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DELIVERABLE 8
HQE2R is a project co-financed by the European Commission within the programme Energy, Environment and
Sustainable Development (‘City of tomorrow’), which aim is to elaborate methods and tools destined to local
communities and their partners to help them in their urban renewal projects.
1
I refuse the idea that there is a side for the light and another one for the darkness, the man and the woman, me and the
others, the good and the bad ones. I look for a place where contradictions can be solved. That is a quest without illusion.
2
See the list of the partners in Appendix or at the end
Today cities are being rebuilt, buildings are being rehabilitated, and neighbourhoods
revitalised. To assure sustainability, this regeneration must go beyond technical solutions,
taking social trends, changes in behaviour, environmental and economic development into
account.
To define concrete action plans, sustainable development requires an iterative way of
achieving a decision, because of the necessity of taking the various principles of sustainable
development into account all together at once. As the market law only takes into account
economic factors, and principally only in the short-term, sustainable development requires
sustainable development principles: the integration of the long-term, global impact of
decisions on environmental and social factors, with less hierarchical forms of participation
than usual market practices.
The HQE2R methodological framework for sustainable neighbourhood analysis and
development is structured as an ideal regeneration neighbourhood projects into 4 phases: a
decision phase, an analysis phase - identifying priorities, definition, discussion, an
assessment of scenarios phase and finally the setting up of the action plan for the
neighbourhood).
The methodological framework is furthermore based on 6 sustainable development principles
at the city scale, and then a system of 21 sustainable development targets under 5 main
objectives (see the list next page) and backed up by a set of 51 key issues with their 61
indicators for the neighbourhood and its buildings (ISDIS system).
4. Shared SD
diagnosis of the
neighbourhood
(potential,
12. Monitoring and
dysfunction,
evaluation of the
Participation of residents and users cohesion)
project : SD
monitoring Partnership (public / private)
indicators
Local Governance 5. Strategic
priorities for the
neighbourhood and
definition of
11. Projects upon objectives for SD
9. Urban planning
the neighbourhood regulations including
with SD SD recommendations
specifications
7. Evaluation of
6. Generation of
10. Projects for the scenarios
scenarios
Sustainable Buildings against SD
8. Action plan for (to identify options
(new & existing) with targets (INDI,
the neighbourhood for SD action)
SD specifications ENVI, ASCOT)
PHASE 4 : ACTION and EVALUATION PHASE 3 : DECIDING UPON THE ACTION PLAN
The HQE2R project results are specific tools for local communities and for their local partners
(see also the diagram below):
- The choice of 6 sustainable development principles at the scale of the city and a definition
of sustainability for the neighbourhood scale.
- The definition of an overall methodological framework with 5 main global sustainable
development (SD) objectives, their 21 targets, 51 key issues or sub targets and then 61
indisputable indicators at the neighbourhood and building scales (the ISDIS system).
- A shared SD diagnosis method for SD (with an integrated analytical grid for the previous
inventory) adapted to the neighbourhood scale.
- Evaluation tools for scenarios or neighbourhood projects as decision aid tools for
assessing different scenarios before the final action plan for the neighbourhood is chosen (3
models with the support of 3 analytical grids):
3 models:
- INDI (INDicators Impacts) a model of sustainable regeneration impact using
indicators and allowing the development of different environmental and sustainable
development profiles
- ENVI (ENVironmental Impact)
- ASCOT (Assessment of Sustainable Construction & Technology Cost), a model
of global cost of energy efficient technologies from an environmental point of view at
the building scale.
- Recommendations for improving participation in neighbourhood regeneration projects.
- Recommendations for taking SD into account in urban planning documents (for each
partner country).
- Recommendations for specifying sustainable development in the building process
- Recommendations for specifying sustainable development for non built elements
- Indicators for the different phases of a project state indicators, pressure indicators and
then monitoring indicators.
RESULTS OF THE HQE²R PROJECT:
an approach with methods and tools
for sustainable neighbourhood regeneration
-Recommendations
for briefing Elaboration of decision aid tools
documents taking Recommendations to to evaluate scenarios or potential
into account SD for integrate SD in urban urban planning projects (“design
new and existing planning documents contract” for example)
buildings
- Recommendations
for non – built
elements SD Sustainable Development
Source: HQE2R project (http:hqe2r.cstb.fr) * See the scheme «The shared SD diagnosis method for setting priorities»
CONTENTS
1. INTRODUCTION 7
1. Introduction
The methodology and tools developed within the HQE²R project3 are being applied in 14 European
neighbourhoods with two purposes. Firstly, to test and evaluate the methodology and tools and
thereby obtain experiences that can be used for further improvement. Secondly, the application is
intended as a necessary step toward the elaboration of an action plan in the neighbourhoods.
This deliverable deals with the first two analysis steps of the HQE²R methodology (see chapter 2)
are (1) gathering of basic information and getting to know the wishes and need of the inhabitants
and users of the neighbourhood (- the inventory) - and based on this to (2) develop an understanding
of the objectives and targets for a sustainable development of this particular neighbourhood and
thereby setting priorities (- the shared SD diagnosis).
The inventories and diagnoses for the 14 neighbourhoods of the HQE²R project have been worked
out in the national languages (Danish, Dutch, English, French, German, Italian, Spanish and
Catalan). A synthesis of 13 of these diagnoses is presented in English in this document.
The 14 neighbourhoods represent five different neighbourhood typologies (e.g. inner city, inner
city- historical centre, former suburb, suburb and special areas to be rebuilt). An analysis of the
prioritisation of sustainable development targets with respect to the different typologies and the
local context is presented. This includes an overview of the sustainable development objectives in
the 14 neighbourhoods, the identified targets and stakes involved.
Also the problems encountered in the processes of compiling data, obtaining information about
users' wishes and needs, etc. for the inventory and of developing the diagnoses has been
documented by the HQE²R partners and a synthesis hereof is presented.
A comprehensive presentation of the HQE²R methodology is given in another publication from the
project: “HQE2R Methodology for sustainable neighbourhood regeneration” (Deliverable 10).4
3
See Appendix 1 for further synthetic information on the aim of the project.
4
A synthesis is available on the web site (Newsletter n°2) and also in “Cahier HQE2R n°1 : “HQE²R - Towards a
methodology for sustainable neighbourhood regeneration” with the full version in French (HQE2R : une méthodologie
vers un aménagement urbain durable à l’échelle des bâtiments et des quartiers).
4. Shared SD
diagnosis of the
8
neighbourhood
(potential,
12. Monitoring and
dysfunction,
evaluation of the
Participation of residents and users cohesion)
project : SD
monitoring Partnership (public / private)
indicators
Local Governance 5. Strategic
priorities for the
neighbourhood and
definition of
11. Projects upon objectives for SD
9. Urban planning
the neighbourhood regulations including
with SD SD recommendations
specifications
7. Evaluation of
6. Generation of
10. Projects for the scenarios
scenarios
Sustainable Buildings against SD
8. Action plan for (to identify options
(new & existing) with targets (INDI,
the neighbourhood for SD action)
SD specifications ENVI, ASCOT)
HQE²R
PHASE 4 : ACTION and EVALUATION PHASE 3 : DECIDING UPON THE ACTION PLAN
In the following sections, we are going to present the basic steps of the global methodology
focusing on the expected results – an action plan – and going as far as recording full knowledge
about the neighbourhood and existing problems.
The inventory must also be concerned with the different fields of analysis of the neighbourhood:
residential buildings, non residential buildings, non-built spaces, infrastructures and networks.
Combining the 5 objectives with these 4 different fields of analysis results in an analysis grid for
sustainable development. For this grid, 21 targets have been identified as listed in table 1 on next
page. This list is the one used for the realization of the first inventories. It has been progressively
improved while the HQE²R project has progressed and gained more experiences. That is the reason
why the references to these objectives and targets (titles, numbers, etc.) might be different in the
different parts and documents of this deliverable 8. The updated list of objectives and targets
adopted at the end of the test by all the project partners is presented in Appendix 2.
The stakes are the key questions or the indisputable points that will lead the neighbourhood to
sustainable development or not. They are defined at a given moment with regards to the capacity of
the different stakeholders (inhabitants, local elected officials, municipal services, consultants...) to
conceive the future situation and to set an order of importance to the causes of the different
problems encountered.
5
See the cahier HQE2R n°2 about “The shared sustainable development diagnosis methodology” (in French) CSTB
publication.
Cenergia – UWE – CSTB 9
Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
• a model to evaluate the long term impact on the neighbourhood and building sustainability
of scenarios and planning projects, using indicators (INDI model).
These tools must ensure the coherence of the plans or strategies proposed with regard to sustainable
development objectives. To be clearly defined in the decision-making phase, the impact of these
plans or programmes, when applied to the different aspects of sustainable development must be
evaluated, in other words, how or in what way the plans and programmes, once they are
implemented, will enable the objectives of sustainable development to be fully or closely achieved.
2.4 Monitoring
To apply a procedure for sustainable neighbourhood development, one must define Sustainable
Development objectives for the neighbourhood. These local SD objectives must be set by the local
community, in accordance with joint consultation procedures which will have to be defined.
Such objectives can be expressed in terms of indicators and measured at intervals to show the
evolution of the neighbourhood in relation to the objectives (these are the monitoring or evaluation -
indicators).
For the purpose of the HQE²R-project 5 neighbourhood typologies have been identified. These 5
typologies constitute a framework for a somewhat rough characterisation of neighbourhoods.
However, as chosen this framework allows for an analysis of the 14 neighbourhoods with some
significance as to which typology they belong. For this relative small (14) sample a finer “resolu-
tion” of the typology grid would not have been of any added value. The 5 typologies are:
a) Inner City
Including the commercial and retail centre (city centre) and residential neighbourhoods adjacent to
it.
c) Former suburbs
Former suburbs are primarily residential neighbourhoods constructed as suburbs but now
surrounded by more recent developments (present suburbs). In some countries (e.g. Denmark) in
these neighbourhoods - from the early industrialisation age between World War 1 and 2 - small
local industries were often integrated with residential areas. This could also be areas now linking
the first suburbs with the present suburbs, which means that they are likely to be post WW2
constructions, now surrounded by areas from the seventies and later.
d) Suburbs
Neighbourhoods lying on the edge of the city, mainly private housing or “edge-of-city” public
housing estates.
The 14 neighbourhoods that take part in the HQE²R project have been categorised according to the
above typology. This categorisation follows below.
Suburb (sub):
I1: Melegnano - CIPES
The prioritisation of the 21 sustainable development targets has been established for each of the
neighbourhoods. The prioritisation had 5 options:
tm=target met
1=highest priority
2=medium priority
3=low priority
“-“ = not of any priority for this neighbourhood
Neighbourhoods: code F1 UK I2 E1 E3 F2 F3 D DK I3 E2 I1 F4 Ne
Sustainable Development targets typology ic ic ich ich ich fs fs fs fs fs fs sub sar sar
A - To improve the Diversity
1 – To maintain or reinforce the diversity of the population 2 - 1 tm 2 3 1 2 1 3 3 - 1 1
2 - To maintain or reinforce the diversity of the functions 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 1 3 3 2 2 1
3 - To maintain or reinforce the diversity of the housing
2 2 3 3 1 1 1 1 1 3 3 - 1 1
supply
7
This is done with the first list of objectives and targets (Table 1) and not with the final list (Appendix 1).
Some of these assessments have been completed by the research partners and are not the result of a shared diagnosis of the issues. This is
for example the case for UK and NL.
8
most important target
Cenergia – UWE – CSTB 13
Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
The Mimont – Prado – Republique neighbourhood in Cannes (F) and Bristol - Barton Hill are the
only inner city neighbourhoods in the HQE²R project. However, if the inner cities with a historical
centre are included there are 3 more: S. Leonardo in Mantova (I), the old centre (Antic, Escodines
and Vic-Remei) of Manresa (E) and Raval/Ciutat Vella in Barcelona, E.
For these 5 inner city neighbourhoods the following targets have received highest priority: {1, 2, 4,
5, 7, 11}. The inner city is typically also the oldest part of a city. This is reflected in these targets as
they aim at improving the conditions for the population and thereby keep the population or attract
new residents. This is exemplified by the high priority of target 2: to maintain or reinforce the
diversity of the functions. What distinguish the inner city centres from the inner city centres with a
historical centre is that the Quality of life targets 14, 15, 16 all have highest priority for the former
(with Raval/Ciutat Vella) and low priority for the latter.
For the 3 neighbourhoods that are historical centres it is obviously of highest priority to preserve
and valorise patrimony (heritage), landscape and visual comfort (targets 11 & 12).
Of second priority for all the 5 inner city neighbourhoods is target 6: to avoid unwanted mobility
and to improve the environmentally sound mobility infrastructure. The targets that have received 3rd
priority are somewhat scattered.
Challenges: A very high vacancy rate: 16 % for the housings and more than 20 % for the shops. A
population in decrease: - 25 % since 1990 and concentration of people with an income lower than
the city average and / or of aged people.
Main Questions:
• To create and experiment a new procedure for the urban sustainable development at the
neighbourhood scale, by re-using and completing existing financing procedures for private
buildings renewal (OPAH which supports private housing rehabilitation works by national and
local subsidies) and retail shops / craft industries regeneration (FISAC which support the
improvement of retail shops attractiveness)10
• To define requirements for the built environment with a strong focus on the environmental
quality standards for the housing and building renewal
9
See the description of the neighbourhoods in the Newsletter n°1 available on the web site, and the deliverable 2
“Sustainable neighbourhood challenge” (July 2002) that deals with the work done by the cities of the project.
10
OPAH: Opération Programmée d’Amélioration de l’Habitat
FISAC: Fonds d’Intervention pour la Sauvegarde de l’Artisanat et du Commerce
Cenergia – UWE – CSTB 14
Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
*“Community at heart” comprising Barton Hill, Lawrence Hill, Redfield and the Dings
Population of the city: 400,000 approx. inhabitants
Population in the neighbourhood: 5,900 inhabitants
The neighbourhood lies less than 2km from Bristol City Centre, to the east. It is close to the City’s
main transport connections, but is cut off from the centre by the A4320 road. Housing is a
combination of pre 1919 terraces and 1960s tower blocks. There is some light industrial,
commercial and railway land. The neighbourhood suffers from multiple examples of social
exclusion including unemployment, low educational achievement, poor health, high crime and
drugs problems. As part of the UK Government’s ‘New Deal for Communities’ programme,
Community at Heart (CAH) has stated its vision as:
‘Our vision is to create a strong responsible community that has the ability to understand, engage
and overcome its problems enabling Barton Hill to build a safe environment that fulfils local needs,
inspires and provides opportunities for all.’
In 2000, CAH was awarded £50M by the UK Government. The money is to be spent over 10 years.
Challenges: The main challenges perceived by residents of the neighbourhood relate to crime and
safety, and the lack of youth services. These have a serious negative impact on the quality of life of
the area. These factors have not improved in recent years, although local partners are working to
address them. Environmental sustainability and the impact of the neighbourhood on global systems
is not a high priority in the neighbourhood, either for local people or for regeneration professionals.
It is part of the role of the HQE2R project to help to put these issues on the agenda.
The neighbourhood generally has good access to services, although leisure facilities are poor and
the range of shops is limited. There are a variety of open spaces, although these are not all of good
quality, and are not used by all sections of the community. The isolation of the neighbourhood from
the rest of the city remains a problem, and the lack of transport projects within Community at Heart
is a weakness. Indicators show that residents have poor health relative to much of the city, a major
strength of the neighbourhood in the future will be the new ‘Healthy Living Centre’, which is
currently under construction. Housing quality throughout the neighbourhood is generally quite
good, with problems in the housing blocks being mainly social in nature. Community at Heart is
taking positive steps to improve housing quality and choice.
The S. Leonardo neighbourhood is located in the northern part of the historical centre, on the corner
formed by the superior and middle lakes surrounding the town; Porta Mulina gathers all the traffic
coming from north into the town.
Challenges: Improvement of the urban quality - To improve the communications system promoting
sustainable mobility. To control the environmental impact produced by traffic. To create a parking
resort to stop private traffic at the edge of the town. To improve pedestrian and cycling routes,
connecting the centre with the green resorts on the lakes and the extra-urban cycling tracks. Impro-
vement of social and cultural quality - To stop the population moving out and to improve the
quality of life. Preservation of architectonic and urban environment quality – To preserve the
architectonic and urban quality. To improve the environmental quality and the sustainability of built
space.
Main Questions:
• The age of the inhabitants is increasing, demanding more social assistance and better
connections to the public services.
• Population is moving out of the historical centre to the surroundings.
• Many buildings need renovation and urban infrastructures need to be improved.
• Mantova is surrounded by three lakes and three bridges connect the town with its northern and
eastern territories; all the traffic coming from north has to pass through the Porta Mulina knot.
• Commuters to downtown use more private means than public ones.
Challenges: Urban quality: System of communications and the urban transport promoting the
sustainable mobility. To provide services and local equipment, and of commercial and property
activity. Promotion of Old quarter elements as factors of tourist interest and as agglutinative centre
of the whole city. Proportion adapted between public and private space. Social and cultural
quality: To provide of social and cultural basic equipment, promoting social participation and the
multicultural integration. To obtain a diversification of the population of the neighbourhood (in
revenue and ages), and to raise the level of instruction and improvement of the labour situations.
Architectonic environment quality: To increase the occupancy level of the housings with the
renovation and rehabilitation of the buildings, and the level of habitability.
Main Questions:
• How to increase diversity of the population age and origin.
• How to decrease concentration of social dysfunction and some aspects of marginality.
• Architectural - constructive Maintenance and renovation of the buildings and of the urban
environment of the neighbourhood.
• How to choose renovation or demolition. Creating Housing opportunities for young people.
• How to increase connectivity with basic road net-work of the city, and deficit of car-park.
• How to stop urban space and obsolete buildings degradation.
• How to increase small industries and activities in the old town.
Cenergia – UWE – CSTB 16
Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
Challenges: Since the beginning of democracy in Spain (1979), the Town Council has done
enormous efforts to recover the neighbourhood and to integrate it to the city. To pull down ‘the
walls’ that separate socially the neighbourhood from the city. The operations done until now are
only a first step towards a successful regeneration. We have to check if these 'great works' (new
services, new public spaces…) define a good tendency towards a sustainable built environment.
These operations must be completed with 'small-scale' operations and other complementary efforts
taking into account social, economical and environmental aspects in order to obtain quality of life.
The central position of Raval is an important fact to consider as a strong point to improve the
‘integration’ of the neighbourhood in the city, a neighbourhood with a. high complexity of
functions, and a high commercial density. The operations done in the neighbourhood until the
moment succeed in that sense, opening a ‘closed’ area, making it more accessible for the citizens of
other parts of Barcelona and creating an important presence of urban scale facilities. The heritage
value of buildings and sets of buildings can be an added value for the neighbourhood.
Main Questions:
• To guarantee the social cohesion and the integration of foreign people to local life (34 % of the
population are from outside Europe).
• To maintain the complexity of the territory and to promote a diverse stock of housing (50 % of
housing units are smaller than 60 m²).
• To improve the economic development of the area avoiding a dangerous specialisation: tourism
(half of active population are workers).
• To improve the urban integration of the neighbourhood in the city (40 % of households are
composed of only one person).
• To discuss the degree of compactness in order to obtain a comfortable and functional built
environment (57% of dwellings are built before 1940).
• To enhance heritage, not only considering monuments, but the historical value of residential
ensembles and the public space.
For the 6 former suburbs highest priority have been given to the diversity and quality of the housing
supply (targets 3 & 14), to improve the integration of the neighbourhoods in the city (target 5) and
to reinforce the social cohesion. The high prioritisation of these targets can be logically explained
based on the age and nature of these neighbourhoods. It is important for these areas to still be part
of the city. Therefore also target 6 is important for these areas – to avoid unwanted mobility.
Generally the overall objectives of improving the integration (B, target 4, 5 & 6) and of improving
the diversity (A, targets 1, 2 &3) have high priority for the former suburbs. Of second highest
priority are the targets (20 & 21) of the objective to reinforce the social link (E). Of second and
third priority are targets 8, 10, and 19 – environmental issues.
