridges, Alice Meynell, Evelyn Underhill and other eminent writers
of the day. ‘It looks as though we have at last a great poet
among us again,’said Andrew Bradley on reading the manuscript
of Gitanjali (Song Offerings). W.B. Yeats was delighted at the
discovery of a great poet, “some one,” he said, “greater than
any of us.” Ezra Pound and other contemporary young poets
expressed their reverence for Tagore. The esteemed American
magazine Poetry of which Ezra Pound was the foreign
correspondent, published in December 1912, six poems from
Gitanjali and soon the whole collection of the Gitanjali poems
was published by The India Society of London with a relevant
preface written by W.B. Yeats, one of the greatest literary stalwarts
of the contemporary age. In the mean time, Tagore visited America
and delivered lectures on religion and spiritualism at Harvard which
were later published in Sadhana.
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 Other important works of Tagore were subsequently
published in England and the important English periodicals reviewed
Tagore’s poetry with great enthusiasm and passionate
understanding. It is important to remember that Tagore was
unfamiliar in the West; he was more than fifty years old, he had
already established himself as one of the pioneers of Bengali poetry
recognized by his countrymen as ‘the king among Bengali poets
and authors.’ Eventually Tagore became popular in the West but
he was known primarily as a spiritual teacher and philosopher.
When Tagore’s works were translated into all the important
languages of the world, only then the western scholars, poets and
philosophers noticed the excellent creative genius of Tagore. Tagore
was very much in demand for his creative works and his brilliant
lectures in the western countries, and as a great internationalist he
visited many countries with noble mission almost every year. He
was regarded as one of the most important celebrities of the world
by eminent personalities of almost all spheres, whether Humanities
or Science, Social Service or Administration. In this connection
the names of Romain Rolland, Albert Einstein, GB. Shaw, H.G
Wells, W.B. Yeats, C.F. Andrews, Bertrand Russel and quite a
number of other illustrious contemporaries may be mentioned.
Particularly Tagore’s contact with the literary world of England
during this time was quite relevant. Among them the name of H.G
Wells, an eminent novelist and short story writer, may be mentioned.
Tagore was impressed to read the novels of H.G Wells, a prolific
writer who dealt with European civilization in his novels. He is
acknowledged as an author of scientific and utopian romances, the
domestic novels with an emphasis on character and humour and
sociological novels in which destiny plays a significant role. Indeed,
the novels of H.G Wells are masterpieces of marvellous imaginative
power. In H.G Wells’ first scientific romance The Time Machine
published in 1895, the novelist is concerned with the scientific
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discoveries of his time. This novel is remarkable for the author’s
extensive range of concrete perception and his ability to grasp vivid
technical details.
Like Tagore, H.G Wells is essentially an ideologist with
tremendous literary vitality. In his major novels The Invisible Man
(1897), The War of the Worlds (1898), Anticipations (1901), A
Modern Utopia (1905), The Future in America (1906), New
Worlds for old (1908) there is a conflict between emotional life
and intellectual life. Wells has a definite theory of life. He believed
passionately in civilization in which he observed the triumph of human
mind over the primitive instincts. His novels have a constancy of
thought and there is a continuous expression of his distinctive
systematised perception. Obviously, he is one of the most stimulating
and original ideologists.
Mr. Britling Sees it Through is a profoundly interesting
and suggestive rendering of Wells published in 1916. This book is
a study of people’s reaction to the First World War.Mention may
be made that Rabindranath Tagore appreciated the brilliant and
magniloquent style of H.G Wells. The meeting of Tagore and Wells
is worth mentioning episode for both the artists. Tagore’s friend
Rothenstein had arranged a dinner where he met H.G Wells. Tagore
had a close conversation with H.G Wells which he records in these
words: “At the very outset I was reassured to find that the man
was not of the porcupine species, but thoroughly gentle. I
discovered that the sharpness he had was in his thinking, not
in his nature. The truth of the matter is that he is sincerely
concerned about mankind, has hatred for wrong and injustice,
and attachment to progress for all men.”53 Tagore narrates his
unique experience and expresses his intimate feelings for Wells in
the following lines: “After talking with Wells, I realised that the
basis of the thinking power and writing skill of these men is
man. Therefore, these do not resemble the desire for prey of
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the hunter which is only an exercise of strength. The sharpness
of their thinking is not the sharpness of knives, it is a living
sharpness which has life, behind which stands both heart and
life.”54
H.G Wells on his part was so impressed with the towering
personality of Rabindranath Tagore that he presented Tagore in his
novel Mr. Britling Sees it Through, published in 1916, and wrote
precisely and appreciably of him in his book God, The Invisible
King, published in 1917. Tagore’s first novel appeared in English
version was The Home and The World (1919), translated from
original Bengali Ghare Baire. In this controversial political novel,
Tagore criticizes the western type militant nationalism which took
its root in India during British rule. The novel Ghare Baire (The
Home And The World) provides not only a critical analysis of the
Indian National Movement but also a portrayal of the dark side of
Indian politics and politicians. The novel shows how Gandhi’s
Swadeshi Movement based on Non-violence was bound to fail
perilously as it did with the kind of followers he had. Sandip is the
representative of these aggressive politicians who become the
leaders of the people. He is a charismatic Swadeshi leader who
mobilises people for the purpose of political aggrandizement.
The novel The Home And The World is an allegorical one
in which Tagore sincerely executes his doctrine of nationalism and
patriotism. Nikhilesh, the protagonist of the novel is a man of integrity
and radical principles. His political ideology is sharply contradictory
to the aggressive and doubtful integrity of Sandip, the leader of the
extremist group. Sandip openly advocates the western military style
as a substitute for the traditional system. Nevertheless he is
compelled to acknowledge the importance of the Indian tradition:
“I was born in India,” he says, “and the poison of its spirituality
runs in my blood. However loudly I may proclaim the madness
of walking in the path of self-abnegation, I cannot avoid it
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altogether.”54
Nikhilesh is the real inheritor of the cultural tradition of India.
He cannot think of achieving success at the cost of integrity of
conscience, for, to him, the voice of inner self is greater than all
earthly possessions. This is evident as his radical ideals about his
project of economic independence fails due to the lack of public
support. He remains isolated as he is unable to mobilise the public
but he never compromises with the corrupt and evil forces. On the
contrary, Sandip,the fanatic and opportunist political leader believes
that all is fair in love and political warfare; it is right “to dilute ten
percent of the truth with ninety percent of untruth “ and the
reality is that “man's goal is not truth but success.”55
Commenting on The Home and The World, Krishna
Kripalani thinks that its political message is as if it were an anticipation
of Gandhi’s doctrine of non-violence, for the Mahatma too was to
warn over and over again that “evil means must vitiate the end,
however nobly conceived.”56
The entire story of the novel The Home and The World is
narrated through autobiographical explanation of three major
characters, Nikhilesh, the landlord of the estate and the husband of
Bimala, the nucleus of the novel and the wife of Nikhilesh and
Sandip, the political activist and a close friend of Nikhilesh. There
are twelve chapters in the novel, divided into twenty five
autobiographical narratives out of which ten are Bimala’s, eight
Nikhilesh’s and five Sandip’s and significantly the novel begins with
Bimala’s narrative explanation as well as ends with the narrative
expression of Bimala. Nikhilesh, a cultured and young aristocratic
esquire gives his lovable wife Bimala a good private English
education by engaging a governess. The troubles start in the family
when the young, dynamic and ambitious politician Sandip comes
to stay with them. Bimala, the sheltered wife of Nikhilesh is
enchanted by the passionate enthusiasm and magnetic personality
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of Sandip as he is polished and literate, handsome and attractive.
The background of the novel is set in the revolutionary
Bengal of 1905 rent with the slogans of “Swadeshi”and “Vande
Mataram.” Bimala who has enjoyed the calm and placid life of a
Hindu wife in the company of her husband suddenly hears the
hypnotizing voice of the outside world. She is fascinated by Sandip’s
outlook and his political slogan’ Vande Mataram’ like a firebrand
inspires Bimala to rebel against her husband who has a distrust of
such slogans and ideology of Sandip. Bimala is lost in the illusion
created by Sandip who knows well the weaknesses of a woman.
He betrays his friend Nikhilesh to serve his own interest, and politics
becomes his business. Bimala is thus entrapped between the pull
of the ‘home’ and the pull of the ‘world.’ ‘Home’ symbolizes peace,
prosperity, stability and security whereas the attraction of the
external world symbolizes tremendous excitement, enthusiasm,
adventure and immense possibilities. The psychological .conflict
within Bimala is marvellously presented by the novelist. Bimala’s
gradual change in her attitude and behaviour compels Nikhilesh to
discover for the first time, after nine years of their married life, that
there is an authoritarian attitude within him to mould his wife into a
perfect woman. He realizes that Bimala’s caged life within the
boundaries of family is willing to find an outlet. Ultimately Bimala
realizes that she has been drifting away from her husband who is
really an ideal person, a man of character and firmness. He is not a
coward or weak person. On the contrary she understands that
Sandip is a crooked, self-centred and corrupt politician. She realizes
the hyprocrisy of Sandip who represents the unscrupulous politicians
of India. She records. “Let those who are snake charmers play
with snakes... But these boys are so innocent, all the world is
ready with its blessing to protect them. They play with a snake
not knowing its nature..." 57
Bimala understands how the venom of hatred Sandip is
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pouring in the souls of the idealistic boys like Amulya eventually
leading them to utter destruction and perversion. On the contrary,
Amulya’s sincerity and devotion overwhelms Bimala. Therefore
she wants to escape from Sandip’s evil design of misguiding political
activity. The metamorphosis which took place within Bimala is
explained in her autobiographical narrative which gives a real image
of Sandip. Bimala writes, “Sandip, the weilder of magic spells,
is reduced to utter speechlessness, whenever his spell refuses
to work. From a king he fell to the level of a boor. Oh, the joy
of witnessing his weakness. His snaky coils with which he used
to snare me, are exhausted, I am free.”58
After a painful experience, husband and wife come closer
to each other and eventually goes out of their lives. Through this
conflict of the home and the world Bimala comes out successfully
with her profound constancy, the ideal of traditional Indian woman.
Indeed, Bimala’s ultimate triumph over temptation and acceptance
of her husband’s noble thoughts, the novelist elucidates his firm
faith in the final victory of the Indian tradition of non-violence, truth
and spiritual doctrine of self-abnegation over the growing tendency
of aggressive militant nationalism.
Through Nikhilesh, the protagonist of the novel, Tagore
expresses his radical views and he unhesitatingly declares that
humanism is more important than nationalism. Nikhilesh says, “I
am willing to serve my country, but my worship I reserve for
Right which is far greater than my country To worship my
country as a God is to bring a curse upon it.”59 Again, “The
day that we seek the good of the country along the path of
righteousness, He who is greater than our country will grant
us true fruition.”60 Although Tagore was deeply stirred by the
march of events during the Partition of Bengal, he did not consider
nationalism or patriotism enough in itself. He was against religious
and political fanaticism. Two notes dominate Tagore’s novels The
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Home And The World and Four Chapters, the author’s devotion
to liberty, and his whole-hearted belief in love as the prime factor in
all human progress. The Revolution to Tagore was much more than
a political upheaval, it was a spiritual awakening, the beginning of a
new life enlightened with profound love and understanding.
The intensity of passionate love and revolutionary politics
play a significant role in the novel The Home And The World. This
theme of love and revolutionary politics reappears in Tagore’s major
novel Four Chapters inspired by Gandhi’s march to Dandi in 1930.
In the novel Four Chapters Tagore has adroitly presented the
theme of aggressive political fanaticism as well as his intimate
experience of love. The story of the novel Four Chapters begins
in Kanai’s tea-stall at Calcutta where Ela, a young, vibrant and
beautiful lady, aged twenty six, meets Indranath, a dynamic
personality and the leader of a revolutionary group. The image of
Indranath is very similar to Sandip, the revolutionary character of
the novel The Home and The World. However, Indranath appears
more rude and cruel in comparison to Sandip. Indranath empowers
the young boys with his ideology of aggressive politics or militant
nationalism. In fact, the boys are like puppets in the hands of
lndranath. Ela plays a significant role as she is the nucleus of this
revolutionary group as she attracts the young boys with her
uncommon beauty and glamour. Ironically Ela struck the passion
of love in young and enthusiastic Atin and Ela captured him for the
group of political activists.
In the second chapter of the novel, Atin and Ela discuss
their hopelessness of the present critical situation as they are caged
to their political commitment. They have profound love for each
other but they cannot break the barriers and hence unable to come
out of restrictions imposed by their group leader. They are quite
helpless before the magical power of their ruthless leader Indranath.
In the third chapter, Atin is surprised in his place of retreat, first by
Kanai and presently by Ela, who has come in defiance of lndranath’s
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strict orders. Caged as they are, Atin and Ela desire passionately
for liberty and love but they cannot escape from the snare of
Indranath. Atin and Ela ultimately realise the harsh reality that
agressive political revolution is a corrupting process. The fresh,
bright and high-spirited boys are converted to mere puppets in the
hands of corrupt, materialistic and selfish politicians. The young,
sharp and enthusiastic boys lose their masculine firmness, courage,
conviction and presence of mind. Bimala’s ultimate realization of
Sandip’s mission in the novel The Home And The World makes
this point clear. Bimala writes, “From some realm of calamity
has Sandip come as its messenger; and as he stalks the land,
muttering unholy incantations, to him flock all the boys and
youths. The mother, seated in the lotus heart of the country, is
wailing her heart out; for they have broken upon her store
room, there to hold their drunken revelry.. True, I feel with her
but at the same time, cannot help being infected with their
excitement.”61
In the novel Four Chapters, the political power and the
glory of the revolution attract the enthusiastic youths but ultimately
they experience surrender and humiliation. Atin expresses his sincere
feelings to Ela, his beloved: “The patriotism of those who have
no faith in that which is above patriotism is like the crocodiles
back used as a ferry to cross the river. Meanness, unfaithfulness,
mutual distrust, secret machination, plotting for leadership
sooner or later, these drag them into the mud at the bottom.
That the life of the country can be saved by killing its soul, is
the monstrously false doctrine that nationalists all over the
world are bellowing forth stridently. My heart groans, to give
it effective contradiction.”62
Atin is aware of his destiny as he knows the dire
consequence of his profound love for Ela. He realizes that he cannot
be relieved from Indranath’s crooked design of political snare: “the
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arrow can miss the mark, but it cannot return to the quiver.”63
As soon as the whistle blows Atin leaves Ela. In the meantime
Indranath appears and scolds Ela and orders her to return to her
own house. In the last chapter of the novel, Atin and Ela meets
again. Atin expresses his profound grief and appropriately quotes
from Ibsen’s Brand. His integrity of soul, agony and his sad
realization of love and life are evident in these lines: “I have slain
my soul; the biggest sin of all. Not a single evil have I been
able to uproot from our country. I 've only uprooted myself
For that sin I am condemned not to take you even when you’re
giving yourself. Accept your hand? With this hand! All stains
will be washed away by the waters of Lethe, on whose brink
we now stand.'' Ela’s eternal love for Atin is marvellously presented
in her confession, “Let me die awake, in your arm. Let our last
kiss be eternal...”65
Tagore’s statement is obviously clear when he declares his
mission, “the only theme of the book is the love of Ela and
Atindra...On the one hand, there is the inner feeling, on the
other the conflict with outward circumstances. It is the
combination of these two factors which gives the complete
picture its individuality.”66
Indeed, the novel Four Chapters is an intense love story
with a political background. Four Chapters (Car Adhyay) was
written in Ceylon in 1934. This novel is remarkable for wonderful
precision as in length it is not an exhaustive exploration. Tagore has
critically examined the actual motives and values of the revolutionary
activities in Bengal that followed the Non-cooperation movement.
Tagore’s profound sympathy for the young, passionate
enthusiastic men and women who sacrificed their precious lives for
the nation, is revealed in Four Chapters, the last novel of Tagore.
At the same time his penetrating observation and sure intuition could
not ignore the evils and weaknesses of this revolution. That Tagore’s
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analysis and evaluation of the revolutionary movement which took
place in India in the opening decade of the twentieth century was
unerringly correct and relevant. In his brilliant political novel Four
Chapters, Tagore reverts to a theme of political revolution which
he had convincingly and boldly projected in his earlier novel The
Home And The World. The major concern of these two novels is
the conflict between political agitation and human values. As in the
earlier novel, Tagore’s main purpose is not to highlight the political
issues, but his commitment is to project their impact on individuals
which creates a psychological intensification due to the upheaval of
political revolution. In this regard Tagore affirms his doctrine that
the true field of material and spiritual focus is the human being rather
than merely the historical context.
It is worthwhile to mention that Tolstoy’s War And Peace,
with its political setting in one of the climactic moments in Russian
history Napoleon’s invasion of Russia reveals that its principal focus
is not on the projection of historical episode but in the depiction of
the profound love story of Pierre and Natasha. Tagore is
straightforward in his statement that the exterior circumstances in
the novel Four Chapters help in projecting the images of the
characters and play a vital role in the development of the plot.
Tagore says: “What might be called the only theme of the book
is the love of Ela and Atindra. The nature and course of the
love between man and woman is determined not only by the
individual characters of the lovers; it is influenced also by the
impact of their circumstances on them. The river brings down
its gushing nature from the mountain top that gives its birth,
but it acquires its distinctiveness from the contour of the land
through which it flows. The same is the case with love. On the
one hand, there is the inner feeling, on the other, the conflict
with outward circumstances. That is the combination of these
factors that gives the complete picture its individuality. I have
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tried in this story to body forth that individuality in the love of
Ela and Atindra. I have had to show the capital asset of their
natures, as well as to render an account of their transactions
with the outside world with which they had to deal to the last.”67
Tagore’s last novel Four Chapters has like The Home
And The World, a political background of Swadeshi movement,
picturizes the disastrous eventuality of the political ideology of
terrorism. Ela’s character in the novel Four Chapters is an
enlightened character very similar to Bimala in The Home And
The World. Like Bimala, Ela’s character has universal appeal as
she has indomitable zeal and energy and sharpness of intellect. At
the end of the novel she emerges as the liberated and emancipated
woman, independent, courageous, free, fair and frank to declare
her profound love to the world. The movement is controlled from
the outset with the deliberation of conscious art. But there is
something more, there is poetry; the magic brought upon the spirit
by the alchemy of sense.
In the political novels The Home And The World and Four
Chapters, there is a truthful representation of reality, not a didactic
illustration of political slogans in the novel. Tagore, a reformer by
nature, wanted to work for a better world and he believed this
could best be achieved through humanity. These political novels, in
this sense, breathes more a spirit of humanism than a spirit of Indian
nationalism. Love to Tagore was above all political ideologies. It is
evident from these novels which span nearly four decades of
Tagore’s literary and creative career that he has been extraordinarily
successful in projecting a realistic image of Indian society in transition
or in the throes of a struggle to cope with a troubled social order.
There is no denying the truth that while being the most universal of
poets, Tagore is intensely Indian at the same time. Like Goethe,
Tolstoy and Shakespeare, Rabindranath Tagore is a conspicuous
example of the truth that he alone can be truly universal who is
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intensely national. The four great authors of the world literature,
Shakespeare, Goethe, Tolstoy and Tagore differed from each other
profoundly, in their lives and in their times, in the circumstances
under which they had to express their mission, and in the sum total
of their achievements with their diversity of impact upon mankind.
Tagore saw life as a whole. He saw the religion in the background
of man. He believed in the spirituality of life, in the intrinsic value of
personality. A study of his biography and of his intimate social and
personal life, and his relation to the realities of life and to the Ultimate
Reality behind life make it clear. There are few poets in the world
who have touched the entire gamut of human emotions and
sentiments, human motives and actions with a knowledge and
intimacy as well as understanding and sympathy in the way Tagore
has done. His genius enriched whatever it touched. The vitality of
his genius is really amazing. Every field of literary activity was
explored and enriched by Tagore very sincerely. The religious,
political, social, moral, aesthetic and intellectual aspects of his
personality were so mature and all-inclusive that he saw life steadily
and that is what makes his message to humanity all-comprehending
and universal. That is why Tagore’s political thoughts are still relevant
today. His political ideas are different from those Who are mere
politicians. As Krishna Kripalani accurately observes:
“In national no less than in individual life there are no
watertight compartments. No sharp lines can be drawn to
mark off the politician from the moral, the social from the
economic regions of life. Politicians often talk as though one
has only to introduce certain political and economic changes
for paradise to descend on earth, forgetful of the fact that the
efficiency of an insitution depends on the way it is worked,
which itself is determined by the character and wisdom of the
men who work it Tagore was not a politician. He was not
interested in wielding power over the lives of others, for good
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or for evil.”68
Kripalani appreciates the ‘unerring instinct’of Tagore who
summed up in an aphorism the tragedy of power politics, “the
clumsiness of power spoils the key and uses the pickaxe.”69
The solutions offered by the statesmen and politicians have
temporary significance as they are obsessed with political
problems.Tagore’s thought related to the political problems of the
nation have universal significance. Gandhi rightly termed Tagore as
“The Great Sentinel.” Krishna Kripalani shares the views of
Tagore that mere political freedom is not sufficient. No political
miracle can be achieved unless the social slavery is removed.
Political freedom without spiritual freedom, i.e., the freedom of the
mind is worthless. Tagore with his clear and steady vision thought
of a world which is "not broken up into fragments by narrow
domestic walls."70 Throughout his life, Rabindranath Tagore
reacted against every form of authoritarianism or tyranny- domestic,
institutional, social, cultural, political and economic. Tagore’s
conviction is that every individual has his unique identity, and his
creativity and inquisitiveness is rooted in his identity, hence, individual
freedom is essential for all round development of a person. Tagore
was passionately opposed to narrow nationalism, chauvinism,
xenophobia, imperialism and cultural aggressiveness. He was
depressed to see the people of his country carried away by trampled
values and violent political and social currents, and narrow brutality
that have affected a breach in the religious soul of ancient India, her
noble mission, her eternal aim. Indeed he was very much unhappy
with the political system of injustice, crime and hypocrisy. With
profound observation Tagore writes: “As is livelihood for the
individual, so is politics jor a particular people a field for the
exercise of their business instincts of patriotism. All this time
just as business has implied antagonism, so has politics been
concerned with the self-interest of a pugnacious nationalism...
