This document discusses the relationship between individuals and the culture or society they are born into. It makes three key points:
1) Individuals are shaped by their culture, as it provides the "raw material" from which they build their lives, but cultures also evolve through contributions from individuals. There is no true antagonism between the individual and society.
2) Most individuals conform to the behaviors dictated by their culture due to humans' innate plasticity when young, but not all find the selected cultural behaviors equally congenial. Those whose natural tendencies align most with the culture tend to be most successful.
3) Cultures select only some potential human behaviors and tend to encourage expressions of these behaviors through institutions while inhibiting
Original Description:
Original Title
Benedict - Patterns of Culture__the Individual and the Pattern of Culture
This document discusses the relationship between individuals and the culture or society they are born into. It makes three key points:
1) Individuals are shaped by their culture, as it provides the "raw material" from which they build their lives, but cultures also evolve through contributions from individuals. There is no true antagonism between the individual and society.
2) Most individuals conform to the behaviors dictated by their culture due to humans' innate plasticity when young, but not all find the selected cultural behaviors equally congenial. Those whose natural tendencies align most with the culture tend to be most successful.
3) Cultures select only some potential human behaviors and tend to encourage expressions of these behaviors through institutions while inhibiting
This document discusses the relationship between individuals and the culture or society they are born into. It makes three key points:
1) Individuals are shaped by their culture, as it provides the "raw material" from which they build their lives, but cultures also evolve through contributions from individuals. There is no true antagonism between the individual and society.
2) Most individuals conform to the behaviors dictated by their culture due to humans' innate plasticity when young, but not all find the selected cultural behaviors equally congenial. Those whose natural tendencies align most with the culture tend to be most successful.
3) Cultures select only some potential human behaviors and tend to encourage expressions of these behaviors through institutions while inhibiting
THE large corporate behaviour we have discussed is nevertheless the behaviour of individuals. It is the world with which each person is severally presented, the world from which he must make his individual life. Accounts of any civilization condensed into a few dozen pages must necessarily throw into relief the group standards and de- scribe individual behaviour as it exemplifies the motiva- tions of that culture. The exigencies of the situation are misleading only when this necessity is read off as implying that he is submerged in an overpowering ocean. There is no proper antagonism between the r(He of society and that of the individual . One of the most mis- leading misconceptions due to this nineteenth-century dualism was the idea that what was subtracted from society was added to the individual and what was sub- tracted from the individual was added to society. Philoso- phies of freedom, political creeds of laissez [aire, revolutions that have unseated dynasties, have been built on this dualism. The quarrel in anthropological theory be- tween the importance of the culture pattern and of the individual is only a small ripple from this fundamental conception of the nature of society. In reality, society and the individual are not antagonists . His culture provides the raw material of which the indi- vidual makes his life. If it is meagre , the individual suffers; if it is rich, the individual has the chance to rise to his opportunity. Every private interest of every man and woman is served by the enrichment of the traditional stores of his civilization. The richest musical sensitivity can operate only within the equipment and standards of its tradition. It will add, perhaps importantly, to that tradi- tion. but its achievement remains in proportion to the instruments and musical theory which the culture has provided. In the same fashion a talent for observation expends itself in some Melanesian tribe upon the negligible 218 I , I I TIlE INDIVIDUAL AND THE PATTERN OP CULTURE 219 borders of the magico-religious field. For a realization of its potentialities it is dependent upon the development of scientific methodology, and it has no fruition unless the culture has elaborated the necessary concepts and tools. Theman in the street .still.thinks in termsof a neeessaIY antagonism between measure this is because in our cfViI izatlon ihe regulative activities of sociery are singled out, and we tend to iden- tify society with the restrictions the law imposes upon us. The law lays down the number of miles per hour that I may drive an automobile . If it takes this restriction away, I am by that much the freer . This basis for a fundamental antagonism between society and the individual is naive indeed when it is extended as a basic philosophical and political notion. Society is only incidentally and in certain situations regulative, and law is not equivalent to the social order. In the simpler homogeneous cultures coUec- tive habit or custom may quite supersede the necessity for any development of formal legal authority. American Indians sometimes say: 'In the old days, there were no fights about hunting grounds or fishing territories. There was no law then, so everybody did what was right.' The phrasing makes it clear that in their old life they did not think of themselves as submitting to a social control im- posed upon them from without . Even in our civilization the law is never more than a crude implement of society, and one it is often enough necessary to check in its arr0- gant career. It is never to be read off as if it were the equivalent of the social order. Society in its full sense as we have discussed it in this volume is never an entity separable from the individuals who compose it. No individual can arrive even at the threshold of his potentialities without a culture in which he participates . Conversely, no civilization has in it any element which in the last analysis is not the contribution of an individual. Where else could any trait come from except from the behaviour of a man or a woman or a child? It is largely because of the traditional acceptance of a con1lict between society and the individual , that emphasis upon cultural behaviour is so often interpreted as a denial 220 PATTERN S OP CULTURE: of the autonomy of the individual . Th e reading of Sum- ner's Folkways usually rouses a protest at the limitations such an interpr etati on pl aces upon the scope and initi ative of the individu al. Anthropology is often believed to be a counsel of despair which make s unten abl e a ben eficent human illusion . But no anthropo logis t with a backgr ound of experi ence of other cultures has ever believed that individuals were automatons, mechanically carrying out the decree s of their civilization. No culture yet observed has been abl e to eradicate the differ ences in the temper a- ments of the persons who co mpose it. It is always a give- and-take. The pr obl em of the ind ividual is not clarified hy stressing