Challenges: Buildings are already restored / refurbished to a large extend (70%) but the surroun-
ding and urban (semi-)public spaces are still very unattractive (abandoned large and small industry,
brownfields ...): Residential vacancy is up to 25%. Most of the inhabitants moved in during the last
years - so no identification, no real neighbourhood(s). Demand is too low for self-sustaining local
economic development. Main Challenge: Turn the successful building renovation into successful -
sustainable - neighbour-hood development.
Main Questions
• How to increase Identification (Projects, locations ...)
• How to come to a better image; attraction of diverse user-groups.
• Reorganise traffic structures (too much traffic, bad road conditions (noise!), (partly) unattractive
connections for pedestrians / cyclists
• Creating Housing opportunities and (semi-)public space for different user-groups
• Environmental performance of already renovated buildings? (what is left to do behind the
shining facades?)
• How to support economical development (attraction, opening up ...) interconnection of the
neighbourhood(s) to the city of Dresden (spatial boundaries on the edge of the area) (re)use of
abandoned economic / industrial structures
Challenges: The biggest problems in the area are the old and out of date buildings, the inhabitants
have no "local" feeling for the neighbourhood and there are no cultural activities. The municipality
has decided to focus on this area and to carry out several activities in the Lindevang area, among
these are building renovation, town ecological activities, upgrading of the local environment, social
and cultural activities. These activities will be carried out as a part of the general urban renewal
support scheme concerning a holistic and green renovation. A local Agenda 21 plan for the area has
been made and a so-called green guide has been employed, who shall assist in the renovation and
the implementation of social and cultural activities.
Main Questions:
• The overall aim is to upgrade the area and make the dwellings more attractive to the tenants.
• A second aim is to improve the social climate in the neighbourhood and make it a safe and
sustainable area.
Challenges: To define and implement SD indicators to assess and pilot the actions implemented in
the neighbourhood. This indicators system should be extended to the whole West sector of the city
in order to be used in the URBAN 2 Programme. Then it could be extended to all the sectors
concerned by the “Grand Projet de Ville” (GPV) in the “Grenoble metropole” area (conurbation).
Main Questions:
• the balance between the green spaces, the road patterns, the built space and the public and
private spaces
• the increase of the urban mix
• the integration of the neighbourhood in the city and the metropole (conurbation) by
environmentally sound mobility infrastructure.
Challenges: La Roseraie is a key neighbourhood for Angers: it's the second most populated
neighbourhood of the city (the first one is the city centre); this neighbourhood is a major target for
social and housing policy in the “Politique de la Ville 2000 - 2006” (contract signed by the City and
the State to implement actions in the social field of housing and public space management). The
project can help the City of Angers managers and town councillors to integrate sustainable
development into the urban renewal policy of La Roseraie and then in all the municipality actions.
Challenges: Improvement of the urban quality - To improve the local public transport system
towards a sustainable mobility. To rehabilitate open air spaces and in particularly the areas resulting
from laying the highways underground. To improve the accessibility to public services.
Improvement of social and cultural quality - To improve citizen safety. To promote citizen
participation in public matters and in particular in the problems about the growth and the
development of the city. To increase cultural opportunities and entertainment. Improvement of
architectonic and urban environment quality - To define a sustainable plan with particular reference
to design, construction and rehabilitation of public and private open air spaces. To improve
environment quality.
Main Questions:
• Problems connected to lack of integration.
• Low standard and aesthetic quality of the building. Low architectural construction quality.
• Poor connectivity between the studied areas.
• Deficit of car parking.
• Lack of green areas.
• Lack of accessibility and articulated system of green areas and public facilities.
• Dense urban environment too high, not much homogenous and crossed by strong infrastructure
barriers.
The city of Melegnano is situated in a flat area, between the southern periphery of the industrial
Milano area and the mostly agricultural territory around Lodi. The Cipes neighbourhood is the
smallest by number of people (1.375 inhabitants, which represent approximately the 8,6% of the
population of Melegnano), at the same time it is the biggest by the extent of the area. Cipes includes
the parts of the town developed west of the Milano-Bologna railway line, which can be considered a
strong barrier between the historical nucleus of Melegnano and the Cipes quarter. The north-west
and south-east limits of it, coinciding with the communal borders, are represented by regional and
national main roads. The south-western limit is constituted by a wide portion of agricultural
territory that leads right into the South Milano Park. The high speed railway lines and the highway
Milano-Bologna both cross the neighbourhood. Most of the apartment buildings present in the
neighbourhood were built between 1973 and 1988.
Challenges: To integrate the different forms of public transportation: railway and bus. To decrease
and slow down the vehicular traffic in the residential areas. To decrease the acoustic pollution in
Viale della Repubblica. To rehabilitate the ex chemical industrial zone "Saronio". To integrate
Melegnano land into the South Milano Park. To improve social and cultural quality. To promote
citizens participation to public affairs, especially to those questions dealing with the growth and the
development of the city. To improve job opportunities. To renovate the built areas around the
railway and the new parking area (part of ex chemical industrial zone). To promote new sustainable
development rules for planning, construction and rehabilitation of all areas. To improve
environmental quality in prevention and reclaiming of polluted areas.
Main questions:
• To establish new activities in the neighbourhood.
• Ex industrial polluted areas
• Presence of degraded buildings near the railway.
• High level of acoustic and atmospheric pollution
• Environmental problems as consequence of the industrial activity
• Urban environment crossed by strong infra-structural barriers
• Lack of public transportation, especially between Melegnano and Milano, and high use of cars.
Of high priority in these areas, which will try to attract residents, are the targets that immediately
can be appreciated by potential residents. That is: the diversity targets (1-3), the social life targets
(20-21) and to some degree the quality of life targets (13-19). Also for these areas it is important to
assure the integration with the rest of the city (targets 4-6), whereas naturally, the preservation and
valorisation of heritage is of lower priority.
Challenges: The objectives and list of targets has later been modified as the HQE²R project has
progressed and more experiences gained. Through this key project, the municipality wants to
change the Anzin image and to attract new population and economical activities. The future
tramway station is a real opportunity for the success of this project. The municipality wants this
project to be the first step toward the Anzin sustainability. The three dimensions of the SD are
included in the project: all the new buildings will be erected with a high environmental quality
requirement, and the social dimension is always present in Anzin by the high unemployment rate,
the low level of income and the high number of people suffering of health troubles.
Main questions:
• To promote the economic activities in the town centre
• To improve the "social mix" by attracting middle-class households and more active people in
Anzin - To improve the built environment by demolition and construction (re-use of wastelands)
and by rehabilitation of the existing buildings
• To attract more people and new commercial activities in the town centre
• To involve the population in the project
• To offer jobs for the Anzin residents through the public work procurements and the new
economical activities
Challenges: To develop a complete new sustainable neighbourhood (44. ha) in the central heart of
the city, making the city attractive, liveable and competitive. To make, as much as possible, use of
the existing situation (retrofitting) and maintain the cultural heritage (old Dockyard, Berlage-
building and first concrete construction in the Netherlands). To define the main stakes from the
district sustainable development diagnosis, and to improve sustainable development practices into
all the municipal services.
Main Questions:
• How to integrate the area in a harmonious way within the existing city?
• How to design a new attractive city centre and to maintain the cultural heritage?
• How to strengthen the economic position of the city and stop the decline?
• How to introduce environmental issues, how to define a Zero-starting point and how to
investigate for possible ground pollutions?
• How to preserve the cultural heritage and re-use the existing buildings (total 153 buildings to re-
use or demolish)?
• What functions to develop (living, offices, services, shops and the like)?
• How to finance and how to programme?
• How to attract tourism?
This section draws out some of the main issues relating to the methodology and data collection for
the inventories, diagnoses and indicators used for the SD diagnoses. The partners experienced
numerous problems with individual aspects of the data collection; this section does not attempt to
list all of these, but to give examples of the types of problems experienced.
The inventories were completed in partnership with local partners, in particular the
municipalities. Several of the HQE²R teams undertook a lot of co-ordination work in collecting data
from different municipal services (in particular planning, environment and technical departments),
and from outside agencies. In some cases, for example Mantova, the team worked with a single
contact point, who co-ordinated data collection within the municipality and from other agencies;
this was a more efficient arrangement, but more difficult for improving participation.... The research
teams also sourced data independently, from the internet and from public documents.
A problem experienced by many of the research teams was that municipalities do not always have a
unit dedicated to the collation of local data, nor an effective GIS (Geographical Information
System). This means that collecting sustainability data, which covers many different topics, requires
a significant amount of effort, especially at the first beginning.
In Germany, the case study is a designated redevelopment area, for which supplemental data are
collected. There is a similar situation in the UK, where the case study is part of a major regeneration
programme, which generates its own sets of data. This gives an advantage, but could perhaps
prevent direct comparison with other neighbourhoods that are not part of the same regeneration or
redevelopment scheme.
5.3 Building towards a full inventory: the discretionary nature of the inventory and diagnosis
methodology
At the present time it is to be expected that few of the neighbourhood inventories will be complete.
The neighbourhood inventories and indicator sets are to some extent aspirational and forward-
looking; they set an agenda that municipalities can work towards. An important principle of the
inventory, diagnosis and indicator methodology is that all aspects of sustainable development are
recognised as equally important. Each element should thus be considered for each locality, if certain
data are not available (but are considered relevant to the locality), it is a function of the inventory
and diagnosis to highlight the need for the data to be made available in the future.
Another aspect of the discretionary nature of the inventory (and the use of the indicators) comes in
assessing the cost-benefit ratio of gathering certain data. There may be some types of data that it
would be possible, but costly in terms of time or money, to collect and calculate according to the
neighbourhood boundary. In such cases, the team carrying out the inventory should use their local
knowledge and judgement to decide whether these data should be pursued, or omitted from the
inventory. Based on local knowledge and contact with residents, this decision should be based upon
whether the data reflects an issue that is of central importance to the neighbourhood or not.
Defining the meaning of each aspect of the inventory and the meaning and measurement of each
indicator was a major challenge to the HQE²R partners. It is inevitable that the interpretation and
relevance of different issues will vary from country to country. Likewise, different systems of
administration and regulation mean that many of the indicators have to be tailored to each country.
One example is indicator 2a, which was defined (for France) as the number of retail trade licenses.
In both Denmark and the UK, the majority of retailers are not licensed, so the indicator
measurement or way of collecting this data must be redefined. The partners have taken a pragmatic
approach to this type of problem. Indicator 2a may simply be redefined as the number of retail
premises, as its intention is to show how many shops are available to local people.
It was noted that several of the indicators relating to services do not allow for qualitative differences
between, for example different types of food shops or sports facilities. This observation highlights
the need to accompany the indicators with a commentary describing the local context. A similar
observation might be made in relation to the numbers of social and cultural events and activities
taking place in the neighbourhood.
There are qualitative concepts or indicators, such as ‘visual comfort’, which were not defined in
detail in the HQE2R methodology for the test upon the shared SD diagnosis. These indicators need
more explanation and, for some of them, the implementation of indicators relating to these will
require definition of the concept for each locality. This is perhaps appropriate, as the transfer of
qualitative standards across very different neighbourhoods is problematic.
It is difficult to collect a wide range of socio-economic and environmental data for any sub-division
of a city. The different organisations serving a city frequently have different boundaries, and collect
their data accordingly. This problem applies across Europe, although the situation is unique in each
country, depending on the structure of local governance.
It is made more complex by the fact that areas selected for regeneration do not usually coincide
with any administrative boundaries. The focus of HQE2R is on neighbourhood regeneration, most
of the case studies being for areas that are smaller than the administrative sub-divisions of their
cities. For many fields of data, working towards a neighbourhood inventory will require finding a
‘best fit’ deriving data from larger administrative sub-divisions.
For the local level, it is particularly difficult to find environmental data, as in most member states
environmental monitoring has not traditionally been a responsibility of local government. It is thus
a valuable, although difficult, role of HQE2R to attempt to collate this data for the neighbourhood
scale.
Several case studies were unable to calculate energy and water consumption levels for different
buildings. In France it was noted that building managers are concerned more with energy cost than
with consumption. In the UK, the privatised energy market is served by numerous providers,
making data collection extremely problematic. In Denmark, it is not possible to make the distinction
between domestic and commercial water consumption.
11
See the Cahier HQE2R n°3 about indicators as well as the Cahier n°1 (in English and French) about the overall
HQE2R methodology
Cenergia – UWE – CSTB 25
Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
It was noted by the French case studies that analysing census data for small areas is less statistically
reliable than for larger areas, because the entire population is not polled for all census questions.
Recency is a particular problem with census data. In many countries a full census is carried out
every 10 years. Major changes such as migration and changes in the property market can occur in
between censuses. In Spain, particular problems were noted because social data collected by the
municipality and the state census were updated at different times.
The Spanish case studies found that it was most difficult to find neighbourhood-level data relating
to the HQE2R targets of improving diversity, quality of life and safeguarding heritage. The Spanish
partners also noted that data are not collected on the materials in the construction of new or existing
buildings, and that these could only be analysed in a general way for common building types.
In Italy, particular difficulties were encountered locating data on energy consumption, recycling of
building materials, health and participation.
Finding out local residents’ views about their neighbourhood is a central part of the inventory. In
the majority of case studies, HQE²R researchers held meetings with local community groups and
representatives. This is a useful approach, although every effort should be made to ensure that the
views of different groups within the community are heard. It should not be assumed that a single
group or representative reflects the views of the entire community.
The way of working underlines the link between the shared SD diagnosis which is the second
phase of the HQE2R methodology (cf. schema p.5) and its first phase which deals with the
collection of needs and wishes from residents and users…:
• In Germany, the researchers were able to make use of an annual survey of local opinion carried
out by the municipality. The researchers (mainly sociologists…) also undertook a series of five
in-depth interviews to gain qualitative information on life in the neighbourhood. These were
held with a range of individuals living or working in the area, including a priest, a youth worker
and a shop owner.
• In the UK, the researchers benefited from surveys carried out by the regeneration programme
active in the area. The UK researchers also carried out their own qualitative research into local
feelings about sustainability issues. This involved training five Bristol residents in participatory
consultation techniques, who then conducted 18 different sessions around the neighbourhood,
holding discussions (some short, some in more depth) with around 85 residents.
• The Italian partners working in Cinisello Balsamo and in Mantova carried out a series of
structured interviews with people knowledgeable about the neighbourhood, including local
priests and shop-keepers. The researchers also conducted a ‘walk-through’ the neighbourhood,
during which they interviewed local people. In Mantova, the researchers also interviewed
representatives of the Local Agenda 21 topic groups.
Targets or indicators 20a and 21a for example can only be fully satisfied by conducting surveys of
residents to find out levels of community activity. In most neighbourhoods, this will not be done
routinely, and it would often be impractical to commission special research. An impression of
community activity might be gained by talking to local groups, or by interviewing a small number
Cenergia – UWE – CSTB 26
Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
of individuals. If this is done, the limitations of such an approach should be recognised, and the data
presented as being qualitative.
The generic approach used for the diagnoses was to discuss the inventory findings with local
partners. In Cinisello Balsamo and Mantova, these findings, including local residents’ views, in
some cases conflicted with the vision and programmes of the municipality. This fact demonstrates
the value of the inventory exercise, in that it may have raised issues not previously seen as
important by the local council. The diagnosis thus became a negotiation between the different local
interests, with some issues remaining unresolved.
5.8 Recommendation
It is necessary to recognise that a comprehensive fully similar approach to inventory, diagnosis and
indicators cannot be fully consistent throughout different member states. The HQE2R approach
requires that a comprehensive range of issues should be recognised and given careful consideration.
The shared SD diagnosis methodology is a framework which has to be adapted to the local context:
culture, participation already in use, data available, …
At the end of this test phase, the HQE2R partners could finalise the list of SD objectives and targets
for buildings and neighbourhoods, as well as the list of the indicators which were selected as
indisputable for establishing the profile of a neighbourhood in regard to sustainability.
These different aspects will be presented during the whole life of the projects on the web site as
well as in different newsletters and brochures (Cahiers HQE2R for example) announced on the web
site:
http://hqe2r.cstb.fr or http://hq2er.cstb.fr
HQE2R
Sustainable renovation of buildings
for sustainable neighbourhoods
Contract n° EVKA – CT – 2000 - 00025
S.D. DIAGNOSIS OF
"LA ROSERAIE" NEIGHBOURHOOD
in the city of ANGERS
for a sustainable development
CSTB – La Calade
Catherine Charlot-Valdieu CSTB
HQE²R is a combined research and demonstration project which is partly funded under the "Energy, Environment and Sustainable
Development" programme, Key Action 4, "City of Tomorrow & Cultural Heritage", within the Fifth Framework Programme of the
European Union
CSTB - LA CALADE 28
Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
CONTENTS
SCOPE OF THE S.D. DIAGNOSIS..................................................................................... 30
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Much of the data contained in the diagnosis is taken from a preliminary inventory and diagnosis
conducted by the CERUR14 for Angers City, and attached to the Definition Contract Specifications.
12
« Recensement Genéral de la Population » , i.e. General Inventory about Population
13
See « Definition Contract Specifications », p. 5 (2.2 Scope of diagnosis)
14
Urban-social survey of the « La Roseraie » neighbourhood, within the context of the City Contract – Diagnostic and
proposals report – CERUR/AURES, January 2000
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15
Plan de Déplacements Urbains, PDU
16
Contrat de Ville
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Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
- To reinforce social integration, notably by the demolition of the lower class housing, and the
building of a « higher class » of housing,
- To redefine the urban structure,
- To requalify plots, with one facade on the public road and one on an interior space, created
and managed by the residents.
2.1 Population
The neighbourhood surveyed is particularly large, with almost 17 000 residents 17 , representing
11.2% of the total population of the city of Angers. The neighbourhood also has a considerable
active population (48% of the population is active), but this figure includes a high proportion of
unemployed (18%, i.e. 8.7% of the population).
The unemployment level is continually rising and, in 1998, 7% of the population received the
minimum insertion allowance (RMI18), against a 5% city average. Also in 1998, the single parent
allowance (A.P.I. 19 ) was allocated to 1.2% of the families. Conversely, 17.4% of the total
population of the « La Roseraie » - Orgemont neighbourhood was entitled to the housing allowance,
and this figure is below the city average which, at that time, was 20%20.
17
Source INSEE
18
RMI, Revenu Minimum d’Insertion
19
Allocation Parent Isolé, A.P.I.
20
Source: Steering Group Report of 15th June 1999 « Social and urban neighbourhood development – La Roseraie »
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Between 1990 and 1999, the population of the city of Angers rose by 10 000, but that of the
neighbourhood fell by 2 440. This drop of 12.6% in the population is mainly due to the separation
of family households (2.51 persons per household in 1990, falling to 2.25 persons in 1999)21.
Between 1990 and 1999, there was also an increase in the « pockets of poverty » among the
various social populations. In addition, there are increasing numbers of « vulnerable » households,
notably among the newer residents. These are mainly looked after by « Angers Habitat » and « Val
de Loire », and are mostly in the North-Western sectors of the neighbourhood.
Education
A significant proportion of the children attending the neighbourhood schools are in difficulty at
school (in the first year of secondary education, in the Jean Vilar college, 30% of the children are in
a situation of major difficulty)22. The younger residents of the neighbourhood are mostly going into
the lower level training streams (level V) and very few of them obtain their Baccalaureat
school leaving qualification.
A local education contract was urgently implemented during the summer of 1999, and the
neighbourhood has been qualified as a priority education zone (ZEP23) since 1999. The contract is
aimed at favouring the coordination of neighbourhood initiatives24.
2.2 Housing
There are 7 900 household residences in the « La Roseraie » neighbourhood (11% of the city total),
including 4 359 council social residences, which makes it the third largest collective residence
neighbourhood in the greater Angers area, representing 19.2% of Anger’s social accommodation.
Management of the social collective housing is shared between five social owners. This council
accommodation is concentrated in the centre of the neighbourhood (around Place Jean XXIII) and
constitutes a significant contrast with the outside environment and with the local privately owned
houses. The private accommodation is mainly to the South of the ZUP and comprises more than
1 500 private houses and flats, i.e. 9.6% of the Angers private sector housing. The social
accommodation is of the traditional type, typical of that built during the ‘sixties, with a format that
differs significantly in relation to its immediate environment.