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the present day politics is a manifestation of extreme
individualism in nations.”71
In his essay “Pluralism, Cultural conflict and
Rabindranath,”72 Prof. Sibnarayan Ray observes that the issue
of pluralism and cultural conflict occupied Tagore throughout his
life. There is a close relationship between Tagore’s political doctrine
and his social and intellectual views. Indeed, Tagore’s core idea of
‘unity in diversity’ has great relevance and intellectual, aesthetic
and moral appeal even in this modern age of globalisation. With a
profound intuition, the political and social views expressed in
Tagore’s thousand poems, songs, short stories, plays, novels,
essays, letters, addresses and lectures enlighten the whole world
for their intellectual and moral integrity. Tagore is a personality which
seems to be all-inclusive and he gives the message of cheer and
hope to humanity which is all-comprehending and universal. His
literature is realistic concerning itself with the domain of the intellect
and the spirit. Tagore’s literary works have emphatic universal appeal
as they have the quality of both immanence and transcendence
which are considered as the fundamental qualities of a classic work
of art.
000
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CHAPTER - IV
Tagore and his views on Religion
Religion is an inclusive as well as elusive notion, which
defies all attempts at definition. It is a universal human phenomenon,
which has appeared in various forms in different societies and has
produced different interpretations with different individuals. We
may, for example, begin with George Santayana’s remark, “what
religion a man shall have is an historical accident, quite as
much as what language he shall speak.”l or refer to Walter
Kaufman’s remark,“one inherits a religion like a house and
makes slight changes to make it more comfortable.”2 For
consideration yet, at the same time, we find that whenever, any
religious thinker begins reflecting upon his conception of religion ,
he comes out with an account of religion expressed in a particular
form which is at once expression of the former’s own personality.
The result has been varied, and even different attiudes about the
nature of religion have been put forward by everything making it
quite difficult to arrive at a consensus or commonly approved
definition of religion. Hence no such attempt has been made to
explain the general meaning or nature of religion. In stead an humble
attempt is being made herein to explain Tagore’s conception of
Religion or Dharma. It is pertinent to draw attention that Tagore’s
views on religion especially the universal religion of humanism is
expressed in his various novels, poems and essays and books
particularly Sadhana, Religion of Man, Towards a universal
Religion and other stray articles and addresses.
Tagore treats religion not in a purely academic manner but
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through intuitive awareness of an unseen power guiding his creative
and aesthetic sensibilities. Rabindranath Tagore, an artist of profound
and forceful talent, had vast reading and experience of men to draw
upon and had a mature philosophy to guide him. One of the
inseparable parts of his art is his vision of the infinite in the finite;
earth - consciousness owes its origin to his boyhood experiences.
The Sacred thread ceremony, and the text of the Gayatri especially,
supplied him the path to extend the range of his consciousness to
take flight into the infinite ( firmament, heaven) from the caged state
of his boyhood days. Rabindranath writes... I became very keen
on repeating the Gayatri. I would meditate on it with great
concentration. It is hardly a text the full meaning of which I could
have grasped at that age I well remember what efforts I made to
extend the range of my consciousness with the help of the initial
invocation of 'earth, firmament and heaven”.3
If truly realized, such consciousness can send a great force
to a person or thing, according to Rabindranath Tagore. With a
remarkable sustained poetic imagination, he conveys the idea of
“the being that is in the clouds and air,” the soul that penetrates
all things, the spirit, the mystical essence, the divine knowledge
that, as far as he was concerned, lies behind all nature. This fusion
of intense feeling, forceful expression, elegant imagery, ardent
imagination and sweet and delightful music showed very early in his
life. When he was eighteen, he composed The Awakening of the
Waterfall(Nirjharer Swapnabhanga) which is one of the finest
lyrics in any language. In this poem, the waterfall realizes this infinite
force, as does the hard iron lying under deep slumber in a famous
song, awakened and held in control by a superior force. The
spontaneity and freshness of this poem reminds us of Robert Herrick.
The rhythmic cadence of the poem appears like the activities of the
waterfall, sometimes gentle and placid, often impetuous, forceful
and vigorous. The passionate experience of the poet reveals the
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fact that the poet has been inspired by a philosophical conception
of the universe and the role assigned to the human spirit in the great
phenomenon of existence. In the other poem Balaka (The Flight
of the Swans), a mountain wishes to become free like the
wandering clouds. A good idea of Tagore's metrical ability may be
gained from the study of his poem Balaka, a wonderful piece of
rhythmic cadence, artfully devised, and happily successful. Tagore
was at heart a mystic and he had a considerable gift of fantasy.
Tagore has left on record how one morning he stood and watched
the sunrise. It seemed to him that suddenly a mist lifted before his
eyes and he saw the vision of all-inclusive image. A sense of spiritual
exaltation swept away all barriers and he felt an intimate sense of
belonging with the cosmos. The Awakening of the Waterfall
(Nirjharer Swapnabhanga) was composed that very day when
Tagore experienced spiritual ecstasy. In his essay Vision, Tagore
writes:-"When I was eighteen,a sudden spring breeze of religious
experience for the first time came to my life and passed away
leaving in my memory a direct message of spiritual reality.
One day while I stood watching at early dawn the sun sending
out its rays from behind the trees, I suddenly felt as if some
ancient mist had in a moment lifted from my sight and the
morning light on the face of the World revealed an inner
radiance of joy, The invisible screen of the commonplace was
removed from all things and all men, and their ultimate
significance was intensified in my mind, and this is the definition
of beauty. That which was memorable in this experience was
its human message, the sudden expansion of my consciousness
in the super personal world of man.”4
Tagore further describes the spiritual realization that
occupied his mind for a certain period. He writes.“The poem I
wrote on the first day of my surprise was named. ‘The
Awakening of the Waterfall’.The waterfall, whose spirit lay
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dormant in its ice-bound isolation, was touched by the sun
and, bursting in a cataract of freedom, it found its finality in
an unending sacrifice, in a continual union with the sea. After
four days, the vision passed away, and the lid hung down upon
my inner sight. In the dark the World once again put on its
disguise of the obscurity of an ordinary fact”.5
Indeed, the poem The Awakening of the Waterfall is not
only remarkable for its lyric fervour, wealth of imagery and musical
felicity, one of the most supreme lyrics that Tagore ever wrote but
even more important, it is inspired by a deep consciousness of all
comprehending and all inclusive , a theme which occures again and
again in Tagore’s poems.
Prof. Sisir Kumar Ghosh has aptly commented, “The soft,
gentle wonder has its counterpart in a corybantic release,
unusual in the Indian context. That is how Tagore begins his
first real poem The Awakening of the Waterfall with a rush
and an energy born of ‘early vision’ as he later called it cosmic,
oceanic, its elan is more romantik (early romantic) than
classical upanishadic, more of sensibilia than of self-control
or self-knowledge.”6
Tagore’s art transformed this personal consciousness into
cosmic, because he believed that art not only reveals the personality
of the artist but also endeavours to explain the hopes and aspirations,
joys and sorrows of the entire mankind. The imagination of a great
poet, unified and illumined his comprehension of life, intensified
and heightened his personal consciouness of joy and sorrow, of
hope and despair, revealing to him the simplest experiences of the
surface of life and the mystery in cosmos. This self-realization is
explained by Tagore in the following lines: “Our union with a Being
whose activity is world-wide and who dwells in the heart of
humanity cannot be a passive one. In order to be united with
Him we have to divest our work of selfishness and become
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Visvakarma,‘The World-Worker’, we must Work for all’.7
Since his youth, Tagore had been a skilled poet, and from
his reading of the Upanishads,he developed his high moral
principles. His views on religion were inherited to a great extent
from his father Maharshi Devendranath Tagore . His own study of
the Upanishads, the songs and the views of the Sufis, his own
thinking and meditation gave a deeper content to his ideas on religion.
The purpose of life, in Tagore’s view is to acquaint man with the
character of his own powers and he must always be open to fresh
impressions, and beware of the stereo-typed static mind. As a
visionary activist ,Tagore believed that human life is full of dynamic
thoughts and actions. So gentle, so calm, so temperate is his method
that one may not realize at once the extent of his spiritual radicalism.
There are many explanations for the origin of this
consciousness in Tagore but undoubtedly the beginning of this
consciousness is referred to in his Reminiscences (Jivan Smriti).
One may recall that the children in the Tagore’s house at Calcutta
were looked after by servants. Rabindranath describes his days of
isolation and restrictions when the servant was called away, made
to sit near a window, depending upon his glimpse of a part of the
campus and its pond, yearning to make contact with the visible
beyond his reach, afraid to cross the borderline drawn on the floor
with a chalk by the servant.
Rabindranath’s superior sensitiveness might have been
searching for a way out of this caged condition. Ultimately he found
an outlet when he was invested with the Sacred thread ceremony.
Rabindrananth narrates his experience of this episode in his
Reminiscences(Jivan Smriti): “ Caged in the house as we were,
anything savouring of foreign parts had a peculiar charm for
me ... ... ...This was also the reason why Gabriel, the Jew, with
his embroidered gaberdine, who came to sell attars and scented
oils, stirred me so; and the huge Kabulis, with their dusty,baggy
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trousers and knapsacks and bundles, wrought on my young
mind a fearful fascination”.8
In Rabindranath Tagore’s extraordinary short story The
Kabuliwalah, Mini, the little girl has the same ‘fearful fascination’
for the kabuli and the knapsack. Ultimately her fearful fascination
turns into intimate friendship. Her father understands the inner feeling
of Kabuli and his fascination for Mini as he is also the father of a
daughter.As he is far away from his native place Kabul, the
Kabuliwalah remembers his daughter during his crucial days in prison
when he is charged with murder.In his isolation he glances at the
imprint of her little hand on a piece of paper which is tucked away
in his pocket with great care. The Kabuli as a sojourner is the
representative of all fathers who are away from their children. Hence,
the story The Kabuliwalah is the study of the yearning of the boy
Rabindranath for things visible but beyond reach. One can realize
the finite (a Kabuli) transfonned into the infinite (all fathers in sojourn).
It is evident that the myth-making power of the great poet
is illustrated by the well-known story The Kabuliwallah in which
the, character is seized by inward vision and presented with total
understanding and love. Love is the foundation of all religion, that is
the ultimate message conveyed by Tagore in this story. The child
observes the Kabuliwallah with a feeling of faith and love and
consequently the unknown becomes well-known. Later on, the child
Mini “Who is incapable of wasting a minute in silence, becomes
a bashful girl, and with a few deft touches, Tagore suggests
the miracle of the bud’s unfoldment as the full- blown flower”9,
said K.R. Srinivas Iyenger about Tagore’s story The Kabuliwalah
in his book Rabindranath Tagore: A Critical Introduction.
In majority of Tagore's short stories, there is a touch of
greatness and elegance. His short stories are profound and
suggestive. Like Mini in The Kabuliwalah, Charulata in the novel
Nastanir(The Ruined House) looks at the daily activities of the
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people outside through blinds in her doors, caged as she is in her
home. She is fascinated when her brother- in- law comes in her life
because he belongs to a world beyond her home. Charulata
experiences the feelings of unknown independence as she was
confined in a limited domestic world of binding.
The adventure of the human soul seeking the Divine-and
the Divine in its turn pursuing the fleeing soul-is also the major
concern of Tagore in his poetic play The king of the Dark
Chamber. He who opts for the Divine has already been marked
and chosen by the Divine. There is a suggestion of this doctrine in
this play. It is important to mention that while the play The King of
the Dark Chamber is effective and evocative enough as a drama
embedded with spiritual insights,Tagore's popular play The Post
office has a compact structural unity and the story reveals the
poet’s childhood experiences as he had to spend isolated life in a
room sitting near a window. Indeed, the introvert boy Amal in the
play The Post Office is like the boy Rabindranath. Amal is ill and
the doctor has advised him (as the boy Rabindranath was treated
by his servants) to be confined in his room. In Act I of the play,
sitting near the window he talks with the strangers passing through
the way with their daily activities. In the second Act, Amal is confined
to bed and visitors come to see him. In the first movements the boy
Amal looks out into the world; in the second, the World flows in to
the child’s consciousness.
The post Office, the Postman, the king and eventually a
storm before the death of the boy Amal, released him from the
cage or binding. Earth-consciousness and God consciousness are
united in Amal, the ultimate message conveyed by Tagore in the
play The Post Office.
Tagore’s religion is the result of a direct vision. He
interprets the vision and expresses his joy in lively and evocative
image in his poetry, drama, short stories and novels. He was not
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convinced with the doctrine of an impersonal absolute in his
interpretation of religion. Ultimate reality was for him not an
abstraction. To him, ultimate reality was a supreme personality,
full of glory, compassion, tremendous energy and spiritual power.
Tagore held God or the Providence as the embodiment of
auspicious virtues. He belives in the spirit which infinite, eternal
and full of bliss. This spiritual power or the ultimate reality is immanent
as well as transcendental. In this respect , the comment made by
P. Nagaraja Rao seems accurate when he says,“Tagore is against
the erection of all forms of dualism, spirit and flesh, nature
and man, art and religion.”10 The King of the Dark Chamber
is about a woman with a sick soul and The Post Office is about a
child Amal with a sick body. The King enters the dark chamber or
the inner recesses of the Queen’s heart, and all is well. In The
Post Office the king visits the sick chamber of the little boy, and
all is well again.
In the Play The King of the Dark Chamber and in The
Post Office, the adventure with the Divine leaves man cured in
soul as well as body .Amal’s aspiration and the Divine response
meet and the consequence is new birth, not physical death. The
Divine has penetrated the parched human heart, and there will
ensue the burst of a new spring of life and joy. Hence, the ‘king’of
The Dark Chamber symbolises the Divine responding to the
invitation of innocence. In the same way The Post Office, having
an organic plot is a living unity by virtue of the indwelling soul.
In this context, it is significant to mention that all aspects
of Tagore's life, thought and action were dominated by his deep
religious faith. With his deep sense of the unity of life, it was natural
that Tagore’s view of religion should be syncretic and not sectional.
He accepted life wholly without any mental reservation. He was
not therefore prepared to discard any of the essential elements in
human nature. He proclaimed again and again that he was no
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believer in asceticism. In his opinion, the individual will find salvation
only when he accepts his manifold obligations to his fellow beings
in society. He regards man as potentially divine and affirms the
dignity and divinity of man. Man has a significant role in the purposive
manifestation of the ultimate reality in creation. Tagore’s idea of
God is unique. In his vision, the image of God is humanistic and
spirirual. Man can overcome any circumstance whether favourable
or unfavourable and ultimately uphold the glory of moral and
spiritual values. The undercurrent of Tagore’s doctrine of religion
reveals that his faith in man is invincible and his belief in the essential
goodness of man is almost superhuman. Tagore writes: “Of all
creatures man has reached that multi-cellular character in a
perfect manner, not only in his body but in his personality. For
centuries his evolution has been the evolution of a
consciousness that tries to be liberated from the bounds of
individual separateness and to comprehend in its relationship
a wholeness which may be named man... the evalution of man’s
consciousness sought for truth in a perfect harmony with the
world of personality.”11
Tagore cherished the view that human being is essentially
the purpose of the Providence. In most of his poems the major
concern of Tagore is that God needs man as much as man needs
God. Hence the relationship between God and man is reciprocal
which is revealed in many poems and songs of Tagore.He lays
equal importance on the humanity of God as on the divinity of an
individual. This vibrant idea is beautifully presented in the following
lines,
“ I Know there as my God and stand apart
I donot know there as my own and come closer.
I know there as my father and how before they feel
I do not grasp thy hand as my friend’s.”12
In these lines Tagore projects a grandiloquent image of the
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ultimate reality. The poet looks upon himself as the bride of the
Lord waiting to receive Him every hour. He deeply and movingly
expresses his anguish at the separation from the Lord. There is an
expression of joy in re-union after anguish of separation which is
brilliantly executed by Tagore in the following lines:
“ My poet, is it thy delight
To see the creation through my eyes
And stand at the portals of my ears
Silently to listen to thine own eternal harmony?”13
Tagore realizes that God is pleased with his creation through the
manifestation of it in man. Like all mystics, Tagore feels the active
presence of God in all objects of the cosmos.
Tagore's tremendous love for man unconsciously and
inevitably merged into love for God. For him God was essentially
love.The love of the mother for her child and the lover for the
beloved are only instances of the supreme love that is God and this
love reflects itself not only in the passionate devotion of the mystic
but also in the day-to-day life of common man.
Tagore’s precise idea is that the presence of the Almighty is to be
realized in the common relations of life and in the everyday routine
work which sustains the world with magnificent spiritual power.
The passionate love of nature and man had, by unconscious steps
merged into the eternal love of God.
In his later poems dedicated to man and God, Tagore has
shed all adornment with extraordinary intensity and vitality. The
simplest of human situations are presented adroitly to explain his
vision of the Divine. For Tagore, close association with God was
to be realized only through union with his unique and marvellous
creation.
In the play Visarjan (Sacrifice), there is intense dramatic
conflict which is indeed multi-dimensional. There is confrontation
between man and wife, between love and duty, between humanity
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and religious rituals, between king and the priest. In this play, the
Brahmin priest Raghunath failed to understand that the essence of
religion is humanity and love. He regarded sacrifice of animals as a
means to be used for the attainment of his own salvation.Ironically,
the play ends in tragedy with the sacrifice of an innocent man Jaysinha,
the adopted son of Raghunath. It was only when Jaysinha dedicated
his own life to meet Raghunath’s demand for sacrifice that the priest
realized, the futility of his quest. By giving his life Jaysinha enlightened
Raghunath with the power of eternal love.
Tagore identified religion with the integral harmony of all
the faculties. To him, religion is a way of establishing harmony. The
harmony that he discovers in the growth of plants, in music, and in
the movement of the stars, man's feeling of an embracing love for
all that resembles divine creativeness, beauty, and perfection, all
these powers flow into the nature and human beings through the
mysterious channels which connect individual life with the soul of
the Ultimate Reality. In the Song offering(Gitanjali),Tagore
wrote:-
“He is there where the tiller is tilling the hard ground
Where the path-maker is breaking stones
He is with them in sun and shower
His garment is covered with dust
Put off thy holy mantle and even like him
Come down on the dusty soil.” 14
Prof. S.K. Ghosh is accurate in his estimate of Tagore’s
major concern as revealed in Song Offerings (Gitanjali). He
writes, “A mixed bag, Gitanjali has several ingredients. One
of these is social and religious criticism such as we find in the
medieval poets of India. The man of prayers can be angry. In a
good deal of Tagore, there is a strong protestant note, the
rhetoric is worth investigating...For Tagore God is almost a
genius of the place, the soul of the Seasons ,the cycle of
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existence.”15
Fr. Fallon, writing of Tagore in the west maintains that the
western Gitanjali although lacking much of the musical beauty
and creative power of the original Bengali is yet.”a jewel, even a
jewel of English religious poetry... Today still Tagore’s for the
west, the author of Gitanjali”16
The poems of Song Offerings (Gitanjali) are remarkable
for infinitude expressed with extraordinary spontaneity and
uncommon ease. The awareness of an eternal and universal religion
came to the poet from the inner recesses of his soul. The Nobel
Laureate novelist Halldor Laxness has also acknowledged the
profound impression made by Gitanjali on him and those of his
generation: “ This strange, distant and subtle voice, at once
found its way to the very depths of my youthful spiritual ear;
and ever since, at given moments, I feel its presence in the
innermost labyrinths of my mind. In my country and elsewhere
among western readers the form and flavour of the Gitanjali
had the effect of a wonderful flower we had not seen or heard
of before.”17
With his profound realization, Tagore advocates that man's
desire is infinite and the grace of the Divine is equally infinite. In his
wonderful vision, the image of God is that of a friend, lover and
protector of mankind. As Laxness comments : “ What an enviable
God, this God of Tagore; the great friend - the beloved, the
lotus flower, the unknown man playing a lute in the boat yonder
on the river! A god akin to Tagore’s can be found in the Jewish
Biblical poetry belonging to the Mediterranean basin ...
Nowadays our god in the west is either the director of the Big
All World Firm Inc; or the primitive imaginary playmate of
the childish mind... This is why a spiritual reality like Tagore’s
probably shall remain only one more eastern wonder to the
Western mind yet for a long time to come”.18
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 Tagore had a great reverence for human beings and he
could not ignore the realities of everyday life. Although he was a
mystic, he had a vivid sense of actuality. He was against all kinds of
puritanism and Orthodox rituals. Hence, his poems are sincere
attempts to explain man’s relation to his fellow-men, to Nature, to
God. The feeling of isolation makes the life of a man critical and
miserable. On the other way when a man links his life with cosmos
or God, he is transfigured by eternal bliss or spiritual ecstasy. Indeed,
the impulse behind the creativity is religion.
According to Tagore “ To the man who lives for an idea,
for his Country, for the good of humanity, life has an extensive
meaning and to that extent pain becomes less important to
him. To live the life of goodness is to live the life of all. Pleasure
is for one’s own self but goodnesses is concerned with the
happiness of all humanity and for all time.”19
This is, indeed the most comprehensive view of life which
may be obtained by man’s inherent power of the moral vision of
the wholeness of life. Tagore considered the joys and pleasures of
life and the gift of the body and senses as divine bliss. Tagore has
propounded his affirmative ideology in well-known poem in
Naivedya(1901) included in the English version of Gitanjali,
“Deliverance is not for me in renunciation . I feel the embrace
of freedom in a thousand bonds of delight.Thou ever pourest
for me the fresh draught of various colours and fragrance,
filling this earthern vessel to the brim. My World will light its
hundred different lamps with thy flame and place them before
the altar of thy temple”.20
This is the keynote of Tagore’s abounding sympathy for all
creation, his versatility, his universality. He has viewed the world
with an open mind, so his philosophy has always been of abiding
interest. Tagore's journey was from life to the fountainhead of all
life. The spiritual unity of life and aspiration is Tagore’s metier and
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mainstay. He believes in incessant toil and work for humanity. He
clinches the issue in a celebrated statement in Realisation in Action
(Sadhana):- “ Joy without the play of joy is no joy at all - Play
without activity is no Play. Activity is only in the play of joy”.21
Tagore criticizes the doctrine of inaction which declares
that action weakens contemplation, art leads to wickedness, Politics
to corruption and evil. He invests life on earth with great significance
and tremendous purpose and value. Tagore humanizes the Ultimate
Reality or Absolute and declares that the God himself does not sit
on the wings of the earth and watch the drama of human misery
unconcernedly.Tagore writes,
“ Leave this chanting and singing and telling of beads!
whom dost thou worship in this lonely dark corner of a
temple,
with doors all shut?