the -antagonism between culture and the indi- vidual. but by stressing their mutual reinforcement. Thi s rapport is so close that it is not possibl e 10 discu ss patt erns of cultur e without considering specifically their rel ation to individual psychology. We have seen that any society selects some segment of the arc of possible human behaviour, and in so far as it achieves integration its institutions tend to further the expressi on of its selected segment and to inhibit oppos ite expressi ons. But these opposite expre ssions are the con- genial responses, nevertheless, of a ce rtain proportion of the carrier s of the culture . We have already di scussed the reasons for believing that this selection is primarily cultural and not biological. We cannot . ther efor e, even on theor etical grounds imagine that all the congeni al respon ses of all its people will be equa lly served by the institution s of any culture . To under stand the beh aviour of the individual. it is not merely necessary to relate his person al life-hi story 10 his endow ments , and to measur e these against an arbitrarily selected normality. It is neces- sary also to rel at e his con geni al responses to the beh aviour that is singled out in the institutions of his culture. The vast proportion of all individuals who are born into any soci ety always and whatever the idiosyncrasies of its institutions. assume, as we have seen, the behaviour dic- tated by that society. Th is fact is always int erpr et ed by the carri ers of tha t cultur e as being due to the fact that their particul ar institutions reflect an ultimate and uni- versal sanity. The actual reason is quite different. Most people are sha ped to the form of their cultur e becaus e of I i I I 1 THE AND THE PATTERN OF CULTURE 221 the enormous malleability of their original endowment. They are plastic to the moulding force of the society into which they are born . It does not matter whether, with the Northwest Coast, it requires delusions of self-refer- ence, or with our own civilization the amassing of posses- sions. In any case the great mass of individuals take quite readily the form that is presented to them. They do not all, however, find it equally congenial, and those are favoured and fortun ate whose potentialities most nearly coincide with the type of behaviour selected by their society. Those who, in a situation in which they are frustrated, naturally seek ways of putting the occasion out of sight as expeditiou sly as possible are well served in Pueblo culture. Southwest institutions, as we have seen, minimize the situations in which serious frustration can arise, and when it cannot be avoided, as in death, they provide means to put it behind them with all speed. On the other hand , those who react la frustration as to an insult and whose first thought is to get even are amply provided for on the Northwest Coast. They may extend their native reaction to situations in which their paddle breaks or their canoe overturns or to the loss of relatives by death . They rise from their first reaction of sulking to thrust back in return , to 'fight' with property or with weapons . Those who can assuage despair by the act of bringing shame to others can register freely and without conflict in this society, because thei r proclivities are deeply channelled in their culture. In Dobu those whose first impulse is to select a victim and project their misery upon him in procedure s of punishment arc equally fortunate. I! happens thar .n ons, of the three cultures we have described meets frustration in a realisticmanner by stress- ing the resumption of the and interrupted effilSri- ence.' It might even s eem' iliat intlie case of death is ITDpossible . But the institutions of many cultures never- theless attempt nothin g less. Some of the forms the resti- tution takes are repugnant to us, but that only makes it clearer that in culture s where frustration is handled by giving rein to this potential behaviour , the institutions of that society carry thi s course to extraordinary lengths. Among the Eskimo, when one man has killed another, the family of the man who has been murdered may take t 222 PATTERNS OF CULTIJIlE the murderer to replace the loss within its own group. The murderer then becomes the husband of the woman who has been widowed by his act. This is an emphasis upon restitution that ignores all other aspects of the situation- those which seem to us the only important ones; but when tradition select s some such objective it is quite in character that it should disregard all else. Restitution may be carried out in mourning situations in ways that are less uncongenial to the standards of West- ern civilization. Among certain of the Central A1gonkian Indians south of the Great Lakes the usual procedure was adoption. Upon the death of a child a similar child was put into his place. The similarity was determined in all sorts of ways: often a captive brought in from a raid was taken into the family in the full sense and given all the privileges and the tenderness that had originally been given to the dead child . Or quite as often it was the child's closest playmat e, or a child from another related settle- ment who resembled the dead child in height and features. In such cases the family from which the child was chosen was supposed to be pleased, and indeed in most cases it was by no means the great step that it would be under our institutions. The child had always recognized many 'mothers' and many homes where he was on familiar foot- ing. The new allegiance made him thoroughly at home in still another household. From the point of view of the be- reaved parent s, the situation had been met by a restitution of the status quo that existed before the death of their child. Persons who primarily mourn the situation rather than the lost individual are provided for in these cultures to a degree which is unimaginable under our institutions . We recognize the possibility of such solace , but we are careful to minimize its conn ection with the original loss. We do not use it as a mourning technique, and individuals who would be well sati sfied with such a solution are left un- supported until the difficult crisis is past. There is anoth er possible attitude toward frustration. It is the precise oppo site of the Puebl o attitude, and we have described it among the other Dion ysian reactions of the Plains Indians . Instead of trying to get past the ex- perience with the least possible discomfitur e, it finds relief r THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE PATT ERN OP CULTURE 223 in the most extr avagant expres sion of grief. The Indians of the plains capitalized the utmost indulgences and ex- acted violent demonstrati ons of emotion as a matt er of course. In any group of individu als we can recognize those to whom these differ ent rea ctions 1.9 frustration and &rid are congeni al : ignorin g j tl. indulging it by uninhjbited expr ession, gett ing even, pun ishing a victim, and seeking restituti on of t he original situat ion. In the psychiatric records of our own society, some of t . 