The social accommodation has not been renewed for the last fifteen years (only 15 new units
were built between 1990 and 1999), and 82% of the neighbourhood housing were built between
1959 and 1978.
The proportion of unoccupied accommodation is also increasing, and vacancy has more than
doubled over the last ten years, rising from 3.5% in 1990 to 8% in 1999.
Quality of accommodation
The social housing is basically a series of high-rise, low-rise and other buildings, typical of that
period of construction25. According to the managing authorities, the various buildings have fairly
different histories, and some have recently been renovated. In general, the living space is enhanced
by the presence of vegetation and open spaces.
21
City of Angers, the La Roseraie neighbourhood, urban renovation project, specifications, page 7
22
AURA data
23
ZEP : Zone d’Education Prioritaire (priority education zone)
24
The C.A.J.V., the Square Dumont d’Urville residents’ association (supported by the C.A.F. 24 ), the 20/20
association, the Confédération Syndicale des familles (families’ association) and the APTIRA propose various forms of
educational support for primary and secondary pupils.
25
CERUR diagnostic (p.111 & 118)
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Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
However, for some of the buildings, the condition of the facades (break-up of the concrete
assemblies, old renovation, chipped tiles, cracks, etc.) and the breakdown in the terrace
weatherproofing, convey an impression of abandon. Furthermore, the poor quality of both the
acoustic and thermal insulation generates many related problems and disagreeable situations.
Conversely, the frequent presence of lifts and balconies is much appreciated by the tenants. In
general, the social housing suffers from the inherent characteristics of large complexes with,
however, the basic minimum level of comfort always being provided (toilets and shower or bath
inside the flat, together with a heating system).26.
There are a considerable number of public and social services, and educational and sports
facilities in the neighbourhood.
However, there are very few cultural facilities, in spite of the long-standing and emblematic
presence of the Jean Vilar centre, and even fewer religious facilities.
Most of the local shops are around the Place Jean XXIII, together with some of the major public
facilities (Town Hall Annex, Police, CAF27, crèche), and the market is also held there on Saturday
morning. The neighbourhood28 also contains a few small local shops and a large number of doctors’
surgeries.
Close to the ZUP, the « Chapeau de Gendarme » shopping centre is one of the five main shopping
centres in the greater Angers area29. The centre houses several restaurants, which are the only ones
in the neighbourhood. Similarly, the neighbouring Orgemont business zone is one of the three main
service company zones in the greater Angers area30.
Around the periphery, the Post Sorting Centre, the Post Administration offices, the Firing Range,
the « Les Brunelières » Waste Treatment plant, the lost animals home31 and the UIOM.32, adjacent to
the Square Dumont d’Urville, are community facilities but they do not contribute to the
development of a positive and attractive image for the neighbourhood.
The agricultural land at the Southern end of the neighbourhood is a sector of dynamic activity33 but
is not involved in the life of the neighbourhood.
The way in which the parks and gardens are looked after varies considerably between the social
housing, the private housing and the business activity zones, and the same is true of the urban
furniture. The management of the parks and gardens sometimes causes problems. The gardens
26
CERUR diagnostic
27
C.A.F., Caisse d’Allocations Familiales, Family financial Helps administration centre
28
See: List of activities present in the neighbourhood (in appendix)
29
Source: Anjou Atlas/Economic Development Committee/Angers University, 1999.
30
Source: Anjou Atlas/Economic Development Committee/Angers University, 1999.
31
Société Protectrice des Animaux (society for the prevention of cruelty to animals)
32
Household waste treatment plant
33
A large show of Anjou vegetable production is currently being held in the Parc de la Villette, in Paris. It is organised
in cooperation with the Angers region market gardeners and is called « The greenhouse, growing vegetables
differently ». The show is built around the concept of sustainable, integrated, reasoned and biological agriculture.
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Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
around the buildings are insufficiently looked after, and are not really fulfilling their function in the
qualification of the space.
In the neighbourhood, only one small park is well looked after. However, the « Plaine de Jeux »,
adjacent to the Marcel Pagnol school, and the games park in the « Place du Maréchal Juin » are
much appreciated as green leisure areas. In addition, the Avenue Winston Churchill has a central
mall with trees, but few people go there as the access is made difficult by the road traffic.
The family gardens34, close to the neighbourhood, are mainly used by social housing residents.
The many green spaces are not being used to form part of the urban structure. There is no
consistency, continuity, complementarity or link between the various structures.
The development of the paths dedicated to non-motorised traffic, parks, family gardens and
natural spaces lacks coordination and is not part of a « green corridor » continuity logic.
The morphology of the buildings alone constitutes a real break between the ZUP and the other sub-
neighbourhoods, and also between the neighbourhood and the rest of the city.
The ring-roads, the railway and the military land also constitute physical barriers between the
neighbourhood and the city, and prevent the residents from taking advantage of excellent natural
spaces.
There is little and insufficient leisure and cultural equipment, and it does not constitute centres of
attraction at city level. In the past, the Jean Vilar centre attracted many young people from other
towns and neighbourhoods, but it now seems to have lost its power of attraction.
34
The Jardin des Opanes (4 100 m2, 46 plots), Jardin des Trois Paroisses (25 943 m2, 93 plots), Jardin de l’Appentis (13
776 m2, 52 plots), Jardin de Saint Gemmes (23 700 m2, 64 plots)
35
Clean site public transport
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Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
When the ZUP (priority urban development zone) was created, the land was entirely managed by
the public authority, but has since been transferred to the social housing management organisations
(except for the roads), without any clearly defined management methods for the building
surroundings.
The city has virtually no land reserve, apart from the land released on the site of the former Claude
Bernard school, and two unbuilt commercial plots.
2.9 Environment
Management of resources
The assessment did not provide any specific resources management data.
Concerning power, the zone is heated by town heating, fed by the waste incineration plant.
Within the urban area, water consumption is higher than the national average (230 l of drinking
water per day and per person), but no specific data is available for the neighbourhood.
Finally, Angers has adopted selective household rubbish collection, and the greater Angers area
valorises green waste.
Quality of the environment
The private agricultural and wooded zones to the South of the neighbourhood could provide
excellent spaces. Similarly, the land at the confluence of the Maine and the Loire (which is one of
the 135 sites representing an ecological, wildlife and floral interest identified in the Anjou region)
could be a space that could be attached to the neighbourhood36.
Active associations, working for a balanced development of the living environment, have
significantly mobilised the social housing residents. This mobilisation has become a way of life for
the residents, and offers considerable potential, but is insufficiently considered in the decision-
making processes and local politics.
The library (the only cultural establishment in the neighbourhood) and a few not very flexible
association buildings are insufficient to meet the demand for social activity and meeting places37.
Many problems currently existing within the neighbourhood are the direct result of this
« shortage ». The residents would like to have and manage spaces such as « community halls » or
« Internet cafés », etc.
The Communication workshop, the Square d’Urville Reading/Writing workshop (a newspaper is
produced by the young people of the neighbourhood) and the Hip-hop workshop, offered by the
C.A.J.V.38 and which forms the core of the « urban » cultures, propose certain cultural activities.
The Carnival is an annual celebration that mobilises a large proportion of the neighbourhood
population. The C.A.J.V. team have also developed a teenagers sector (preparation of evening
entertainment, shows, camps, outings, carnival, etc.). A market is held on Saturday mornings, on the
Place Jean Vilar, but the neighbourhood residents regret its seemingly inevitable decline.
36
This humid zone, related to the alluvial zone covered by the Maine river, is listed as a protected site for its landscape
qualities and is inventoried within the context of the « Nature 2000 network ».
37
Source: Writing exercise books
38
Jean Vilar Activities Centre
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Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
The Chapeau de Gendarme is a major shopping centre that complicates the future of the Jean
XXIII shopping centre and effectively prevents any commercial development elsewhere.
The adjacent Orgemont activity zone is also a major activities centre.
There are many public and social services and sports installations in the neighbourhood.
The non-built-up spaces are the subject of an urban development plan, due to the poor quality of
their utilisation, and thus represent a considerable potential to be valorised.
Furthermore, the land is virtually entirely controlled by the social organisations. Three plots
available to the North-West of the neighbourhood, and that of the former Cl. Bernard school, are
currently the only « developable spaces » or municipal land reserves.
Roads are omnipresent throughout the neighbourhood and in the adjacent zones with, notably, the
presence of a motorway network. However, the area is well covered by public transport, thus
allowing possible mode transfers, mainly directed towards the city centre.
39
CERUR diagnostic, pp 27 to 29
40
CLIPS, Centre ou Carrefour Local pour l’Insertion Professionnelle et Sociale
41
Source: CERUR diagnostic, p.55
42
CERUR diagnostic, p.107
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Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
The social housing is not being renewed, its exterior appearance is deteriorating in certain blocks,
and it suffers from the inherent characteristics of major complexes (poor quality of initial
construction, poor acoustic and thermal insulation, no sequential management of the transition
between private and public space, entrances and common parts of poor quality and not looked
after). The lack of attraction of both the housing and the neighbourhood (the living environment
(installations, quality levels and space qualification) offered by the neighbourhood doesn’t seem
very attractive for young adults) has resulted in increasing numbers of unoccupied flats.
Thus, the « vulnerable » section of the neighbourhood population is increasing considerably,
making the economic and cultural development of the zone more difficult.
Furthermore, the neighbourhood has no common residential and associative spaces that could by
used by the residents.
Finally, most of the population is very limited in terms of access to both education and jobs.
Following a period of strong cultural development around the Jean Vilar centre, the neighbourhood
now has very few cultural and leisure installations, which only very partially correspond to the
needs of the neighbourhood residents and do not represent centres of attraction in relation to
the city.
There are also shops vacant, and a Jean XXIII shopping centre and weekly market that are not very
attractive and suffer from the competition of the nearby Chapeau de Gendarme.
The neighbourhood also has very few small trade and craft companies and jobs.
The association activity has considerable potential, but is insufficiently considered in the
decision-making processes and local politics. The institutional methods to be adopted for dialogue
between the various neighbourhood groups involved (residents, users, businesses and municipal
departments) remain to be defined.
The lack of spaces for associations, activities and socialising (unattractive block centres, unsafe
footpaths, few and unsuitable association buildings, etc.) is a problem.
The neighbourhood has no historic buildings but has considerable natural potential, that is
insufficiently valorised. The many green spaces are not being used to enhance the urban structure.
There is no uniting factor, continuity, complementarity or link between the various structures.
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Paths dedicated to non-motorised transport, parks, family gardens and natural spaces are
uncoordinated, and their is no logical continuity, such as a « green corridor », for example.
Management of the building surrounds vary, depending on the organisation concerned, and the
general quality is inconsistent.
Within the social housing zone, most of the ground is impermeabilised and most is also tarmac
covered and used by vehicles (traffic and parking). This causes problems for intelligent and
optimum management of rain water.
The « cul de sac » configuration of the road network and the excessive width of the public space
generate an impression of isolation. The urban furniture, the space marking and urban signs in
the « La Roseraie » neighbourhood are « poor ». The configuration of the accesses to the
apartments prevents any permeability and makes it difficult to appreciate the space.
Finally, the agricultural land and the adjacent natural spaces are « isolated » from the life of the
neighbourhood (geographically, socially and economically).
The various transport systems offer no efficient intermodal connections. Furthermore, the ring-
roads, the railway and the military land form real geographical barriers between the
neighbourhood and the city, and prevent the residents from taking advantage of excellent natural
spaces.
The urban atmosphere quality is fairly poor on the ring-roads which carry considerable motor
traffic (safety, air quality, noise, etc.).
Paths dedicated to non-motorised traffic do not provide continuous routes, and no particular
safety actions have been implemented. No action has been taken to enhance accessibility for
elderly or handicapped persons.
Furthermore, water consumption and pollution release into the environment are not controlled.
In the centre of the social housing sector, the Angers Habitat43 zone is extremely deteriorated. It
would therefore seem of prime importance to continue the building renovation action in this sector,
within the context of the HQE (High Environmental Quality) approach, possibly even going as far
as construction – demolition operations.
It would also seem desirable to define the need for a diversification of the housing supply, to offer
accommodation that corresponds to the needs of the various populations and household
configurations (single-parent families with a non-continuous presence of children, young people
only living partially at home, elderly persons, handicapped persons, etc.).
43
Social owner
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This approach could be completed by an analysis of the possibilities of change in the usage of the
building ground floors (entrances).
The objective is to preserve the « privacy » required for the neighbourhood to be able to « belong »
to its residents. The assets should be managed, and valorisation in terms of both landscaping and
neighbourhood image would create a clear identity.
Actions could therefore be based on enhancing the status of the spaces around the buildings, the
upkeep of which is sometimes the subject of dispute.
The block centres, with spaces that are poorly defined and often neglected, should be taken over by
the residents. These spaces should thus become sharable and actually shared, meeting spaces and
places of friendly activity.
Building access configurations could thus be part of a more general consideration of the
morphological, physical or simply visual interfaces that should be created between the various
blocks.
The configurations and routing continuity of the paths reserved for non-motorised transport should
also correspond to the residents’ actual usage.
Consideration of the development of these interfaces should thus address the problems of urban
furniture, indicator panels and space markings, and also the excessive width of the public space.
A centre of identity and attraction should be created, which would meet the needs of young people,
and those of the neighbourhood residents, concerning the management of spaces for meeting,
friendly activities and neighbourhood life. The shortage of cultural installations should also be
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Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
addressed, and equipment should match the volume of the requirement, for a neighbourhood with
17 000 residents.
This centre could be developed, based on the local association activities, and on its potential in
terms of the residents’ management of their own common spaces (see local Agenda 21).
The diversification commercial, economic and tertiary activity should be promoted, in both the
social sector and in the neighbourhood, so that the neighbourhood can become more than just a
place of residence.
The land occupation factors should be redefined, to enable activities to be installed close to the
buildings and at the neighbourhood entry points, and more particularly at the Northern entry, around
the Chapeau de Gendarme and the public transport line stations, thus creating links with the rest of
the city.
The neighbourhood potential, notably as a function of its accessibility, should be promoted, to
encourage the installation of activities, both for neighbourhood residents, wishing to launch projects
and work within the neighbourhood, and also for those from outside the neighbourhood, also
wishing to implement projects.
A few initiatives are starting to be created in the economic solidarity sector. These should be
supported and developed. The Saturday morning market in the Place Jean XXIII should be
considered to be an excellent form of economy, in terms of diversity of the local trading offer (see
the Local Agenda 21).
Finally, as the Chapeau de Gendarme is a centre of city activity, and thus the most attractive
shopping offer for the « La Roseraie » neighbourhood, the possibility of reactivating the Jean XXIII
shopping centre should be considered. However, this question would require further analysis, which
has already been initiated by the City44.
6. Unresolved questions
Following this presentation, a number of questions remain unresolved, and require further
consideration within the context of the neighbourhood analysis procedure. The analyses produced
by the three consultants working on the neighbourhood definition plan lead to the stating of these
questions, with the suggestion of a number of possible courses of action, all of which require
consideration, and are consistent with the initial objectives of the City of Angers.
44
A specific analysis of the shopping situation has been ordered by the Angers City economic development agency, to
provide an expert’s view of the complex question of the future of the three neighbourhood shopping centres.
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Conversely, the Jean XXIII centre, and to a lesser extent that of Jean Vilar, could be developed or
even demolished and rebuilt, with only small local shops, the Jean Vilar centre being a cultural
and sports centre for the City, and not only for the neighbourhood. The Jean XXIII centre must
be better equipped, pleasant, spacious, corresponding to all the neighbourhood sectors, and
especially towards the new installations, services and offices created to the North of the
neighbourhood, in place of the Angers Habitat high-rise blocks. These should be served by the
tram system towards the City centre and also towards the neighbourhood itself. This should
stimulate life and prosperity in the neighbourhood, and could even be a source of jobs for a few
local residents.
2 – What diversity in terms of housing, taking into account the economic realities imposed by the
real estate market?
This subject should be approached as a function of the various existing zones and types of
residence. It should also be considered in relation to the trend of the building land market in Angers.
Our answer to this question, in view of the poor exterior quality of some of the social housing
would be to:
- Selectively demolish (which respects the environmental aspect, through the valorisation of
the waste, while also creating jobs on the demolition sites, in the waste sorting and pre-
treatment plants and in the waste valorisation installations)45 the Angers Habitat high-rise
blocks in the Northern part of the neighbourhood (trapped between the « Immaculée
Conception » on one side, and behind the Jean XXIII shopping centre).
- Rebuild houses and flats based on the HQE method (see the Angers Agenda 21) for
subsequent sale to the residents, while also encouraging mixed utilisation (tertiary on
the lower floors).
45
The extra cost of selective demolition will be met by the ADEME (sometimes with a supplement from the Region)
for the first 30 applications submitted to the ADEME. To date, around a dozen applications have been submitted…
46
See brochure produced for the Toulouse collective housing congress in June 2001: « Renovate or build and demolish
for sustainable neighbourhood development? »
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4 – In terms of economic development, how can the installation of new activities in the
neighbourhood be encouraged?
- By restructuring the Jean XXIII shopping centre, open to the four cardinal points, and
surrounded by services and tertiary activities.
- By creating new buildings housing services and offices in the North of the neighbourhood
(replacing the Angers Habitat high-rise blocks and over the shopping centre).
- By not « excessively » favouring the Chapeau de Gendarme though the neighbourhood road
network (one of the projects proposes to converge the entire neighbourhood road network
towards the Chapeau de Gendarme. In our view, this could only be done to the detriment of
Jean XXIII and, under these conditions, any renovation and consolidation of Jean XXIII
should be preceded by a thorough feasibility study), but by developing suitable road
networks, with clear direction signs, for private cars, bicycles and pedestrians.
5 – How can the neighbourhood attraction be restored, to provide a positive image for residents
and for the rest of the City?
- By working on the urban furniture and direction signs (a major need in the
neighbourhood at present),
- By structuring spaces and interfaces between private spaces and public spaces,
- By developing the Salpinte zone exterior spaces and the renovated high-rise blocks in
the Angers Habitat Dumont d’Urville,
- By restructuring Jean XXIII, and also the Jean Vilar sports and cultural installations,
- By eliminating the cul de sacs and mazes in the road system,
- By urban restructuring around the tram system.
6 – How can advantage be gained from the clean site public transport line (TCSP) planned in the
urban development plan (PDU), and its terminus, to provide a better link between the
neighbourhood and the rest of the city, and to make La Roseraie a destination for Angers
residents?
- By serving Jean XXIII and especially Jean Vilar (cultural and sports installations for the
entire City),
- By installing attractive equipment at Jean Vilar (what equipment?…),
- Through pedestrian circulation between and towards Jean Vilar and Jean XXIII, and
towards the Southern sports ground (La Roseraie ground),
- Not forgetting the cycle paths, etc.
7 – How can the public spaces become shared and sharable mixed spaces. How should the
various spaces be structured, and what does this imply in terms of creation, operation and
management?
- By eliminating the mazes and cul de sacs for cars,
- By facilitating pedestrian circulation and notably by creating passages through the blocks,
and particularly the blocks forming a « U »,
- By providing spaces for young people,
- By facilitating access to these spaces and ensuring their safety,
- By enhancing the interfaces between public and private spaces (especially to the North,
for Angers Habitat, and at Salpinte),
- By urban furniture and direction signs.
8 – How should the geographical distribution, the installation and operation of local equipment
be organised, to meet the expressed requirements?
- Firstly, by clear and pleasant direction signs,
- Also, the road layouts should be organised (cars, cycles and especially pedestrians)
towards the installations,
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- Select equipment as a function of the various types of population (the elderly persons at
Salpinte, for example, if there is a high proportion of foreign culture among the population,
specific installations may be necessary, etc.),
- Do not forget unexpressed requirements, etc.
9 – What creations and installations could stimulate friendly activities and develop social
interfaces?
♦ Creations:
- Games areas for adolescents,
- Urban furniture: public bench seats, notably at Salpinte, where the population seems more
elderly,
- Cycle and footpath networks,
- Green spaces or a green corridor structure,
- etc.
♦ Installations:
- crèches and nurseries,
- games for the 12 to 18 year-olds (roller areas, etc.),
- fenced-off playing areas for very small children,
- sports pitches,
- space and installations available for associations,
- etc.