Open thine eyes and see thy God is not before thee”!22
Tagore holds the World as the scene of all great action.
He stands for the perfect and free expression of human emotions
and passions. He has a firm faith in the fundamental free will of
man. The presence of imperfection in the World is not the negation
of the perfect. This idea of Tagore is expressed in a striking way,
“The progressive ascertainment of truth is the important thing
to remember in the history of Science, not its innumerable
mistakes... An intellectual error, so in evil of any other form,
its essence is impermanence, for it cannot accord with the
whole”.23
Explaining his idea, Tagore holds that when the veil of the
narrow self is lifted, the state not yet achieved begins assuming
greater reality for him than his present existence. The perspective
of life changes and a conflict begins between one’s lesser self and
one’s greater self Dharma, or religion, which liberates man from
the ignorance of his true identity is revealed in man's mind as the
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consciousness of a transcendental spiritual unity.In man’s
consciousness, there is an innate feeling of cohesiveness whose
nature is spiritual and which uncovers before him a vision of the
truth beyond the facts of his present existence. Tagore explicitly
states, “The freedom of the seed is in the attainment of its
dharma, its nature and destiny of becoming a tree; it is the
non- accomplishment which is its prison. The sacrifice by which
a thing attains its fulfilment is not a sacrifice which ends in
death; it is the casting- off of bonds which wins freedom. When
we know the highest ideal of freedom which a man has, we
know his dharma, the essence of his nature, the real meaning
of his self...The higher nature in man always seeks for
something which transcends itself and yet it is deepest truth;
which claims all its sacrifice, yet makes this sacrifice its own
recompense. This is man’s dharma, man’s religion, and man’s
self is the vessel which is to carry this sacrifice to the altar”. 24
The religious attitude, according to Tagore, provides man
with a vision of the beyond. The religious soul“feels in its core the
call of the beyond.”25 The inherent truth within a man constantly
pushes us beyond our circumscribed present and makes him aware
of his claim to express the eternal in him “Consciously or
unconsciously”, Tagore says, “We have in our life this feeling
of truth which is ever larger than its appearance; for our life
is facing the infinite, and it is in movement. Its aspiration is
therefore infinitely more than its achivement, and as it goes on
it finds that no realization of truth ever leaves it stranded on
the desert or finality, but carries it to a region beyond”.26
This reference to the 'beyond' is an unavoidable factor
related to religious striving. We cannot attain the entirety of our
existence restricting our present self- existence. Only by penetrating
through the envelopment of our limited existence, we can realize
the Ultimate Reality or the Absolute. The chick gets the glimpse of
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vast universe by breaking through the hard shell of the egg and is
hence known as twice-born.27 Human being also, according to
Tagore, must be twice-born by coming out of the darkness of his
egoistical existence.Tagore says, “Man must realize the
wholeness of his existence,his place in the infinite; he must
know that hard as he may strive, he may never create his honey
within the cell of his hive, for the perennial supply of his life
food is outside their walls.”28
For Tagore, religion has a predominantly spiritual
significance. Human beings neglect their spiritual obligations as soon
as they are pre-occupied with the secular affairs of the world.
Religion makes a man aware of inclusiveness from a sphere of
action beyond the physical universe.
The mystic element in Tagore’s religious thought is matched
by his immediate concern with the practical affairs of everyday
life, This followed from his firm faith that salvation for the individual
and the race will be found not in some isolated place of reality
beyond our everyday life and activities, but in the ordinary pleasures
and sorrows which make up the world of day to day. Tagore's
religion was thus one essentially of equality, self-expression and
love as expressed in our everyday life of thought and action.
Indeed, Rabindranath is in the line of ancient religio-
philosophical 'rishis' or seers whose work is a synthesis of both
religion and philosophy. He was primarily influenced by the
Upanishads, Brahmoism ,Vaishanavism , Buddhism and
Christianity. Tagore’s metaphysical writings are very much
concerned with the doctrine of Upanishads. Tagore’s statement in
this context is quite relevant when he says:''To me the worship of
the Upanishads and the teaching of Buddha have been things
of the spirit, and therefore endowed with boundless human
growth”.29
As Tagore derived his faith from the doctrines of the
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Upanishads, he projected it with a modern and progressive
interpretation. In fact, this practice has been followed by many
Indian thinkers and philosophers who have interpreted the ancient
texts in the light of modern requirements. It was the Isha Upanishad
which appealed to Tagore most. The Isha Upanishad declares,
“Be active in the world with all your vigour and hope to live a
hundred years to be able to continue to be active. The fulfilment
of the work enjoined upon you does not create Karma, but is
itself the way of salvation”.30
Tagore re-interpreted the Upanishads to come to a logical
conclusion that the achievement of salvation is not only limited to
selected people but for every individual who is inclined to embrace
this sublime and active way of life on the universe. Every individual,
according to him, has an active participation in the cosmic
endeavour towards greater and nobler prefection.
In 1931, Tagore was invited to deliver the Hibbert lectures
at the Oxford University. The topic of his lecture was Religion of
Man. Tagore did not dwell upon religion in the traditional sense.
To him religion was a series of actions piercing into deeper self
which would reinvigorate the personality of man. What he meant
was that a man would rejuvenate his life in its immediate environment;
by constant effort, cultivating ideas and education, he transcends
the limit of present environment, becomes pre-occupied and in its
turn makes the environment splendid. The steps to such an education
of a man depended on rigid self-dicipline and sincerity, the immediate
objective of such education was, according to him, manifestation
of a creative being- a better man (but not a superman) in every
sphere of life and world situation. Again and again, Tagore
emphasized the task of reconstructing of man through earnest effort
and spiritual introspection.
It is worthwhile to mention that Rabindranath Tagore’s
involvement with the Brahmo Samaj and the effect of Brahmoism
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upon him were extremely significant phase of his life. Rabindranath
was born in 1861, a time when his renowned social-reformer and
spiritualist father Maharsi Devendranath Tagore’s life was wholly
dedicated to the practice of Brahmoism. The year also witnessed
Maharshi’s most favourite disciple, Brahmananda Keshab Chandra
Sen, leaving his job, devoting himself fully to the Brahmo movement
and starting with the patronage of his wise and experienced advisor.
Rabindranath was a minor boy when the first split in the Brahmo
Samaj occurred in 1866. According to the Adi Brahmo Samaj as
to followers of Devendranath called it 'Brahmoism is reformed
Hinduism'; While the followers of Keshab Chandra's
'Bharatvarshiya Brahmo Samaj' believed that Brahmoism is
‘Catholic and universal’
Young Rabindranath grew up in this Adi Brahmo
atmosphere which did not allow a definite deviation from traditional
doctrine of Hinduism. The anti-Keshab feeling in the family, visible
particularly in Dwijendranath Tagore and Jyotirindranath Tagore,
two of the Keshab Chandra’s loyal rivals, had its natural
characteristics on Tagore's immature personality.
When in his teens, Tagore was very much involved in Hindu
revivalist projects like the 'Hindu Mela' or the 'National Secret
Society' which recommended protection of the cultural identity of
Hindu tradition. Yet like most of his contemporaries in Bengal,
Tagore too could not remain isolated from Keshab Chandra’s
influence for long. On the basis of his writings, we can reach to a
logical conclusion that Brahmananda very much influenced him.
Tagore writes. “ I was fortunate enough to receive his (Keshab’s)
affectionate caresses at the moment when he was cherishing
his dream of a great future spiritual illumination.”31 Surprisingly
at the age of only twenty three, Tagore became the Secretary of
the Adi Brahmo Samaj. Thus he became an active Brahmo Samaj
worker opposing to Keshabite radicalism and the ancient tradition
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of adhering to caste system and supporting Brahmin’s exclusive
right to 'Samaj's (Society) altar of 'Acharya(Priest)'. With
uncommon enthusiasm Tagore began to conduct divine
performances to the 'Samaj Upasanas (Prayers of the society)
along with such prominent Brahmo leaders as Sivnath Shastri,
Pratap Chandra Majoomdar and Rajnarayan Bose.
Already a celebrated poet at the age of twenty five, he
composed several devotional hymns which were included later in
the Brahma Sangeet, published by the ' Sadharan Brahmo
Samaj.' The process of transcending the restricted limits of the Adi
Brahmo Samaj was gradually taking place. In fact, Tagore was
gradually releasing himself from the limits of Adi Samaj’s narrow
nationalism and entering into the nobler visionary world of Ram
Mohun’s and Keshab Chandra’s universalism. The period 1900-
1921 witnessed fresh momentum to the process of complete
change. Eventually in 1907, Tagore’s great novel Gora was being
serially published in Ramananda Chatterjee’s Journal Prabasi .
The novel Gora embodies the ideology of Brahmo
universalism against the narrow parochialism. This is evident with
the unique realization of Gora, the protagonist in the conclusion of
the novel. The self-conquest of Gora releases him from all rigid
code of conduct. Through the character of Gora, Tagore expresses
his idea of all-inclusiveness which is also the doctrine of Raja Ram
Mohun, the pioneer of modern Indian Renaissance and the founder
of Brahmo Samaj. The novel Gora also highlights the Brahmo
viewpoint that effective reformation and revival in India is impossible
if the cultural exchange remains closed to the intellectual and
progressive world of the West.
Indeed, the novel Gora is a many-faceted jewel, each
shining with splendour brilliance. The genius of this novel has been
interpreted in various ways ranging from the purely literary to the
allegorical. With superb artistry, Tagore presents wonderful, life-
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like, three-dimensional, individualized and intellectual characters in
this novel. The unified pattern, compactness and uncommon
precision make the novel Gora classical work of art.
Humayun Kabir, the noted educationist and critic in his
assessment of Tagore’s novel Gora comments, “Gora has been
regarded by many critics as not Tagore’s major effort but
perhaps the greatest novel written to this day in any Indian
language. It is epic in its proportions and shows Tagore’s
growing awereness of the problems of lndia in the context of
human relations that transcend racial or religious
boundaries."32
The debate on spiritualism and religion in the novel Gora
reveals the fact that Tagore had a wonderful vision of the Ultimate
Reality which made him a great classic. Tagore's novel Gora is a
great classical work of art in the sense that there is no vulgar, banal
or unelevating expression in it. Indeed, it is a great classic as the
term has been described by Matthew Arnold in his consideration
of " The Grand Style." Gora is a classic novel as it is universal in its
spirit.
Prof. Sisir Kumar Ghose aptly comments that most people
are born into a religion; few earn their own. Rabindranath Tagore
did, it was his response to what he considered to be the Real, the
‘More-True’. His 'cri de coeur' the poet’s faith was to that extent
authentic, if unusual. He further states,''In spite of a wide-ranging,
ecleclic inheritance, Rabindranath’s thinking was more or less
his own, his path of vedic ancestors led through a lifelong way
faring to the Endless Further. More temperamental than
traditional more romantic than religious - did not somebody
describe romanticism as a split religion? Tagore speaks,
perforce, more of himself than for others. He has written of
the Religion of the Artist in the first person singular. That was
perhaps both its strength and weakness. The Tagorean faith
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129
expressed what one man had done with his solitariness rather
than what one does in society. At heart he was not a conformist,
even if he allowed himself to be a cult figure. His confession of
faith was not of one who belonged,but one who, forever way
lost, did not belong, could not perhaps wholly belong” 33
In Achalayatan (The Immobile Institution, 1911), a
historical play published two years after Gora. Tagore presented
Hindu society symbolically as an institution surrounded by narrow
walls of restrictions and regulated by rigid codes and rituals isolated
from the rest of the world, leaving it quite immobile. The story of
the play Achalayatan (The Immobile Institution) is entirely original
and the historical atmosphere presented is penetrating, life-like and
convincing. It explains the development of Buddhism in Eastern
India centuries ago. Several Buddhistic monasteries grew up where
religion, philosophy and higher learning were cultivated with
exuberant belief in super natural powers obtainable from esoteric
practices and extreme penances which were considered as the
goal of intellectual and spiritual achievement. Indeed, this faith
became universal which created social and intellectual inanition.
Eventually, these practices led to social, intellectual and spiritual
stagnation in the whole country.
In the novel Achalayatan, there is a sharp reaction against
the inactivity and the practices of the institution, loss of independence
and spiritual mockery. From this point of view, Tagore's radicalism
became increasingly more articulate, isolating him from the
mainstream of Indian politics. However, there is no denying the
fact that the play Achalayatan (The Immobile Institution) is a
powerful and delightful creation of Tagore which reveals that Tagore
was well-acquainted with Buddhism as he had a sure intuition and
true perspective of historical facts. Tagore has marvellously
presented the decline and fall of "Tantric Buddhism", the conflict
of the Aryan and the non -Aryan culture and the ultimate fusion of
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the two.
It is to be mentioned that Tagore's works are the literary
expression of the highest culture of mankind. In addition, there are
three fundamental qualities in the literary works of Tagore. These
qualities are intellectualism or the intellectual appeal, universalism
or the power to comprehend all and imaginativeness, that is the
power to enable one to place himself in other situations and feel at
home there.
The entire literary works of Tagore prove that they are
remarkable for universalism, i.e. all-inclusiveness as they are not
confined to the momentary and paraphernalia of life. His works
rise above the transient and the ephemeral. It is worthwhile to
mention that intellectualism, universalism or all-inclusiveness,
imaginativeness, sense of beauty, truth and humanism are the
hallmarks of literatures of full human value. But the most important
factor of a great classic art is the awareness of the Ultimate Reality
behind life. As a mystic poet and a visionary, Tagore could sense
the Ultimate Reality that is behind life, and could realize glimpses
and visions of it. It is very interesting to observe how the inner
conflict in the mind of Tagore rise to the idealism which started in
him from the emergence of the doctrine of "Jivan Devata."
The Poems of Sonar Tari (The Boat of Gold. 1893)
reflect the inward vision or the spiritual intuition of the poet and
imply transitoriness of human life and aspiration. The sublime
realisation of the poet that there is a world beyond the sensuous
materialistic life has found its wonderful expression in the thoughtful
poems of The Boat of Gold (Sonar Tari) and The Wonderfully
Beautiful One(Citra, 1896). Here, the poet's artistic mission is to
establish a relation between eternal truth and universal beauty. In
Citra,(The Wonderfully Beautiful One),Tagore has reached a
culminating point where the poet earnestly desires a hankering
after self-realization and his intimate relation to the cosmic spirit.
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131
This spiritual quest is eternal. The poet's passionate effort to know
the mysterious spirit working within him is executed in a complete
synchronized pattern. The poet strives for self-realization which
ultimately leads to realization of God.
The theme of Tagore’s Poetry is human spirit in the great
drama of existence which comprises love, joy, sorrow, life, death
and ordinary human experience of everyday throbbing with the
warmth of an intense realization. Tagore’s Kalpana (Imagination,
1900). Utsarga (Dedication, 1903), Kheya (The Ferry or
Crossing the River, 1906), Purabi (She of the East 1924) and
Mahua (The Mahua or Madhuka Flower, 1934) reveal the
magniloquent romantic glamour and splendour of the Elizabethan
lyricists and the romantic poets of the 19th century. The freshness,
vitality and sweetness of John Keats, the intensity and fervour of
P.B Shelley, the elegance, tenderness and grace of S.T. Coleridge
and the impetuosity of Swinburne are mingled with the grandeur of
the sage-poets or 'Rishis' of Vedas and of the Greek tragedians
and lyricists as well as the mystic approach of Kabir and other Sufi
of Arab and Iran.
Rabindranath Tagore was very much impressed with the
wonderful mystic songs of Kabir, remarkable for the spontaneous
expressions of his vision and his love. Tagore’s appreciation for
Kabir is due to the fact that there is a spontaneous overflow of
powerful feelings and observations which ultimately leads to a
universal appeal. To an extent, Kabir's syncretic views impressed
Tagore. Like Kabir, Tagore also disliked the religious exclusivism
and the barriers between different religions and castes. In the poems
of Kabir a wide range of mystical emotion is explained
enthusiastically, from the loftiest abstractions, the most other -worldly
passion for the Infinite, to the most intimate and personal realization
of God, expressed in common metaphors from everyday life and
religious symbols extracted from Hindu and Mohammedan thought.
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It is worthwhile to mention that Tagore’s devotional feeling
is different from that of Kabir in some respects. Kabir’s devotional
poetry there is only an overflow of passionate devotional feeling,
spontaneous and direct. This uncontrolled overflow of emotion
and passion makes Kabir an indisciplined genius whereas Tagore's
controlled feeling and expression in his poetry reveals the fact that
it is an artistic achievement of a disciplined genius. Kabir lacks the
precision which one may find artless. In fact, the devotional current
is so powerful in Kabir's poetry that the erotic aspect is almost
invisible. Unlike Kabir, Tagore’s love for God is reciprocal. Indeed,
reciprocity of emotions and passions, a characteristic feature of
Gitanjali (Song Offerings) is conspicuously missing in the
devotional songs of Kabir.
Interestingly, Tagore translated the songs of Kabir into
English to explain the curiosity of readers and critics who
considered that the devotional temper of Gitanijali (Song
Offering) has been borrowed from Christian sources. Tagore
reacts to the misinterpretation of the critics and clearly explains his
mission:'I had to do these translations to point out to my
western and some Indian critics that sources existed in this
country too long before the advent of the British, they existed
in Kabir."34
At the same time, there is no denying the fact that Tagore's
thought and ideas are often similar to that of Kabir. Tagore's
Gitanjali (Song Offerings) and Poems of Kabir translated by
Tagore into English have close resemblances. In the collecton of
poems in Gitanjali, there are examples which illustrate every
aspect of Tagore’s ecstasy, the despair, the eagerness and self
devotion, the flashes of wide illumination, the moments of intimate
love and detachment, the bondage and liberty, love and
renunciation, pleasure and pain are revealed which are very akin
to Kabir’s wide and sublime vision of Universe and the Ultimate
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Reality.
As Kabir Says, “None but Brahma can evoke its
melodies,”35 the undercurrent of this idea is that all apparently
paradoxical views of Reality are resolved in ‘Brahma’, so all other
opposites are reconciled in the Ultimate Reality. Tagore shares the
view of Kabir that the union with God is brought about by love,
not by intellect or knowledge or ceremonial observances.
It is worthwhile to mention that Kabir described himself as
a , Bharat Pathik (wayfarer on the road that is India )’, the
idea which appealed to Tagore very much. Indeed, the idea deeply
rooted in Tagore’s mind inspired to write an address on Ram Mohun
Roy as 'Bharat Pathik Ram Mohun Roy.'
Kabir, the son or the adopted son of a Muslim weaver,
had a spiritual inquisitiveness since the very beginning of his youth.
Surprisingly he found his spiritual guide not in a Muslim sufi or
divine but in a Brahmin Saint, the famous Ramananda who had
absorbed much of Sufism but was basically an adherent of theistic
Vedanta of the‘bhakti marga’originated by Ramanuja. Ramananda
had strived for the religious revival in Northern India which
Ramanuja, the great reformer of 'Brahmanism' in twelfth centuty
had initiated successfully in the southern part of India.
Evelyn Underhill in his introduction to Tagore’s Poems of
Kabir explicitly explains the religious doctrine of Ramananda and
Ramanuja which influenced Kabir.“It took in Ramanuja preaching
the form of an ardent personal devotion to the God Vishnu, as
representing the personal aspect of the Divine Nature; that
mystical 'religion of love' which everywhere makes its
appearance at a certain level of spiritual culture, and which
creeds and philosophies are powerless to kill.
Though such a devotion is indigenous in Hinduism, and
finds expression in many passages of the Bhagavad Gita, there
was in its medieval revival a large element of syncretism".36
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It is worthwhile to mention that Ramananda, through whom
its spirit is said to have reached Kabir, appears to have been a man
of wide religious culture, and full of missionary enthusiasm. The
most interesting thing is during the time when the impassioned poetry
and deep philosophy of the great Parsian mystics, Attar, Sadi,
Jalauddin Rumi, and Hafiz, were exercising a powerful influence
on the religious identity of India, he envisioned a reconciliation
between intense and personal mysticism Mohammedan and the
traditional doctrine of Brahmanism.