1 ! e ~ e JmEtilSes are recogniz ed as bad ways of dealing with the situation , some as good. The bad ones are said to lead to maladjust- ment s and insaniti es, the good ones to adequate social functi onin g. It is clear, however , that the corr elation does not lie between any one 'bad' tendency and abnormality in any absolute sense. The desire to run away from grief, to leave it behind at all costs, does not foster psychotic behaviour where, as among the Puebl os, it is mapped out by institutions and supported by every attitude of the group. The Pueblos are not a neurot ic people. Their cul- ture gives the impre ssion of fostering mental health . Similarly, the par anoid att itudes so violently expressed among the Kwakiu tl are known in psychi atric theory derived from our own civilizat ion as thor oughly ' bad' ; that is, they lead in variou s ways to the br eakdown of personali ty. But it is just t hose individuals amo ng the Kwakiuti who find it congenial to give the freest expres- sion to these att itudes who neverthel ess arc the leaders of Kwakiutl society and find grea test personal fulfilment in its cultur e. Obviously, adequate pers onal adjustment does not depend upon following certa in motivations and eschew- ing others . The correlation is in a ditferent direction . Just as those are favoured whose congenial responses are closest to that behaviour which characterizes their society, so those are disorient ed whose congenial respon ses faUin that arc of behaviour which is not capitalized by their culture . The se abnor mals arc those who are not supported by the insti tutions of their civilizat ion. They are the excep- tions who have not easily taken the traditi onal forms of their culture . For a valid compara tive psychiatry, these disoriented 224 PAlTEIlNS OF CULTURE persons who have failed to adapt themselves adequately to their cultures are of first importance. Tbe issue in psychiatry has been too often confused by starting from a fixed list of symptoms instead of from the study of those wbose characteristic reactions are denied validity in their society. The tribes we bave described have all of them their non- participating 'abnormal' individuals. The individual in Dobu who was thoroughly disoriented was the man who was naturally friendly and found activity an end in itself. He was a pleasant fellow who did not seek to overthrow his fellows or to punish them. He worked for anyone who asked him, and he was tireless in carrying out their com- mands. He was not filled by a terror of the dark like his fellows, and be did not , as they did, utterly irthibit simple public responses of friendliness toward women closely re- lated, like a wife or sister. He often patted them play- fully in public. In any other Dobuan this was scandalous behaviour , but in him it was regarded as merely silly. The village treated him in a kindly enough fashion, not taking advantage of him or making a sport of ridiculing him, but he was definitely regarded as one wbo was outside the game. The behaviour congenial to the Dobuan simpleton has been made the ideal in certain periods of our own civiliza- tion, and there are still vocations in which his responses are accepted in most Western communities. Especially if a woman is in question, she is well provided for even to- day in our mores, and functions honourably in her family and community. The fact tbat the Dobuan could not func- tion in his culture was not a consequence of the particular responses that were congenial to him, but of the chasm between them and tbe cultural pattern. Most ethnologists have had similar experiences in recognizing that the persons who are put outside the pale of society with contempt are not those who would be placed there by another culture. Lowie found among the Crow Indians of the plains a man of exceptional knowl- edge of his cultural forms. He was interested in consider- ing these objectively and in correlating different facets. He had an interest in genealogical facts and was invaluable on points of history. Altogether he was an ideal interpreter I \ TH E INDI VIDU AL AND m e P ATTE RN OP CULTURE 225 of Crow life. These traits, however , were not those which were the password to honour among the Crow. He had a definite shrinking from physical danger, and br avado was the tri bal virt ue. To make matters worse he had at - tempt ed to gain recognition by claiming a war honour which was fraudul ent. He was proved not to have bro ught in, as he cla imed, a picketed hor se from the enemy' s camp. To lay false clai m to war honou rs was a paramount sin among the Crow, and by the general opinion. constantly reiter at ed, he was regarded as irre sponsible and incom- petent. Such sit uations can be paralleled with the atti tude in our civilization towar d a man who does not succeed in regarding personal possessions as supremely importa nt . Our hobo population is consta ntly fed by those to whom the accumulat ion of propert y is not a suffic ient moti vation . In case these indi viduals ally themselves with the hoboes, publi c opinion regards them as potentially vicious, as in- deed because of the asocial situation into which they are thr ust they readily become. In case, however , these men comp ensat e by emphasizing their artist ic temper ament and become members of expatria ted groups of petty ar- tists, opi nion regards t.hem not as vicious but as silly. In any case they are unsupported by the forms of their society, and the effort to exp ress themselves satisfactorily is ordinarily a greater task than they can achieve. The di lemma of such an individual is often 111 0st suc- cessfully solved by doing violence to his st rongest natural impul ses and accepting the role the culture honour s. In case he is a per son to whom social recognition is necessary, it is ordina rily his onJy possible course. One of the most stri king indi vidu als in Zuni had accepted this necessity. In a society that thoroughly distrusts authority of any sort , he had a native personal magnetism that singled him out in any group. In a society that exa lts moderati on and the easiest way. he was tur bul ent and could act violently upon occ asion. In a society that pr aises a pliant person- ality that 'talks lot s'- that is, th at chatters in a friendly fashion-h e was scornful and aloof. Zuni' s only reaction to such personalities is to br and them as witches . He was said to have been seen peering thr ough a window from out side, and this is a sure mark of a witch. At any rat e, he 226 PA]T ERNS Of CULTURE got drunk one day and boasted that they could not kill him. He was taken before the war priests who bung him by his thumb s from the rafter s till be should confess to his witchcraft . This is the usual procedur e in a charge of witchcraft. However , he dispatched a messenger to the government troop s. When they ca me, his shoulders were already crippled for life, and the officer of the law was left with no recourse but to imprison the war priests who had heen responsible for the enormity. One of these war priests was probably the most respected and important person in recent Zufii history, and when he returned after imprison- ment in the state penitenti ary he never resumed his priestly offices. He regard ed his power as broken. It was a revenge that is prob ably uniqu e in Zufu history. It in- volved, of course, a challenge to the pr iesthoods, against whom the witch by his act openly aligned himself. The course of his life in the fort y years that followed this defiance was not. however. what we might easily predict. A witch is not barr ed from his membership in cult groups because he has been condemned, and the way to recognition lay thr ough such activity. He possessed a re- markable verbal memory and a sweet singing voice . He learned unbelievabl e stores