10 – What equipment is required to meet the needs of young people, to acknowledge their
existence within the neighbourhood ?
- games spaces such as roller areas,
- insulated spaces (acoustic insulation) but not obscure (for reasons of safety) to prevent
noise problems,
- games rooms inside the Jean Vilar centre, as monitoring will be necessary to avoid damage:
baby-foot, billiards, etc.
- financially accessible sports equipment: swimming pool, sports pitches, tennis, etc.
- etc.
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HQE2R
Sustainable renovation of buildings
for sustainable neighbourhoods
Contract n° EVKA – CT – 2000 - 00025
CSTB – La Calade
Catherine Charlot-Valdieu CSTB
HQE²R is a combined research and demonstration project which is partly funded under the "Energy, Environment and Sustainable
Development" programme, Key Action 4, "City of Tomorrow & Cultural Heritage", within the Fifth Framework Programme of the
European Union
CSTB - LA CALADE 45
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CONTENTS
1. INVENTORY ..................................................................................................................... 47
1.1. Population 48
1.2. Accomodation 48
1.3. Equipment and services 49
1.4. Economic activity 49
1.5. Parks and gardens 50
1.6. Roads and traffic 50
1.7. Polarity, attraction 50
1.8. Space management 50
1.9. Environment 51
1.10. Social life 51
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1. Inventory
Anzin, situated 16 km far from the Belgian frontier in the centre of Valenciennes conurbation, is a
city of the North Department and of the region Nord Pas-de-Calais.
The city started expanding in the 18th century when a coal vein was founded and the Compagnie des
Mines d’Anzin was set up to extract the coal in the region of Valenciennes . Since the start of this
activity, the population has increased quickly: the coal miners lived on their working place. This
rapid influx of people is accompanied by massive construction of repetitive housings that still
characterize nowadays the city.
The mining and the steel-making activities have represented for two centuries the urban
development factor. In 1975 began the problems that have caused the falling-down of these sectors.
Nowadays, on the one hand, the activities closure has been the crisis factor, at the other hand the
land where they were taking place constitute a fundamental land reserve opportunity.
The neighbourhood taken into consideration for this analysis is situated in the centre of the city and
it is composed by 3 areas:
- Jules Ferry – De Gaulle ;
- Centre – Zola – Verrerie – République ;
- Dampierre – Saint Waast.
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1.1 Population
The population of the neighbourhood has decreased since 1962 (INSEE data).
There are 14,058 inhabitants in the city (1999 census) and 7,085 residents in the centre of the city,
i.e. 50.4% of the total population of Anzin lives in the neighbourhood. The density is of 38.6
inhabitants per hectare and it proves the high urbanization of the neighbourhood. The population
structure has not changed since 1990: the people under 20 years old are 29.1% of the
neighbourhood population and the people over 60 are 19.2%.
The neighbourhood is characterised by a large population of workers (33% of the active people)
and employees (32%). The high-specialized working population is underrepresented (6%).
Neighbourhood population is composed by a relevant number of young people (above all in the
Centre - Zola – Verrerie - République and Dampierre - Saint Waast areas).
The educational standard is low in the neighbourhood: on the one hand, 14.5 % of people over 15
years old have a high school diploma, on the other hand people having any school diploma
represent 27% of people over 15 years old. The INSEE data show also that there are not many
people going on with their education after obtaining the high school diploma.
Only a low immigration concerns the neighbourhood. As far as the population origin is concerned,
foreign people represent 4.9% of the total neighbourhood population.
The unemployment rate is high in the neighbourhood (≈ 30% in 2001) essentially because of the
economic recession of the steel-making activity and the lack of qualification of the people. In fact,
the unemployed population is mostly represented by workers and employees.
The centre of Anzin is characterized by a population having low incomes. The rate of people
requesting the R.M.I (Minimal Insertion Revenue which is allowed by the state) in the
neighbourhood (above all in the Centre - Zola – Verrerie - -République area) is high: it represents
43% of the request of the Anzin population (January 2000 – INSEE).
As far as the health conditions are concerned, the neighbourhood presents an alarming situation.
Babies suffer from under and not-adapted feeding and from hygienic problems. By the young
people the lack of personal and feeding hygiene and drug addiction can be found. By the adults,
drug addiction and alcoholism seem to be the most serious problems.
Generally, the neighbourhood is characterized by a repeat of the family pattern, i.e. large family,
close pregnancies… and by the difficulties for the young ladies to approach contraception.
1.2 Accomodation
Accommodation in the centre - city neighbourhood suffers from two main problems:
- An important decrease of attractivity and depreciation phenomena;
- A low accommodation renewal rate.
• Evolution of the accommodation
Housing construction activity in the neighbourhood is extremely low: the amount of new buildings
built during the period 1990-1999 has an average 3 housings per year. However, during the same
period the housings number has increased. These data prove that accommodation evolves outside
the construction of new buildings: in fact, the old or the tertiary buildings have been turned into
smaller housings.
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Facilities level is rather satisfactory. In the centre of the city are concentrated all the public,
cultural, health and social facilities and services.
Nevertheless, there is a lack of public equipments in certain areas like the Dampierre - Saint Waast.
This area can benefit of the presence of a relevant cultural equipment of the city i.e. the Dampierre
castle that receives many expositions.
The previous mining and metallurgical industry have left a mark on the whole city and
consequently in this neighbourhood. These sectors have lost a big part of its industries. Valmont
industry, for example, has closed its activity in 1998 and has disappeared. This area has become a
brown field and consequently an important land reserve for the future development of the
neighbourhood.
Trade activities are concentrated along one of the two main roads of the city included in the
neighbourhood (i.e. Avenue Anatole France ) and on a square (i.e. Roger Salengro square). There
is a lack of trades and generally of economic activities in all the other areas of the neighbourhood.
Trade activity is also characterized by an important presence of retail trades and by a dynamic
market taking place twice a week on the Roger Salengro square. This market is considered as one
of the most important of the conurbation.
The economic and trading dynamic of the neighbourhood will be fostered by the big improvement
projects concerning that will be realized or that are being realized in the neighbourhood. Within the
framework of these actions, the improvements of the Roger Salengro square will exploit the
potentiality of the market.
In order to improve trade activities, the neighbourhood is the object of a specific commercial study
that highlights present and future conditions of development and constitutes also the basis for a
state programme “Craft and Commercial Intervention and Survival Fund” (F.I.S.A.C), programme
designed to give the local business a new dynamic.
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There is a lack of parks or green areas: there is only one public park in the neighbourhood (i.e.
Dampierre Park) and a cemetery. There are not many tree-alignments in the neighbourhood.
The neighbourhood is characterized by a lack of public spaces. The few public spaces existing
favour sometimes the gathering of young people and the development of band phenomena, of drug
activities, of insecurity, etc. (Jules Ferry – De Gaulle area).
The neighbourhood is structured around an east-west axis, i.e. Avenue Anatole France (not
completely situated in the considered neighbourhood and defining its north boundaries).
On the one hand, traffic is rather intense on this main axis, on the other hand other areas of the
neighbourhood have transportation problems and seem to be enclosed (for example Jules Ferry –
De Gaulle area).
The two main axis of the city (Avenue Anatole France and Jules Jaurès) start from the crossroad
Croix d’Anzin. Although the Croix d’Anzin is a traffic main point for the neighbourhood, it doesn’t
constitute a neighbourhood entrance. In fact the neighbourhood and consequently the city have no
place that could be defined as an entrance.
The neighbourhood is served by several public or school bus lines.
The residents will also benefit of a tramway transportation called TRANSVILLES that has been
approved in 1998 and will be finished in 2010. Works concerning the first phase are running and the
route of the tramway will pass through the Valmont area.
At the moment, travelling around in private vehicles is largely dominant. 77% of working people
use only one motorized transportation mode to go to work. 83% of them use their private car and
only 10.5% of them the public transports (INSEE 1999).
There are only few cycle bands and those existing are not continuous, so they are insecure.
There are few attractive elements for the inhabitants of the city. Moreover, there is no
neighbourhood entrance.
Public spaces are essentially the streets. Only two squares (Salengro and Constant Moyaux) play
a strong part of centrality and attractiveness.
There is no historical monument in the neighbourhood (as in the whole Anzin). Nevertheless
some buildings (the old Valmont factory, the municipal theatre, the city hall and the Dampierre
castle) are considered as interesting in an architectural and in a urban point of view and therefore
should be exploited.
The area possesses a big surface of land reserve, i.e. the Valmont zone. In fact a project for the
extension of the centre of the city concerns this zone.
The city counts 7 squares whose 5 are situated in the city-centre neighbourhood: Salengro square,
Constant Moyaux square, square of the Arts, Concorde square, Jules Guesde square. Considering
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that the housing typology is structured around a restricted parcel (construction lacking of garage),
an important part of the public space is used for the parking. A certain number of wide streets needs
an urban treatment in order to organize at the same time parking, pedestrian comfort and cycle
tracks.
The urban environment is marked by a relevant density of buildings: in fact the city-centre of
Anzin is characterized by a continuous urban fabric.
1.9 Environment
• Risks
There is no particular technological or natural risk in the area.
• Resources
The drinkable water quality seems to be very high.
There still are a lot of households without central heating system, using non-efficient ovens.
No action is taken in the neighbourhood for either energy or water management and savings.
• Pollution
Disturbing noise levels are due to road traffic along the two main structuring axes.
• Waste
Waste collection is made once a week:
- Once for the household not sorted-out waste ;
- Once for the green waste;
- Once for the sorted-out waste (paper, glass, metals, etc.)
• Soil pollution
The Valmont brown field has some residua of heavy metals that should be taken away before the
construction implementation.
Social life is marked by the presence of several associations in the Centre – Zola – Verrerie –
République area. Nevertheless, the social demand for activities devoting to children and to young
people. The neighbourhood is characterized by social mixity.
All the areas of the neighbourhood are affected by social and school problems.
Security seems to be a problem in the neighbourhood, above all in the Centre – Zola – Verrerie –
République area where criminality and drug addition are widespread.
A movie from Bertrand Tavernier shows this very poor area of Anzin, with all the social problems
of its residents…
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Despite its numerous difficulties, few characteristics might help enable the renewal of the
neighbourhood. The proximity and the connection of the neighbourhood to the centre of the
conurbation of Valenciennes will be improved by the creation of the tramway and by the
connection by the highway A23 – Saint Waast, Anzin. The neighbourhood, situated in the centre of
the city, can take advantage of a good highway service.
This proximity has also been an obstacle because all facilities and services are concentrated in the
centre of the conurbation.
The main potential of the neighbourhood consists in the possibility of urbanization of the
Valmont area. That action could solve the lack of dwellings in the city and in the whole
conurbation and foster the development of an area close to the centre of the conurbation. This
project will be a dynamic element for the revitalisation of the neighbourhood as well as of the
whole city of Anzin.
The presence of an important number of young people is another potential for the neighbourhood.
The neighbourhood faces many difficulties. From a demographical point of view, the
neighbourhood is characterized by the over-representation of not much or not qualified
population. The unemployment rate is very high (30%) because of the economic recession and of
the no-capacity of reconversion. Moreover, the work situation is not stable. The incomes are very
low and people requesting the “R.M.I.” (Minimal Insertion Revenue) or other social aides are
strongly represented. There are also a large number of young people in difficulty.
20% of the housings are under the minimum level of comfort. The renting accommodation is
also affected by slum landlords. Moreover, housings don’t suit to the needs (size and comfort).
Alcoholism, drug addiction and feeding are alarming.
The urban space is very dense (density of urbanization) and there is a lack of green spaces.
There are important noise disturbances due to road traffic, as was said, especially along the main
axes. Nothing has been done for improving the environment.
2.3 Stakes
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It was noticed also the existence of slum landlords and of small owners searching for an
additional income. These owners buy at a reduced price one or two small and very old flats and
realize scanty restoration works aiming at hide anomalies (that will generate then difficult situations
to manage for the tenants …).
Therefore it is necessary not to let this part of the population on the fringe and to launch some
urban renewal actions.
The improvements in housing conditions could be made possible by the following actions led by the
City of Anzin:
- A complains inventory in order to find the comfort requiring and insalubrious housings;
- A voluntary presentation to the owners of the financing existing tools for the realization of
housings conditions improvement works.
The City could also oblige the housing improvements after a certain period in the framework of the
Sanitary Departmental Regulation and in that one of the Public Health Code.
The CAF (Caisse d’Allocations Familiales), the DDASS (Direction Départamentale des Affaires
Sanitaires et Sociales) etc. might be partners of the City in the renewal in order to:
- be able to control the payment for the housing aides;
- realize other actions aiming at the fight against the insalubrious housings.
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The impacts of this project and of the tramway project on the neighbourhood and particularly on
the inhabitants are an important stake in the short and in the medium term because of the new
significance that the city-centre will acquire. Among these impacts, those linked to the
disadvantaged populations (unemployment, social exclusion, marginalized young people) should
be absolutely taken into account.
A possible consequence of these urban improvements seems to be the increasing dichotomy
between the renovated city-centre where all the public facilities and services are concentrated
and the other neighbourhood or city areas. Therefore it is evident that realization of new H.Q.E.
buildings should be accompanied by the housings conditions improvements (as mentioned above)
and by other actions in favour of the reduction of this dichotomy and in favour of the social
problems solution.
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HQE2R
Sustainable renovation of buildings
for sustainable neighbourhoods
Contract n° EVKA – CT – 2000 - 00025
S.D. DIAGNOSIS OF
"MIMONT-PRADO-REPUBLIQUE"
NEIGHBOURHOOD
in the city of CANNES
for a sustainable development
CSTB – La Calade
Catherine Charlot-Valdieu CSTB
HQE²R is a combined research and demonstration project which is partly funded under the "Energy, Environment and Sustainable
Development" programme, Key Action 4, "City of Tomorrow & Cultural Heritage", within the Fifth Framework Programme of the
European Union
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CONTENTS
1. INVENTORY ..................................................................................................................... 57
1.1. Population 57
1.2. Accomodation 57
1.3. Equipments and services 58
1.4. Economic activity 58
1.5. Parks and gardens 58
1.6. Roads and traffic 58
1.7. Polarity, attraction 59
1.8. Space management 59
1.9. Environment 59
1.10. Social life 60
2.3. Stakes 61
2.3.1 Pauperisation of the neighbourhood 62
2.3.2 Integration of the neighbourhood in the city 62
2.3.3 Public spaces 63
2.3.4 Environmental quality 63
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1. INVENTORY
The city of Cannes started expanding in the 19th century when the neighbourhood “Mimont –
Prado – Republique” started developing as a consequence of a large number of workers from Italy
settling down near luxurious middle-class buildings. The remains of this era coexist today with
new buildings of the 1970-80’s. The area offers then a quite varied town-planning where are
mixed together collective and individual buildings of all types and all times.
This neighbouhood of 72.8 hectares is situated in the East of Cannes and constitutes a zone lying
around the centre of the city; it is bounded on the West by the Carnot Boulevard and the Gallieni
Avenue, on the East by the domain of Californie, on the North by the communal limit and on the
south by the rail track and the Urban Boulevard, which separates it from the city centre.
1.1 Population
There are 7147 inhabitants in the neighbourhood (1999 census) and the density is of 9820
inhabitants per km2.
The neighbourhood has experienced a loss of population during the last years. The decrease was
of 5% compared to 1990 (the average evolution rate is of –0.6% per annum between 1990 and
1999) and of 25% compared to 1975.
The neighbourhood is characterised by a large population of retired people. The age group of
people over 60 has largely prevailed for decades, but it is a characteristic shared by the whole city
of Cannes. As a consequence, there is a large proportion of people living alone: 1.86 people per
household in average in 1999. Therefore, the renewal of people born in the neighbourhood is
limited.
The proportion of working people is fairly low (41% of the total population of the neighbourhood);
as for the employed working population, it is only of 32.2% of the total population.
Finally, the rate of people requesting the R.M.I (insertion minimal revenue) in the neighbourhood is
the highest in the city: 41% of the requests of the whole city, i.e. 654 people (9% of the area
population). Furthermore, many families in the neighbourhood are eligible for social aide. There is
also an important number of young people living in difficult conditions.
1.2 Accomodation
• The evolution of accommodation
There are 6085 flats and houses, of which 3894 are main residences (64%), 1217 are secondary
residences (20%) and 974 are vacant (16%). Accommodation is therefore under-used, with only
64% of permanently occupied accommodation (with only 1.86 person per housing in average).
Moreover, the proportion of secondary residences and vacant residences has been increasing.
The number of vacant residences has risen from 611 in 1990 to 974 in 1999, that is an increase of
363 residences, which led to O.P.A.H (programmed operation for improvement in housing) being
put in place.
Main residences are for the main part flats in collective buildings (92.6% of accommodation), the
H.L.M.s (low rent housing) being 6.6% of the main residences of the neighbourhood and 4.2% of
all accommodation.
This neighbourhood is then characterised by the double phenomena of the departure of its
permanent inhabitants and their progressive replacement by tourists and “occasional” tenants.
There is, however, a great demand of social accommodation in the neighbourhood.
Housing activity in the neighbourhood is low: the amount of new buildings built per annum is
less than 0.4% of the existing buildings of the area, which is not even enough for its renewal, taking
into account the old age and the decrepitude of the buildings. The property tax Market is close to
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inexistent and the prices are very low compared to the rest of the region, particularly so in the areas
of Mimont and Republique. However, housing agencies are very active for what concerns seasonal
renting.
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Other axes are also very often blocked by intense traffic and parking problems are encountered in
the whole neighbourhood: there is one parking space legally available per 2.5 households in
average. A public car park was built but it is seldom used, with only about 20% of its places being
used (marking out and access problems). Moreover, the people working in Cannes city centre park
in the area to avoid paying the parking fees in use in the city centre.
Two public transport routes run through the area. Some users can also benefit from the buses
running through the surrounding areas. Despite these facilities, travelling around in private
vehicles is largely dominant.
Walking is not encouraged: the pavements are usually narrow and of bad quality, therefore
sometimes dangerous. Similarly, there are no cycle bands.
Finally, urban furniture is very much ill-matched and gives no unity to the neighbourhood: more
furniture ensuring cleanness (bins…) and comfort (banks…) would be wished for.
1.9 Environment
• Risks
There are no particular technological risks in the area; there are however risks of floods in the
south (vallon de la Foux) and some yards and building halls are flooded in some years.
• Resources
In the City Council buildings, energy management is efficient, consumption are recorded and the
heating systems are recent. However, no measure is taken to manage the water economically.
Similarly, rain waters are not recycled, although a collection would be possible.
As for the inhabitants, no action is taken for either energy or water.
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• Pollution
Traffic on the main axes creates NOx pollution which is sometimes important. The neighbourhood
also suffers occasionally from ozone pollution.
Moreover, disturbing noise levels are due to road traffic along the structuring axes.
• Waste
The quantity of waste per inhabitant is high because of tourism. A selective collection should
be put into place during the first 2002 semester but problems are encountered concerning the
localisation of the bins and containers as well as with making secondary residence occupants more
responsible.
Other waste problems concern restaurants, especially with their frying oils not being collected and
their wastes not being sorted out.
Despite its numerous difficulties, a few characteristics might help enable the renewal of the
neighbourhood. The setting of the “Programmed Operation for Improvement in Housing” and of
the “Craft and Commercial Intervention and Survival Fund”, the rehabilitation of Jules Ferry High
School, the use of a new “poste d’ilotage” police service, the re-start of the “bio” market, a sorting-
out collection of wastes being put into place, as well as the beginning of revalorisation work on
public areas, all are dynamic elements of a possible global project of revitalisation beneficial to the
area.
A certain social mix of the population is established in the neighbourhood, where different ways of
life and styles meet. This social mix does not lead to any major specific security problems for
people and their belongings and crime is even decreasing.
The inhabitants benefit from a relatively good distribution of some services.
There are many schools in the area and they are well spaced out. The existing shops are varied and
two routes of public transport run through the area.
Places enabling social contact are also at the inhabitants’ disposal: there are three meeting places
in the Mimont area (a cyberspace as well as two association houses). Moreover, other associations
and animations are particularly put into place for the elderly.
This appearance of an area nice to live in is reinforced on one hand by a certain technological
security, the risks being inexistent, and on the other hand by a quite esthetical aspect: several
private buildings of the 19th and 20th centuries accompanied with quality gardens embellish the
neighbourhood.