Kabir's poems reveal the fact that there is an
acknowledgement of a universe consisting of three orders,
Becoming, Being, and which is ‘More than Being’, i.e. the Ultimate
Reality or the Absolute. There is a synthesis between the personal
and cosmic aspects of the Divine Nature. Kabir's explanation is
that God is not an abstraction, but the one actuality, the notion very
similar to Tagore's idea of God in his unique poem " Jivan-
Devata". God inspires, empowers, encourages, supports, indeed
inhabits, both the durational, conditioned, finite world of Becoming
and the unconditioned, non- successional, infinite world of Being;
yet utterly transcends them both. He is the omnipresent Reality, the
All- Pervading within whom, “the worlds are being told like
beads." 37
Indeed God or the Ultimate Reality is the Great Affirmation,
the fount of exuberant energy, the source of tremendous love , the
unique satisfaction of aspiration; so Kabir says that ‘beyond both
the limited and the limitless is He, the Pure Being.’38
The idea of synthetic vision of God which is present in
Kabir appealed to Rabindranath Tagore very much. The conception
of synthetic vision of God has resolved the perpetual opposition
between the personal and impersonal, the transcendent and
immanent, static and dynamic aspects of the Divine Nature; between
the Absolute of philosophy and the devotional religion. Indeed,
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Tagore’s , appreciation of the mystic songs of Kabir gave a new
impetus to his poetry. There is no denying the fact that Tagore’s
spiritual endeavour is indebted to Upanishads, Brahmoism, the
Christian doctrine of love, the devotion and mysticism of Kabir
and Vaishnavism. In this context it is important to mention that
there is a view of some western scholars that Tagore and the rest
of modern Indian philosophers and thinkers as a whole are the
products of the Christian philosophy. According to these critics,
contemporary Indian poets and philosophers have frequently
borrowed from Christianity and Western philosophy, Tagore is no
exception. As Urquhart Writes, “ The ideas of Tagore, like those
of so many thinkers of modern India have often been quite
wrongly assigned to Indian sources.”39
The Song Offerings (Gitanjali) is the embodiment of
Christian influence according to Urquhart and other critics. Edward
Thompson comments "The man henceforward must rank among
the great religious poets of the world does not call himself a
Christian; but in him we get a glimpse of what the Christianity
of India would be like, and we see it is something better than
the Christianity which came to it."40
Another critic Saunders observes that Tagore is an
advocate of Christian theism, He says,"The God of Gitanjali is
no impersonal, imperturbable Absolute of Hindu philosophy
but in fact, whether He be explicitly Christ or not, He is at
least a Christ-like God, and the experience of His suppliant
and lover is one with the deep core of all Christian
experience."41
Tagore was not satisfied with these explanations as he once
expressed his feeling to American audience that he has not read
the Bible and he has very 'scarcely' borrowed from Christianity.
Though Tagore explicitly makes his stand clear,
however, one cannot deny the influnce of Christianity in Tagore’s
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writing which acts as an undercurrent of his religious doctrine. The
poems of Gitanjali (Song Offerings) justify the statement.
Besides,there are Biblical references in the essays of Tagore which
reveal the fact that he was acquainted with the doctrine of
Christianity. Tagore finds a close resemblance between the teachings
of Jesus and the doctrine of Upanishads. In his explanation of the
relationship between individual and the Universe, Tagore Writes:
"...the Upanishads describe those who have attained the goal
of human life as 'peaceful' and at-one-with God,' meaning that
they are in perfect harmony with man and nature, and therefore
in undisturbed union with God, we have a glimpse of the same
truth in the teachings of Jesus when he says, ‘It is easier for a
camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a rich man
to enter the kingdom of Heaven'- which implies that whatever
we treasure for ourselves separates us from others; our
possessions are our limitation."42
Explaining the idea of Jesus Christ ,Tagore says that he
who is bent upon accumulating riches is unable "to pass through
the gates of comprehension of the spiritual world, which is the
world of perfect harmony."43
The influence of Christ and Christianity on Tagore’s
understanding of God consisted primarily in strengthening his
religious doctrine that he already had. This is clear when Tagore
uses the teaching of Christ and Christianity to explain what he himself
belived sincerely. Rabindranath speaks of Jesus as "He who came
to give us awareness of paternity, "the one who "came to tell
us... that all men are children of God,” “preached love when
he preached the oneness of the Father with the brothers who
are many."44
Perhaps the greatest influence of Jesus and Christianity
on Rabindranath concerns the dignity of man manifested by God’s
becoming man in Christ, and the Christian doctrine of the presence
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of God in man. He speaks of Jesus as the man who proclaimed the
truth that ‘in the service of man is fulfilled the service of God’.
Tagore appreciated the humane values of the western
civilization originated from the Christian doctrine and the supreme
example of Jesus Christ. In this regard it is worthwhile to mention
the comment made by Rabindranath Tagore: “The active love of
humanity and the spirit of martyrdom for the cause of justice
and truth which I have met in the western countries have been
a great lesson and an inspiration to me ...I have no doubt that
the West owes its true greatness, not so much to its marvellous
training of intellect, as to its spirit of service devoted to the
welfare of man."45
The true image of man for Tagore is the image of God,
the Infinite Ideal of perfection. He felt that in Christ this image was
perfectly reflected and this sublime ideal best realized. That there
was a Christian influence on Tagore’s realization of God is evident
from the similarities and parallels that one can find in Christian
literature, especially the Bible, and in Tagore’s writings about God
and the relationship between God and man, and God and the
universe. Both the Bible and Tagore define God as love, and both
express the greatest importance on the relationship of eternal love
that links God and man, and human beings among themselves. This
is because man is confined within the narrow walls of his limited
acquisitions and his self-centredness which becomes an obstacle
in his way to spiritualism. Man's ignorance is responsible for not
understanding the doctrine of all-comprehensiveness.
Tagore's idea of theSupreme Being as manifested in the
heart of man, is very similar to that of the 'Baul Vaishnavas.' The
poems of Kheya ( The Ferry of the Crossing of the River, 1906)
are remarkable for lyric grace, delicacy, intensely passionate
expression, metrical felicity, verification and magical imagery.
Tagore’s poetic sensibility and lyricism approaches towards
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musicality.
It is here that his dominant characteristics- clarity, melody
and dignity are exhibited in their amplest power. The comment made
by Sukumar Sen, a great critic is genuine when he observes. "The
Ferry takes the reader easily over to the landing ground of the
temple of the Song Offering.”46
There is no denying that the exquisite mystic songs of
Bengal Bauls exercised a great fascination for Tagore. Dr. Sukumar
Sen refers to an important episode in Tagore’s life when he came in
contact with a ‘Baul’during his youth. The song of mystic Vaishnav
by the wayside at Santiniketan had acted as a mystic 'mantra' to
him, and it gave him an inspiration for a spiritual quest. “In and out
of the cage the unknown bird comes and goes unbekdown; if I
could have but caught it I would have put my heart as a chain
round its feet." 47
Tagore’s acquaintance with the mystic Vaishnav poets
plays an important role in the development of his poetic and aesthetic
sensibility. He had the privilege to meet the prominent Bauls of
Bengal including Lalan Fakir of Kustea (at present in Bangladesh)
when he was engaged as the manager of the family estate in North
Central Bengal. However, it was the song of a Vaishnav woman
who left a tremendous and vibrant impact on the mind of young
Rabindranath who would often come to him at Silaidah. In fact,
Tagore was very much impressed with the uncommon personality
of this Vaishnav woman. His unique experiences led him to noble
experiments.
Tagore in his poems deals with the great sentiment of
love in all its manifestations-the dawn of love on either side; the
exquisite tenderness of love between a happy husband and wife,
the love of an earthly couple which is a reflex of man’s eternal love
for God and God’s love for man as it has been envisioned by the
mystics in belief.
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 Tagore's love poetry reveals that the poet is intensely
human and vividly passionate. His love poems reflect not merely
the superb lyrical invention of the poet but his live and intense
humanitarianism. In his splendid lovely lyrics, one may find an
atmosphere of luminious beauty and ethereal music. Human love
becomes the vital inspiration of his art. Indeed love is not an abstract
ideal, insubstantial or ineffective for the poet. The passion, for all
its intensity, is focussed and controlled through splendour of diction.
Professor Suniti Kumar Chatterjee, the eminent Indian
critic, in his appraisement of Tagore’s love poems writes, “Tagore’s
love poetry is however not merely ethereal- it soars in the
highest aesthetical sphere— but physical attraction as the basis
of human love, with the call of the flesh, is not forgotten. It is
sublimation of man and woman's love and it is also sensuous
in its appeal.”48
There is implication of sex in Tagore’s love poems which
remind us of the sensuousness of Keats, but there is never “any
blatant wallowing in sex” in Tagore which progressive poets
and modern authors consider as the soul of realism. Tagore's love
poems are free from languorous eroticism and excessive
voluptuousness which one may find in the poems of Elizabethan
poets or in the poems of Romantic poets. Tagore believes that love
is earthly as well as transcendental. His love poems are remarkable
for artistic finesse which lead to the quest of Ultimate Reality. In
this context Tagore’s concept of the 'Jivana-Devata', the realization
of the Ultimate Reality through beauty and love is worth mentioning.
Suniti Kumar Chatterjee’s analytical view of Tagore’s
concept of 'Jivana-Devata' is comprehensive as well as sublime.
He writes,“The Sanskrit expression Jivana-Devata can be
Englished as Life-Godhead and Latined as Vita-Deilas(can it
be Hellenised as Bios-Kai-Theos?). This concept is so beautiful
and so unique, and since in a way it forms the crux or central
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idea of Rabindranath’s mystic concept of life and the unseen
Reality, suffused as it is by his sense of love and beauty, that it
requires some detailed consideration. It is in a way his vision
of the Divinity that is in life or all life as an expression of the
Divinity that is behind it and is encompassing it.”49
Indeed, Tagore never ignored the joys and sorrows and
the good and the evils of life. His philosophy is often pantheistic in
expression. The vitality and beauty of life and nature intoxicated
him. The joys and sorrows, love and suffering are not detached
from the Supreme Reality, the Godhead or Divinity as they are
inextricably linked up with each other. Perhaps the concept of
Vedanta ( the ancient Indian concept) inspired Tagore which
also impressed Swami Vivekananda, the pioneer of Indian
Renaissance. According to the concept of Vedanta, all life and
Being, whatever exists on this cosmos, are really one the Supreme
'the Brahma', which is ageless, deathless and eternal and who
acquires this spiritual knowledge has no distinction between joys
and sorrow, pleasure and delusion.
The concept of 'Jivana-Devata' in its various forms
and environments recurrently appears in Tagore’s poems which is
indeed the basic concept of Tagore's Mystico- Romantic poetry.
The poet has visualised a thing of beauty, a woman, not merely an
exquisite abstraction and a charming metaphor. She is one of the
most remarkable mystic figures that spark the poetic world of
Tagore in the form of a young woman. This figure has close
resemblances to the cosmic myths of the ancient and Greek religion,
in all their beauty and their grandeur.
Suniti Kumar Chatterjee in his brilliant study of Tagore’s
concept of ‘Jivana-Devata’ explains “Rabindranath’s Jivanta
Devata has been conceived as a goddess-like woman who is
still human, and who seems to be personal and intimate, and
at the same time she is transcendent, and she has become like
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a new form of the Indian Ushas and Urvasi, Sri and Uma, and
of the Greek Aphrodite and Artemis, she is the ‘Ever-woman-
Like’ the Eternal Feminine of Goethe who draws its
upwards."50
Rabindranath had an indirect but a very close and vital
contact with Greek literature. Through his serious study of English
literature, there came to him the modern cultured mind’s heritage
from the classical- the Hellenic World. Aphrodite Artemis, both as
cosmic forces, and as divinities of love and motherhood of beauty
and chastity were present in Greek literature. Indeed, there is some
indirect influnce of the Greek conception of Aphrodite. In Greek
poetry and drama there is a revelation of Aphrodite as a divine
force which is also the sublimation of all beauty and of human
yearning and aspiration, and which is also expressing herself through
all life.
It is worthwhile to explain in this regard that Aphrodite
is the goddess of both spiritual love and idealization and of Physical
attraction and desire, a cosmic force which rises above all human
bindings, symbolizing the eternal or cosmic beauty. Greek poets
like Sopholes and Euripides have praised in elegant language the
cosmic force which lies behind the conception of Aphrodite.
Sophocles wrote :
“My children, of a surety Cypris is
Not Cypris only, but bears many a name;
Death is her name, and might imperishable,
And maniac frenzy, and unallayed desire,
And lamentation loud. All is in her;
Impulse,and quietude,and energy;
For in the bosoms of all Souls that breathe
This Goddess is instilled”.54
There is a powerful expression of the Greek sense of
cosmic beauty in the poem of Euripides. The figure of Aphrodite is
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presented in the marvellous expression of Euripides-
“She ranges with the stars of eve and morn,
She wanders in the heaving of the sea,
All life lives from her- Aye, this is she
That sows love’s seed and brings love’s fruit to birth;
And great Love’s brethern are all we on earth”. 52
Rabindranath Tagore’s concept of ‘Jivana- Devata’
has been explained in various ways. The English biographer of
Rabindranath, Professor Edward Thompson has discussed the
earlier Jivana- Devata poems,and he quotes Rabindranath as giving
the poet’s own interpretation of 'Jivana- Devata:' The idea, the
poet told me,‘has a double stand. There is the vaishnava
idealism-always keeping the separateness of the self-and there
is the Upanishadic Monism.God is wooing each individual;
and God is also the ground- reality of all as in the Vedantist
unification. When the Jiban- Debata idea came to me, I felt an
overwhelming joy, it seemed a discovery, new with me-in this
deepest self-seeking expression.I wished to sink into it, to give
myself up wholly to it. Today (in1922),I am on the same Plane
as my readers, and I am trying to find what the Jiban-Debta
was”.53
Another great critic Krishna Kripalani in his penetrating
study of Tagore’s concept of Jiban-Debta observes, “During the
seven years from 1894 to 1900, he published as many major
volumes of verse, besides several of drama, stories and other
prose writing. The first of these volumes of poetry is Sonar
Tari (The Golden Boat) taking its name from the first poem in
the book... The author himself tried to explain that the boat
symbolized for him life, which collects the harvest of our
achievement and goes floating on the stream of time, leaving
us behind. The golden boat reappears in the last poem of the
book but now the poet has been taken into the boat. His muse,
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the beloved of his dreams, his guardian angel, halfknown and
half unknown, is at the helm. He asks her again and again
where she is taking him. She says nothing, but, half smiling,
points to the distant horizon where sun is sinking in the west...
there are several very long and beautiful poems in the book
...one is on Manas-Sundari, the Beauty behind all beauty, his
childhood's playmate, his youth’s dream and now his very
being... Much as these poems glow with passion, it is passion
suffused with, and subdued by, reflection. This reflective element
will henceforth be increasingly impressed on his poetry, the
passion subdued will be the stronger, the thought subtler” 54
In his concluding remark, Kripalani says: "Now he is
achieving a calm detachment and is learning to discriminate
between, the self that imprisons and the self that liberates,
between the self that separates and the self that unites. What
he lost in the flesh he will regain in the spirit and will find in
the universal what he sought in the particular".55
Tagore’s exquisite poem The Golden Boat was
followed by a collection of poems published in 1896 under the title
Citra (The Wonderfully Beautiful, the Variegated). In The
Golden Boat and The Wonderfully Beautiful, the Variegated,
Tagore marvellously executes the themes of life, love and beauty.
The poet realizes utterly the insignificance of life devoid of love. He
feels deeply the dynamic influence of love. Love is, with Tagore, a
transcedental force kindling all things into beauty. Love is to reign
supreme, for only in an atmosphere of love, beauty of life can flourish
spontaneously. The poet is aware of comprehensive harmony. There
is a lyrical development of idea that blends perfectly with the
exquisite music, making it a thing of thought and beauty all compact.
Krishna Kripalani considers that some of the poems in this volume
mark the highest reach of Tagore’s poetic achievement during this
period though his genius was like a mountain range that revealed
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different peaks in different weathers.
Kripalani further explores that Tagore’s growing
apprehension at this period of life of this universal Spirit or Reality
was intensely personal and he could only visualize it in terms of his
own direct perception and need of it.
Tagore was a lover who saw beauty in the commonest
things, who felt its concrete touch in the external world and felt it in
his inmost being and knew that at some level of the subconscious
or the superconscious, the two were intimately related. The same
spirit that suffused and ruled this cosmos dwelt within him and
enlightened his life and genius. He called it ‘Jivan-Devata’ or Lord
of my life. In his famous poem of that title, Tagore says, “0 my
inmost Being, has your thirst been quenched by coming into
my heart? I have crushed my heart like grapes in the press,
and filled your cup with a thousand pouring of joy and sorrow.
I have melted the gold of my desires and made of it ever-new
images for your transient sport."56
Tagore goes on to confess his many limitations and
failures and begs the Lord of his life to forgive them. “How can I,
0 Master-poet, sing adequately your music?" 57 To
Rabindranath, the Infinite is God himself. The ultimate Reality is
not an abstraction to Tagore. It is the sincere belief of Tagore that
there is no fundamental incompatibility between the Infinite and the
Finite which is expressed in his delightful song with amazing lucidity.
“Thou the infinite pourest
Thy music in the finite;
That is why thy manifestation
In me so sweet."58
In these lines Tagore's intimate experience of spiritual
ecstacy is dealt poignantly and graciously. The very personality of
the singer melts into his song. He becomes a voice, a lyric incarnate.
His expression is not unsubstantial or ineffective. The elegant
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rhythmic cadence in this religious verse is certainly remarkable.
Tagore's profound and intimate feeling of the Ultimate is marvellously
captured in this poem. This is, indeed, one of the finest poems of
Tagore which is remarkable for sublimity, intensity and vitality.
According to Tagore, The Ultimate Reality is not isolated and remote
from human beings. The Absolute or the Infinite is very much
significant to man and there is an eternal relationship between man
and the Ultimate Reality as is revealed passionately in this splendid
poem of Tagore.
Like Swami Vivekananda, Rabindranath Tagore found the
roots of his Religion of Man ( Manava-Dharma ) in the concept
of Vedanta. He delved into the depths of the concept of
“tattvamasi” in the Upanishads. Tagore’s views on religion are
closely related to the doctrine expressed in Vedanta or
Upanishads. The subject matter of Swami Vivekananda’s writings
and lectures are derived from the doctrine of Vedanta or
Upanishads. In 1893 Vivekananda went to Chicago and delivered
lectures on Indian philosophy and religion. In fact, in the cultural
renaissance of India, Vivekananda had a major role which ultimately
created a sense of nationalism and patriotism among the Indians.
Like Tagore, Vivekananda also believed in Spiritual freedom. He
was also critical of the western materialistic culture based on political
power. Both Tagore and Vivekananda were proud of the great
cultural and religious heritage of India, yet there was a fundamental
difference between Tagore’s doctrine of religion and the viewpoints
of Vivekananda.Vivekananda’s profound conviction of renunciation
was not completely acceptable to Tagore as he could not neglect
the world of the senses.
Tagore had certain reservations regarding the doctrine of
'Adwaitabada' or 'Mayabada' that there is one Ultimate Reality.
Tagore considers 'Maya' as a mere name, a term incomprehensive
without any explanation. According to Tagore “...Some of our
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philosophers say there is no such thing as finitude; it is but a
maya, or illusion. The real is the infinite and it is only maya,
the unreality, which causes the appearance of the finite."59
Tagore opposes the doctrine of World negation. His is a
life of affirming philosophy. There is, indeed a unique blend of the
Ultimate Reality and its manifestation in Nature i.e., ‘Purush’ and
‘Prakriti’. According to‘Adwaitabad’ all that we see around us is
‘Maya’ or illusory appearance a view which was not completely
acceptable to Tagore. The world which reveals the many sided
magniloquent panorama of nature canot be an illusion. The cosmos
or the universe is based on the principle of harmony or unity. There
is a wonderful synchronization in this cosmos and this principle of
unity is the mystery of all mysteries.
Tagore regarded creation as the resplendent expression
and the manifestation of God, the Ultimate Reality. That is why he
strongly opposes the ‘Mayavada’ of Shankaracharya. He does
not consider ‘Samsara’ or the universe as distortion that hides
‘Brahman’ and stains the white radiance of eternity. Tagore says
that rhythm never can be born of the haphazard conflict of combat.
Rhythm is based on integration and not disintegration and repulsion.
In fact, the universe of colours is the rich manifestation of
the Ultimate Reality and His wonderful glory. Creation of the universe
is a unique reconciliation of the Finite and the Infinite. Tagore’s
explicit explanation of the unison or harmony of the creation is
revealed in the following lines :-
“We have what we call in Sanskrit dvandva, a series of
opposites in creation, such as, the positive pole and the
negative, the centripetal force and centrifugal, attraction and
repulsion. These are also mere names, they are no explanation.
They are only different ways of asserting that the world in its
essence reconciliation of pairs of opposing forces, like the left
and the right hands of the creator, are acting in absolute
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harmony, yet acting from opposite directions."60
According to Tagore there is an integral relationship
between individual and universe, i.e. between microcosm and
macrocosm. He considers the soul (Atma) of a man great as his
soul comprehends all which fulfils the desire of Ultimate Reality
(Paramatma). By this power of all-inclusiveness or comprehension,
man is united with the all-pervading spirit (Paramatma). Indeed his
freedom or manifestation is in the fulfilment of love which is inevitable
for comprehension, man is united with the all-pervading spirit
(Paramatma). Indeed his freedom or manifestation is in the fulfilment
of love which is inevitable for perfect comprehension.
Thus, it is obvious from the foregoing discussion of Tagore’s
concept of religion that it is yet another attempt to integrate life on
earth with spiritual possibilities to the fullest. To Tagore, the world
was not just a stage man plays a role but it was a means to achieve
a vision of reality in which the values of truth, beauty and goodness
could be developed to its fullest.
Tagore was neither an ascetic who deliberately renounced
the world nor a hedonist who felt that life is meant to be enjoyed in
the frills or fretted over trifles. Far from it he envisaged a concept
of synthesis in which man’s self-consciousness merged fully with
the world consciousness in the best possible manner. There were
indeed many mystical elements in Tagore’s religious thought but it
is also matched by his immediate concern with affairs of practical
life. Thus, for him personal salvation and the salvation of human
race were not opposed to each other but manifestations of same
urge for freedom and liberation.
Tagore’s integrated vision and his keen political sensibility
convinced him that a synthesis of the East and the West, reasoned
emotion, thought and action must be co-ordinated to the fullest.
Perhaps Tagore’s religion could be described as a quest for universal
humanism. In fact, while he drew substance from various Indian
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sources such as the Upanishads, Vaishnav philosophy, songs of
Bauls and various personalities of ‘Indian Bhakti Movement’, he
was equally fascinated by Christianity and other western
movements.
In Tagore’s conception of religion, the unity of mankind
and his awareness of contributions of individuals who attained
universal salvation without losing one’s identity must be blended
together. That is why in stead of putting emphasis on the much
maligned doctrine of ‘Maya’ and transmigration, he preferred to
put emphasis on individual freedom of action with a selfless
detachment.