of mythology, of esoteric ritual, of cult songs. Many hundr eds of pages of stories and ritual poetry were taken down from his dictation before he died, and he regarded his songs as much marc exten- sive. He became indispensable in ce remonial life and be- fore he died was the governor of Zuiii . The congenial bent of his personality threw him into irreconcilable con- flict with his society, and he solved his dilemma by turn- ing an incidental talent to account. As we might well ex- pect, he was not a happy man. As governor of Zuni, and high in his cult groups. a marked man in his community, he was obsessed by death . He was a cheated man in the midst of a mildly happy populace. It is easy to imagine the life he might have lived among the Plains Indi ans, where every institution favoured the traits that were native to him. The personal authority, the turbulence, the scorn, would al l have been honoured in the career he could have made his own. The unhappi- ness that was inseparable from his temperament as a suc- cessful priest and governor of Zufu would have had DO TH E INDIVIDUAL AND TIl E PATT ERN OF CUL TURE 227 pl ace as a war chi ef of the Ch eyenn e; it was not a function of the tr ait s of his native endowment but of the sta nda rds of the cui tur e in whic h he found no outlet for his nativ e respon ses. The indi vidual s we have so far di scussed are not in any sense psychopathic . Th ey illustrate the dilemma of the individu al whose congeni al driv es are not provid ed for in the instituti ons of his culture. This dil emma becomes of psychiatric import ance when the behaviour in question is regarded as ca tego rically abnorma l in a society. Western civilizati on tends to regard even a mild homosexual as an abnorm al. Th e clinical pict ure of homosexualit y stresses the neuro ses and psyc hose s to which it gives rise, and emph asizes almost equally the inadequ ate functi onin g of the invert and his behaviour. We have only to turn to oth er cultur es, however , to realize that homosexuals hav e by no means been unif orml y inadequ at e to the social situati on. Th ey have not always failed to functi on . In some societ ies they have even been espec ially accla imed. Plat o' s Republic is. of course, the most co nvincing sta te- ment of the honour abl e esta te of homosexualit y. It is pre sent ed as a major mean s to the good life, and Plat o's high ethical eva luation of thi s response was upheld in tbe cust omary behaviour of Gr eece at that period . Th e Ameri can Indi ans do not mak e Plato' s high moral claims for homosex ua lity, but homosexuals are often re- garded as excep t ional ly able. In most of Nort h Ameri ca there exists the institution of the berdache, as the French called them. Th ese men-women were men who at pub erty or thereaft er took the dress and the occupa tions of women. Sometimes they marri ed other men and lived with them. Sometimes they wer e men with no inver sion , persons of weak sexual endow ment who chose this rol e to avoid the jeer s of the women. Th e ber daches were never regarded as of first- rate supernatural powe r. as similar men- women wer e in Siberi a, but rath er as leaders in women' s occupa - tions, good healers in ce rta in diseases, or. among ce rta in trib es, as the genial organizers of social affairs. Th ey were usually, in spite of the mann er in which they were accept ed, regarded with a ce rtain emba rra ssment. It was thought slightly ridiculous to address as 'she' a person who was known to be a man and who, as in Zufii, would 228 PATTERNS OF c ULTURe be buri ed on the men's side of the cemetery . But they were socially placed. Th e emphas is in most tr ibes was upon the fact that men who took over women's occupa- tions exce lled by reason of their strength and initiative and we re therefore leaders in women's tech niques and in the accumulation of those forms of property made by women. One of the best known of all the Zunis of a generation ago was the man- woman We- wha, who was, in the words of his friend. Mrs. Stevenson, 'ce rtainly the strongest person in Zuni, bot h ment all y and physically.' Hi s re- markable memory for ritual made him a chief personage on ceremonial occa sions. and his strength and intelli gence made him a leader in all kinds of crafts. The men- women of Zu fii are not all strong, self- reliant personages. Some of t hem take this refuge to protect themselves against thei r inability to take part in men's activities. One is almost a simpleton, and one. hardly more than a little boy. has del icate features like a girl's. There are obviously several reasons why a person becomes a berdache in Zuiii , but whateve r the reason. men who have chosen openly to assume wome n's dress have the same chance as any other persons to es tablish themselves as functi onin g members of the soc iety. Their response is socially recognized. If they have nati ve ability. they can give it scope; if they are wea k creat ures, they fail in terms of their weakness of character, not in terms of their inversion . The Indian inst itution of the berd ache was most strongly developed on the pl ains. Th e Dakot a had a sayi ng ' fine possessions like a berdache's,' and it was the epitome of praise for any woman's household possessions. A ber- dache had two strings to his bow, he was supreme in women's techniques, and he could also support his me- nage by the man's activity of hunt ing. Therefo re no one was richer . When espe cially fine beadwork or dr essed skins we re desired for ce remonial occ asions. the berdache's work was sought in preference to any other's. It was his soc ial adequacy that was stressed above all else. As in Zuni. the attitude toward him is ambivalent and touched with malaise in the face of a recogni zed incongruity. Soci al sco rn, however, was visited not upon the berdache but upon the man who lived with him. The latter was re- TH E INDIVIDU AL AND TH E PArrE RN OP CULTU RE. 229 garded as a weak man who had chose n an easy berth in- stead of the recognized goals of their culture; he did not contribute to the household , which was already a model for all households through the sole efforts of the berdache. Hi s sexual adjustme nt was not singled out in the judg- ment that was passed upon him. but in terms of his economi c adjustment he was an outcas t. I When the homo sexu al response is regard ed as a per- version , however , the invert is immedi at ely exposed to all the conflicts to which aberra nts are always exposed. Hi s guilt , his sense of inadequ acy, his failur es, are conse- quences of the disr eput e which social tr aditi on visits upon him; and few people can achieve a sat isfactory life un- supp ort ed by the standards of the society. Th e adjustments that society demand s of them would strain any man' s vitalit y, and the consequences of this conflict we identify with thei r homosexuality . Tr ance is a similar abnorma lity in our society. Even a very mild mystic is aberra nt in Western civilizati on . In ord er to study tr ance or catalep sy within our own soc ial group s, we have to go to the case hi stori es of the abnormal . Th er efor e the corre lation bet ween tr ance expe rience and the neur oti c and psychoti c seems perfect. As in the case of the homosexual , however , it is a local corre lation char- acteri stic of our centu ry. Even in our own cultural back- ground othe r eras give dilTerent result s. In the Middle Ages when Ca tholicism made the