These strengths probably contribute to developing the feeling of belonging to the neighbourhood.
Despite these potentials, which are important strengths, the neighbourhood faces many difficulties.
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From a demographical point of view, the neighbourhood has been experiencing a continuous loss
of its population since 1975. Retired people and people living alone are over-represented, the
renewal of the people coming from the neighbourhood risking then not to be ensured.
At a social level, people requesting the “R.M.I.” are strongly represented and many families
request social aides. There are also a large number of young people in difficulty.
As far as the housing is concerned, secondary residential accommodation is very important and
housing vacancy explodes. Housing activity is low, the land market is nearly inexistent and the
prices are very low for the region, namely on the sectors of Mimont and Republique. Moreover, a
few houses’ frontages are deteriorated and many remain not esthetical. Many accommodations are
still with no comfort. In addition, there is no land reservation in the area.
The lack of some services is beginning to be greatly felt. Despite a strong commercial potential at
first, commercial vacancy is increasing and activity is low.
Sports equipments are nearly inexistent and there is no “neighbourhood house”; there is also a
lack of close by spaces and equipments and the leisure structures are insufficient, existing
places lacking interest.
Adding to the lack of close by facilities, problems are encountered to get around in the
neighbourhood. Traffic of cars is largely dominant, road traffic is dense; many parking problems
arise from these facts. This invasion by cars is reinforced by the facts that appropriate pedestrians
structures are missing and that pavements are of a poor quality.
The traffic density diminishes greatly the neighbourhood attractiveness, already weakened by its
means of access and entrances, by its poorly developed public lighting and its too frequently
mentioned cleanness problems.
Furthermore, the south of the area is subject to flood risks.
As far as environmental politics is concerned, no measure has been taken either about the
economical management of the water (drinkable water and collection of rain waters) or about the
energy consumption by the inhabitants. The area is on the other hand subject to NOx pollution,
sometimes to ozone pollution too, due to intense city traffic. There are also important noise
disturbances due to road traffic, as was said, especially along the main axes.
During the past years, the “laisser-faire” has dominated the area development.
2.3 Stakes
Four main stakes seem to appear for this neighbourhood:
• The pauperisation of the neighbourhood
• The difficulty for the neighbourhood to be integrated to the whole city
• The lack of public gardens
• The lack of environmental management politics.
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Fighting against the pauperisation of the neighbourhood seems fundamental; indeed, several data
seem to show that the neighbourhood is becoming poorer and poorer.
It was noted, first of all, there was a large sample of people in a precarious situation, namely,
many young people in difficulty. This can be explained firstly by the increase of the
unemployment rate during the past few years (from 15% in 1990 to 21% in 1999) but also by the
fact that many young people aged 16 to 25 are not well integrated.
In addition, it was observed that, following the trend of decrease in the number of inhabitants, the
population is also becoming much older and the majority of households are of one person only.
This is not favourable to the economical dynamics of the neighbourhood and does not attract project
holders.
Moreover, it was shown that about 36% of accommodation is not occupied or only occasionally
occupied, this diminishing greatly the buying capacity of the neighbourhood. Adds to this fact the
important quantity of accommodation qualified as uncomfortable, as they are not satisfying the
minimum comfort requirements: about 20% of the accommodation.
Finally, this pauperisation is increased by a loss in commercial and craft activity, namely
concerning antiquaries, which tend to disappear from the neighbourhood.
The neighbourhood tends to suffer from the city instead of benefiting from its development.
Firstly, the tourism sector is more harmful to the neighbourhood than it is beneficial: as a
matter of fact, the majority of the hotels face the other way, and moreover, hotel accommodation in
the neighbourhood represents only 4.5% of the total hotel accommodation of the city and is mainly
located in the Mimont area. Furthermore, the neighbourhood counts more and more secondary
residences, which does not favour the local business; they occupy a lot of space but do not generate
wealth for the neighbourhood.
The problem can also be explained by the lack of equipment of community dimension –possibly
also of inter-community dimension-, or even by the lack of central location: no sports, cultural or
tourism structure enables the neighbourhood to attract people from outside.
Moreover, despite usually well stocked shopping streets, the neighbourhood is victim of a
commercial vacancy increasing year after year (vacancy rate of 22.3% over the neighbourhood).
The reasons for this are the absorption by supermarkets of the customers of smaller shops, a
street profile not contributing to generate commercial activity since with a urban background
unsatisfying pedestrians, the lack -and constant decrease- of main residences and the parking
difficulty.
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The elements covered here result from the neighbourhood inaccessibility, with an important
problem to get around generating parking and traffic difficulty and increasing the lack of integration
of the neighbourhood to the rest of the city of Cannes. These problems are especially located
around the entrances to the neighbourhood on one hand and resulting from a dense traffic on the
other hand. They increase the difficulty encountered by pedestrians and cycles to get around.
The improvement in the integration of the neighbourhood to the city could be made possible by:
• Developing the hotel capacity of the neighbourhood in order to benefit from tourism
economical side effects and to recreate dynamics in the life of the neighbourhood by the
presence of a new population,
• Creating attractive equipments and/or centralising places to give a “new life” to the
area,
• Solving the problem of increasing commercial vacancy,
• Improving the neighbourhood’s entrances by making them safer and more esthetical and
improving the links to the city centre and the neighbouring areas thanks to the decrease in
the traffic in the main axes, which could be brought by the development of public transports
and the installation of lanes to facilitate and encourage pedestrian and cycle circulation.
Public places must be recreated and given a new value in order to compensate the lack the
neighbourhood is suffering from. This can be seen in several ways:
Firstly, we are speaking here about public places as places for recreation and leisure, both in terms
of sports and of public gardens. Apart from its two games of bowls and football goals, equipments
allowing the practice of sports of any kind are inexistent. This leads to a strong demand from the
inhabitants for the creation of a multi-sports area.
The existence of public places also means there are sociable meeting points, however, there are
only several welcoming and animated sites in the neighbourhood and those are designed for certain
categories of people only and not at all for an audience of 15 to 20 years of age. This age group
is also facing problems with wandering about and marginality. It then seems necessary to create
equipments such as a “neighbourhood house” and welcoming structures helping the economical and
social integration of young people.
Finally, these public places could also be car parks, in order to satisfy the great demand shown by
the large number of cars usually parked on unauthorised areas.
To recreate and give a new value to public places it is therefore necessary to develop the following
aspects:
• Development of recreation and leisure structures (sports structures and parks), with
particular attention given to the installation of a multi-sports field,
• Creating sociable places such as a “neighbourhood house” and welcoming animated
structures especially for young people aged 15 to 20, but also promoting area committees
linking inhabitants.
• Treating parking problems and solving especially the problem of insufficient parking places
for people living near schools or kindergartens.
The environmental image and quality of the neighbourhood are given a low value. One of the main
reasons for this is the lack of environmental politics and management.
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The presence of loud noise sources due to road traffic can be noted in the neighbourhood. Some
transit road axes generate an important vehicle flow and therefore increase the noise disturbance.
Moreover, two road axes pollute particularly in the neighbourhood. For people living there, air
pollution is the second source of disturbance after noise. Despite this fact, no effort is made to
make people aware of this existing air pollution. Inhabitants are only informed when pollution
levels get too high. Qualitair only takes measures: there is no campaign aiming at informing people
or making them more responsible.
Concerning water management, no measure is taken in favour of an economical utilisation. Rain
waters are not re-used despite a topology facilitating its collection in the neighbourhood.
Finally, environmental quality depending also on accommodation comfort (namely in the summer),
the quality of construction and of use of the buildings must be taken into account and it is necessary
to pay attention to the buildings’ surroundings in order to attract new populations and to decrease
the proportion of vacant accommodation.
Therefore, environmental quality can be treated at different levels:
• Developing actions and measures making the population more responsible in terms of
energy consumption and of economical water management,
• Fighting noise disturbance,
• Reducing air pollution, mainly by a decreased use of private vehicles,
• Creating an observatory on housing quality aiming to spot and eliminate
insalubrious housing and to improve comfort in some accommodation by adopting, if
possible, the High Quality Environmental Procedure,
• Managing rainwater.
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HQE2R
Sustainable renovation of buildings
for sustainable neighbourhoods
Contract n° EVKA – CT – 2000 - 00025
S.D. DIAGNOSIS OF
"VISCOSE" NEIGHBOURHOOD
in the city of ECHIROLLES
for a sustainable development
CSTB – La Calade
Catherine Charlot-Valdieu CSTB
HQE²R is a combined research and demonstration project which is partly funded under the "Energy, Environment and Sustainable
Development" programme, Key Action 4, "City of Tomorrow & Cultural Heritage", within the Fifth Framework Programme of the
European Union
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CONTENTS
FOREWORD.......................................................................................................................... 67
1. INTRODUCTION.............................................................................................................. 67
4. REFERENCES................................................................................................................... 87
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FOREWORD
This document was elaborated with the help of Véronique JARILLOT from OPAC 38, whom we
should like to thank.
1. INTRODUCTION
The objective of this study is the elaboration of sustainable development indicators for the
evaluation and follow-up or monitoring of actions undertaken in the Western sector of the Town
of Echirolles.
Taking account, on the one hand, of the actions already undertaken in the Western sector of the
town within the framework of the "Contrat de Ville" (City Contract with the State) and the
European PIC Urban programme and, on the other hand, of the Town’s concern not to delay the
process put in place in this sector, the Municipality of Echirolles decided not to continue with the
entire Western sector but with a specific neighbourhood, named “the Viscose estate”.
This neighbourhood must be subject to social and urban renovation, like the rest of the Western
sector, but is also the location of quite a profound problem of habitat and valorisation of exterior
spaces.
Three main axes must guide the work; these are also questions put by the Municipality of
Echirolles as a whole:
- What balance between the green spaces, the roads, the existing buildings and the public and
private spaces?
- How to re-establish urban mix in a neighbourhood?
- How should a neighbourhood be opened up with a view to its sustainable development?
Of this final block, only half of the housing units belong to the Viscose estate.
We shall then differentiate between the data from the Viscose estate, managed by OPAC 38, and
those from the Viscose neighbourhood, which adjoins a group of buildings on the Allée Maurice
Ravel (see map). The difference in population between the Viscose estate and the Viscose
neighbourhood is around 10%.
The Viscose neighbourhood is situated to the west of the town which, with the whole of the western
sector (Rondeau, Viscose, La Luire), is benefiting from the town conurbation contract (territory
combining the urban and social handicaps which should be subject to heavy urban restructuring)
during the period 2000 – 2006. This territory must integrate six thematic fields:
- Collective prevention and security;
- Habitat, housing and urban integration, movements;
- Economic development, access to employment, insertion;
- Education, training;
- Public health;
- Development of cultural and artistic activities.
The western sector is also included in a PIC URBAIN, the strategic objectives of which are as
follows47:
1. Provide the neighbourhoods with strong centres of action with the installation of new
amenities (public, economic, commercial), with a strong economic bias: create centres of
excellence in the neighbourhoods; revitalise neighbourhood businesses, create and establish
economic activities with a high cultural, sporting and creative content…
2. Adapt the urban frameworks from these centres of action to promote exchange between
neighbourhoods and improve the insertion of the neighbourhoods in the conurbation:
develop alternative modes of transport (an important issue is the treatment of the banks of
the Drac and the verges of the Rondeau crossroads), improve the urban framework…
3. Combat social, urban and numeric fracture and promote equal opportunities: promote the
access of minorities and young people to the new information and communication
technologies, cultural and sporting activities, promote sexual equality.
The project also puts the accent on the fact:
o Of associating the inhabitants and the third sector;
o Of renewing methods of governance;
o Of promoting cultural activities;
o Of promoting local development.
The PIC URBAIN is intended, amongst other things, to develop centres of action by using a local
development strategy, understood as the mobilisation of the lifeblood and energy of the
neighbourhoods, to enrich, diversify and renew the economic, social and cultural base of the
neighbourhoods. It plans to create and maintain sustainable employment by supporting the
economic fabric, the creation of cultural facilities and supporting the initiatives of inhabitants in
these fields, the objective being to sustain a hundred or so projects throughout the territory, creating
between 100 and 200 jobs one year down the line and between 300 and 500 jobs three years down
the line, half of which should be the fruit of local initiatives.
This study depends on the range of documents put together for the implementation of these
programmes, particularly:
- The General Social Urban Study carried out in January 2001 for the entire western sector;
- The urban neighbourhoods study of the west of Echirolles, northern sector, carried out in
June 2002;
47
ALGOE, 2000
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- The Grenoble city conurbation contract 2000 – 2006, including the document entitled
“opening up and requalifying the west Luire / Viscose neighbourhood” of November 1999.
The study also depends on population census data and OPAC 38 data.
The appraisal is presented in the form of 4 chapters corresponding to the analysis of each of
the sub-spaces which make up the neighbourhood (residential built spaces, non-residential built
spaces, non-built spaces, infrastructures and networks) on various themes.
2.1.1.1 Urbanisation
The town of Echirolles, situated south of Grenoble, has grown from a population of 2,200
inhabitants in 1945 to a population of around 33,200 inhabitants (33,169 inhabitants in 1999), on a
surface area of 756 hectares, i.e. an average density of 44 inhabitants per hectare. It is a former
suburban town which, today, has town status in its own right, constituting a centre of action to the
south of the conurbation of Grenoble, which numbers around 400,000 inhabitants.
During the Glorious Thirties, this strong demographic growth led to the realisation of numerous
neighbourhoods, some of which are made up only of large blocks and marked by major urban
fractures: railway lines, motorway bypass, large boulevards, EDF canal, pipelines. Because of this,
the town does not therefore as a whole constitute a homogenous urban entity, but is presented
as a disparate collection of neighbourhoods which suffer from a lack of urban links.
The Viscose factory (National Viscose Company) was built in the Grenoble area in 1920 in order to
produce artificial fibre from wood cellulose. As for its workers’ estate, it was established in
Echirolles in 1927. Therefore the population of Echirolles, at the time based mainly in the old
village, doubled on the arrival of these workers. At the present time, the factory not longer exists,
for it was demolished to be replaced by Techni-sud48 in Grenoble, thus losing part of its essentially
working class culture.
Certain elements of the landscape have directed the construction of buildings on the Viscose estate:
despite a certain apparent disorganisation, it follows the route of the link road from the “Ferme de la
Fanfare Municipale” to the Drac dyke and also that of the irrigation channels. The habitations run
along the roads and leave large stretches of grassland, where the workers’ gardens are less well
maintained than when it was originally installed.
The Viscose estate was designed as a garden estate with its 14 hectares, composed of small,
essentially two-storey buildings, offering a total of 362 housing units (source OPAC V. J. 2001)
today managed entirely by the Public Office for the Development and Construction of the Isère
(OPAC 38). At the end of the 1980s, certain housing units were renovated and part of the estate was
demolished and then rebuilt.
The western sector of Echirolles has already been subject to procedures within the framework of the
town’s policy: Habitat and Social Life (H.V.S.), Social Development of Neighbourhoods (D.S.Q.)
and, more recently, within the framework of the Town Contract in the period 1994-1999. The
neighbourhood is now included in the perimeter used in the Urban Programme of Community
Initiative (PIC URBAN).
Finally, the Echirolles Zoning Regulations class the Viscose neighbourhood entirely as an urban
zone (UB).
48
Technisud is an industrial estate which promotes the installation of Small- and Medium-sized Businesses (P.M.E.)
and Small- and Medium-sized Industries (P.M.I.) with high levels of qualification, responding to the needs of the
specialised industrial production units of the conurbation.
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2.1.1.2 Population
At the last census by INSEE, the Viscose neighbourhood comprised 1,029 people, i.e. 3.1% of the
population of Echirolles (32,811 without double count, distribution per block).
This population is resident on the Viscose estate, more than 90% of which is managed by OPAC 38,
and the Maurice Ravel buildings.
In 2001 the Viscose Estate had a population of 943 people including 246 children, i.e. 26.1% of its
population (68.7% of whom were under the age of 13)49. Its number of inhabitants has increased
slightly since 1999, the date on which its population was 921 people, 28% of whom were children
(and 67% of them were under the age of 13).
Distribution by age
The population of the neighbourhood is relatively young.
According to the INSEE data of March 1999, the Viscose Estate has a larger population under the
age of 40 than that of Echirolles as a whole.
On the Viscose Estate, 29% of the inhabitants are under 20 (298 inhabitants) against 25.3% for
Echirolles as a whole; the 20 – 39 age bracket represents 36% of the population in Viscose (371
inhabitants) against 30.4% in Echirolles as a whole.
100%
80%
> 50 yrs
60% 40 - 50 yrs
40% 20 - 39 yrs
< 20 yrs
20%
0%
Viscose Estate Echirolles
According to the OPAC data, the Viscose Estate has a population of 697 adults (i.e. 73.9%) and 246
minors, i.e. 79 children between 0 and 5 years of age (8.4%), 90 children between 6 and 12 years of
age (9.5%) and 77 adolescents between 13 and 18 years of age (8.2%).
This high percentage of twenty – forty year olds can be found in the distribution by age of the
reference persons in the households: one person in two is under 40 years of age (out of a total of
347 people, 57 people are under 30 years of age, 114 people are between 30 and 39 years of age, 40
people between 40 and 49 years of age, 65 people between 50 and 64 years of age and 71 people
over 65 years of age).
Origin
The Grenoble conurbation has always welcomed immigrant populations, with the great wave of
Italian immigration in the 1920s and the more recent one from the countries of North Africa.
The neighbourhood brings together a large group of foreign populations, i.e. 200 people or 19.8%
of the neighbourhood’s population (the foreign population represents 9.1% of the population of
Echirolles as a whole), leading to frequent problems of integration and casualisation. This
49
OPAC 38
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population encounters difficulties in terms of access to fundamental rights (health, education, social
assistance, etc.) and employment.
In the same year, out of a population of 921 people, OPAC counted: 73% French, 15% North
African, 4% European and 8% other nationalities.
Household resources
Resources after tax deduction (i.e. taxable income after deduction of professional costs…) amount,
for almost 70% of households, to between 150 and 760 euros per month (i.e. 1,000 to 5,000 F),
They only exceed 1,066 euros per month (7,000 F) for 6.7% of the population.
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
0 1 - 380 381 - 760 761 - 1065 1066 - 1371 -
1370 1675
Source: OPAC 38
50
INSEE, RGP 99
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According to the INSEE census (March 1999), there should be 341 salaried people and 64 non-
salaried people in the neighbourhood.
2.1.1.3 Households
The Viscose estate comprises 357 households, whose situation is as follows:
- 32.2% people living alone (115 people).
- 12.6% single-parent families with children (45 families including 24 single-parent families
with 1 child, 7 single-parent families with 2 children, 12 single-parent families with 3
children, 2 single-parent families with 4 or more children).
- 55.2% couples of whom more than half have children: 89 childless couples, 38 couples with
1 child, 41 couples with 2 children, 18 couples with 3 children and 11 couples with 4 or
more children.
On average, the neighbourhood numbers 2.6 people per household, i.e. more than the average for
the western sector of Echirolles.
51
OPAC 38
52
Family allowance fund, CIRCO, EGSU, par. 7.5.2
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In 2001, OPAC 38 estimated that 184 households receive APL [personalised housing
assistance], which represents 51.5% of the household on the estate (in 1999, 57% of homes
received APL).
Moreover, 21 households receive the Housing Solidarity Allowance (F.S.L.).
Finally, 61% of households have incomes lower than the ceiling of the Very Socially Assisted
Rental Loan Fund (PLATS), a figure which is rising because of the marked increase in the
number of homes newly moved into with resources lower than 760 euros per month.
Distribution by status
The inhabitants of the estate are all tenants of OPAC 38. There is no home buying.
The neighbourhood numbers 362 social housing units, which represent almost 7% of the available
social housing units present in Echirolles (5,253 social housing units out of a total of 11,966
housing units, i.e. 44% of the available housing units, source INSEE, RGP 99).
53
OPAC 38
54
OPAC 38
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than 10 housing units (i.e. 25.8 %). Consequently, the neighbourhood is notable for its large
number of small residential buildings.