In fact, if a comparison is needed, Tagore’s effort could be
paralled with W.B. Yeats’ constant seeking for what he called ‘Unity
of Being’ in many of his prose writings. Yeats often talked of
striving for a Unity of Being, Unity of image and Unity of Culture in
a world which was rent by various conflicts and dissensions. Yeats
wrote in his autobiography:I am very religious and deprived by
Huxley and Tyndall, Whom I detested, of the simple-minded
religion of my Childhood. I had made a new religion, almost
an infallible church of Poetic tradition... with some help from
philosophers and theologians." 61
Tagore similarly admitted "My Religion is in the
reconciliation of the superpersonal man, the universal human
spirit, in my own individual being." 62
000
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CHAPTER-V
Tagore, Gandhi and the vision of a new India
The greatest glory that Mahatma Gandhi’s name has
acquired in Indian history is his being called ‘the Father of the
Nation’. At a time when India was politically subjugated by the
British, the advent of Gandhi marked an epoch in her history. Like
Rabindranath Tagore, Gandhi was also a visionary activist. Gandhi’s
active participation in politics was not an immediate reaction to any
social or political event. He had experienced the imperialist design
in South Africa where he launched his first movement what he
explained as sword of the spirit against the machine guns and
weapons. In stead of asking the natives to fight against the white
rulers, Gandhi stimulated them with his idealism of obedience,
patience, forbearance, long and continuous suffering, courage and
goodwill. The establishment of Tolstoy farm was the first important
step to inspire the local people for the cultivation of these moral
and spiritual values.
It is worthwhile to remember that Gandhi did not plunge
into politics immediately after coming home completing his successful
movement in South Africa. He observed contemporary Indian
political scenario without any active participation or expressing any
statement. By the time he got an invitation from Gokhale, the eminent
nationalist and political personality to join the servants of Indian
society and Gandhi was also willing but the death of Gokhale in
1915 compelled Gandhi to drop the idea. In stead Gandhi founded
his ‘Satyagraha Ashram’ on the banks of ‘Sabarmati’ river near
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Ahmedabad. This was Gandhi’s lifelong passion and also the nucleus
of his colossus national activity.
Gandhi plunged into active politics in 1919 through his
protest against the Rowlatt Act which eventually resulted in the
killing of Lala Lajpat Ray and the subsequent ‘Jallianwallah Bag
Massacre’. However, before that Gandhi had organized a first
massive mass movement in Champaran in 1917 against the
atrocities of British rulers in charge of indigo farming.
After Gandhi’s return to India from South Africa and his
emergence in Indian politics culminating in the Non-cooperation
movement and Tagore propagating his ideology of
all-comprehending universalism during and after the First World
War, a major controversy started between Tagore and Gandhi. It
was Gandhi’s social and political movement in South Africa which
made him known to Tagore, and in this context Tagore’s close
friend C.F.Andrews and one of his colleagues at Santiniketan, W.W.
Pearson, played an important role. At the end of 1913, Andrews
and Pearson resolved to visit Gandhi and to advance his cause in
South Africa. Tagore received information regarding Gandhi’s social
and political activities in South Africa from C.F.Andrews.
The years between 1914 and 1922 were crowded with
important political episodes in the national life of India. In 1914-
15, Gandhi entered public life in India with passionate enthusiasm.
The Lucknow session of the Indian National Congress in 1916
revived hopes of co-ordination between the moderate and extremist
group and between Congress and the Muslim League. The
declaration by the British in August 1917 regarding the future policy
of promoting self-governance and a “responsible government of
India” raised expectations which was shattered by the enactment
of the Rowlatt Act of 1919 which weakened the fabric of basic
civil liberties.
‘The Khilafat movement’ and ‘Non-cooperation
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movement’ launched by Mahatma Gandhi between 1919 and 1922
made Tagore uncomfortable. Tagore could not appreciate Gandhi’s
political agenda, actions and practices which included “boycott of
government schools” and of “inducing the people to give up
foreign clothes and take to swadeshi products.”1 However,
Gandhi and Tagore, keeping aside their differences continued to
enjoy each other’s confidence and support on some political, social
and religious issues.
It is an important event in Indian history when the two
celebrities of modern Indian renaissance, Tagore and Gandhi met
for the first time at Santiniketan in 1915. The meeting was organized
by Charles Freer Andrews who was the most intimate personal
link between Tagore and Gandhi till his death in 1940. Hence, there
is no denying the fact that C.F. Andrews played a significant role to
highlight the marvellous visions of Gandhi and Tagore. It is
worthwhile to mention that Andrews came to India in 1904 to work
as a missionary teacher at St. Stephen’s College, Delhi.
In 1912 Andrews met Tagore at the house of William
Rothenstein where Tagore recited his translated poems from
Gitanjali. This meeting with Tagore changed Andrews’ course of
life as he later on concentrated his mission to uplift the social, cultural
and religious life of Indian people with earnest service. On his
return to India, Andrews visited Santiniketan in the year 1913 when
Tagore received the Nobel Prize for Gitanjali (Song Offerings).
Impressed with serene atmosphere of Santiniketan, Andrews
decided to settle there as he felt a unique inclination for Tagore.
However, before his settlement at Santiniketan, Andrews was asked
by Gokhale to visit South Africa to know about the contemporary
situations. In South Africa, Andrews came in close contact with
Gandhi. Andrews described Tagore’s noble vision and
extraordinary personality to Gandhi and he wrote letters to Tagore
vividly projecting Gandhi’s thoughts and social and political
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activities.
Returning from South Africa, Andrews started his living at
Santiniketan since June 1914 and remained dedicated to his mission
till his death in 1940. By the time Andrews kept in touch with Gandhi,
eventually Gandhi came to Santiniketan on 17 February 1915 but
he could not meet Tagore who was away in Calcutta. On 6 March
1915 he came again to stay for six days and it was then that Gandhi
and Tagore met for the first time. Gandhi along with the students of
his Phoenix School in South Africa (having disbanded his phoenix
settlement and school in South Africa, decided to send the inmates
to India) visited Santiniketan when Andrews persuaded Tagore to
offer them temporary accomodation at Santiniketan.2 Gandhi
recalled his visit to Santiniketan later on in his speech at Santiniketan
in February 1940. “It was here that the members of my South
African family found warm hospitality in 1914, pending my
arrival from England, and I too found shelter here for nearly a
month.”3
Gandhi was primarily a social and political activist. His
writings emerged mainly during the varied processes of social,
economic and political actions. During his entire lifetime, Gandhi
wrote only three books. These books are Autobiography,
Satyagraha in South Africa and Hind Swaraj. At first sight we
might be inclined to place Gandhi in the category of ideologists.
The literary form of his work is a secondary matter. He is primarily
concerned to promulgate certain social, cultural, political and
religious ideas and theories in his books and he uses the form which
seems to him the most convenient or suitable for the moment to
effectuate his mission. Gandhi has a definite theory of life, which,
whatever be the merits or demerits, gives a homogeneity to his
work. His writings are purely argumentative and they are varied
and continuous expression of a distinctive systematised outlook.
George Woodcock thinks that the popularity of Gandhi’s
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political ideas was essentially due to his reputation as an activist.
The comment made by Woodcock seems partial judgement on
Gandhi’s creative works. There is no denying the fact that Gandhi’s
Hind Swaraj, like Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’s Samya (Equality)
is an important contribution to modern political ideas. It is recognized
as being Gandhi’s most fundamental work. The earliest and most
well-known formulation of Gandhi’s critique and alternative vision
was explained in Hind Swaraj (Indian Home Rule 1909). Indeed,
the political, economic, educational and ethical thoughts presented
by Gandhi in Hind Swaraj are evocative as well as refined and
suggestive.
Gandhi’s vision and activity during the last forty years (1908-
1948) of his life are reflected in his book Hind Swaraj. K.R.
Srinivasa Iyengar rightly observes that Hind Swaraj is verily the’
locus classicus’ among Gandhi’s writings. It is cast in the form of
twenty brief dialogues between ‘Reader and Editor’ and covers
the panorama such as Indian subcontinent and England, Italy and
India, Civilization, Swaraj, Machinery, Hindu-Muslim amity, Law
and Medicine, Education, Violence and Non-violence and the
doctrine of Satyagraha.
It is worthwhile to mention that a close reading of influences
of Ruskin, Tolstoy and Thoreau is essential to the understanding of
both Gandhian thought and techniques of action. Gandhi owed to
Ruskin that an unequal social order isolated from realities of labour
cannot allow for the possibility of Non-violence. Besides, Tolstoy’s
faith in love and teachings of Christ, particularly Sermon on the
Mount and The Bible (The New Testament) and Thoreau’s notion
of Civil disobedience influenced Gandhi in evolving his concept of
‘Satyagraha’. Following Thoreau,Gandhi advocated emancipation
of man from the outside bondage, from the self-imposed
imprisonment which he terms as civilization, for it had infected the
mind and soul of the modern man. As a keen observer, Gandhi
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could not fail to see the intellectual poverty of modern life, the clinging
by the masses to mouldering traditions, the alternate yielding to a
policy of inertia and to blind instinctive passions. The most striking
thing of Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj is his power of concrete presentment.
Here Gandhi is critical of the modern industrialised western
civilization. Gandhi considered the advent of technology and
industrialization as the fundamental cause of human misery in modern
society. Gandhi writes,
“Civilization is like a mouse gnawing, while it is soothing us,
when its full effect is realized, we will see that religious
superstition is harmless compared to that of modern
civilization. I am not pleading for a continuance of religious
superstitions. We will certainly fight them tooth and nail, but
we can never do so by disregarding religion.”4 Gandhi proclaims
that only with the abolition of industrial civilization, the eradication
of the evils of industrialization was possible. Like Wordsworth,
Gandhi was convinced that man’s salvation lies in a return to Nature.
Gandhi’s perspective to Nature is very similar to Wordsworth. Like
Wordsworth, Gandhi was also a moralist at heart, with one steady
purpose in view, and leaving aside much that was fascinating and
perplexing. Gandhi’s ideology reminds us of Wordsworth’s splendid
sonnet The world is too much with us where the poet retains the
fresh simplicity and austere endurance of Nature and discards the
narrow idea of mere accumulation of wealth and superficial life of
entertainment.
Gandhi wanted to limit industrialization. For Gandhi a free
India would be one which would be free from the political and
economic institutions. India, in Gandhi’s view, can achieve salvation
only if she could grow without the pressure and strains of modern
civilization. This autonomous development of Gandhi’s articulate
ideas is the fullest expression of the native roots of modern Indian
political doctrine. From Raja Ram Mohan Roy to Rabindranath,
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the effort is for the assimilation of western culture and Indian
tradition. In twentieth century, Tagore and Gandhi, the two
outstanding personalities of modern world history tried to establish
a congenial cultural and moral atmosphere against the catastrophic
disaster of the west under the trampling tread of contending
commerce and politics, the aggressiveness, intolerance and
cynicism. Like Gandhi, Rabindranath the visionary activist tried to
eradicate social evils like poverty, illiteracy, sickness, insecurity
and injustice. Tagore’s grave concern for this global problem is
revealed in his address delivered in reply to a felicitation organised
by the soviet writers:
“...the world problem of civilisation today has taken man far
away from his moral humanity. It has torn individual
personality away from society. Modern civilization has given
birth to an extraordinarily artificial life, it has created diseases,
evoked specific suffering and given rise to many anomalies. I
do not know what ought to be done to cure modern civilization
of its ills. I do not know if the path you have chosen in this
country for the solution of this problem is the right one. History
will judge the extent to which you have been successful...1 am
filled with enthusiasm for the way in which you have for the
first time afforded to all, the opportunity of acquiring
education. For this I would applaud you...In your country you
are not only giving the individual scientific education, you are
making him a creative personality. In this way, you are realising
the greatest, the highest ideal of humanity. For the first time
in history you are giving the hidden wealth of the human mind
a chance to express itself.”5 Later on in a discussion with Professor
Petrov, Tagore has said, “Education to vast multitudes of your
people who were kept imprisoned in the darkness of ignorance,
millions of human beings who never got any chance to realise
their humanity and were obliged to yield to exploitation and
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oppression in order to preserve their precarious existence, you
have made an invaluable contribution to human progress. You
are creating a new world of humanity, and for the first time in
history, acknowledging the dignity of man in your scheme of
practical work.”6 Tagore further stated frankly, “Today we have
to remember this: India is now going through a revolution.
There a struggle is going on between the government and the
people. The suspicious government is very careful in this
environment. Even an ordinary incident with which there is no
connection with politics, is viewed as propaganda... The only
aim of my life is to spread the light of education. I am not a
politician.”7 Tagore addressed the Pioneer Commune on 14th
September 1930:
“Believe me I have come here not so much to see what you
have done and doing now which is great, but to visualise the
future which you are creating with such fervor for the welfare
of the whole community.”8
It is significant to mention that the social, political and
religious doctrine of Tagore and Gandhi have become important
for India as well as the developed countries of West. Tagore’s
denunciation of the cult of nationalism and Gandhi’s doctrine of
decentralized, participatory and self-sufficient polity have relevant
factors for restructuring the political and economic status of the
contemporary world.
Tagore and Gandhi, the two most important pioneers of
Indian Renaissance, influenced the modern world with their
marvellous original thinking. In this materialistic age of
dehumanisation and depression, the hopes and aspirations of human
beings throughout the world receive a new impetus with the
evocative ideas of these two thinkers. Gandhi, primarily a man of
action, gave emphasis on the close inter-relationship between ends
and means whereas Tagore discards the cult of aggressive
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nationalism and passionate defence of the primacy of reason as the
basis of human emancipation. While Gandhi’s life was densed with
political episodes, Tagore’s life was enlightened with intellectual,
artistic and literary events. Even though Gandhi was a political activist
and Tagore a poet and artist, there was a peculiar consistency. The
essence of Gandhi’s entire political philosophy can be found in his
book Hind Swaraj as Tagore’s socio-political thinking is revealed
in his brilliant rendering Swadeshi Samaj published in 1904. The
book Swadeshi Samaj makes it clear that there is an element of
anarchistic thinking in Tagore as much as Gandhi.Tagore is concerned
with the intellectuals and creative artists’ role in national political
life. He raises two important points. First, that unlike in Europe, the
State has never been in India a Central force in the life of the nation.
Unlike European civilization, which assigned a central position to
the state, Indian civilization emphasized on society guided by
‘Dharma’. “The European state is founded upon the
acquiescence of society as an essential part thereof- the state
has evolved from the inherent tendencies therein... In our
country (in British India) the state is no part of our society, it is
external to society.”9
Rabindranath Tagore reacted against the tendencies of
thought elevating the state above society, and that applied equally
to political struggle to capture state power. Tagore reiterated the
necessity of extending the political struggle into a struggle for intellect
and the inner strength of the nation. To Tagore, the movement did
not consist of political stratagem for capturing state power. It is a
kind of philosophical anarchism. In this regard, mention may be
made that Gandhi has also been described by many critics as an
anarchist.
Gandhi who was fundamentally a pragmatic political leader
could not accept Tagore’s approach to Swaraj and the state. Gandhi
clarifies his object of Non-cooperation movement which was
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basically a political programme. Gandhi writes:
“It had become disloyal, almost sacrilegious to say ‘no’
to the government. This deliberate refusal to co-operate is like
the necessary weeding process that a cultivator has to resort
he sows... The nation's non-cooperation is an invitation to the
Government to cooperate with it on its own terms as is every
nation's right and every government's duty.”10
Tagore’s statement of Non-cooperation movement is
significant what he expressed in a letter to Gandhi. From Europe
Tagore expressed his anxiety over the issue of Non-cooperation
movement. He wrote three letters to his friends in India which
appeared in Modern Review. The first letter he wrote to Gandhi
on 12th April 1919. Tagore makes his stand clear when he says,
“Power in all its forms is irrational... Passive resistance is a
force which is not necessarily moral in itself; it can be used
against truth as well as for it. The danger inherent in all force
grows stronger when it is likely to gain success, for then it
becomes temptation... Evil on one side naturally begets evil
on the other, injustice leading to violence and insult to
vengefulness. Unfortunately such a force has already been
started and either through panic or through wrath, our
authorities have shown us their claws whose sure effect is to
drive some of us into the secret path of resentment and others
into utter demoralisation.” 11
Tagore earnestly believed that the power of good must
prove its truth and strength by its fearlessness and by its refusal to
accept any imposition. Tagore further explains his idea that “moral
conquest does not consist in success, that failure does not
deprive it of its dignity and worth. Those who believe in
spiritual life know that to stand against wrong has
overwhelming material power, behind it is victory itself, it is
the victory of the active faith in the ideal in the teeth of evident
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defeat.”12
Rabindranath Tagore’s experience as an active participant
in the Swadeshi Movement following the Partition of Bengal in 1905
made him aware of the limitations of the Pre-Gandhian Congress
and its Politics. Tagore was hopeful of Gandhi’s promise to transform
the movement of Indian independence into a new direction.
It is relevant to mention that in 1901, at the Calcutta session
of the Indian National Congress, M.K. Gandhi moved an important
resolution “as a petitioner on behalf of the hundred thousand
British Indians in South Africa.” 13 During the convention, Gandhi
met Jyotirindranath Tagore, the elder brother of Rabindranath. Later
on, a translation of Gandhi’s article on the Indian settlers in South
Africa was published in the journal Bharati, with which highly
enlightened Tagores were associated. There is no record of personal
confrontation at this juncture between Rabindranath and Gandhi.
On the contrary, Tagore had a compassionate feeling for the Indian
struggle which is evident in his writing, “God save us from the
disastrous notion that dharma is not for the powerless. Let us
not depart from the path of Truth (Satya) that which is Right...
It is regrettable that the terror and upheavals of Europe are
the only models before us... Dharma can help us surpass
oppression...”14 In the above statement there is similarity between
Tagore’s ideology and Gandhi’s thought.
Indeed, Tagore and Gandhi had a great reverence for each
other. Tagore addressed his younger contemporary as ‘Mahatma
(The Great Soul)’ while Gandhi acclaimed Tagore as ‘Gurudev
(The Divine Teacher)’. However this mutual affinity and reverence
did not become a hindrance for both to express their views freely
and frankly on contemporary social reality and political associations
and movements. Ironically, Tagore and Gandhi, each in his own
way, observed some deadening threats in the modern materialistic
civilization. The Industrial Revolution has acquired a typical
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frightening momentum. The main goal of modern mankind is to
acquire possession and power. Human beings have turned into one
dimensional individuals. The whirlwind of modern materialistic
civilization puts mankind into a motion which actually generates
deeper and deeper isolation.
Gandhi’s perception, like Tagore’s were essentially spiritual.
Tagore and Gandhi were, each in his own way, deeply religious
persons. Indeed each has made his own significant contribution to
the spiritual traditions of India. Gandhi’s political ideology cannot
be evaluated except in relation to his doctrine of truth, duty and
non-violence and his vision about man, society and state. Moreover,
for Gandhi, the primary object of life was self-realization, which
required one’s identification with the mankind, the ultimate mission
of welfare to all. Indeed there may be several obstructions like
political subjection, unhealthy political institutions and political evils
in the realization of the greatest good. Gandhi’s profound and
suggestive comment that “those who say that religion has nothing
to do with politics do not know what religion means,”15 gives
emphasis on the fact that the eradication of social and political evils
is only possible when the citizens of a country sincerely participate
in active politics. Gandhi’s statement reveals the fact that he is a
writer with a purpose, and a dealer in problems related to society,
politics and religion. According to him, in a spiritual organic universe,
good ends cannot be achieved by evil methods. He, therefore,
insisted on nobility of actions to fulfil the marvellous visions.
Obviously, Gandhi’s ideology is based on the Hindu concept of
‘Satya’ i.e. his religion is the religion of truth. This is the reason that
Gandhi had equal reverence for every religion. Explaining his attitude
to religion Gandhi said, “For me humanitarian service, or rather
service of all is religion. And I draw no distinction between
such religion and politics. Indeed, I cannot conceive a life full
of service without its touching politics. I believe that the time
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is fast coming when politician will cease to fear the religion of
humanity and humanitarian will find entrance into political
life indispensable for full service.”16 The religious conflict
according to him is only a momentary phenomenon related to
contemporary social and political circumstance and not a permanent
feeling or expression. The religious rituals or dogmas of each of
these religions or communities induce directly or indirectly an attitude
of apathy, if not contempt, towards the principles of other religions.
Fundamentalists and fanatics of one religion or community insist
that the followers of other religions or communities are misguided
and that their only chance of salvation is possible in embracing
one’s true religion. Eventually the congenial social atmosphere is
hampered and there is a rise of prejudice.
However, Gandhi did not discard the significant role of
religion as it could vitalize and elevate the inner life of human beings.
The primary task of all religions is to awaken the spiritual
consciousness of mankind. Organized religions should be able to
activate the inner spiritual life of their followers so that it may express
itself in universal dimensions. In the words of Gandhi, “Unless
and until we realize this fundamental unity, wars in name of
religion will not cease. These are not confined to Hindus and
Mussalmans alone. The pages of world history are soiled with
the bloody accounts of these religious wars. Religion can be
defended only by the purity of its adherents and their good
deeds, never by their quarrels with those of other faiths.”17
Indeed, God is not a mere abstract ‘idea’ to Gandhi. Far
from being so, He is a living presense as well as an inner voice to
him. For Gandhi, the finest way to realize the existence of God is to
work for the uplift of humanity through rendering service to the
larger community. Like Tagore, Gandhi’s spiritualism was
humanistic. Gandhi was conscious of his mission. He writes, “I am
confident that God has made me instrument of showing the
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better way.”18 Gandhi represents the message of a new social
order, an alternative possibility to the contemporary industrial political
democracy. Prof. Shiv Narayan Ray, for example, is explicit in his
statement that the alternative which Gandhi and Tagore envisioned
were in many respects different from one another, but they shared
in common an unambiguous emphasis on decentralization. The
society, they proposed, would be a “network of grassroot
democracies, each of a size and structure in which all the
members would be able to participate directly and effectively
in the decision making process.”19
Gandhi believed in the supremacy of the individual. He
insisted on widest diffusion of power. Under the British rule, the
economic system of India was adjusted to the needs of the British
and the interests of the common Indians were completely ignored.