ecstatic expe rience the mark of sainthood , the trance expe rience was greatly valu ed, and those to whom the respon se was congenial, instead of bein g overwhelmed by a cat astroph e as in our centu ry, were given confide nce in the pursuit of their car eer s. It was a valid ati on of ambiti ons. not a stigma of insanit y. Indi viduals who were suscept ible to tr ance, ther e- fore , succeeded or failed in term s of their nati ve capa c- ities, but since tr ance expe rience was highly valued, a great leader was very likely to be capable of it. Among primitiv e peo ples, tr ance and cata lepsy have been honour ed in the extr eme. Some of the Indi an tribes of Ca lifornia accorded pr estige principally to those who passed throu gh certa in tr ance experiences . Not all of these tribe s beli eved that it was excl usively women who were so blessed, but among the Shasta this was the convent ion. 230 PATTERNS OF CULTURE Their shamans were women, and they were acco rded the greatest prestige in the co mmunity. They were chosen be- cause of their co nstitutional liabiJity to trance and allied manifestations. One day the woman who was so destined, while she was about her usual work. fell suddenl y to the ground. She had hear d a voice spea king to her in tones of the greatest intensity. Turning, she had seen a man with drawn bow and arrow. He co mmanded her to sing on pain of being shot throu gh the heart by his arrow. but under the stress of the expe rience she fell senseless. Her family gather ed. She was lying rigidly, hardl y br eathing. They knew that for some time she had had dreams of a special charact er which indi cated a shamanistic calling, dreams of escaping grizzly bears. falling off cl iffs or trees. or of being surrounded by swarms of yellow-jackets. The com- munit y knew therefore what to expec t. Aft er a few hours the woman began to moan gently and to roll about upon the ground. tremblin g violently. She was supposed to be repeatin g the song which she had bee n told to sing and which durin g the tr ance had been taught her by the spirit . As she revived, her moaning became more and more clearly the spirit's song until at last she called out the name of the spirit itself , and immediat ely blood oozed from her mouth. When the woman had come to her self after the first encounter with her spirit. she danced that night her first initiatory shaman's dance. For three nights she danced, holdin g her self by a rope that was swung from the ceiling. On the thi rd ni ght she had to receive in her body her power from the spirit. She was dancing, and as she felt the approach of the moment she called out, 'He will shoot me, he will shoot me.' Her friends stood close. for when she reeled in a kind of cataleptic seizure. they had to seize her befor e she feU or she would di e. Fro m thi s time on she had in her body a visible materialization of her spirit's power. an icicl e-like object which in her dances thereafter she would exhibit . produ cing it from one part of her body and returning it to another part. From this time on she continued demonstrations. and she was called upon in great emergencies of life and death. for curing and for divin ati on and for counsel. She became, in other words. by this procedure a woman of great power and importance. TH E I NDI VID UAL AND T H E PATT ERN OF CU LT UR E 23 1 It is cl ear that. far from rega rd ing catalept ic seizures as bl ots upon the fam ily escutcheon and as evide nces of dr eaded di sease . cu ltura l approval had seized upon them and mad e of them the path way to autho rity over one' s fellows. They were the outstanding cha ract er istic of the most respected social type, the type which funct ioned with most hon our and rewa rd in the co mmunity. It was preci sely the cataleptic individ ual s who in thi s culture wer e singl ed out for authority and leade rship. Th e po ssible usef ulness of ' abno rmal' types in a soc ial str ucture. provided they arc types that a re cult urally selected by th at gro up. is illustrated from every par t of the world . Th e shamans of Sibe ria do mi nate thei r com- mu ni ties . Acco rdin g to the ideas of these peop les. they are indi vidual s who by submission to the will of the spirits have been cured of a grievous illness-th e onset of the seiz ur es- and have acq uired by (his means grea t super- nat ural power and incomparabl e vigour and hea lth . S O I 1 1 C ~ dur ing the per iod of the ca ll. arc violently insane for sev- eral years ; others irr espo nsibl e to the po int where they have to be co nsta nt ly wa tc hed lest they wa nder ofT in the snow and fr eeze to deat h; others ill and emac iated to th e po int of death. some times with bl ood y sweat. It is the shamanistic pract ice which co ns titutes thei r cure. and the extr eme exe rtion of a Sibe rian seance leaves them. they claim. rested and able to enter immed iat ely upon a similar pe rfo rmance. Ca ta leptic seizures arc regarded as an esse n- tial part of any shamanistic per formance . A good descr iption of the neur ot ic co ndition of the shaman and the atte ntion given him by hi s society is an old one by Canon Ca llaway, reco rded in the words of an old Zulu of South Afri ca : Th e condition of a man who is about to become a diviner is th is : at first he is appa rent ly robu st, but in the process of time he begins to be delica te. nOI having any rea l di sease, but being delicate. He habitu all y avoids certa in kinds of food, choosing wha t he likes. and he does not cat much of that : he is cont inually co mplai ni ng of pains in diffe rent part s of his hod y. And he tel ls them th at he h;IS drea mt that he was carried away by a river. He dreams of many things, and his body is muddied [as a river) a nd he become s a house of dreams. He dreams consta nt ly of many th ings. and on 23 2 PATTERNS OF CULTURE awake ni ng tells his fri end s. ' My body is mudd ied tod ay; I dr eam many men wer e kill ing me, and I escaped I know not how. On waking one pa rt of my hody felt differe nt from other parts : it was no longer alike all over.' At last that ma n is very ill. and they go to the div iner s to enqui re . Th e diviners do not at once sec th at he is abou t to have a soft head (that is, the sensitivity associa ted wit h shaman- ism] . It is difficult for t hem la see the t r uth ; t hey con tin u- ally t alk no nsense and mak e fal se stateme nts. until all the man ' s ca ttle are devour ed at the ir comma nd. they saying t hat the spirit of his people dem ands ca tt le. t hat it may eat food . AI lengt h all t he man 's prop erty is expend ed. he st ill be ing ill ; and t hey no longer know wha t to do. for he has no more cat tle, and his frie nds help him in suc h things as he needs. At length a div iner comes and says t hat all the ot hers are wrong. He says. ' He is possessed by t he spiri ts. Th er e is not hing else. Th ey mo ve in him, be ing divided into two parti es: so me say, "N o. wc do not wi sh our chi ld injured. we do not wish it ." It is for that reason he does not get well. If you bar the way aga inst the spirits. yo u will be killing him . For he will no t be a divi ner; neither will he ever be a man aga in. ' So the ma n may be ill two yea rs with out gelli ng be tter; perh aps even longe r th an th at. He is confine d to his house. This continues t ill his hair fall s off . And his body is dry and scurfy: he does not like to ano int himself . He shows that he is about to be a