100%
80%
building 10 or + housing
units
60% units
building 2 - 9
0%
Viscose Estate Echirolles
100
80% 6 rooms
5
60% 4
40% 3
2
20% studio
0%
Estate Echirolles
In relation to Echirolles as a whole, the estate seems particularly well provided with 2 and 3 room
apartments, whilst the town of Echirolles has a large number of 4 room apartments.
The size of the housing units on the Viscose estate is 64m2 with an average of 3.5 rooms per
housing unit (against an average of 3.8 in Echirolles). The total surface area given over to housing
is 23,264m2 (with dependences).
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2.1.2 Integration
55
Aktis, page 17
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This population is relatively stable over time, as shown by the OPAC 38 statistics.
The population housed by OPAC was 961 people in January 1996, 949 in January 1997, 939 in
January 1998, 894 in January 1999, 921 in January 2000 and 946 people in January 2001.
2.1.3 Heritage
2.1.3.1 Patrimony
The Viscose neighbourhood’s heritage is the fact of having been an example of the garden estate
and workers’ estate, and for this reason deserves to be conserved.
Insulation
All the buildings have external insulation. The door and window frames, which are well
waterproofed, are in PVC and include double-glazing. The floors are made of concrete slabs
insulted by projection; the roof spaces are also insulated. Thus, overall the buildings are well
insulated. However, we can note that the landing doors open onto relatively cold entrance areas and
that, although the external insulation provides a certain improvement in comfort during the summer,
it renders energy solutions which favour intermittence partially inoperative.
Energy
Electricity was chosen as a source of heating energy and this leads to major problems of
management cost: all the buildings are heated by direct electric convectors with individual
thermostats, the dilapidated state of which is, in spite of everything, acceptable. For the heating, the
total useful energy is estimated, for the whole of the Viscose estate, at 2,420 MWh/year; electrical
consumption for heating is also 2,420 MWh and the necessary power is 1,512.5 kW56.
OPAC has compared the cost of various heating and hot water supply systems.
For the whole of its available housing, in 2001, collective heating (gas, fuel oil, urban heating,
wood, etc.) has a cost which is 6.7 € / m2, of which 5.8 € for energy and 0.9 € for maintenance.
For the mixed electrical heating systems (floor + convectors), the part paid by OPAC (floor heating)
comes, for its housing facilities as a whole heated by electricity, to 6.8 € / m2 of which 6.4 € for
electricity and 0.4 € for maintenance.
The part of the consumption paid to EDF directly by the tenant is not known. It is normally a third
of the electricity cost for floor heating, i.e. 2.1 €. In the present case, because of the low incomes of
households living in the housing units, OPAC adopts the hypothesis that this part is only 20%, i.e.
1.3 €. In total, the cost of electric heating turns out 21% dearer than collective central heating, i.e.
8.1 € / m2 and provides less comfort.
The gas heating system in the Cèdres building is an illustration of these differences in cost. Heated
by natural gas, the heating costs for the 16 OPAC housing units is 5.7 € / m2 of which 4.3 € for
energy and 1.4 € for maintenance.
56
Figures provided by OPAC 38, for 2001
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The cost of converting from electricity to a fossil fuel energy source (several alternative energy
solutions are possible: natural gas, collective gas per building, urban heating, gas central heating
and wood central heating) has been estimated by OPAC at 4,880 € per housing unit.
Each housing unit has its own production of household hot water by electric hot water storage tank,
generally in good condition. In total, the consumption of hot water for household purposes is
11,973.5 m3, the total useful energy 870.3 MWh, the production return 0.8, the distribution return 1
and the electric energy used is 1,087.9 MWh57.
Ventilation
Ventilation is natural, with air inlets in the window and doorframes. It could be improved, for we
often note mould as well as flaking paintwork in humid rooms. These deteriorations may also be a
result of the current heating costs, which act as a brake on consumption leading to reductions in
temperature in certain rooms and draft proofing of the ventilation inlets.
Vandalism
At the beginning of 2001, an increase in acts of vandalism and, consequently, cost, was noted
(97,000 francs, i.e. around 1,510 euros just for the cost of insuring against vandalism).
Waste
To promote waste management, actions aimed at informing the population and raising their
awareness, have been carried out, as have actions to raise awareness regarding the gardens.
The Viscose neighbourhood has 5 well distributed glass collection points.
2.1.4.3 Security
A feeling of insecurity is frequently expressed by the inhabitants on the subject of access to the
neighbourhood, traffic and lighting: creation of a bypass, signposting of the neighbourhood,
improvement of lighting, development of “wild” spaces59.
57
Source OPAC 38, 2001 figures
58
Jarillot, 2002
59
Jarillot, 2001
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60
EGSU, par. 7.4.2
61
EGSU, par. 6.6.1
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It should be noted that, in 2000-2001, this school accommodated only 348 pupils but has an initial
capacity of 1,200…
One may therefore think that it has quite a negative image and that the pupils who have the chance
would enrol in other establishments, further away from their homes or for which they have to pay.
The eastern sector is in an Educational Priority Network (R.E.P.) and the general under-
attendance facilitates taking on difficult classes. Developments, such as schoolyards and the
creation of multimedia facilities and a library, as well as the development necessary for pre-school
facilities for children under three years of age, have yet to be processed62.
NB: baccalaureate success in the sector is greatly inferior to that of the rest of the conurbation. The
recorded rates of academic shortfall bear witness to certain difficulties of access to knowledge and
the insertion of young people into the cycle of academic success.
62
EGSU, par. 6.1
63
Workshop no. 3, page 5: parents are sending their children to clubs more frequently.
64
Workshop no. 3, page 7
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Few public halls allow associations and inhabitants to meet and this insufficiency makes itself
particularly felt in the Viscose neighbourhood, which is quite a way from these structures. To make
up for this deficit, the youth hostel and schools regularly loan out their halls.
2.2.1.4 Shops
Up until the 1960s, the Viscose neighbourhood was the real centre of the western sector but, with
the closure of the Viscose factory and the shops, it became a dormitory estate where only a few
activities, such as barbecues in public spaces or the tilling of vegetable gardens, continued, these
having also lost their vitality.
The closest shopping facilities are those situated at the other side of the Résidence Jean Jaurès to the
east of Viscose, the shopping centre based at the other side of the “Les Bayards” centre, further
away, to the south-east, and above all the Comboire centre, separated from the Viscose
neighbourhood by the A 48 motorway and very badly accessible for pedestrians, to the west (but
easily accessible by car).
Development projects envisage the creation of activities in Viscose, i.e. at Atlas, Merlon, or
Place des Commerces. A neighbourhood shopping project is also envisaged, i.e. at the Place
des Commerces, the Intersection or the Hangar65.
Economic activities
The Viscose neighbourhood has no economic activity. Furthermore, “high urban value activities”66,
like hotels, restaurants, tradesmen or certain shops, remain confined to the Comboire centre.
Projects may see the light of day in the area of the Viscose estate, taking advantage of the motorway
exits and the presence of green spaces, which would further enhance the neighbourhood’s
attractiveness (we can consider specifically the Paul Vaillant Couturier axis on condition that
problems of movement and traffic congestion are also resolved).
65
Jarillot, 2001
66
EGSU, par. 6.5
67
EGSU, par. 7.2
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2.2.2 Integration
The Viscose estate has no centres of interest on the local scale. The existing facilities – open-air
areas and an association for senior citizens – have an influence only within the neighbourhood.
68
See, for example, the autoproduction and social development programme, source: MDSL, as well as the information
dossiers from ARGO, FAPIL,…
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2.3.2 Integration
2.3.2.1 Continuity and coherence of public spaces
Public spaces in the Viscose neighbourhood are, at the present time, under private
management (OPAC 38). These spaces are all open: private roads edged with private green spaces
remain permeable spaces for the pedestrians of the neighbourhood.
Getting around inside the neighbourhood is very easy. Problems arise outside the neighbourhood,
when one tries to access the shopping centres, or even the schools, where problems of security arise.
The management of public space in Viscose also raises the question of its treatment; a charter of
spaces71 would enable the permeability of the territory to be conserved for pedestrians and cyclists.
2.3.2.2 Entrances to the neighbourhood
The western entrance from Echirolles, strategic because of its frequentation, is penalised by the
presence of built-on wasteland at the side of the access slip road. The image given to the town is
thus very negative. The same applies for the constructed façades which present themselves for the
scrutiny of drivers on the motorway. External spaces likely to satisfy the functions of greeting and
attractiveness are characterised by poor treatment and a dilapidated state.
2.3.3 Heritage
2.3.3.1 Patrimony
The patrimonial interest of the western sector rests chiefly on elements referred to as natural, with
certain very attractive spaces. The squares, on the other hand, lack attractiveness because of their
69
EGSU, par. 3.2.1
70
Aktis, page 2
71
Aktis, page 9
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cold, impersonal and unwelcoming nature. The green heritage of the sector is quite varied, with its
classified wooded spaces, its kitchen gardens and its parks.
The Viscose neighbourhood is also a green heritage which it would be appropriate to conserve and
enhance: the image of the neighbourhood resides in its stretches of lawn and trees.
The theme of the garden can be set out in various ways within the neighbourhood and could become
an additional element of attractiveness.
Management of space
The Viscose garden estate occupies an area of 14 hectares on which there are 362 housing units
representing a total surface area of 23,260 m2 (with dependences). The Land Occupation
Coefficient is estimated at 0.17, which is markedly equivalent to a residential estate72.
There is therefore space available for future densification, which has already been the subject of
preliminary considerations73, leading to construction, demolition / construction projects, concerning
the habitations and associative or commercial activities. Several development projects have been
suggested.
Wasteland
We note a major amount of wasteland in the entire western sector of Echirolles: these form a more
or less continuous contour and thus surround almost the entire habitat. Some of these waste areas
are available for construction and may in this sense constitute a real estate opportunity. The Viscose
neighbourhood has two waste areas and also has several waste areas nearby.
2.3.4 Quality of life
72
Fouchier, 1997, page 33
73
Aktis, 2002 and Jarillot, 2001
74
Workshop no. 1, page 6
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Walking:
The Viscose estate has a road network which allows one to walk around safely within the
neighbourhood. By the same token, the neighbourhood includes numerous pedestrian areas.
However, certain pavements ought to be constructed or extended, particularly along the canal
(Quais Jean Faure and Paul Rèche in particular75). On the other hand, walking is difficult at night.
Cycle tracks:
In the framework of the contract of getting around with the METRO, the cycle tracks ought to offer
sufficient continuity from Echirolles to Grenoble. The Viscose estate is particularly neglected,
with the total absence of a secure site reserved for bicycle traffic. A development scheme for
cycle tracks should be drawn up for Viscose, which would allow the connection with the network of
cycle tracks.
Public transport:
The Viscose estate is very disadvantaged, as it is not situated in any zone of influence of a bus stop
(in a radius of 200 metres). The installation of a public transport service is envisaged, which could
facilitate inter-neighbourhood and inter-town exchange.
2.4.2 Integration
75
Aktis 2001, page 54
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Primary and secondary school: The baccalaureate success rate in the sector is greatly inferior to
that of the conurbation as a whole. The recorded rates of academic shortfall bear witness to certain
difficulties of access to knowledge and the insertion of young people into the cycle of academic
success. Absenteeism at the secondary school could be monitored.
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Risk management: The Viscose neighbourhood is concerned by the risk of torrential downpours,
this problem being limited by the protection offered by the Drac dyke.
Intergenerational diversity
The Viscose neighbourhood has a relatively young population in relation to that of Echirolles as a
whole and distribution by age does not constitute a specific issue for the neighbourhood.
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Modes of low impact traffic and public transport: In Viscose, the problem of walking is to make
the exits from the neighbourhood safe. For two-wheelers, it is the connection to the network of
existing cycle tracks; finally, for public transport, it is the access to bus stops for the two routes
which allow travel to the centre of Echirolles and to the centre of Grenoble respectively.
Conditions of movement in the neighbourhood: In Viscose, the problem arises particularly along
the banks of the canal, which can be used as the main pedestrian route out of the neighbourhood.
4. REFERENCES
[ALGOE, 2000] – ALGOE Consultants, Grenoble Alpes Métropole Dossier de candidature au PIC
URBAN - Version finale (1) du projet URBAN, 24 octobre 2000
[Aktis, 2002] - AKTIS Architecture et Urbanisme et PAYSAGE plus, Etude urbaine -
Neighbourhoods Ouest d'Echirolles sector nord, juin 2002
[Ateliers 2001] – Ville d'Echirolles - Mission politique de la Ville - Vie des neighbourhoods,
Comptes-rendus des ateliers de concertation du Neighbourhood Ouest, janvier / février 2001
[EGSU, 2001] - Ville d'Echirolles - Service Politique de la Ville, Echirolles Neighbourhood Ouest
- Etude générale sociale urbaine, janvier 2001
[Fouchier, 1997] – Vincent FOUCHIER, Les densités urbaines et le development durable, Ed.
SGVN
Grenoble Actu, site internet de la Ville de Grenoble, 5 août 2002
[HERVE, 2001] - Les temps de la ville. Rapport de M. Edmond Hervé, Député-Maire de Rennes ,
19 Juin 2001
[I.N.S.E.E. RGP 99 ] – I.N.S.E.E., Recensement Général de la Population, mars 1999, données par
îlot, juin 2002
[JARILLOT, 2001] – Véronique JARILLOT, OPAC 38, Un projet d'ensemble à la Cité Jardin-
Viscose, 31 janvier 2001
[OPAC 38, 2002] –Véronique JARILLOT, Données sociales, juin 2002
[OPAC 38, 2001] – OPAC 38, La Cité Viscose Echirolles - Etude énergétique rapport définitif
réalisé par Ingévalor, 20 mars 2001
[OSBERG] – Lars OSBERG , Sustainable Social Development. Halifax, N.S. : Department of
Economics, Dalhousie University.
[STEINER, 1997] - Georges STEINER, « L’homme invité de la vie », Colloque Ethique et
Environnement, 19/12/1996, Documentation Française, 1997
Ville d'Echirolles - Synthèse des orientations, Désenclavement et requalification du neighbourhood
ouest Luire/Viscose, novembre 1999
[WACKERNAGEL, 1995] - Mathis WACKERNAGEL et William REES. Our Ecological
Footprint : Reducing Human Impact on the Earth. Gabriola Island, B.C. New Society Publishers.
November 1995.
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HQE2R
Sustainable renovation of buildings
for sustainable neighbourhoods
Contract n° EVKA – CT – 2000 - 00025
S.D. DIAGNOSIS OF
"CROCETTA-CORNAGGIA"
NEIGHBOURHOOD
in the city of CINISELLO BALSAMO
for a sustainable development
ICIE
Antonella Grossi ICIE
HQE²R is a combined research and demonstration project which is partly funded under the "Energy, Environment and Sustainable
Development" programme, Key Action 4, "City of Tomorrow & Cultural Heritage", within the Fifth Framework Programme of the
European Union
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CONTENTS
SCOPE OF THE SD DIAGNOSIS....................................................................................... 90
2. NEIGHBOURHOOD CHARACTERISTICS................................................................. 91
2.1. Population ................................................................................................................... 91
2.2. Housing ....................................................................................................................... 92
2.3. Equipment and services ............................................................................................ 92
2.4. Economic activity ...................................................................................................... 92
2.5. Parks and gardens ...................................................................................................... 92
2.6. Roads and traffic ........................................................................................................ 93
2.7. Polarity, attraction ..................................................................................................... 93
2.8. Environment ............................................................................................................... 93
2.9. Social life .................................................................................................................... 94
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Furthermore Cinisello Balsamo has been recognised by the Italian Minister of the Environment who
awarded it the 1999 Premio for Urban Sustainability, which is reserved for all towns that are
capable of showing they are applying and abiding by environmental policies and rules as well as the
prize for “ Sustainable town for children” for the years 1998 and 1999.
The Report on the State of the Environment, after having highlighted the critical points of the 9
themes that the report is divided into, according to available official data, has carried out a survey
into citizen satisfaction levels and as a result the priorities to work on.
The priorities are:
• Safety and security
• urban environment quality
• job opportunities
• quality standard, availability and cost of housing
Further specifities and objectives of the city are:
• Between ’50 and ’70 the high density urban development generated unsustainable urban sprawl:
the city intends to promote urban renovation policies and to regenerate local identity
• The quality of open air spaces is very low: the municipality intend to adopte sustainable
technical solutions for the rehabilitation of public open air spaces.
• The city is cut by different strong barriers (a highway, high traffic roads): the city need to define
sustainable upgrading model to solve this physical and social fragmentation
2. Neighbourhood characteristics
The «Crocetta-Cornaggia» neighbourhood:
• Population: 13.240 inhabitants in 2001 (18,11 % of the population of Cinisello Balsamo)
• Surface: 1,3 km2
• Housing units: 4.832 (apartments), including 165 social housing units .
The neighbourhood comprises an area bounded by major roads (the Viale Fulvio Testi and the A4
Milan-Venice Motorway), and an area between the Viale Fulvio Testi and the boundary of Sesto
San Giovanni municipality.
The neighbourhood comprises buildings dating from the 1950s and 1970s. It appears as dense,
disorderly urbanisation crossed by a great barrier (Viale Fulvio Testi) that separates the two parts
both physically and socially. Even today the two parts do not communicate. The inhabitants of
Cinisello who live between the Fulvio Testi road and the border of Sesto San Giovanni feel
themselves to be part of the Sesto San Giovanni community.
2.1 Population
The neighbourhood has 13,240 inhabitants, 18.11 % of the total population of the city.
The most distinctive aspect of the neighbourhood is the large number of foreigners who, according
to ISTAT data for 2001 amount to for 68.46 % of the total living in the city. An aspect closely
correlated with the notable presence of foreigners (in particular non EU citizens) is the low cost of
housing and forms of sub-letting that are not declared officially but are nevertheless known.
Another particular characteristic is the large number of people living but not legally resident in the
neighbourhood and engaged in commercial, industrial and services activities in Milan and its
hinterland, areas that are well connected to the neighbourhood by major highways (Viale Fulvio
Testi and the Milan-Venice motorway).
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Another significant aspect is the high rate of turnover of the population. Many of its inhabitants live
in the area for a few years and then more to more attractive parts of the city (better urban and
building quality).
2.2 Housing
There are 4.832 dwellings in the neighbourhood (16,33 % of the city total), of which 165 are social
housing owned by the municipality and the ALER.
The quality of the buildings is rather poor. They date from the chaotic development that took place
in the ‘fifties and ‘seventies and are tower blocks over 5 storeys high.
Most of the housing has not been maintained (lack of maintenance culture).
The housing blocks have very little parking space and an almost total absence of their own
greenery: grounds are almost always tarred and used for car parking.
It should be pointed out that, in view of all the above aspects, housing in the neighbourhood costs
less than in any other part of the city and about 30-40% less than in the most costly and attractive
central areas.
In terms of quantity, the neighbourhood has an excellent supply of both “neighbourhood” public
services (kindergartens, primary schools, lower and upper middle schools, welfare facilities, and
social and cultural facilities) and urban “general interest” facilities (sports facilities, hospital).
Notwithstanding this provision, there is a very severe and much felt problem of access to these
services created by the major highways that cut the neighbourhood into mutually inaccessible areas.
The provision of public parks and gardens is decidedly poor in terms of both quantity and
distribution. The total figure looks misleadingly good, being increased by the inclusion on the edge
of the neighbourhood of a substantial part of the North Milan Park, an “urban” park located
peripherally and difficult for the inhabitants of the neighbourhood to use because of the difficulty of
reaching it on foot or by bicycle.
It should be pointed out that the Caldara Park (recently improved) situated to the north and outside
the neighbourhood but close to the overpass across the Milan-Venice motorway, can be reached on
foot and is therefore a public green area much used by the people of the neighbourhood.
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As for private gardens and greenery, most of the housing has very little greenery of its own and the
grounds are almost entirely tarred or paved and used for car parking.
The neighbourhood has no attractions but does have poles of interest to the rest of the city: the
hospital, the North Milan Park and the shopping centres.
2.8 Environment
Management of resources
There are no buildings in the neighbourhood that use renewable or high yield energy sources.
Furthermore, given the date of construction (prior to the energy saving laws) and the absence of any
extraordinary maintenance operations, the characteristics of the housing are not such as to permit
efficient energy management.