The introduction of modern industries and British manufactured
goods gradually threatened Indian traditional village based on
economic system. There is no denying the fact that in this crucial
circumstance, Gandhi’s constructive programme aiming at
reconstruction of the rural economy and improvement of peasants’
material life, his social reform agitations to uplift the social level of
the downtrodden untouchables and lower castes, and his
‘Satyagraha movement’ at winning freedom from British rule
changed India’s social and political pattern to a great extent. Indeed,
Gandhi emphasized on the political potentiality of the masses against
elitism. The movement he launched actually changed the course of
Indian public life which was centralized earlier in cities now moved
to rural areas. He was concerned with the serious social problems
such as concentration of wealth, exploitation of the poor, increase
of unemployment, alienation of labour etc. In his view, these serious
issues were caused by monstrous industrial development and as
such he thought that technology could not solve these problems
but would only intensify the tension, chaos and discrimination. The
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solutions to the threatenings caused by industrial civilization, Tagore
and Gandhi envisioned, were, in many respects, different from one
another but they shared in common their faith in decentralization of
economic power, cooperative management and utilization of
resources. Like Gandhi, Tagore’s preference was for co-operative
efforts and constructive programmes. Tagore emphasized co-
operative agriculture and was against small holdings. He considered
the co-operatives as the most significant instrument to fight abject
poverty. Gandhi believed that the propagation of his ideology was
more relevant than mere political action. Indeed Gandhi was more
critical of western materialistic civilization. In his view, the modern
West devalued the moral foundations of traditional rich culture and
civilization, advocated agressive materialism and encouraged self-
interest, the object of human life.
Gandhi distinguished western civilization from Indian
civilization and believed that “the tendency of the Indian
civilization is to elevate the moral being, that of the western
civilization to propagate immortality.20
Gandhi was pre-occupied with keeping up India’s cultural
identity and moral courage. He was sharply opposed to the
doctrines of materialism, industrialism, consumerism and self interest
of western civilization. Indian civilization, in Gandhi’s view, is as
religious and sacred as life in which the individual seeks truth. He
maintained that the Indians must preserve the value of their way of
life through’ Satyagraha’ that manifested a religious concern in the
pursuit of truth rather than the pursuit of power and wealth. Gandhi’s
argument is that modern western civilization takes note neither of
moral values nor of religion or spiritualism. Furthermore he points
out, “According to the teaching of Mahomed, this would be
considered a satanic civilization, Hinduism calls it the Black
Age.”21
In opposition to Gandhi, Tagore was an unofficial
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ambassador of Europe. He had a global vision which stressed cultural
exchange between the East and the West. Tagore was also critical
of Gandhi’s action and vision at the international level. Tagore
believed that Gandhian ideology would create a disastrous alienation
by closing our doors to western knowledge and advancement.
Tagore is explicit in his view, “Universal humanity has sent us
its call today. In the West, a real anxiety and effort of their
higher mind to rise superior to business considerations is
beginning to be seen. I have come across many there whom
this desire has imbued with the true spirit of the Sannyasin,
making them renounce their home-world in order to achieve
the unity of man by destroying the bondage of nationalism;
men who have within their own soul realized the advaita of
humanity.”22
Tagore envisioned a united mankind and universal humanity
which is manifested in his songs, poems, short stories, novels, dramas
and essays. Tagore’s comprehensive vision about religion and his
clear conception of God is revealed at the end of his article The
Call of Truth. He writes, “Shall it not be our first duty in the
dawn to remember Him, who is one, who is without distinction
of class or colour, and who with his varied shakti makes true
provision for the inherent need of each and every class..."23
Obviously, Tagore was against any narrow parochialism
or nationalism. His conception of 'Mahamanav’ or ‘ Visvamanav’
reveals his global outlook. Tagore’ s universalistic vision and his
effort as an activist to create a space beyond the narrow limits of
dominant paradigm of nationalism, though partially influenced by
the West, remained far removed from the realities of politics and
the political awareness that framed India. In fact, Tagore differed
with Gandhi’s aggressive nationalism and the alternative he had in
mind was “universal humanity”. In his last message to the world,
Tagore with his sure intuition declared: “A day will come when
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unvanquished man will retrace his path of conquest, despite
all barriers, to win back his lost human heritage.”24
It is important to mention that Gandhi’s rejection of western
industrial civilization also reflected his rejection of the world-view
of modern science. To Gandhi, a culture which did not have a
doctrine of transcendence could not be morally or cognitively
acceptable. Ashis Nandy points out that Gandhi knew “the
legitimation of the modern West as a superior culture came
from an ideology which viewed secularized societies as superior
to the non-secular ones; once one accepted the ideology, the
superiority of the West became an objective evaluation.”25
Gandhi could not appreciate the effort of the West regarding
the invention of machinery. He is firm in his conviction of Indian
tradition when he says, “It was not that we did not know how to
invent machinery but our forefathers knew that. If we set our
hearts after such things, we would become slaves and lose our
moral fibre. They, therefore, after due deliberation decided that
we should only do what we could with our hands and feet.”26
There are some confrontations between Tagore
and Gandhi in respect of their approaches to science and technology.
In contrast to Gandhi, Tagore emphasized the positive role of
science and technology in the liberation of mankind from poverty
and ignorance. He writes, “One thing is certain, that the all-
embracing poverty, which has overwhelmed our country cannot
be removed by working with our hands to the neglect of
science.” 27
Elaborating his idea, Tagore further says, “If the
cultivation of science has any moral significance, it is in its
rescue of man from outrage by nature, not its use of man as a
machine but its use of machine to harness the forces of nature
in man’s service.”28 Gandhi, however, like Rousseau and Tolstoy,
expresses his negative view of science. He observed that science
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and technology has made the human life more complex and isolated,
inevitably encouraging concentration of power and exploitation.
Unlike Gandhi, Tagore, however, believed that without growing
scientific knowledge and its application, human life is miserable
and static. At the same time, like Gandhi, Tagore realized that science
and technology without moral enlightenment may cause destruction
and disorder. Hence he was quite objective in his critical evaluation
of contributions of science and technology for the solution of human
needs. Tagore in the debate on the ‘charkha’ contended that the
gifts of modern technology or science must not be judged by criteria
which are irrational to science: “Where Mahatma Gandhi has
declared war against the tyranny of the machine which is
oppressing the whole world, we are all enrolled under his
banner.”29
However, Tagore is explicit in his statement that he is not
moved with Gandhi’s ‘Charkha’agitation. In his sarcastic comment,
Tagore reveals his disgust for ‘Charkha’. Exactly when Tagore
was engaged in the twenties on the debate of ‘Charkha’, he
proposed his ideas on science and technology in his symbolic play
The Freed Waterfall (Mukta Dhara. 1922) explicitly. Indeed,
the play The Freed Waterfall is an allegory about the abuse of
science for purposes related to exploitation and domination. The
revolt of a subject against the king is to be viewed within the
framework of a moral allegory.
In the play The Freed Waterfall, Tagore presents a conflict
between the state of Uttarakut versus the people of Shiv-tarai plains
to the neighbouring kingdom of Uttarakut. Muktadhara is a mountain
spring which is very important to irrigate the plains of Shiv-tarai.
The king of Uttarakut has had a large dam erected to prevent the
waters of Muktadhara coming down the slopes of Uttarakut which
is main Muktadhara source of economic development of the mass.
Tagore depicts a new phenomenon- the cult of machine worshippers
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shouting the slogan’ 'Machine, we worship thee' in the opening of
the play. The citizens ofUttarakut participate in the festival with the
king without knowing the consequence. Ultimately, King Ranjit and
his associate Vibhuti, the advocate of the machine are destroyed
by the mass upsurge led by Vairagi Dhananjoy, a follower of
Gandhian ideology and the heir-apparent Abhijit. Evidently the king
Ranjit there stands for the ruthless power of the modern state.
Indeed, the symbolic play Mukta Dhara is a dramatic expression,
a noble tribute to the personality of Gandhi and his ideology of
non-violence. Tagore broods on the socio-political scenario of the
country and he brilliantly executes his political doctrine with
directness and tremendous vigour. His reaction against tyranny and
exploitation and his conviction that tyranny can be effectively resisted
by non-violence is clearly evident in the play Mukta Dhara. Mukta
Dhara, as the title indicates, is a tremendous vindication of the
invincible spirit of man vis-a-vis the collective ruthless arrogance
and brute power of collective man embodied in the State.
In his various plays and lectures Tagore wrestled in various
forms with the central idea of conflict between the individual man
and the collective man or sometimes between man and machine. In
his lecture, Tagore declared: “Manual work mechanically
performed stultifies the mind and blunts the intellect...There
can be no dignity in slaving for a wage... A peasant who is
only a vassal or slave can claim no dignity... He puts his hand
to the job- but only as a machine or automation and that is
not conducive to his development as a complete human
being.”30 Further more Tagore says: “When the time comes for
our thinkers and intellectuals to take agricultural activities
under their responsibility, the schism that at present exists
between the hand and the brain for a large section of our
population, will vanish!”31
Red Oleanders (Rakta Karabi) is yet another proposition
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
168 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
play of Rabindranath Tagore. It is more complex than the previous
play Mukta Dhara but thematically it also symbolizes the growing
power of the state which is managed, controlled and manipulated
by a ruthless governor or police chief armed with almost absolute
powers. Tagore, like W.B. Yeats, was one of those poets, and
authors who could correctly anticipate the menace of Fascism,
enveloping both Asia and Africa along with many peace-loving
democratic states of Europe. In a letter, Tagore explained the genesis
and the gist of the just written play Red Oleanders (Rakta Karabi).
According to Tagore, “The people of the country of Kuvera are
engaged in digging out with all their might precious gold,
tearing it out from the underground world. Driven by the
covetous rage for cruel hoarding, the people have banished
all the sweetness of life from the place.”32
Tagore further adds, “that is why he has forgotten the
value of joy is greater than the value of gold; he has forgotten
that there is no fulfilment in might, that there is fulfilment only
in love.”33 In other words, Red Oleanders is also a ‘proposition
play’ which offers a point of view through the device of symbolic
presentation of two opposing ideas represented by two different
characters.
As Prof. S.K. Desai observes, Red Oleanders is the most
complex of Tagore’s proposition plays and hence to many the most
‘obscure’ or ‘puzzling or elusive’. However, the fact remains that
the play in question offers an example of Tagore’s determined effort
to make a comprehensive statement about his philosophy of life.
Obviously Tagore presents a forceful contest between two sets of
values or ideals one of which the poet approves while the other he
dismisses as quite irrelevant and positively evil as well. The dramatist
here presents an elaborate parallelism between those two worlds
and values. The material value or pursuit of power is represented
in its worst form by the king who is supported by other seekers or
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
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169
co-shares of power and material glory and they include Professor
Gosai, the preacher, of course the governor, the chief agent and
executive of the king. On the other side there are characters like
Nandini and Ranjan and their supporters among the subjects. The
King lives behind a rich network of intricate pattern the elaborate
security precautions and arrangements that have become the order
of the day since the time of Hitler and Mussolini. Naturally, the king
is quite cut off from his subjects and has no commerce with humanity.
The kingdom lives on its gold mines run by indentured labour.
The enslaved subjects are too demoralized and helpless to ask
what they have lost in the process. Tagore wrote: “They accepted
their surroundings as king, priest, professor and governor
ordered or taught. They took for granted the perpetual
domination of the strong, the continued oppression of the weak,
and that, in the effort to pile up material wealth, they should,
by their own fellows, be transformed from men into
machineries; to the mutilation of their own humanity.34
According to Tagore, the real conflict is between man and
machine, between personality and organization. Man needs both
machine and organization, but they must be mastered and humanized
by him in stead of his being mechanized and dehumanized by them.
“Man's real danger,” Tagore warns us “lies not in the risk of
our material security but in the obscuration of man himself in
the human world.”35
Yakshapuri is the symbol of capitalism and imperialism as
explained by Tagore time and again. It is obvious from Tagore’s
statement when he says, “a work of this nature springs from a
vision that is vivid to (author) himself and a feeling that belongs
to his direct experience.”36 By the term “direct experience” Tagore
meant “the darkest hour of dismay” as he considered capitalism
is the root of destruction in the modern time. The king in the play
Red Oleanders is ‘not an individual but a doom’ the symbol of
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
170 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
international capitalism. In Tagore’s words “The world has become
the world of Jack and Giant- the Giant who is not a gigantic
man, but a multitude of men turned into a gigantic system.”37
The voice of the king in the play Red Oleanders is the
voice of gigantic system, the system of capitalism as indicated by
Tagore himself. Tagore writes, “now we have an organized
avarice- frightfully simple in its purpose, mechanically
complicated in its process. Its messengers who come to us- be
they Lord Birkenhead or Lord Curzon- are never for us our
fellow beings in flesh and blood... They are abstractions at
once far and near and therefore awful; they are obscure to us
in the dark scenery of their political laboratory and yet grimly
concrete in their grasp upon our vitals.” 38
In the play Red Oleanders, Nandini and Ranjan are both
symbolic characters though they are individualized with brief strokes.
The play provides a fitting climax in which the Yakshapuri is
destroyed. Though Ranjan dies in the struggle, he succeeds in
changing the king who himself revolts against his own system. In
the end, jail is broken and the governor is unable to contain the
rebels who all cry with passionate enthusiasm “Victory to Ranjan”
and “Victory to Nandini,” victory to life, victory to love.
Thus the theme of the play Red Oleanders is a titanic struggle
between spirit and matter. Tagore does not present a clear-cut
victory of Nandini and Ranjan over the king and the governor. He
rather shows that love and beauty joined by joy can bring about a
miraculous transformation in the whole world. Nandini is the
challenge of beauty and love to a world dominated by money and
power. The question now arises: Has Tagore succeeded in making
his idea explicit and convincing?
Nandini is at once a real and a symbolic character. Tagore
was convinced that Nandini has definite feature of an individual
person and she cannot be dismissed as an abstraction. To him, she
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in synthesis of Religion and Politics
171
is a real person but this is only partially true. As long as she talks to
the common folk, she speaks like a real person. But the moment
she confronts the king, her language becomes mystical and symbolic.
This creates a confusion about her real identity. Even Tagore admits
that Nandini is the female principle which alone restores the human
to the desolated world of man. This is quite understandable. But
Nandini seems to be giving her love to Ranjan and the king as well.
However, Tagore fails to create a proper language and situation so
that the double relationship or significance is not realized. To that
extent the play fails, in spite of its wonderful organization, because
of its unsteady movement on the slippery path between the human
realistic emotional planes and intellectual-allegorical symbolical
plane. However, as a proposition play, the play Red Oleanders
states some of the Tagore’s considered views with amazing clarity.
It has an optimistic note, represented by the transformed king, “Be
brave, Nandini, trust me. Make me your comrade today to
fight against me, but with your wand in mind. Let your hand
unite with mine to kill me, utterly kill me. That will be my
emancipation."39
Thus, like Shelley’s Prometheus Unbound, Red
Oleanders, the play of Tagore projects a vision of hope of love for
humanity. In the plays Mukta Dhara (The Freed Waterfall) and
Rakta Karabi (Red Oleanders) Tagore reasserted his faith in man.
Tagore communicates his idea that spiritual crisis can be resolved
only through the acceptance of love. The basic theme in both the
plays is man’s revolt against the bonds that seek to curl his nature.
It is only when power is united to knowledge and love that we
have the flowering of man’s personality in all its splendour. Tagore
pointed out that spiritual exaltation invariably leads to material glory.
Those who are engrossed in the world here and now are equally
doomed with those who deny the world in pursuit of some unearthly
glory in the world beyond.
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
172 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
It is quite pertinent to view the play Red Oleanders as a
titanic struggle between forces of capitalism and imperialism in the
light of Tagore’s own observations made in the Visva Bharati
Quarterly as early as October 1925. In the following lines Tagore
elaborates his precise ideology: “Today another factor has made
itself immensely evident in shaping and guiding human destiny.
It is the spirit of organisation, which is not social in character,
but utilitarian... Naturally, in all organisations, variation of
personality is eliminated, and the individual members in so far
as they represent the combination to which they belong give
expression to a common type and very little to their uniqueness
of individuality... this aspect of it is forcibly presented to us,
causing the spread of dumb sadness over a vast portion of the
world and the dread of a devastation of its future into an utterly
bankrupt life.”40
Not only this, in an early but celebrated essay Nationalism
published in 1917, Tagore had clearly anticipated a growing menace
which could rock the modern civilization in not too distant future.
In fact, in a language which clearly voices the view of Karl Marx,
Tagore had diagnosed the modern ailment as a scenario where
“the competition grows keener, organization grows vaster, and
selfishness attains supremacy. Trading upon the greed and fear
of man, it occupies more and more space in society, and at last
becomes its ruling force.” 41
Here the expression ‘organization’ clearly expresses the
Marxist view of interminable economic war waged between
'capital and labour’ and resulting into 'eternal feuds’. The play
Red Oleanders written few years later highlights the conflict between
capital and labour which was first outlined in the essay Nationalism.
Here it is worthwhile to quote again from his essay Nationalism:
“The power has become too abstract- it is a scientific product
made in the political laboratory of the nation, through the
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173
dissolution of personal humanity.”42
Hence, Tagore’s ideal in the play Red Oleanders becomes
Nandini who embodies the message of the grim reality as well as
that infinite personality. Perhaps, it is not too much to say that
Tagore’s exploration of the greed and fear of man in an abstract
system approximates Marxist theory of class. Conflict and the need
for withering of the state resulting into the creation of the proletariat
as the real builder of power. In fact, Red Oleanders refers to the
inherent danger as well as points to the remedy in the form of
restoration of man’s true personality. As Tagore put it beautifully,
“I have a stronger faith in the simple personality of man than
in the prolific brood of machinery that wants to crowd it out.”
From this remark as well as from his play Red Oleanders, it
becomes obvious that Tagore was no hedonist or a simple spiritual
ascetic but a visionary activist who could see beyond the images
and present the furthest possibilities of universal man.
Like Gandhi, Tagore desired a reconciliation between his
innate vision and activity. Both Gandhi and Tagore believed that
the integration of personality is achieved with proper co-ordination
of thinking and action. Krishna Kripalani, in his assessment of
Tagore and Gandhi, is genuine as he writes, “Eighty years later
when Tagore died, the face of India had changed. Culturally
she had recovered her self-respect and politically she was about
to launch the great rebellion of August 1942. True, the credit
for this political awakening must go mainly to the Indian
National Congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi.
But political awakening and cultural consciousness do not grow
in water-tight compartments. Their roots are linked together
and are ultimately led by a common stream of creative
inspiration. Of this creative inspiration, Tagore was one of the
main channels.”44
In his assessment of Gandhi as an Indo-Anglian author,
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
174 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
M.K. Naik observes that Gandhi is not only an Indo-Anglian author
in his own right, but also “a colossus who best rides almost over
the entire field of Indian writing in English in several forms,
appearing either as a character or as a subject or as a pervasive
influence upon the social and political scene depicted by the
writer.”45
In fact, Mahatma Gandhi has left a permanent impact upon
modern Indian renaissance. His essays on education, politics and
religion have a perennial effect on the readers. Gandhi’s strength as
a writer lies in its utter sincerity and transparent authenticity. It is
possible to differ with Gandhi’s political or religious doctrine or his
view on education but there is no denying the fact that the
authenticity of his convictions gives a new dimension to his writing
and makes him a master of English prose style. Paradoxically
enough, Gandhi had no pretentions to be an author as he frankly
confesses in his writing published in Harijan on1st May, 1937.
Gandhi wrote: “My writing should be cremated with my body;
what I have done will endure, not what I have said or written.”46
Indeed, one cannot deny Gandhi’s significant contribution
to Indian writing in English as he ushered in a style which is
confessional and completely functional. Gandhi’s prose-style is
remarkable for its directness, simplicity and clarity. Spiritual fervour,
sharp intellect and preoccupation are the hallmarks of Gandhi’s
prose writings. Gandhi’s style is individual, competent, vigorous,
adroit and perspicuous. Gandhi’s prose, like his personality, is
thoroughly instinct with simplicity and evinces to an intellect, both
spiritual and sublime. His endeavour appeal to as many readers as
possible determines the characteristic of his impassioned prose.
Before Gandhi, Indo-Anglian prose writing was rhetorical and
periodical. The prose-style was characterized by balancing and
skilful marshalling of clauses, learned quotation and classical allusion,
dignified and sonorous oration. To Gandhi goes the credit for
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in synthesis of Religion and Politics
175
simplifying Indian English, for loading every idea with spirituality nature and in works of art but most distinctively of all, in the playful
and for fusing thought with feeling. The following prose passage is working of the human imagination. The theory and practice of his
an example of Gandhi’s evocative prose-style. educational experiments in visvabharati highlighted his aesthetic
M.K. Naik in his objective analysis of Gandhi’s prose doctrine that the human personality replenished itself through its
writing comments that as a writer of English prose, Gandhi lacks aesthetic relation with nature.
the rhetorical aptitude of Radhakrishnan, the wonderful poetic
splendour of the great poetess Sarojini Naidu, the burning zeal of 000
Vivekananda, the imaginative and emotional overtones of Nehru,
but the vibrancy and vigour of his direct and simple prose-style
establishes him as a great Indo-Anglian prose writer. It is Gandhi’s
unified sensibility that can amalgamate his doctrine of politics and
religion, art and science etc. Gandhi’s prose writings, indeed, is
the prose of conviction and confidence with an ease and spontaneity
of an English author. Regarding creative art, the most striking fact
in Gandhi is that his views are narrow and conservative. They are
almost Tolstoyian view of art. In this context one may recall Tolstoy’s
comment on Shakespeare’s literary works as ‘insignificant and
simply bad’ as they induced in him 'repulsion, weariness and
bewilderment.' Tolstoy considers Shakespeare’s work as immoral
as they lack religious essence.
Unlike Gandhi, Rabindranath Tagore was a creative artist
and the’ alternative life style’ which he visualized and personally
exemplified derived much of its extraordinary richness and
refinement from his "profound appreciation of the aesthetic and
artistic dimensions of human personality?"