di viner by yawni ng agai n and aga in, and by sneezing cont inua lly. It is appa re nt also fr om his be ing very fond of snuff: not allowing any long ti me to pass wit ho ut tak ing some. And peop le beg in to sec that he has had wh at is good given to him. Aft er t hat he is ill : he has co nvulsion s. and whe n water has been po ured on hi m they then cease for a t ime. He hab ituall y sheds tea rs. at first slight. then at last he weeps aloud and when the peop le are asleep he is hear d makin g a noise and wa kes the peopl e by his singing; he has co mposed a song. and the me n and women awa ke and go to sing in concert with him. All t he peopl e of the village ar c t roub led by wan t of sleep; for a man who is becomin g a diviner C;.l USCS great troub le. for he does not sleep. hut wo rks co n- st ant ly with his brai n: his sleep is mer ely by sna tches. and he wa kes up singing man y songs: and peopl e who arc near qui t t heir villages by night when the y hear him singing aloud a nd go to sing in concert. Perhaps he sings till mornin g. no on e having slept. And then he leaps abo ut THE INDIVIDUAL AND TH.E PATT ERN OF CUL TU RE 233 the bouse like a fr og; and the hou se becomes too small for him, and he goes out leapin g and singing, and shaking like a reed in the wat er, and drippin g wit h perspir ati on . In thi s st ate of things they da ily expe ct his death ; he is now but skin and bones, and th ey think th at tomorr ow's sun will not leave him alive. At thi s time many catt le are eaten , for the peo ple encour age hi s becomin g a diviner . At length (in a drea m] an anci ent ancestral spirit is pointed out to him . Thi s spir it says to him , ' Go to So-and- so and he will churn for you an emetic [the medi cine the drinking of whi ch is a part of sha ma nist ic init iat ion] th at you may be a diviner altoget her.' Th en he is quiet a few days, having gone to the di viner to have the medicine churned for him; and he comes back quite ano ther man , being now cleansed and a di viner indeed . Ther eafter for life, when he is possessed by his spirits, he foret eUs events and finds lost art icles. It is clear that cultur e may value and make soc ially availabl e even highl y unstabl e hum an types. If it chooses to tre at their peculiarities as the most valued variants of human behaviour , the indi vidual s in question will rise to the occasion and perform their soc ial roles without refer- ence to our usual ideas of the types who ca n make social adjustm ent s and those who ca nnot. Th ose who function inad equ at ely in any soc iety ar e not those with certa in fixed ' abnorma l' tr ait s, but may well be those whose responses have received no suppon in the inst itutions of their cul- tur e. Th e weakness of these abe t-rants is in great measure illusory . It springs, not from the [act that they are lacking in necessary vigour, but that they are individu als whose native responses are not reaffirmed by society. Th ey are, as Sapir phrases it, ' alienated from an impo ssible world.' Th e pe rson unsupport ed by the sta nda rds of his time and place and left naked to the winds of ridicul e has been unfor gett ably dr awn in Eur opean liter atur e in the figure of Don Qu ixote. Cerva ntes turn ed upon a tr adi tion still honour ed in the abstract the limeli ght of a changed set of pr actic al standards, and his poo r old man, the orthodox upholder of the romanti c chivalr y of another generation, became a simpleton. Th e windmills with which he tilted were the serious antagonists of a har dl y vanished world, but to tilt with them when the world no longer called 234 PATTeRNS OP CULTURE them serious was to ra ve. He loved his Dulcinea in the best t rad itional manner of chivalry . but another version of love was fashi on able for the mom ent , and his fer vour was counted to him for madn ess. These contrasting worlds which, in the primi tive cul- tur es we have co nside red. are sep ara ted from onc another in space. in modern Occi de ntal history more often suc- ceed one anot her in ti me. Th e major issue is the sa me in eithe r case, but the impo rtance of under st and ing the phe- nomenon is far grea ter in the modern world where we ca nnot esca pe if we would from the succes sion of configura tions in ti me. When eac h culture is a world in itself, relatively stable like the Eskimo culture, for exa mple, and geo- grap hically isolated from all othe rs. the issue is acad emi c. But our civilization must deal with cult ura l standards that go down under our eyes and new ones that arise from a shadow upon the hori zon. We must be willing to take account of changing normaliti es even when the question is of the morality in which we we re bred . Ju st as we are handicapped in deal ing with ethica l prob lems so long as we hold to an absolute definition of mor alit y. so we are handicapp ed in dealing with hum an soc iety so long as we ident ify our local normaliti es with the inevitable necessi- ties of existence. No society has yet atte mpted a self-conscious direction of the proce ss by which its new norm alities are cr ea ted in the next generat ion. Dewey has pointed out how possibl e and yet how drastic sueh soc ial enginee ring would be. For some tr ad it ional arra ngements it is obvio us that very high p rices are paid. reck oned in terms of hum an suffering and fr ust rat ion. If these arr angement s presented themselves [Q us merely as arra nge me nts and not as cate- gorical imperatives. our reasonable course would be to adap t them by whatever means to rat ionally selecte d goals. What we do instead is to rid icu le our Don Qui xotes. the ludicr ous embod iments of an outmod ed tr aditi on. and con- ti nue to regard our own as final and presc ribed in the na- ture of things. In the meant ime the ther apeut ic prob lem of dealing with our psychopat hs of [his type is often misunderstood. Their ali enati on from the actual worl d can often be more intelligentl y hand led than by insist ing tha t the y adopt TH E IND rvmuAL AND TH E PATT ERN OP CUL TU RE 235 th e mod es that are al ien to them . Two ot her courses are alway s po ssible. In the first place, the misfit individu al may cultivate a gre ater objective inter est in his own pref- erences and learn how to manage wit h greater equa- nimi ty his de viat ion from the type. If he learn s to recog- nize the extent to which his suffering has been due to his lack of suppo rt in a tr aditi on al ethos , he may gradually edu cat e himsel f to accept his degree of difference with less suffering. Bot h the exaggerated emotiona l distu rbances of the mani c-depr essive and the secl usion of the schizo- phr en ic add certa in va lues to existence which arc not open to those di ffer entl y co nstituted . The unsup port ed indi- vidu al who vali antly acce pts his favourit e and nat ive virt ues may atta in a feasible course of be hav iour that makes it un necessary for him to take refuge in a pri vate worl d he ha s fashi on ed for himself . He may gradua lly achieve a mor e indepe nd ent and less to rt ured attitude towar d his deviations and upon this att itude he may be able to buil d an adequately func tioning existence. In the second place . an increased tolerance in soc iety towar d its less usual types must keep pace with the self- educat ion of the patient. Th e po ssibilit ies in this di rec- tion are endless. Tradi tion is as neur ot ic as any pati ent ; its overgrown fear of deviation