Rainwater is not collected separately from sewage in the neighbourhood, but there is a plan to do so
in future.
There are no actions planned for rehabilitation and/or new construction of sustainable buildings or
that assess external costs, such as social and environmental costs, internally.
On management and consumption of material resources, one must emphasise the lack of buildings
restructured or demolished with an approach that focuses on recycling of materials, the life cycle of
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materials and equipment, ease of maintenance etc, or that adopt construction waste disposal plans
for buildings, roads, infrastructure or open spaces.
The separate collection of domestic refuse has had excellent results (48% of refuse separated) and
is carried out door to door. The areas for separate collection are in the buildings or in their grounds.
In some areas where the buildings have no grounds at all, refuse is collected daily.
There is a large population of foreign, mostly non-EU, origin in the neighbourhood, which is
socially well integrated.
There is a Social Education Office of the municipality in the neighbourhood, established there
specifically because of its problems. The office is particularly active in promoting training and
cultural programmes aimed at facilitating the integration of foreigners into society and the world of
work (language courses and vocational training) and in promoting multiculturalism and tolerance
(multiethnic festivals and courses).
The response of the foreign and local population has been positive, with not only general
“tolerance” but also forms of cultural “integration”.
The neighbourhood has traditionally been characterised by a rather high degree of participation by
the population in the management and administration of the territory, thanks to the work of
spontaneously created topical groups and the readiness of the inhabitants to come forward with
proposals.
However it has to be pointed out that, because of the difficulty of translating proposals and
suggestions put forward by the inhabitants into concrete action, the level of participation has been
declining steadily in recent years.
• Plurality of cultures
• Variety in the population
• Good social integration
• Tradition of participation by the inhabitants
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Downstream from the diagnosis, this objective is an absolute priority. The inhabitants feel isolated
from the rest of the city, ignored by the public administration and “ghettoised”.
The key problem is the presence of major highways which constitute barriers and which cannot be
eliminated. These barriers are not only physical but also social, as they impede an easy use of the
neighbourhood and its services, so that the latter are in practice under-utilised by the inhabitants.
The specific objectives are:
• To facilitate crossing of the major highways (motorway and Viale Fulvio Testi) by
pedestrians and cyclists, selecting rational points for crossing places. Such crossings should
be clearly visible, secure, protected and located where they connect to routes leading to the
poles of interest in the neighbourhood (services, retail shops, shopping centres)
• To provide a network of pedestrian and cycle routes between the poles of interest in the
neighbourhood. The network should be clearly visible, safe and protected from vehicle
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traffic. Its creation should also be one of the priorities for requalification of the open spaces
(urban environment)
• To promote connections between the areas that are currently without public transport stops,
extending the public transport network within the neighbourhood
• To promote connection to the city centre of all the areas that are currently isolated,
extending the public transport network
One possible radical solution to the barrier effect would be burying of the highways (a project
currently being evaluated by the public administration). For such a solution to be effective, the
resulting surface would have to take account of the specific objectives given above, as mistakes in
that regard could have a further adverse effects on integration of the areas.
5.2 To improve the quality of the urban environment (public open spaces)
The specific objectives relating to the quality of the urban environment are:
• To modify the existing public open spaces to promote areas for social aggregation in the
open
• To provide solutions that ensure and improve the perception of security by members of the
public (visibility, street lighting, cleaning, control)
• To site pedestrian routes and cycle tracks away from roads where noise and air pollution are
greatest
• To make the pedestrian routes and areas safe and secure and pedestrian and cycle routes
clearly identifiable by users.
The specific objectives of accessibility of services are closely bound up with those of objective 5.1
(to integrate and connect fragmented areas) and therefore in part coincide:
• To promote connection between parts of the neighbourhood, inhabitants and services sited in the
neighbourhood, reorganising the public transport network on the basis of specific needs for
use of these services as revealed by a thorough analysis of categories of users of the services
and their transport needs.
6. Unresolved questions
1. How to reconcile linkage between the isolated parts of the neighbourhood with the
continuing existence of the major highways? What economic demand?
• The burial of the major roads would certainly improve the linkage between the isolated parts of
the neighbourhood but it could also lead the commercial activities along them to relocate, as the
roads give the businesses great “visibility”. The businesses use the fronts of their buildings as a
display area and therefore any technical solution must not ignore this important aspect: it must
provide a possible alternative “visibility”.
• The objective of reorganisation or extension of the public transport network (within and outside
the neighbourhood) to link its isolated parts must necessarily reconcile increases in the services
(and therefore in their cost) with the city’s transport budget. The solution developed must
necessarily take the economic aspects into account, emphasising rationalisation of the service
and of existing resources rather than just more buses and more bus stops.
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• The local authority considers that the safety/security problem is not so much a real and objective
one supported by objective evidence and data (on theft, aggression etc) as a psychological
problem of perspective.
In view of the real distress manifested by the inhabitants, it would be advisable to conduct a
more thorough study of what aspects contribute to the perception of insecurity and then identify
modalities and measures that could contribute to reassuring the inhabitants and lessening their
concerns. In other words, it would be necessary to better understand the perception factors that
contribute to the inhabitants’ feeling of insecurity and to act specifically on them (cleaning,
decay, lighting/visibility, frequentation, control, etc.)
3. How to reconcile the lack of public and private open spaces with actions to promote
sustainable mobility on foot, by bicycle? Where to find areas for car parking? To get cars off the
roads: more parking spaces or fewer cars?
• The lack of greenery, parking and pedestrian and cycle tracks is very great, but there is almost
no available space that could be allocated to such uses.
• A car is essential in the present situation in the neighbourhood and in the territory.
• If the roads were to be buried, new surfaces areas would result that could be used for car
parking, greenery and routes connecting parts of the neighbourhood that are currently isolated.
There would still be the problem of retaining the commercial activities sited along the main
roads. It would be desirable to study and determine ways of interacting with and involving the
businesses concerned.
• Green areas require constant maintenance if they are to remain useful and usable. Such
maintenance is costly and the local authority would have to guarantee it for the future.
Alternatively, it would be necessary to find ways of either:
- Sharing the costs (for example the businesses might adopt or sponsor the upper level areas
resulting from the burial and located in front of their premises)
- Involving the inhabitants and getting them to participate.
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HQE2R
Sustainable renovation of buildings
for sustainable neighbourhoods
Contract n° EVKA – CT – 2000 - 00025
S.D. DIAGNOSIS OF
"S. LEONARDO-PORTA MULINA"
NEIGHBOURHOOD
in the city of MANTOVA
for a sustainable development
ICIE
Antonella Grossi ICIE
HQE²R is a combined research and demonstration project which is partly funded under the "Energy, Environment and Sustainable
Development" programme, Key Action 4, "City of Tomorrow & Cultural Heritage", within the Fifth Framework Programme of the
European Union
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CONTENTS
SCOPE OF THE SD DIAGNOSIS..................................................................................... 100
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• The population of the old town centre of Mantua has fallen by 10% in the last ten years, with the
inhabitants moving to smaller centres on the other side of the lakes that surround Mantua. The
municipality intends to seek solutions and proposals for development of the old city centre that
would reverse this trend. One of the proposals is to offer high architectural and urban quality by
development of sustainability criteria applied to the neighbourhood and to the city centre; to
rehabilitate the neighbourhoods with a view to a sustainability that offers a better quality of life.
• The commuters who travel out of the city and the much greater number who commute into it,
travel mostly by car. Solving traffic problems means trying to study policies for sustainable
mobility
• The average age of the inhabitants is increasing, and a policy for a better quality of life cannot
but take account of the possibility of offering more social services for the elderly and better
access to all services, including through “sustainable rehabilitation” of urban areas (easily
accessible pedestrian routes, safer and better protected from vehicle traffic etc).
2. Neighbourhood characteristics
The neighbourhood “S. Leonardo – Porta Mulina” :
- Population: 2.076 inhabitants in 2002 (4,31% of the population of Mantova),
- Surface: 236.643 mq.
- Housing unit: 941 (21.213 in the City)
The S. Leonardo neighbourhood is located in the northern part of the historical centre, on the corner
formed by the superior and middle lakes surrounding the town; Porta Mulina gathers all the traffic
coming from north into the town.
Three lakes surround Mantova and three bridges connect the town with its northern and eastern
territories; all the traffic coming from north has to pass through the Porta Mulina knot.
The area examined comprises the San Leonardo neighbourhood, properly so called, comprising
minor historic building of medieval origin gravitating around the church of the same name,
extending it on one side to Piazza Virgiliana, surrounded by buildings erected in the 19th century,
and on the other side as far as Porta Mulina, an important node for entry into the city, near which
substantial demolition and reconstruction work was carried out in the post war period with the seats
of public sector organisations such as Local Health Board offices and clinics and the Geriatric
Institute, which accommodates many old people. The investigation also covered the block bordered
by Piazza d’Arco and Piazza S. Giovanni, also reconstructed in the post war period with social
housing.
Even if these areas seem structurally diverse, in fact they constitute a single community which
gravitates around the neighbourhood services (kindergarten, primary school and post office), the
green area of Piazza Virgiliana and the retail shops.
2.1 Population
The resident population of the neighbourhood is 2,076, which is 4.31% of the population of Mantua
city as a whole.
Of the 2,076 residents of the S Leonardo – Porta Mulina neighbourhood, 9.58 % are under 14 years
of age, close to the average for Mantua city as a whole (9.56%).
In contrast, 28.8% of the residents are over 64 years of age, a figure considerably higher than that
for the city as a whole (25.42%).
Another significant figure is the low percentage of employees among neighbourhood residents,
38.15 % against 59.58% for the city as a whole.
The neighbourhood has a relative high percentage of residents with ‘social minimum’ incomes, at
2.89% nearly three times that for the city as a whole (1.05%).
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The percentage of non EU citizens living in the S. Leonardo – Porta Mulina neighbourhood (6.45%)
is almost double that for the city as a whole (3.62%).
2.2 Housing
Almost 4.9% of the dwellings in the S. Leonardo – Porta Mulina neighbourhood are vacant. The
figure for the city as a whole is slightly lower at 4.36%.
The percentage of social housing in the S. Leonardo – Porta Mulina neighbourhood (17.64%)
compares with a city-wide figure of 12.03%.
The ratio between supply of and demand for social housing in the neighbourhood and the city as a
whole is similar (1.51 for S. Leonardo, 1.36 for Mantua).
Mention should be made of the presence in S.Leonardo of a former Capuchin nunnery and ex
military hospital, the current Palazzo del Mago, owned by the municipality, which currently
accommodates 84 families.
The buildings in the neighbourhood are predominantly historic buildings and considered by
municipal planning instruments as completely within the “historic zone” (Zone A) because of the
presence of buildings and features of great architectural and cultural value to be protected and
conserved.
17.07% of all buildings in the neighbourhood are subject to protection by the Superintendency of
Artistic and Architectural Assets as per national regulations (L.490/1999, ex L.1089/39).
The “degraded” dwellings in S.Leonardo amount to about 13% of the total, while poorly conserved
buildings requiring rehabilitation account for 14.068% of those present in the neighbourhood.
The presence of public services in the S. Leonardo – Porta Mulina neighbourhood is considered
satisfactory, bearing in mind that the whole population is less than 300 metres either from the
service or from a public transport stop that would allow them to reach it. The stock of open spaces
is also considered good, at 18.56 m2 per resident.
Turning to the accessibility of public building to ‘weak’ users, one finds a large number of public
buildings accessible. For the neighbourhood as a whole 74.42 % of public buildings were found to
be accessible.
There is a good endowment of public services and greenery (services situated for the most part at a
distance of less than 300 m).
The conservation status of public open spaces in the neighbourhood is considered particularly good,
with only 1.91% of public open spaces poorly conserved.
The neighbourhood includes a very large green area (Piazza Virgiliana) which amply satisfies its
demand for green areas. Piazza Virgiliana is in fact a public open space that serves not only the
neighbourhood but the entire city.
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The neighbourhood, situated within the old city, is characterised by a web of narrow and mostly
cobbled streets. There are also a number of typical urban features to be conserved (specifically, the
cobbled streets, the historic course of the web of streets)
As regards traffic in the area, one notes that only some of the roads that traverse the neighbourhood
suffer from traffic problems (Via Porto, Via XXV Aprile, Via Finzi, Via Portazzolo, etc). The
neighbourhood as a whole is not traversed by any special flows of traffic. Traffic limitations apply
to 37% of the road surface.
On the other hand there are no bus lanes, pedestrian routes or cycle tracks, nor yet areas assigned to
facilities and spaces for cyclists.
One great pole of attraction in S. Leonardo is the great public green area of Piazza Virgiliana, one
of the large open areas used not only by the neighbourhood but by the entire city.
At present the neighbourhood is off tourist routes and little visited even by the people of Mantua
(except Piazza Virgiliana).
Because of their historical architectural interest, some private building in the neighbourhood are to
be considered potential polarities (they are not in use and in a bad state of repair).
Under the town planning instruments, the entire neighbourhood lies within a zone to be protected as
a zone of high architectural and cultural value (zone A) for which heritage protection objectives are
envisaged. S. Leonardo is one of the oldest neighbourhoods in the city.
All buildings must be rehabilitated and designed in compliance with rigid constraints and
prescriptions designed to protect a heritage of great historic architectural value and to conserve the
landscape and ‘visual comfort’.
There are no significant features within the neighbourhood that sully the view of the buildings or
open spaces in the urban environment.
2.9 Environment
Management of resources
As of today, there are no public or private buildings in the neighbourhood with installations for the
use of renewable energy, nor yet buildings that use energy produced by district heating and/or high
yield plant.
There are no actions planned for rehabilitation and/or new construction of sustainable buildings or
that assess external costs, such as social and environmental costs, internally.
There are no actions in the neighbourhood for rehabilitation or new construction of public buildings
or subsidised building that have introduced internal elements or characteristics of sustainability.
The state of conservation of the sewage system is very bad (as can also be seen from the high water
consumption in the neighbourhood, which is 154.8 m³ per person per year, against the city average
of 108 m³ per person per year, as a result of extensive leaks).
There are no buildings or open spaces in S. Leonardo that incorporate systems for rainwater use.
The public lighting system is inadequate and obsolete. Many parts of the neighbourhood are unlit.
As for the ground, 73% of the non built area is waterproofed.
Network maintenance is regular and most frequent for the drainage system (1 operation every 20
days against 1 every two months for the water and gas networks).
On management and consumption of material resources, one must emphasise the lack of buildings
restructured or demolished with an approach that focuses on recycling of materials, the life cycle of
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materials and equipment, ease of maintenance etc, or that adopt construction waste disposal plans
for buildings, roads, infrastructure or open spaces.
There are no buildings in the neighbourhood with internal space assigned to the separate collection
of refuse. On the other hand the facilities for separate collection provided on publicly owned land
can be reached by all those living in the neighbourhood.
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• Urban characteristics (road surfacing etc) of great historic value and greatly prized.
• Pavements very narrow or absent, which makes the routes difficult for ‘weak’ users; paving
made of stone, which makes the routes difficult for cycling.
• Infrastructure networks are old and require frequent maintenance, especially the sewage
system.
• Street lighting old and not always adequate.
The present survey reveals 4 main stakes for the « S. Leonardo – Porta Mulina » neighbourhood:
• To conserve and exploit the architectural building heritage
• To promote sustainable mobility and accessibility of services
• To improve integration between the different urban areas
• To maintain and reinforce diversity in the population
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The priority indicated by the diagnosis is action on the neighbourhood’s building stock to conserve
the historical architectural heritage, to prevent decay of the area and of its buildings, to reverse the
tendency for residents to abandon the neighbourhood and thus to bring the vacant dwellings in the
neighbourhood back into use.
Sustainable rehabilitation of the heritage, however, also means protection of the life of the
neighbourhood, preventing purely profit-based operations from driving out the traditional
inhabitants (exploiting value is not the same as increasing value).
One of the objectives is to promote the introduction of actions to promote sustainable mobility:
protection of the architectural and urban values of the neighbourhood must be integrated with
requirements for accessibility and usability of the study area by pedestrians, cyclists and ‘weak’
users..
In parallel it is necessary to reduce the private traffic from the roads crossing the neighbourhood
(Via Porto, Via XXV Aprile, Via Finzi, Via Portazzola and others), control the environmental
impacts produced, find a solution of the problem of car parking.
In view of the high proportion of elderly inhabitants, and a very high concentration of immigrants,
rehabilitation actions must be found that improve the social mix in the neighbourhood by attracting
other population groups (young couples, singles etc.).
6. Unresolved questions
1. Which priority, rehabilitation or sustainable rehabilitation?
In view of the high value of the neighbourhood’s architectural heritage and the importance of
protecting and conserving it, we wonder whether the priority is to plan for actions aimed at
sustainable rehabilitation of buildings rather than planning for rehabilitation of the heritage as it
is, a problem in itself urgent. It has to be pointed out that sustainable rehabilitation of the
neighbourhood (actions involving all the buildings and the corresponding urban structure) involves
in the first place a much longer time span, as a result of the current regulatory, administrative and
technical situation, which is not yet in a condition to support and facilitate sustainable actions.
The following aspects must also be pointed out.
• The local regulations and planning instruments are not yet adequate for introduction of
sustainability actions (e.g. installation of photovoltaic or solar panels involves an increase in the
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regulatory volume of the building). An updating and integration of the various planning
instruments and regulations is required.
• Sustainable rehabilitation actions involve increased implementation costs. What advantages
can counterbalance this increase in costs? (tax incentives? Financial benefits? Simplification of
authorisation procedures? Increased market value of the property? Image benefits for promoters
of sustainable projects?
• The efficacy of private sector initiatives is subordinate to a series of public sector actions
(distribution networks, mobility system etc.). Concerted actions involving both public and
private sector are required.
• In the same way, the efficacy of sustainable rehabilitation actions is subordinated to
concertation between public and private sector (public administration, proprietors, designers,
promoters) who must agree common objectives that take account of their differing requirements
and interests.
3. How to reconcile conservation of the historical archaeological heritage with actions that
promote sustainable mobility (on foot, by bicycle)?
There are typical elements of architectural and urban value in the neighbourhood, for which reason
it is necessary to envisage actions that may often be in conflict with one another. On the one hand, it
is necessary to facilitate mobility and accessibility, on the other there is a need for actions to
conserve and protect elements of value.
Requirements associated with mobility:
• To improve accessibility for ‘weak’ users (pavement too narrow and/or occupied by cars),
cobbled road surface not easily traversed by weak users
• To reduce the noise pollution caused by vehicles running on cobbles – the traditional, historical
road surface in the city. Which should be eliminated, the cars or the cobbles?
Requirements associated with protection of the heritage:
• To conserve the materials composing the elements of the road network
• To protect the design characteristics of the road routes typical of the historic centre (height and
width of the pavements etc.)
Is it possible to widen the pavements and/or reduce the unevenness of the cobbles without
compromising historic and aesthetic values?
4. To remove cars from the roads. Space for parking or fewer cars? Car parks to serve
residents or to serve the entire city?
• A possible solution that has been suggested is creation of an underground car park below piazza
Virgiliana. Such a park could serve residents, avoiding the need for unauthorised parking on
pavements, and also serve those who come into the city centre and currently use the car parks
located on the lake shore.
• Past experience of the building of new car parks shows that residents tend to be hostile. They
fear that new parking not for their own exclusive use brings more traffic and more pollution to
the area. The problem may perhaps be one of clarity in definition and of communication by the
Public Administration of the aims to the inhabitants.
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• At present there is a 3-storey car park near the historic area. It must be emphasised that some of
the space has remained unsold. Before proposing solutions it is therefore necessary to analyse
the reasons for this failure. For example:
− Is the car park too far from people’s homes
− Is there no real need for parking? (in other words, was the analysis performed before the car
park was built erroneous?)
• Could the car parking envisaged in the detailed plan for Porta Mulina (in course of adoption by
the municipality) meet the parking requirements identified in the diagnosis?