On the contrary, Gandhi’s work resembled the moral-like
Tolstoy and it rejected whatever was sensuous and erotic. Indeed,
Gandhi’s approach to art and aesthetic experience was not liberal.
Tagore, on the other hand, believed that art was one of the highest
expressions of human freedom. He envisioned in the sensuous,
aesthetic and the multivalent the presence of a richness from which
to be deprived was disastrous. This presence he found both in

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176 in synthesis of Religion and Politics in synthesis of Religion and Politics
177

CHAPTER- VI
THE CONCLUSION
Rabindranath Tagore was not only an author and a poet
but also an educationist, a social and economic reformer and
rehabilitator, a political leader of the highest type with vision, a
musician and a composer, and a dramatic producer as well as a
plastic artist, a painter. It is worthwhile to mention that over and
above being a poet, novelist and dramatist, Tagore was an
educationist, and quite early in his life, round about his fortieth year,
armed with the blessings of his father Maharshi Devendranath
Tagore. he started Santiniketan, an open-air School in 1901.
Tagore’s life-long interest in education flowed mainly from
his dissatisfaction with the morbid commercialised education of
modern time, and he accordingly strove to make Sriniketan and
Santiniketan the focal points of a new experiment in living.
Santiniketan was thus at once a home for retirement and meditation,
and an ‘ashram’ for cultural and spiritual realisation. Tagore was
trying to give shape of a centre of Indian culture and an Eastern
University where thinkers, scholars and creative minds would
assemble and where, western ideas and values would also be
generated in this institution. Indeed such an education would not
be confined within narrow domestic walls nor could it be wholly
job oriented just for the creation of clerks, doctors, lawyers and
engineers. In fact, he wanted to reform humanity through education.
Like Tolstoy, Tagore believed that education should cultivate a love
for mankind and to look beyond the frontiers of race, nation and
civilization. Education, to him, was a process of identification. He
believed that education had a spiritual meaning. Rabindranath Tagore
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
178 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
and Tolstoy, both of them believed that aggressive nationalism and
patriotism should not be encouraged in education. They regarded
censorship and suppression of new ideas as absolute evils.
Tagore regretted that the universities in India are not rooted
in the native soil and alienated from the mainstream of national
environment and were neglecting the problems of common men of
the country. His idea of Visva-Bharati is a symbol of intellectual
learning and humanism which encompass a global co-operative
community. He was appreciative of the intense aspiration and the
spirit of adventure of European countries which has, in fact,
enlightened the whole universe. With his passionate mind Tagore
founded his famous international university Visva Bharati, an
extension of his school in 1921. Its memorable Memorandum
included a splendid ideal: “ To study the Mind is a vision of Man
in its realization of different aspect of truth from different points
of view."1
These words express the mission of the poet to establish
an educational institution, a place where India was to meet the rest
of the world for mutual benefit in the domains of intellectual, artistic
and spiritual culture. Tagore’s deepest aspiration is revealed in his
stirring expression: “Visva-Bharati represents India where she
has her wealth of mind which is for all. Visva-Bharati
acknowledges India’s obligation to offer to others the
hospitality of her best culture and India’s right to accept from
others their best”.2
In 1925 on his way to Europe, Tagore writes from the
ship: “For me the method of Education lies along the way of
the renunciant. We have to move out, along with our students,
as seekers of the unknown and keep education in tune with
the flow of life.”3
Tagore’s essay“My school” is an important document of
his views on education and as a visionaty activist, Visva-Bharati
has been one of his great constructive works in life. The highest
education, according to Rabindranath Tagore, is that “which does
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
179
not merely give us information but makes our life in harmony
with all existence."4
Tagore considered Education as an inspiration and he
emphasized the need for drawing out the potentialities instead of
pouring some information. Tagore undertook the difficult job of
educating the multitude of people. He repeatedly reiterated that
education remains incomplete if there is no psychological and
spiritual freedom. He believed that love is the main source of
inspiration. It works like a magic wand and creates interest. Tagore
stressed the personality of the teacher. The teacher should be
interested in all aspects of life. If the teacher was hostile towards
the students, he would become a negative influence. According to
Tagore, if the teacher really loved his vocation and had regard for
the personality of the student, and if he considered education as a
continuous process, only then he would become a source of
enlightenment and empowerment. The teacher, in his opinion, should
have a love for the children and for themselves. Otherwise they
can never be good teacher. That is why Tagore always suggested a
system of education conductive to self-expansion and self-
realisation. He had infinite faith in the individual and he believed
that to love man and to love God was the beginning and end of all
knowledge. Tagore's essay "My School" highlights marvellously
the psychological needs of children. The children, according to him,
are like angels, full of life and purity. So, they should be guided by
the spirit of love, kindness, co-operation and compassion.
Rabindranath Tagore explicitly states his views on
Education in his essay The Centre of Indian Culture. The most
important factor in Education is the inspiring atmosphere of creative
activity. According to Tagore, the primary function of a university
should be the constructive work of knowledge. He expresses his
dissatisfaction over the prevalent system of education in India which
does not provide scope for intellectual exploration and creation.
He believes that the main object of teaching is not to explain the
meaning but to knock at the door of the mind. Indeed, teaching
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
180 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
should be spontaneous and inevitable flow of culture. The education
which is isolated from the main stream of national life, is , in fact,
worthless. Hence, education should be in perfect harmony with
men’s complete life, economical, intellectual, aesthetic, social and
spiritual. Tagore writes, “Our educational institutions should be
in the very heart of our society, connected with it by the living
bonds of varied co-operations. For true education is to realize
at every step how our training and knowledge have organic
connection with our surroundings."5
The ideology as well as the practical aspects of a university
of the ordinary type was something which he did not approve of,
and therefore, he tried to implement his own ideals of education,
which were in the first instance, to allow the students full freedom
in developing their faculties in an atmosphere of Nature and open
life. Tagore’s idea was to create a centre for a harmonious study
and for a mutual acceptance of the permanent and universal elements
in the different cultures which Humanity has evolved in different
countries and under different environments. It was to be a centre
for a Higher Humanism embracing all people and cultures, on the
background of the Indian philosophy of life and the reality and the
Indian experience. He emphatically advocated the importance of
physical science which he considered necessary for the fullest
achievement of human personality but he was critical of the scientific
study which was meant for comfort, convenience and material
success completely neglecting the idealism of understanding or
realisation.
Tagore was not a mere theoretician, but he had also a strong
inclination towards the practical and the useful. His another
constructive work is the establishment of Sriniketan, the institution
for training in agriculture and service for the uplift of rural areas.
Indeed, Tagore’s contribution as a social and economic rehabilitator
is unique. Sriniketan was an institution for rural economic and cultural
development, and there Tagore started a number of village crafts
for their revival and expansion within an atmosphere of progressive
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
181
development. The institution Sriniketan has been doing its good
work as a very effective way of helping the rural mass in maintaining
the beauty as well as the usefulness of their crafts and in giving
training to a number of young and energetic students in the
organisation of village uplift. It is worthwhile to mention the act of
generosity when Tagore gave all the money which he obtained from
the Nobel prize to help the economic rehabilitation of his tenants in
East Bengal through co-operation in banking.
Rabindranath was not only the founder and organiser of
Visva- Bharati, but he was all along an enthusiastic and a successful
teacher, who earned the love of his students., teaching them both
English and Bengali literature and Sanskrit language, and
occasionally giving talks on Elementary Science before the school
children of Santiniketan. Moreover, he wrote useful textbooks to
teach English, Bengali, Sanskrit and Science books.
Tagore's theory and experience of his educational activity
in Santiniketan highlight his belief that the human personality
replenished itself through its aesthetic relation with Nature. As a
creative artist, Tagore considered art as one of the highest
expressions of human freedom. There is no denying the fact that
the two most important aspects of man are creativity and freedom.
Tagore emphatically asserted on the spontaneous self- activity of
the children and encouraged to unfold the essence of their innate
impulses. In establishing the Visvabharati University, Tagore had in
his mind the idea of the development of the youth through aesthetic
and artistic dimensions of human personality. Hence, he correlated
cultural and artistic activities with academic studies. He had always
aspired to foster culture and not the so called education. The
development of a critical outlook alongwith a humanitarian love
was the sole objective with which he started Santiniketan. He
wanted to develop the sense of refinement among the students and
to elevate their selves through co-operation and co-ordination and
eventually his dream was cherished in establishing Sriniketan as a
separate unit.
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
182 in synthesis of Religion and Politics
Rabindranath Tagore was a multi-faceted personality, not
merely a thinker or philosopher, but also a creative artist, a man of
action, a man engaged in a diversity of pursuits, and in each one of
them reaching new heights and opening new possibilities. Unlike
professional philosophers, he refrained from constructing a system.
Instead, he brought to bear upon each issue a multiplicity of insights.
It would be a grievous error to seek to present him as a one-
dimensional intellectual trying to simplify and systematise what
refuses to be simplified and systematised. In trying to understand
his view on any issue, one has to take into account his different
insights as expressed in his various works and activities.
Tagore not only had a long life, but to the very end he also
kept renovating himself through daring new experiments and
explorations. This transformation is evident in his different activities
and expressions. One has, for example, only to compare the poetry
of Manasi (1890) and Chitra (1896) with that of Gitanjali (1910),
then Balaka (1916), then Mohua (1929) and Sesh Lekha (1941)
to realise how the world within him changed time and again without
losing any of its richness of texture and significance. In fact Tagore's
life is full of experiments and renovations.
Tagore was an orthodox Hindu when he wrote Naivedya
and founded his school at Santiniketan which he regarded as a
‘Brahmacharya Asrama’ modelled on the schools of vedic learning
in ancient times. Amongst some of the amazing practices inculcated
or permitted in this school was that of the students saluting the
Brahman teachers by taking the dust of their feet, but saluting all
non-Brahmin teachers merely by raising their folded hands. When
Tagore was asked for his opinion, he replied, “what is contrary
to institutional Hindu practice cannot find a place in this school;
the students will touch the feet of their Brahmin teachers and
only salute (Namaskara) the other teachers in accordance with
the injunctions of Manu Samhita.'6
The reverential attitude and idealised view which Tagore
had towards Hindu India’s traditional Brahminical culture and social
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
in synthesis of Religion and Politics
183
organisation when he founded the Brahmachary Ashram at
Santiniketan in 1901 did change almost radically by the time the
foundation stone ofVisvabharati was laid in 1918.
Suffice it to say, Tagore was opposed to all kinds of
regimentation, exploitation and injustice and he could hit hard at CHAPTER - 1
the perpetrators of tyranny and dogmatism both in his countty and Notes and References
outside India.
Tagore’s views on education resulting into the founding of 1. The Religion of An Artist, Rabindranath Tagore, from Contemporary
Visvabharati and his social, political and religious views visualizing Indian Philosophy, edited by Radhakrishnan & J.H. Muirhead, Allen
an integrated world, quite free from all tensions and confilicts are & Unwin, London, 1958, pp.25-26.
2. Rabindranath Tagore, Humayun Kabir, Pankaj Publications
reflected in his thought provoking essay The Centre of Indian
International, Delhi, 1987.
Culture. Tagore writes, “All great countries have their vital 3. Banglar Itihas Sambandhe Kayekti Katha (some thoughts on the
centres for intellectual life, where a high standard of learning History of Bengal), Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyayai, published in
is maintained, where the minds of the people are naturally Bangadarshan, 1882-83 included in Bankim Rachanavali, Vol. II, p.336.
attracted to find their genial atmosphere, to prove their worth, Translated and quoted by Dr. Meenakshi Mukherjee in her book
to contribute their share to the country’s culture, and thus to Realism and Reality; The Novel and Society in India, Oxford University
Press, 1985.
kindle on some common altar of the land a great sacrificial
4. Ibid.
fire of intellect which may radiate the sacred light in all 5. A New Renaissance, Sib Narayan Ray, Minerva Associates Pvt. Ltd.,
direction... And this is why the inner spirit of India is calling to Calcutta, 1998.
us to establish in this land great centres, where all her 6. Ibid.
intellectual forces will gather for the purpose of creation, and 7. Ibid.
all her resources of knowledge and thought, Eastern and 8. The Religion of An Artist, Rabindranath Tagore from Contemporary
Western, will unite in perfect hannony”.7 Indian Philosophy.
9. The Religion of Man, Rabindranath Tagore, Unwin Books, London,
Rabindranth Tagore stood against the universal oppression 1963 (First Pub. in 1931), p.105.
and servitude of the intellect. His intellect took a definite part in the 10. The Religion of An Artist, Rabindranath Tagore from Contemporary
manifestation of the thought of Europe. He was very much Indian Philosophy.
concerned with the welfare of humanity. In fact, as a visionaty activist, 11. Ibid.
Tagore was engaged in this constant pursuit till the last moment of
his life and even though he died before the country got
Independence, he had already outlined a blueprint of India’s all
round programme where she would achieve an unprecedented
glory in spheres of thought and action. This view was expressed in
his numerous poems and songs, novels and prose writings.
000
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
184 in synthesis of Religion and Politics in synthesis of Religion and Politics
185
 in Perspective, p.484.
17. Raj Singha, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, first edition in 1882, published
by Radhanath Bandyopadhyai, Jonson Press, Calcutta and revised
and expanded fourth edition in 1893.
18. Quoted by Ujjal Kumar Majumdar in his essay The Artist and The
CHAPTER - II Moralist published in Bankim Chandra: Essays in Perspective, pp.471-
Notes and References 472.
19. The Artist in Chains: The Life of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Sisir
1. The Religion of An Artist, Rabindranath Tagore from Contemporary Kumar Das.
Indian Philosophy, edited by S. Radhakrishnan & J.H. Muirhead, Allen 20. Ibid.
& Unwin, London, 1958, pp.25-26. 21. History of Bengali Literature, Dr. Sukumar Sen, pp.229-235.
2. Bankim Chandra: His Continuing Relevance, Gopal Haldar from Bankim 22. The Mantra and The Monastery: Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, S.K.
Chandra: Essays in Perspective, p.141. Bose quoted in Builders of Modern India, Bankim Chandra
3. Reminiscences, Rabindranath Tagore (A translation by Surendranath Chatterjee, Publications Divisions, New Delhi, July 1972.
Tagore of Rabindranath Tagore’s autobiographical writing Jivan 23. Ibid.
Smriti), Macmillan, London, 1917. 24. Ibid.
4. The Pioneer, Mulk Raj Anand from Bankim Chandra Chatterjee: 25. Mantrer Janma (The Birth of Mantra), B. Dutta, Ananda Bazar
Essays in Perspective,Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi, 1994, p.154. Supplement, Aswin 12, 1376 (B.S.).
5. Raj Mohan’s Wife: The First Indian English Novel, Meenakshi 26. Amrita Bazzar Patrika, September 27, 1937.
Mukherjee from The Perishable Empire, pp.30-32. 27. Modern Review, October 1937.
6. Ibid. 28. Modern Review, Notes, November 1937.
7. Ibid. 29. In the eyes of a Non-Hindu, Rezaul Karim, published in Bankim
8. Western Fiction And Bankim Chandra, Mohit Kumar Roy, published Chandra: Essays in Perspective, p.178.
in Bankim Chandra Chatterjee: Essays in Perspective. 30. Ravindra Jiban Katha, Prabhat Kumar Mukherjee (Biography),
9. Raj Mohan’s Wife: The First Indian English Novel, Meenakshi revised edition, Ananda Publishers, Calcutta, 1988.
Mukherjee from The Perishable Empire, pp.30-32. 31. Modern Review, November 1937.
10. The Artist in Chains: The Life of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Sisir 32. Our National Song, Publication Divisions quoted in Builders of Modern
Kumar Das. India, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee by S.K. Bose.
11. History of Bengali Literature, Dr. Sukumar Sen, SahityaAkademi, New 33. Ibid.
Delhi, 1960, p.237. 34. Constituent Assembly Proceedings, Jan.24, 1950. Published in Builders
12. Indian Literature in English, K.R. Srinivas Iyenger, Sterling, New Delhi, of Modern India, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee by S.K. Bose.
1983, p.314. 35. Bankim Chandra: Essays in Perspective, Bhabatosh Chatterjee,
13. Rishi Bankim Chandra, Sri Aurobindo from Bankim Chandra: Essays Introduction, p.xxv
in Perspective,Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi, 1994, pp 4-6. 36. A View of the Highland, MohitIal Majumdar from Bankim Chandra:
14. The Artist in Chains: The Life ofBankim Chandra Chatterjee, Sisir Essays in Perspective, p.115.
Kumar Das. 37. Bankim Rachanabali.
15. Realism and Reality, The Novel And Society in India, Meenakshi 38. Bankim Chandra: Essays in Perspective.
Mukherjee, Oxford University Press, 1985, p43.
16. The Art Form, Kshetra Gupta, published in Bankim Chandra: Essays
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
186 in synthesis of Religion and Politics in synthesis of Religion and Politics
187
 18. Ibid.
19. Hindu-Musalman, Rabindranath Tagore, 1922 quoted in The
Telegraph, 7 Aug., 1991(Translated by Paromita Ukil).
20. Lokahit, Rabindranath Tagore, quoted in The Telegraph, 7 Aug., 1991.
21. Hindu- Visva Vidyalaya, Rabindranath Tagore, 1911, quoted in The
CHAPTER - III Telegraph,7Aug., 1991.
Notes and References 22. Thy Hand Great Anarch, Nirad C.Chaudhari (1987), Chatto and
Windus, London, 1987.
1. Nationalism in India, Rabindranath Tagore (A speech delivered in 23. Lokahit, Rabindranath Tagore, 1914 (quoted in The Telegraph, 7 Aug.,
America by Rabindranath Tagore and published in Lectures And 1991).
Addresses by Rabindranath Tagore), Macmillan and Co. Limited, 24. Ibid.
London, 1950, p.116. 25. The Home And The World, Rabindranath Tagore.
2. Ibid; p.102 [Guru Nanak was the founder of the Sikh religion (b.1469, 26. Ibid.
d.1538); Kabir was a mystic and a poet in medieval India (b. 1440, 27. Ibid.
d.1518); Chaitanya Mahaprabhu was a modern Hindu Vaishnava 28. Samasya (The Problem), Rabindranath Tagore (quoted in The
reformer (b.1485, d.1527), who died in Bengal. The main part of his Telegraph, 7 Aug., 1991).
religious doctrine was to abolish all caste distinctions among his 29. Hindu-Musalman, Rabindranath Tagore, 1922.
followers]. 30. Kalantar, Rabindranath Tagore, 1937.
3. Ibid; pp.102-103. 31. Samasya (The Problem), Rabindranath Tagore.
4. Ibid; pp.104. 32. Ibid.
5. Ibid; p.102. 33. Hindu-Musalman, Rabindranath Tagore.
6. Rabindra Bhabana, Aug.-Sep. Issue, 1984, Tagore Research Institute, 34. Ibid.
Calcutta. 35. Hindu-Musalman, Rabindranath Tagore.
7. Ibid. 36. Ibid.
8. A New Renaissance, Sib Narayan Ray, Minerva Publishers, Calcutta, 37. The Telegraph, 7 Aug., 1991.
1998. 38. Hindu- Visva Vidyalaya, Rabindranath Tagore.
9. Rabindranath Tagore, Sisir Kumar Ghosh (Tagore’s letter to the viceroy 39. Ibid.
is published in this book), Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi. 40. Hindu-Musalman, Rabindranath Tagore.
10. A Vision of India’s History, Rabindranath Tagore, Visva Bharati, 41. Gora, Rabindranath Tagore (Translated by Sujit Mukherjee from
Calcutta, 1962, pp.45-46. Bangla, Introduction by Meenakshi Mukherjee), SahityaAkademi, first
11. The Centre of Indian Culture, Rabindranath Tagore, Visva-Bharati, pub. in 1997.
Calcutta, 1962. 42. Ibid.
12. Nationalism in India, Rabindranath Tagore, p.110. 43. Gora, Rabindranath Tagore.
13. Gitanjali, Rabindranath Tagore, (poem no.108) 44. Gitanjali, Rabindranath Tagore, poem no.106.
14. Kalantar, Rabindranath Tagore, Visva-Bharati (B.S. 1390). 45. Lullaby, W.H. Auden from The Penguin Poets, Penguin Books Pvt.
15. The Telegraph, 7 Aug., 1991. Limited, London, 1958.
16. Ibid. 46. In Memory of W.B. Yeats, W.H. Auden.
17. Ibid. 47. Dear Mr. Tagore, (Ninety five letters written to Rabindranath Tagore
from Europe and America 1912-1941), Visva-Bharati, Calcutta, 2000

Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
188 in synthesis of Religion and Politics in synthesis of Religion and Politics
189
 (Romain Rolland wrote this letter to Tagore on 26 August, 1919), p.54.
48. Buried Treasure of Tagore, Nirad C. Chaudhari, The Telegraph, 7 Aug.,
1991.
49. Ibid (The citation is from Tagore’s Bengali in Nirad C. Chaudhari’s
English translation).
50. Ibid. CHAPTER - IV
51. Ibid. Notes and References
52. Ibid.
53. Ibid. 1. My Philosophy of Religion, Approaches to the Philosophy of Religion,
54. The Home And The World, Rabindranath Tagore. edited by D.J. Bronstein and Harold M. Schulwies, Prentice Hall Inc.,
55. Ibid. 1960, p.43.
56. Rabindranath Tagore, Krishna Kripalani, p.252. 2. A Critiques of Religion and Philosophy, Faber and Faber, London,
57. The Home And The World, Rabindranath Tagore. 1958, p.251.
58. Ibid. 3. Reminiscences, Rabindranath Tagore (A translation by Surendranath
59. Ibid. Tagore of Rabindranath Tagore’s autobiographical writing Jivansmriti),
60. Ibid. Macmillan, London, 1917.
61. Ibid. 4. The Vision, Rabindranath Tagore from The Religion of Man, Unwin
62. Four Chapters, Rabindranath Tagore (Tr. by Surendra Nath Tagore Books, London (First edition 1931),1963, p.58.
into English from Bengali Car Adhayai and published first serially in 5. Ibid.
the American magazine Asia in 1936-37, later in the book form pub. in 6. Rabindranath Tagore, Sisir Kumar Ghose, Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi,
1950), Visva-Bharati, Calcutta, 1961 (Rpt). 1986, p.34.