from its fort uitou s stand- ard s conforms to all the usual definitions of the psycho- path ic. This fear does not depend upon observation of the limit s within whic h conformity is necessary to the soc ial good . Much mor e deviat ion is allowe d to the individual in some cult ures than in othe rs. and those in which much is al lowed can not be shown to suffer from their pec uliarity. It is prob able th at soc ial orde rs of the futur e will carry this tol erance and encourageme nt of ind ividua l diffe rence much fur ther than any cult ures of which we have exper- ience. Th e Am eric an tend ency at the present time lean s so far to the op pos ite extreme that it is not easy for us to pic- tur e the changes that suc h an att itud e wo uld br ing abo ut. Mid dtetown is a typic al example of our usual urban fear of seeming in however slight an act different from our neighbours. Ecce nt rici ty is mor e fear ed than pa rasitism. Every sacrifice of ti me and tr anquilli ty is made in order that no one in the fami ly may have any tai nt of noncon- 236 PATTERNS OF CULTU RE formity attached to him. Children in school make their great tragedies out of not wearing a ce rtain kind of stock- ings, not joining a ce rtain dancing-class, not driving a certain car. The fear of being different is the dominating motivation recorded in Middletown. The psychopa thic toll that such a motivation exacts is evident in every institution for mental diseases in our country. In a soc iety in which it existed only as a minor motive among many others, the psychi atric picture would be a very different one. At all events, there can be no reasonable doubt that onc of the most effective ways in which to deal with the stagg.ering burden of psychopathic tragedies in America at the present time is by means of an educational program which fosters tol erance in society auad a kind and indepe nde nce that is for eign- _ to Middletown an our urban traditions. Not all psychopath s, of course, are indi viduals whose native responses are at variance with those of their civi- lization. Another large group are those who are merely in- adequate and who are strongly enough motivated so that their failure is more than they can bear. In a society in which the will-to-power is most highly rewar ded, those who fail may not be tho se who are differentl y const ituted, but simply those who are insufficientl y endowed. The in- feriority complex takes a great toll of suffering in our society. It is not necessary that sufferers of this type have a history of frustration in the sense that strong native bent s have been inhibi ted ; their frustr ation is often enough only the reflection of their inability to reach a certain goal. There is a cultural implication here, too, in that the traditional goal may be access ible to large numbers or to very few, and in proportion as success is obse ssive and is limited to the few, a greater and greater number will be liable to the extreme penal ties of maladju stment. To a certain extent, therefore, civilization in setting higher and possibly more wort h-while goals may increase the number of its abnormals. But the point may very easily be ove remphasized. for very small changes in social attitudes may far outweigh this correlation. On the whole, since the socia l possibilities of tolerance and recognition of individual difference are so little explored in practice, pessimism seems premature. Certainly other quite differ- THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE PATI ERN OP CULTURf! 237 ent social factors which we have just discussed are more dir ectl y respon sibl e for the grea t propo rt ion of our neu- rotics and psychotics, and with these other factors civiliza- tions could , if they would , deal with out necessary intrinsic loss. We have been conside ring indivi du als from the point of view of their ability to funct ion ad equately in their society. Thi s adequate functioning is one of the ways in whi ch norm alit y is clini call y defined. It is also defined in term s of fixed symptoms, and the tend ency is to identify normality with the statistically average. In practice this average is one arrived at in the laboratory, and devaitions from it are defined as abnormal. From the point of view of a single culture thi s pro- cedure is very useful. It shows the clinical pictur e of the civilization and gives considerable information about its soci ally approved behaviour. To generalize this as an absolute normal, however, is a different matter. As we have seen, the range of normality in different cultures does not coincide. Some, like Zufii and the Kwakiutl, are so far removed from each other that they overlap only slightly. The statistically determined normal on the Northwest Coast would be far outside the extreme boundaries of abnormal ity in the Pueblos. The norm al Kwakiutl rivalry co ntest would only be under stood as madness in Zufii, and the traditional Zuni indifference to dominance and the humili ati on of others would be the fatu ousness of a simplet on in a man of nobl e famil y on the Northwest Coas t. Aberrant behaviour in either culture could never be determined in relation to any least common denorni- nator of behaviour. Any soc iety. according to its major preoccupations, may increase and intensify even hysteri- cal, epileptic, or paranoid symptoms, at the same time relying socially in a greater and grea ter degre e upon the very indi vidu als who di splay them. Thi s fact is important in psychiatry because it makes clear anothe r gro up of abnorma ls which pro bably exists in every culture: the abnormals who represent the extreme developm ent of the local cultu ral type. This group is soc ially in the opposite situation from the group we have discussed. those whose responses are at variance with their cultural standards . Soc iety, inst ead of exposing the former 238 PATT ERNS OF CULTURE group at every point , supports them in their furth est aber- rations. They have a licence which they may almost end- lessly exploit. For this reason these persons almost never fall within the scope of any contempo rary psychiat ry. They are unl ikely to be described even in the most careful manuals of the generat ion that foster s them. Vet from the point of view of another generation or culture they are ordinarily the most bizarr e of the psychopathic types of the period . The Purit an divines of New England in the eighteenth century were the last persons whom contemporary opinion A.in the colonies regarded as psychopath ic. Few prestige II\ groups in any culture have been allowed such complete intellectual and emot ional dict at orship as they were. They were the voice of God. Yet to a modem obse rver it is they, not the confu sed and torment ed women they put to death as witches, who were the psychoneurotics of Puritan New England . A sense of guilt as ext reme as they por- trayed and demanded both in their own conversion experi- ences and in those of their converts is found in a slightly saner civilization only in institutions for mental diseases. They admitted no salvation without a conviction of sin that prostrated the victim. sometimes for years, with re- morse and terrible anguish. It was the duty of the minister to put the fear of hell into the heart of even the youngest child, and to exact of every convert emotional acceptance -' of his damnation if God saw fit to damn him. It does not matt er where we turn among the records of New England >-Purit an churches of this period, whether to those dealing -: with witches or with unsaved children not yet in their teens or with such themes as damnation and predestina- tion, we are faced with the fact that t he group of people who carried out to the greatest extreme and in the fullest honour the cultural doctrine of the moment are by the slightly alte red standards of our generation the victims of intolerable aberrations. From the point of view of a com- V par ative psychiatry they fall in the category of the ab- normal . In our own generation extreme tonns of ego-l ratifica- tion are culturally supporte<l In a SImilar fashIon. ITO ant and unbridled egoists as family men, as officers of the law and in business, have been again and by TH E INDIVID UAL AND TH E PATTERN OF CULTURE 239 _novelists and dramati sts, and they are famili ar in every community. Like me- behaviour of Puritan divines , tneir cour ses of action ar e often mor e asocial than those of the inmat es of penit entiaries. In terms of the suffering and frustr ation that they spread about them tbere is probably no comp ari son. Th ere is very possibly at least as great a degre e of mental warping . Yet they are entrusted with positions of great influence and importan ce and arc as a rule father s of families. Their impre ss both upon their own childr en and upon the structur e of our society is indelible. They are not described in our manuals of psy- chiatry because they are supported by every tenet of our civilization. The y ar e sure of themselves in real life in a way that is possible only to those who are oriented to the point s of the compass laid down in their own culture . Neverth eless a future psychiatry may well ransack our novels and lett ers and public records for illumination upon a type of abnormality to which it would not other- wise give credence. In every society it is :lmong this very group of the culturally. and forti fied that some " of the most extreme types of hum"an behaJlour ar e fostered. Social thinkin g at the present time has no mor e im- portant task befor e it than that of takin g adeq uate ac- count of cultur al relati vity. In the fields of bot h .ociology and psychology the impli cations are funda mental. and modern thought about contacts of peoolcs and about our changing standards is grea tly in need of sane and scientific directi on. The sophisticated modern temper has made of social relativit y. even in the small area which it has recog- nized, a doctrin e of despai r" It has pointed nut its in- congruit y with the ort hodox dreams of per manence and ideality and with the individu al' s illusions of autonomy. It has argued that if human expe rience must give up these, the nut sheU of existence is empty. g ut to interpr et our dilemma in these terms is to be guilty of an anachronism. It is only the inevitabl e cultur al lag that makes us insist that the old must be discover ed again in the new, that there is no solution but to find the old cer tainty and stabil- ity in the new plasticit y. Th e recognition of cultural rel- ativit y ca rr ies with it its own v alues, WhLCh need not be .those 6n he PfQIosoph}Os._n c.haU""nges custom- 240 PATTERNS OP CULTURE ary opinions and causes those who have been br ed to them 'acute discomf ort . It rouses pessimism heca us e jt throws old formul ae into co nfusion....ll.o. Lbecause, it- cont ains any- thing intrinsically difficult. As soo n as the new opinion is embraced as customary belief. it will be another trusted bulwark of the good life. We shall arr ive then at a more realistic soc ial faith, accep ting as grounds of hope and as new bases for tolerance the coex isting and equally valid patterns of life which mankind bas created for itself from the raw materials of ex istence. REFERENCES CHAPTE R I PAGE 26 Hard , Jean -Mar c-Gaspar d . Th e Wild Boy 0/ Avey ron, tr ans- lated by Geo rge and Muri el Hum phr ey. New Yo rk, 1932. It is probable that some of these children wer e subnor mal an d abandone d beca use of that fact. But it is hard ly possible th at all of th em were, ye t they all impressed obse rvers as half -witt ed . 28 See Boas. Fra nz. A nthropolog y and M od ern L if e, 18-100 . New York, 1932. CHAPTE R Il 36 For an analysis of pubert y rites as crisis ceremonialism, Van Ge nnep. Arn old. Lex Rit es de Passage. Pari s, 1909. 39 Mead , Ma rgaret. Co ming 0/ Age in Samoa. New York, 1928. 1949. 42 Howitt , A. W. Th e Nativ e Tri bes of Sou th-East A ustralia. New York . 1904 . 47 Benedict, Ruth . Th e Concept of the Gua rdian Spirit in North Am eri ca . Memoi rs of the Am erican A nt hr opological Asso- ciati on, no. 29, 1923. CHAPTER III SS Malin owski , Broni slaw. Th e Sexu al Li fe of Savages, London, 1929; Argona uts of the Western Pacific, Lond on , 1922; Crime and Custom in Savage Soci ety, London, 1926; Sex and Repr ession in Savage Societ y. London, 1927; Myth in Primi- tive Psychology, New York, 1926. Stem, Wil he1m. Die differ entie lle Psychologie in thren Gr und- lagen . Leipzig, 1921. 56 w orrtn ger , Wi1helm . Form in Gothi c. London , 1927. Koffka, Ku rt . The Gr owth of the Mind. New Yor k, 1927. Kdhl er, Wilhelm . Gesta lt Psychology . New York , 1929 . Fo r a summary of the wor k of the Ges ta lt school see Mu rph y, Ga rdner. Approaches to Personality, 3-36. New York , 1932. S7 Dilth ey, Wilbelm . Gesam me lte Schr ii ten, Band 2; 8. Leipzig, 1914- 31. 58 Spengler, Oswald. The Decl ine of the West , New York, 1927-28. 241 242 PATTERNS OP CULTURE CHAPTER IV PAGB 62 Th e tra ditional spe lling, Zuiii , is misleadi ng. The " is pro- nounced as in any English wo rd. The foll owing is a selected bibliogra phy on Zuiii. The refer- ences in this chapter are numbered as in this list. Benedict . Ruth . l. Zutii Mythol ogy. Colum bia University Cont ribu tions to Anthro pol ogy , 2 vol., XXI . New York. 1934. 2. Psychological T ypes in the Cult ures of the Sou thwest. Proceedin gs of th e Twen ty- thir d Internationa l COIIKress of Ame ricanis es, 5728 1. New York, 1928. Bunzel . Ruth L. 1. Introd ucti on to Zufii Ce remon ialism. Forty-Seve nth An- nual Report 0/ the Bureau 0/ American Ethnol ogy, 467- 544. Was hingto n, 1932. 2. Zuiii Rilual Poetry. I bid. 6 11-835. 3. Zuiii Katchin as . Ibid. 837- 1086. 4. Zufu Texts . Publi cati ons 0/ the Ame rican Ethnol ogical Society , XV . New York, 1933. Cushing, Frank Hamilt on. 1. Outlin es of Zuni Creation Myths. Thi rteenth Annua l Report 0/ the Bureau 0/ Am erican Ethn ology. Washing- ton, 1926. 2. Zuni Fo lk Tales. New York , 1901. 3. My Experi ences in Zuiii. Th e Century Magazin e, n.s. 3, 4. 1888. 4. Zuiii Bread st uffs. Publicat ions 0/ the Mu seum 0/ the Am erican l nd ian, Hev e Found at ion, VII I. New York , 1920. 5. Zuni Fetishes. Sec ond A nnual Report 0/ the Bur eau 0/ Am erican Etbnotogv. Washin gton . 1883. Kro cber , A. L. Zuii i Kin and Cla n. A ntbr opo logi cal Pap ers 0/ the Am erican M us eum 0/ Natural History , vol. XV III, part 2. New York, 191 7. Parson s. EIsie Clews. Notes O D Zufii, I and n. Memoirs 0/ the Ame rican Anthr opol ogi cal As socia tion, vol. 4. DO. 3, 1927. Stcvenson, Matilda Cox. 1. Th e Zuff Indian s. Twen ty -Th ird A nnuat Rep ort 0/ the Bureau 0/ Am er i can ,lIn %1: Y. Washin gton. 1904 . 2. The Religiou s Lif e of the l uni Child . Ibid., V. Wash- ington, 1887. 62 Kidder. A. V. So ut h wes t A rctur oi ogy , Yale Univers ity Pr ess. New Haven, 1934. 66 Zufii ritual pr ayer s ar e recorded in Bunzel 2.