63. Ibid. 7. Spiritual Union, Rabindranath Tagore from The Religion of Man, p.42.
64. Ibid. 8. Reminiscences, Rabindranath Tagore.
65. Ibid. 9. Rabindranath Tagore, A Critical Introduction, K.R. Srinivas Iyenger,
66. Tagore the Novelist, G.Y. Raj, Sterling Pub. Pvt. Limited, New Delhi, Sterling Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 1965, p.72.
p.96. 10. Contemporary Indian Philosophy, P. Naga Raja Rao, Bharatiya Vidya
67. Ibid. Bhavan, Bombay, 1970, p.57.
68. Rabindranath Tagore, Krishna Kripalani. 11. The Creative Spirit, Rabindranath Tagore from The Religion of Man,
69. Ibid. p.29.
70. Gitanjali (Song Offerings), Rabindranath Tagore, poem no. 35. 12. Gitanjali (Song Offerings), Rabindranath Tagore, poem no.77, p.71.
71. The Cult of the Charkha, Rabindranath Tagore, Modern Review, 13. Ibid, poem no.65, p.61.
September 1925, quoted in The Mahatma and The Poet, p.l07. 14. Ibid, poem no.ll, p.9.
72. Pluralism, Cultural Conflict and Rabindranath, Sibnarayan Ray from 15. Rabindranath Tagore, S.K. Ghose, pp.46-47.
Ripeness is All, Reflections of A Radical Humanist, Renaissance 16. Quoted in Rabindranath Tagore, a Critical Introduction by K.R.
Publishers Private Limited, Calcutta, 1999, pp.88-92. Srinivas Iyenger, p.15.
17. Ibid.
18. Quoted in Rabindranath Tagore by Krishna Kripalani, p.234.
19. The Problem of Evil, Rabindranath Tagore from Sadhana (The
Realisation of Life), pp.56-57.
Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
190 in synthesis of Religion and Politics in synthesis of Religion and Politics
191
20. Gitanjali (Song Offerings), Rabindranath Tagore, poem no.11, pp.75- 49. Ibid, p.176.
76. 50. Ibid.
21. Realisation in action, Rabindranath Tagore from Sadhana, p.131 51. From Sophocles, translated by Sir George Young into English and
quoted by Suniti Kumar Chatterjee in World Literature and Tagore,
22. Gitanjali (Song Offerings), Rabindranath Tagore, poem no.ll. p.192.
23. The Problem of Evil, Rabindranath Tagore, from Sadhana, pp. 7 5-7 6. 52. From Euripides, translated by Gilbert Murray into English and quoted
24. The Problem of Self, Rabindranath Tagore from Sadhana. by Suniti Kumar Chatterjee in World Literature and Tagore, p.193.
25. Personality, Rabindranath Tagore, Macmillan, London, 1951, p.64. 53. Rabindranath Tagore: Poet and Dramatist, Edward Thompson, p.l04.
26. Sadhana, Rabindranath Tagore, p.52. 54. Rabindranath Tagore: A Biography, Krishna Kripalani, Grove Press
27. Ibid, p.30. Inc., New York and Oxford University Press, 1962.
28. Ibid, p.10. 55. Ibid.
29. Quoted in Rabindranath Tagore by Rama Shankar Srivastava, Oriental 56. The English Writings of Rabindranath Tagore, Vol. 1, Poems (edited
and Foreign Book sellers and Publications, Delhi, 1965. by Sisir Kumar Das)
30. Sadhana, Rabindranath Tagore. 57. Ibid.
31. The Statesman, 15 January & 1 May, 1886. 58. Ibid.
32. Rabindranath Tagore, Humayun Kabir, Pankaj Publication 59. Realisation in Love, Rabindranath Tagore, From Sadhana, p.95.
International, Delhi, 1987. 60. Ibid, p.97.
33. Rabindranath Tagore, Sisir Kumar Ghosh. 61. Autobiographies, W.B. Yeats, Macmillan, 1956, p.115.
34. Poems ofKabir, Rabindranath Tagore, Macmillan, 1979 (First edition 62. The Religion of Man, Appendix 2; (Note on the nature of reality, a
1915). conversation between Albert Einstein and Rabindranath Tagore on
35. Ibid. 4th July, 1930, p.223.).
36. Ibid, p.l.
37. Ibid, p.9. CHAPTER- V
38. Ibid. Notes and References
39. Quoted in Rabindranath Tagore by Rama Shankar Srivastava.
40. Rabindranath Tagore: Poet and Dramatist, Edward Thompson, 1. The Mahatma and the Poet, Sabyasachi Bhattacharya, National Book
Oxford University Press, 2nd edition, 1948. Trust, India.
41. Quoted in Rabindranath Tagore by Rama Shankar Srivastava. 2. It is worthwhile to mention that the boys of Phoenix School stayed at
42. Individual and Universe, Rabindranath Tagore, from Sadhana, pp.15- Santiniketan from 4 November 1914 to 3 April 1915 (reference is from
16. The Mahatma and the Poet by Sabyasachi Bhattacharya)
43. Ibid. 3. Harijan, 9 March, 1940.
44. Rabindra Rachanavali, vo1.27 (quoted in Jose Chunkapura’s The God 4. Mahatma Gandhi, K.R. Srinivas Iyengar.
of Rabindranath Tagore), pub. by Visva-Bharati, 2002, pp.304-305. 5. Various Influences upon Rabindranath, Dhirendranath Bhattacharjee,
45. Creative Unity, Rabindranath Tagore, pp.l04-105, quoted in The God Kolkata.
ofRabindranath Tagore. 6. Ibid.
46. Ibid, p.306. 7. Ibid.
47. History of Bengali Literature, Dr. Sukumar Sen. 8. Ibid.
48. World Literature and Tagore, Suniti Kumar Chatterjee, p.175. 9. Swadeshi Samaj, Rabindranath Tagore, 1905 published in Ravindra

Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
192 in synthesis of Religion and Politics in synthesis of Religion and Politics
193
 Rachanavali (collected works of Rabindranath Tagore, Vol. III, 29. The Call of Truth, Rabindranath Tagore from The Mahatma And the
Calcutta. Poet by Sabyasachi Bhattacharya.
10. The Poet’s Anxiety, Gandhi, Young India, 1 June, 1921. 30. Marx and Engels: Selected Works, Moscow, 1982, p.23.
11. Tagore to Gandhi from The Mahatma and the Poet (compiled and 31. Red Oleanders (Author's Interpretation), Rabindranath Tagore.
edited by Sabyasachi Bhattacharya), p.49. 32. Red Oleanders (Rakta Karabi), Rabindranath Tagore, The Visva-
12. Ibid. Bharati Quarterly, October, 1925.
13. The History of the Indian National Congress (1885-1935), B. Pattabai 33. Ibid.
Sitaramayya, Madras, 1935, p.78. 34. Red Oleanders, An Interpretation, Rabindranath Tagore, The Visva-
14. Rabindranath Tagore’s statement first published in Pravasee, 16 April, Bharati Quarterly, Nov. 1951, Jan, 1952.
1908, quoted in The Mahatma And The Poet (translated by Sabyasachi 35. Quoted in Rabindranath Tagore by Krishna Kripalani, p.51.
Bhattacharya from Bengali), p.3. 36. Red Oleanders (Author's Interpretation), Rabindranath Tagore.
15. An Autobiography or the Story of My Experiments with Truth, M.K. 37. Ibid.
Gandhi, Navajiban Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1927 (rpt.1956), 38. Ibid.
p.591. 39. Red Oleanders, Rabindranath Tagore.
16. Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, vol.xx, pp.52-53. 40. Red Oleanders, Author's Interpretation.
17. Harijan, 13 July, 1940. 41. Nationalism, Rabindranath Tagore, p.5.
18. Harijan, 29 September, 1940. 42. Ibid, p.6.
19. Tagore, Gandhi And Roy: Three Twentieth Century Utopians, Sib 43. Red Oleanders, Rabindranath Tagore.
Narayan Ray from A New Renaissance, Minerva Associates Pvt. Ltd., 44. Rabindranath Tagore, Krishna Kripalani.
Calcutta, pp.100-109. 45. Gandhiji And Indian Writing in English, M.K. Naik from Critical Essays
20. Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, M.K. Gandhi, p.63. in Indian Writing in English, Karnatak University, Dharwar, 1972, p360.
21. Ibid, p.37. 46. Harijan, 1 May, 1937.
22. The Call of Truth, Rabindranath Tagore (This long rejoinder from CHAPTER - VI
Tagore to Gandhi originally appeared in Pravasee in Bengali and later Notes and References
in Modern Review in English), quoted in The Mahatma And The Poet
by Sabyasachi Bhattacharya, pp.86-87. 1. Rabindranath Tagore, Sisir Kumar Ghose, pp.l02-103.
23. Ibid. 2. Ibid, p.l 08.
24. Crisis in Civilization, Rabindranath Tagore, Visva-Bharati, Calcutta, 3. Ibid.
1950, first pub. May 1941 (written on the occasion of the poet’s eightieth 4. My School, Rabindranath Tagore, published in Personality, Macmillan
birthday, three months before his death, the paper has a historic interest and Co. Limited, London, 1943, p.116.
as his last message to the world), p.18. 5. The Centre of Indian Culture, Rabindranath Tagore, Visva Bharati,
25. Tyranny and Utopias, Ashis Nandy, pp.129-130, quoted in Political Calcutta, (First pub.in 1919), p.2.
Ideas of Mahatma Gandhi (edited by Subrata Mukherjee and Sushila 6. Tagore's Quest, Abu Sayeed Ayyub, Papyrus, Calcutta, 1980. 7. The
Ramaswamy), Deep & Deep Publishers, New Delhi, 1998. Centre of Indian Culture, Rabindranath Tagore, pp.32-33.
26. Hind Swaraj, M.K. Gandhi, p.62.
27. The Cult of the Charkha, Rabindranath Tagore, Modern Review,
September, 1925.
28. Ibid.

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16. Four Chapters, Rabindranath Tagore (Translated by Surendra Nath
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Chakravarty, B .R.Publishing Corporation, Delhi.
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30. Studies In Gandhism, N.K.Bose, Navajeevan publishing House,
Ahmedabad, 1962.
31. The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi, G.Dhawan, Navajeevan
Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1962.
32. Political Ideas of Mahatma Gandhi, Edited by Subrata Mukherjee
and Sushila Ramaswamy, Deep & Deep publications, N.Delhi, 1998.
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J.H.Muirhead, Allen & Unwin, London, 1958.
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Chatterjee, Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi, 1994.
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Delhi
39. The Artist in Chains: The Life of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Sisir
Kumar Das, New Statesman Publishing Company, New Delhi, 1984.
40. Chekhov and Tagore: A Comparative study of Their short stories,
Shankar Basu, Sterling publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 1985.
41. Contemporary Indian Philosophy, Basant Kumar Lal, Motilal Banarasi
Dass, Delhi, 1989.
42. Rabindranath Tagore, Krishna Kripalani, Grove Press, New York, 1962.
43. Rabindra Nath Tagore: Prophet Against Totalitarianism, Rajendra
Verma, Asia Publishing House, London, 1964.
44. Rabindranath Tagore, K.S.R.Sastri, Ganesh & Co., Madras, 1916.
45. Rabindranath Through Western Eyes, A.Aronson, Kitabistan,
Allahabad, 1943.
46. Passage to America: The Reception of Rabindranath Tagore in the
United States (1912-1941). Sujit Mukherjee Bookland Private,
Calcutta, 1964.
47. The History of the Indian National Congress 1885-1935, B.Pattabai
Sitaramayya, Madras, 1935.
48. Ravi-Jibanee, Prasanta Kumar Pal, Vol. VI, Calcutta, 1993.
49. The Philosophy of Rabindra Nath Tagore, S.Radhakrishnan, Good
Companions, 1961.
50. Upanishader Patabhumikay Rabindra Manas, Sasibhushan
Dasgupta, A.Mukherjee & Co., 1961.
51. Rabindra-Jivani, Prabhat Kumar Mukhopadhyaya, Vol.I,Visva-Bharati,
1961.56.
52. Rabindra Sahityer Bhumika, Nihar Ranjan Ray, Vol. I, New Age, 1965.
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 W.B.Yeats and Tradition, F.A.C.Wilson, University Paperbacks, 74. Poet and Ploughman, L.K. Elmhirst, Visva-Bharati, Calcutta, 1975.
Methuen’ London, 1958. 75. The Poet of Hindustan, A. Elanjimattom, orient Book, Calcutta, 1948.
53. Yeats: The Man And The Masks; Richard Ellmann, London, 1948. 76. Rabindranath Tagore:The Myriad-minded Man, K.Dutta and A.
54. W.B.Yeats: Man And Poet; AN.Jeffares, London, 1949. Robinson, Bloomsbury, London, 1995.
55. The Permanence of Yeats, edited by James Hall and Martin Steinmann, 77. The Religion of Tagore: In the Light of the Gospel, S.Estborn, The
New York, 1950. Christian Literature Society for India, Madras, 1949.
56. The Poetry ofW.B. Yeats, Louis Macneice, London, 1941. 78. Rabindranath Tagore and the challenges of Today, Edited by
57. How Thou Singest My Master: A Study of Tagore’s Poetry, H.Banerjee, B.Chaudhury, Indian Institute of Advanced study, Shimla, 1988.
Orient Longman, Bombay, 1961. 79. The Golden Book of Tagore: (A Homage to Rabindranath Tagore
58. Rabindranath Tagore,M.M.Lago, Twayne Publishers, Boston, 1976. from India and the World in Celebration of his seventieth Birthday),
59. Rabindranath Tagore and Universal Humanism, S.Tagore, Standard Edited by R. Chatterjee, The Golden Book Committee, Calcutta, 1990
Vacuum oil Co., Bombay, 1961. (First Pub. in 1931).
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New Delhi, 1987. Peoples Publishing Home, Delhi, 1986.
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Research Institute, Calcutta, 1976. Crown Publications, New Delhi, 1985.
62. Rabindranath Tagore:His Mystico-Religious Philosophy, 82. The Poet and The Seer, S.C. Sarkar, Papyrus, Calcutta, 1982.
P.Bhupedranath, Crown Publications, New Delhi, 1985. 83. Wit and Wisdom of Gandhi, Nehru, Tagore, N.B.Sen, New Book Society
63. Rabindranath Tagore, his Mind and Art. B.C.Chakrovarty, Young India of India, New Delhi, 1970.
Publications, New Delhi, 1971. 84. Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay: His Life and Works, Vera Novikova,
64. The Universal Man: Tagore’s Vision of the Religion of Humanity, (translated from the original Russian by Nishitesh Banerjee) National
S.M.Chattopadhyaya, Naya Prakash, Calcutta, 1987. Publication Calcutta, 1976 (see ed. 1982)
65. Tagore and the Problem of God, P.Chaudhury, Santiniketan Press, 85. A critical study of the life and Novels of Bankim Chandra, Jayanta
Santiniketan,1959. Kumar Dasgupta, Calcutta University, 1937.
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T.Das, Saraswati Library, Calcutta, 1932. University Publication, WBB, Calcutta, 1938.
67. Rabindranath: Poet-Laureate of Humanity, A.C.Das Gupta, Khadi 87. Bankim Sahityer Dhara, Kshirod Kumar Dutta, Dutta and Mukherjee
Pratisthan, Calcutta, 1948. Publishers, Calcutta, 1350 B. S.
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 Journals

1. Rabindra Bhabana Aug-Sep. Issue 1984, Tagore Research Institute

Calcutta.
2. The Statesman June 25, 1994, Calcutta.
3. Behar Herald (125th Tagore Birth Anniversary Number), November, Index
1986, Patna.[From the Cage to Infinity: Tagore's Personal Flight, Ashis
Sen] Achalayatan - p.130
4. Sunday Press, September, 1985, Bombay. Aeschylus - p.61
5. Visva-Bharati News, April 1940. Agincourt -p.16
6. Harijan, 2 March 1940. Alaler Gharer Dulal -p.21
7. The Modern Review, September 1925. A Modern Utopia -p.97
8. Visva-Bharati News, Jan. 1938. Anand, Mulk Raj -p.31
9. Amrita Bazar Patrika, September 27, 1937. Andrews, C.F -p.96,151,152,153
10. Modern Review, October 1937. Annals of Rajasthan - p.45
11. Modern Review, November, 1937. Anticipations- p.97
12. The Statesman, 15 January & 1 May 1886. Arnold Matthew -p.129
13. Harijan, 13 July 1940. Auden, W.H -p.p 88-89
14. The Telegraph, 7 August 1991, Calcutta Banerjee, Brojendranath -p.35
15. Indian Literature, Vol. 4. 1961. Banerjee, Durga Charan -p.52
16. The Visva Bharti Quarterly,October 1925 Banerjee, Krishna Mohan -p.21
17. The Indian Nation, May 10, 1986, Patna. Banerjee, Surendranath -p.52
18. Indian Journal of English studies, 2003, New Delhi. Bangadarshan -p.33,60
Bauthakuranir Hat - p.34
000 Bible, The -p.138
Bose, Raj Narayan -p.128
Bose, Subhas Chandra -p.54,80
Brooke -p.18
Buried Treasures of Tagore -p.94
Carey, William -p.17
Chaitanya -p. 68
Chatterjee, Suniti Kumar -pp.140,141
Chatterton -p.30
Char Adhyay (Four Chapters) -p.56
Citra -p.144
Crime and Punishment -p.41
Crisis in civilization -p.165,166
Cromwell -p.13

Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
204 in synthesis of Religion and Politics in synthesis of Religion and Politics
205
Dante -p.92 Kipling, Rudyard -p.87
David Copperfield -p.41 Kripalani, Krishna -p.99,108,145
David Drummond -p.18 Krishna Charitra -pp.57-59
David Hare -p.19 Krishna Kanter will -p.60
Dayananda Swami -p.76 Kabuliwalah-p.115
Deb, Radhakanta -p.20 Leth bridge -p.16
Debi Chaudhurani -p.59 Laxness-p.121
Derozio -pp.18,19 Macbeth -p.61
Desai, S,K -p.169 Madam Bovary -p.41
Dharmatattva -p.59 Majoomdar, Pratap Chandra -p.128
Dutta, Romesh Chandra -p.43 Malgonkar, Manohar -p.31
Einstein -p.96 Marshman -p.16
Euripides -p.142 Maxmuller -p.17
Eyre, Jane -p.40 Mill -p.59
Ghare Baire (The Home and the World) -p.56,98,99,100,107 Mitra, Kishori chandra -p.35
Ghose, Sisir Kumar -p.113 Mitra, Naba Gopal -p.50
Gitanjali (Song Offerings) -p.76,120,121,122,133,136,137,139,152 Mitra, Peary Chand -p.21
Goethe -p.92,142 Modern Review -p.52
Gokhle -p.150 Mrinalini -p.61
Gora -p.63,64,85,87 Mukherjee, Meenakshi -pp.36-37, 43, 86
Gupta, Kshetra -p.43 Muktadhara (The Freed Waterfall) -pp.167-169
Halder, Gopal -p.33 Nandy, Ashis -p.166
Halhead -p.16 New Worlds for old -p.97
Hind Swaraj -p.154 Nastanir (The Ruined House)-p.115
Ibsen -p.104 Othello -p.61
Indian Field -p. 35 Pather Dabi -p.56
Ivanhoe -p.42 Pound, Ezra -p.95
Iyenger, K. R. Srinivas -p.154 Prometheus Unbound -p.172
James Long -p.20 Radhakrishnan -p.176
Kabir -pp.132-134 Rajarshi -p.34
Kabir, Humayun-p.129 Raj Mohan's Wife -pp.34-37
Kalantar -p.82 Raj Singha -p.45, 46, 52
Kalpana -p.132 Rakta Karabi (Red Oleanders) -pp.169-174
KapalKundala -p.40 Ray, Sib Narayan -p.109
Karim, Rezaul -p.53 Religio Medici -p.28
Karmakar, Panchanan -p.18 Reminiscences -p.114
Keats, John -p.92,132,140 Rolland, Romain -p.92
Kheya -p.132 Rousseau -p.166
King Lear -p.61 Rowley Poems -p.29

Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study
206 in synthesis of Religion and Politics in synthesis of Religion and Politics
207
Roy, Raja Ram Mohan -p.13
Sadhana -p.110, 123
Samya -p.154
Santayana, George -p.110
Scott, Sir Walter -pp.40-43
Sen, Keshab Chandra -p.25
Sen, Ram Kamal -p.20
Sen, Sukumar -p.49
Shakespeare -pp. 61-62,65,66
Shankaracharya -p.147
Shaw, G. B. -p.96
Shelley, P. B -p.92,172
Sikdar, Radhanath -p.21
Sitaram -pp.59-60
Sophocles -p.142
Sonar Tori (The Golden Boat) -p.144
Stuart Mill -p.16
Swami Pranavananda -p.76
Swami Vivekananda -p.76, 146
Tagore, Devendranath-p.126, 127
Tagore, Dwarakanath -p.27
Tagore, Satyendranath -p.50
The Awakening of the Waterfall -p.111
The Brother Karmazov -p.41
The Invisible Man -p.97
The Religion of An Artist -p.25,26,29,32
The post office-p.116, 117
The Religion of Man -pp.26-27
The Situation And the Remedy -p.72
The Time Machine p.96
The world is too much with us -p.155
Thoreau -p.154
Vanity Fair -p.40
Visbriksha (The Poisoned Tree) p.40
Wells, H.G. -pp.96-98
Wilkins, Charles -p.17
Wilson, H.H -p.20
Wuthering Heights -p.40
Yeats, W.B. -p.89, 92, 95, 96, 149, 169

Rabindranath Tagore, the visionary activist: A critical study

208 in synthesis of Religion and Politics