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HQE2R
Sustainable renovation of buildings
for sustainable neighbourhoods
Contract n° EVKA – CT – 2000 - 00025
S.D. DIAGNOSIS OF
"CIPES" NEIGHBOURHOOD
in the city of MELEGNANO
for a sustainable development
QUASCO - COPRAT
Nicoletta ANCONA QUASCO
HQE²R is a combined research and demonstration project which is partly funded under the "Energy, Environment and Sustainable
Development" programme, Key Action 4, "City of Tomorrow & Cultural Heritage", within the Fifth Framework Programme of the
European Union
CONTENTS
1. NEIGHBOURHOOD CHARACTERISTICS............................................................... 111
1. Neighbourhood characteristics
The city of Melegnano is situated in a flat area, between the southern periphery of the industrial
Milano area and the mostly agricultural territory around Lodi.
Over the years Melegnano has lost its original characteristic of a country town, becoming more a
commercial and industrial centre; the agricultural land has been transformed in both industrial and
residential areas: in 1989 the urbanised surface area represented the 56% of the total, indicating a
reality closer to that of the city of Milano (with 69% of urbanised land) than to the rest of the
Milanese area (with an average of 20%).
The Castello Mediceo is a landmark for the historical town. The construction is a typical example of
a lowlander’s castle; it was built in the Middle Ages (medieval communes) near the Lambro River,
on the border between Milano and Lodi. During the 16th century the castle became a Seigniory
residence. The first Marquis of Melegnano Gian Giacomo Medici, brother of Giovanni Angelo
Medici (future Pope Pio IV), lived in it.
Recently it was renovated and transformed into a public building for public services and activities
(there are also some precious paintings from the middle of the 16th century). Moreover the castle is
surrounded by a little public garden and by the original ditch.
The Cipes neighbourhood includes the parts of the town developed west of the Milano-Bologna
railway line, which can be considered a strong barrier between the historical nucleus of Melegnano
and the Cipes quarter.
The north-west and south-east limits of the Cipes neighbourhood, coinciding with the communal
borders, are represented by regional and national main roads (above all in the northwest, where the
highway access intersections are located). The south-western limit is constituted by a wide portion
of agricultural territory that leads right into the South Milano Park.
At the beginning of the research work, the municipality had decided to leave most of the
agricultural land out of the analysis, but in a second phase it was decided to extend the inventory to
the whole quarter, both for technical reasons (to avoid a subdivision of the data under the
dimensions of the quarter) and for the meaning that a future protection of the agricultural territory
might assume even on a small scale.
Until the end of the 50’ies the west side of the town has always been an agricultural area, or later
agricultural and industrial area (excluding some rural buildings, close to the railroad, which have
become residential buildings).
Most of the apartment buildings present in the neighbourhood were built between 1973 and 1988,
with the exception of some social housing recently built near the Parco delle Noci; the oldest ones-
built before 1963 - are located between the railway line Milano-Bologna and viale della
Repubblica.
The physical elements of greater impact, which characterize the morphology of the neighbourhood
and deserve more attention, are the already cited infrastructures: a) old railroad, b) Milano-Bologna
highway, and finally c) the high speed railway lines.
The railroad (a) separates the CIPES neighbourhood from the historical centre of Melegnano where
the most important public services are concentrated: schools, civic and medical structures. The
highway (b) though far from the residential area, should still have its impact assessed in relation to
the agricultural territory. Finally the high speed railway (c), that runs in elevation, has a great
impact on the residential areas and is inserted violently into the landscape: it cuts in two parts a
green space of which half is covered by the Parco delle Noci - a WWF protected area - and the
other half is occupied by sports resorts, with open air playing fields.
2. Population (Target 1)
The results of the last survey undertaken in September 2002 show that the Cipes neighbourhood has
1.375 inhabitants, which represent approximately the 8,6% of the population of Melegnano (16.028
inhabitants). It is the quarter with the lowest density in the town because it includes wide
agricultural and industrial/crafts areas (like the Saronio area), with few inhabitants on an extended
territory76.
The number of inhabitants decreased strongly between 1981 and 1990, then it remained steady for
the last ten years. Currently the natural balance (difference between the born and the died) is always
negative (-7% approximately), but in the last years the total balance reached stable or even positive
values, thanks to the positive migratory balance (the new inhabitants have always exceeded the
number of those who went to live elsewhere).
Foreign immigration has become an important phenomenon only from 1996; from this date on, the
number of foreign immigrants has approached the 10% of the new in-comers. In the decade 1991-
2000 the 90% of the new inhabitants are Italian, the 6% come from foreign countries and for the
remaining 4% the origin is not classifiable. In 2000 the foreign population was the 2,32% of the
total.77
As for the age of the population the Cipes neighbourhood follows the values of the whole town: for
example the inhabitants with age inferior to 15 years are the 10,18% (against 11,38% of the city).
The more interesting datum which is different from the average of the town is that regarding the
population with more than 65 years: in Cipes it represents the 15,78% against the 21,9% of
Melegnano. Therefore we can say that the quarter is inhabited a greater number of persons in
working age than the rest of the city.
As far as the data about the inhabitants’ occupation (% of managers, unemployed, employed, etc.)
the information presently available is incomplete, but it describes a more affluence than other
neighbourhoods: clerks represents the 27,9% (19% is the city’s value), students represent 20,9%
(11,7% is the city’s value), unemployed are 0% (0,6% is the city’s value), and managers are 12,44%
(against 8,25% of the city).78
The data regarding the percentage of those who have the right to receive social minimum benefits
has been recently updated: in the neighbourhood they represent the 0,58% of the inhabitants and in
the city the 1,76%.
Both in the neighbourhood and in the city the phenomenon of scholastic shortfall does not exist
(0%).
A controversial datum regards the owners of houses in the Cipes neighbourhood: according to a
survey on a sample of inhabitants, the 95,3% of them own the houses in which they live79 (the
reported value in Melegnano is of 77,8%), but other elements make one think that the real data have
a lower value, therefore a deeper analysis should be carried out.
As a matter of fact one part of the quarter is formed by two family villas or of low density
buildings, but the blocks facing the railroad are formed by buildings with uneven typologies and
heights and it is improbable that the property houses represent such a high percentage of the total.
76
The Cipes neighbourhood’s surface is 210 hectares
77
Source: La popolazione di Melegnano in numeri by Centro Studi ALSPES, Melegnano, april 2001
78
The first three data (about clerks, students and unemployed) have been extracted from a statistical survey made by
Centro Studi ALSPES; the percentage data about managers has been extracted from Census 1991
79
Source: Rapporto sociale 2001 by Centro Studi ALSPES, Melegnano, december 2001
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and bikes) in the north side of the train station; that is not a substantial improvement, but it will help
for better connections with the town centre.
Viale della Republica, the urban part of the Provincial road n.17 approximately 1 km long, is
crossed by an intense vehicular traffic with many heavy vehicles transporting goods to various
destinations other than Melegnano; this traffic is forced to transit through the urban area for lack of
alternative routes in the general transport net. The results of a traffic survey carried out in
September 2000 assume that the number of vehicles equivalent/daily has a medium value of
approximately 19.400 vehicles, even Sundays have a value that remains very high (16.000
vehicles).82
The problem is not easy to resolve because the plan for new vehicular roads involves also the
territories of adjacent municipalities (especially Cerro al Lambro) complicating the management
and realization of any kind of initiative.
The problems derived from this intense traffic are related to air and acoustic pollution. For the latter
some recent maintenance operations of the street surface together with the installation of a traffic
island, which has decreased the street section obligating cars and trucks to reduce their speed, has
already produced a reduction o of the acoustic pressure level.
We remember that the future Town Master Plan takes interest in the railway station context. The
new bus station and also the park and ride will attract many people, so it is very important to project
the road network correctly and to improve the road sections, adjacent spaces and relating services.
A net of cycle paths is being realized in Melegnano crossing part of the Cipes neighbourhood: along
the viale della Repubblica 1.425 meters of cycle path track (950 meters on the east side and 475
meters on the west side) have already been realised and aside the via per Carpiano there is a
cycle/pedestrian route that has to be recovered; now it is 195 meters long but, according to the
municipality plans, it should continue way beyond, towards the countryside and the Parco Sud
Milano.
82
Source: Conteggi di traffico e rilievi acustici lungo viale della Repubblica, by Eng. Andrea Debernardi, Polinomia
srl, december 2000
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From the neighbourhood the Melegnano station can be reached comfortably; the railway line is used
a lot for urban commuting to other districts both for job activities and study (adjacent districts and
Milan).
In the near future more attraction can derive from the new parking area between viale della
Repubblica and the road for Carpiano (approximately 7.600 m2) and the new bus station
(approximately 2.200 m2) The new park and ride will favour the use of the train for those who need
to travel to other districts.
There are no cultural association or entertainment places (cinema etc.) inside the neighbourhood’s
boundaries.
The only place is the local seat of Jehovah’s witness.
The recovery of the industrial zone is very important, not only for inhabitants health, but also for
the space organisation and the localisation of new activities.
83
LR n. 86/83 and DGR 3 agosto 2000 - n. 7/818 LR n. 86/83 (Regional Governement Laws) - Passage of the Piano
Territoriale di Coordinamento del Parco Regionale Agricolo Sud Milano
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A reclaiming plan is now being designed, but there is the absolute necessity to reclaim that area
before proceeding with the future Town Master Plan.
As for separate waste collection, in 1997 the 37% of waste has been recycled; currently the 54% of
the produced waste is recovered and recycled.
Besides this, there are no other strategies to reduce or contain the consumption of natural resources.
• Pollution
As we previously pointed out, the main source of pollution is due to the heavy vehicular traffic
(goods trucks transiting through the quarter). This produces an acoustic pollution over the limits
established by law and air pollution.
As for the air quality, the data obtained give only indicative values because they have not been
taken inside the Cipes neighbourhood; they can be considered reliable since they refer to the via
Emilia, on which the traffic volume is similar if not even heavier; the acoustic pollution data is
reliable because it refers to viale della Repubblica: during the day the noise levels are almost 70
dB(A).
Another source of acoustic pollution is the railroad: both the Milano Bologna line and the high
speed lines pass through the quarter.
The more serious fact is that acoustic pollution, coming from both the vehicular road and the
railroad, exceeds the limit values, above all during the night time - approximately 60 dB(A).
The religious festivity Festa del Perdono (and the respective fair) is the most important city event.
The recurrence began in 1563 when Pope Pio IV gave the indulgence and forgiveness to the
community of Melegnano. At the beginning, this festivity was only ascetic in nature, later it became
an economical, commercial and social event too. The Festa del Perdono occurs every year, lasting
from the end of March to the first week of June, in this period many exhibitions, concerts,
performances, races and competitions take place in the town.
The height of the festivity is in the Easter week.
In Melegnano there are also some neighbourhood fairs, but Cipes has no fixed events. Maybe this is
because the neighbourhood is lacking of its own identity.
To renovate the built areas around the railway and the new parking area (part of ex chemical
industrial zone). To promote new sustainable development rules for planning, construction, re-
qualification and rehabilitation of all areas. To improve the environmental quality in prevention and
reclaiming of polluted areas.
As far as the great impact of the high speed railway lines is concerned, the reduction of the acoustic
pollution is the only shared action plan.
HQE2R
Sustainable renovation of buildings
for sustainable neighbourhoods
Contract n° EVKA – CT – 2000 - 00025
S.D. DIAGNOSIS OF
"BON PASTOR" NEIGHBOURHOOD
in the city of BARCELONA
for a sustainable development
ITeC
HQE²R is a combined research and demonstration project which is partly funded under the "Energy, Environment and Sustainable
Development" programme, Key Action 4, "City of Tomorrow & Cultural Heritage", within the Fifth Framework Programme of the
European Union
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CONTENTS
ITeC 122
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1.1 Population
The Bon Pastor (BP) neighbourhood, the censual area where the area of action (ZA) of the project
HQE2R is located, and for which statistical data are available, features a population pyramid highly
equivalent to that of the district it is part of, and generally speaking to that of the city of Barcelona.
The area of action features a higher index of aging population due to housing shortage, which leads
new families in the area to emigrate.
The geographic origin of the neighbourhood is very similar in distribution to those of the rest of the
city, the only difference being a smaller non-Spanish population and a slight increase in the
population of non-Catalan origin.
The neighbourhood has a total of 12,422 inhabitants (0.81% of the population of Barcelona) and
4,355 houses (0.75% of the total of Barcelona). The ZA has 2187 inhabitants and 781 houses.
In the BP neighbourhood there is a density of 59 inhabitants per hectare, much lower than the mean
for Barcelona, which is 152 inhabitants per hectare, due mainly to the low density of the ZA, which
is occupied by single-floor houses.
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Unemployment in the neighbourhood stands at 11%, considerably higher than city and district
averages, 7.4% and 7.87%, respectively, whereas the average family income is equivalent to 76% of
the average family income of the city, a substantial relative deficit.
1.2 Housing
The most outstanding factor of the ZA is the homogeneity of existing housing, due to their shared
origin, and the lack of any renovation in the last 80 years, apart from any improvements made by
the residents to their houses, the most common ones being via the occupation of the yards behind
the houses.
The standard housing unit is single-storey with prefabricated walls and flat roof, with façade and
door onto the street and an inside yard at the back, the original surface area being 43 m2, with one
bedroom.
The infrastructure problems affecting the ZA and the deficiencies in the building systems used –
compounded by the passing of time and often the lack of proper maintenance – give rise to serious
problems of damp inside the houses, which seriously undermine their habitability.
These building problems are aggravated by the lack of space in the houses which, due to the
terraced configuration on plots of land and town planning, cannot be extended; the only way of
increasing the available surface area is by occupying the yard, which at best can be described as
“alegal”, and has also curtailed any would-be improved habitability by eliminating the possibility of
rear ventilation.
Nowadays, the law does not permit such a small surface area for the normal houses in the ZA - and
for standard family models – which average 2.3 inhabitants per house.
The lack of surface area – and of the possibility of growth- as well as building shortcomings, and
often the lack of other facilities, have led to the devaluation of the houses in the neighbourhood, and
their going market rate to fall well below the city average, 65%, and to 75% of the district average.
The land’s repercussion value is 50% that of the mean value of Barcelona.
The quality of the installations of the houses depends on the possibilities of their occupants and the
investments they have made over time to settle better, although it is mainly below the average for
Barcelona. By way of example, they do not generally have heating and use butane heaters for this
purpose, which is the lowest-cost and least comfortable system. The building quality of the houses
need not be seen as a deterrent to investing in making improvements to a deficient structure.
The ZA is quite well served with facilities a very reasonable distance away, as its perimeter features
a market, a health centre, primary and secondary schools and different sports installations.
Access to other equipment or services depends on the rest of the neighbourhood and eventually on
poor communications with the rest of the district, although though this connection leads to a high
street, and a large shopping centre at metropolitan level.
The limitations of the current urban fabric based on the single-storey house limits the provision of
services and equipments, and particularly commercial activities.
The residential aspect of the ZA strictly limits economic activities in the neighbourhood. The
aforementioned lack of possibility of carrying on commercial activity due to a lack of suitable
spaces, together with the low density of the neighbourhood, is not conducive to the promotion of
economic activities and almost condemns the ZA to being a sleeping neighbourhood.
As occurs with the facilities, there are high levels of activity, industrial and commercial or services,
around the ZA, and their proximity is made more immediate due to the smallness of the
neighbourhood.
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There are no green areas or gardens in the ZA, although the trees that line the streets and the
gardens around its perimeter add a certain touch of greenness to the neighbourhood.
Less than 30 minutes away from the ZA on foot are two fairly large parks, the Park del Pegaso, 3.7
Ha, and the Parc de la Trinitat, 7 Ha, although the neighbourhood has access to the bed of the river
Besòs, which potentially, and due to its natural value, could offer the best possibility of a
metropolitan scale park.
The internal road network of the ZA serves only to access the houses, and is not part of any main
road system for urban movement. Only the perimeter streets are part of elements that link up with
other neighbourhoods and districts, with special mention of the Ronda Litoral, which closes off the
neighbourhood in the north-west, and which is part of the basic metropolitan road network.
Barring the Ronda ring road, which is covered over at the point where it passes through the
neighbourhood, the remaining perimeter streets do not support enough traffic or complex
configurations for them to be barriers to people mobility, quite the opposite, the layout of the
facilities on the other side makes them more permeable to everyday life. These streets support three
bus lines – plus a night line – which constitute the public transport system that links the ZA to the
rest of the city.
The internal streets, and to a large extent the low density of houses, act as veritable focal points
where the people of the neighbourhood can gather. This is the consequence of a tradition which has
also prevented the car from establishing its supremacy, as occurs in most streets in the rest of the
city.
Probably, the fact that people take life to the streets, so to speak, has helped to make up for the lack
of room inside the houses, creating a strong sensation of belonging boosted by continuous contact
between the neighbours.
The quality of the urban space is suboptimal due to infrastructure problems and the sizing, for
example, of pavements, which are insufficient and out-dated for the use that is made of them.
The low density and size of the ZA is not conducive to very structured social activities in it,
although on the other hand activities are held in the district, and at a reasonable distance.
The most important social activity is the actual life of the neighbourhood, in a public space still
dominated by social interaction beyond any mobility demands. This neighbourhood life has led to
two very well-rooted neighbours’ associations, one of them in the ZA.
Unfortunately, this community spirit does not translate into participation beyond the limits of the
neighbourhood, and abstention in the last local elections surpassed the 52% of the electorate, well
above the mean for Barcelona.
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Despite the low level of quality of the houses, from the standpoint of residents and residences, the
ZA has some strong points that must be addressed:
- the neighbours’ feeling of belonging to the community is undoubtedly one of the major strong
points of the ZA. Boosted by the specific nature of its urban fabric, which reinforces identity and
the feeling of being different, as well as by occupying the street to acquire space due to the
smallness of the houses, it is a value to be maintained and reinforced, an asset that cannot be
replaced by the process of urban renovation.
- the low density of houses that permits greater buildability than in the actual approach. In the
renovation of the neighbourhood, increasing the quantity of houses by leveraging the current
legislation is not only a possibility of improving the surface area of the existing houses, but also of
attracting new and different people vis-à-vis the current population.
While the absence of non-residential edification is one of the neighbourhood’s shortcomings, there
are some strong points in this aspect that may be leveraged:
- the neighbourhood’s central position in the urban development of Barcelona, which has afforded it
a new position near some elements –the Ring Roads, the river Besòs, La Maquinista shopping
centre, etc.-, boosting the possibilities of implementing new activities in the process of renovation
of the neighbourhood, if synergies are leveraged and certain shortcomings, such as connectivity, can
be redressed.
- as was commented in the previous section, the possible increase in building, which will render it
possible to build places to make room for new activities, thus overcoming the most important
obstacles or deficits at the moment, namely the lack of somewhere to hold such activities.
While infrastructure is the major shortcoming in the neighbourhood, any renovation involves one
strong point that has to be addressed:
- the need to revamp infrastructure leading to the possibility of approaching sustainable models is
an issue that needs to be addressed. The total redefinition of the networks and urban services must
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be carried out based on a sustainable urban logic, and must therefore be designed from the outset
using sustainability models other than models being used in our cities.
The essentially residential function of the neighbourhood has been devalued by the weak points
which precisely characterise the infrastructure of the houses in the ZA, and which are mirrored in
the following weak points:
- the overall difficulty of solving the lack of quality of the building systems and installations of the
buildings despite the different solutions attempted by the users, which have proved to be
insufficient.
- the surface area of the houses, a consequence of the original design, insufficient to lead a normal
family life in keeping with current standards and which is a burden, even more so for young people,
due to the existence of unviable housing.
- the presence of crime in the ZA making use of the actual structure of the neighbourhood and the
extreme degradation of some parts of the houses as the scene of such delinquency. This presence
generates insecurity in the neighbourhood which affects both the latter’s image as well as the
possibility of attracting people from other places, to say nothing of the quality of life of the
inhabitants, another basic issue.
- The lack of quality of the building systems and installations of the buildings, with serious diseases
that affect their security and habitability, and which are difficult to deal with as they are very
widespread, compounded by the passing of time and the lack of proper maintenance.
- An aging population in the ZA brought about by the lack of renovation spawned by the poor
housing quality, curtailing the neighbourhood’s economic and social regeneration potential.
- The lack of different types of houses and possibilities of adapting to different family
configurations and types of users, which curtails social diversification capacity.
Non-residential activities are nonexistent in the ZA, thus giving rise to a lack of diversity and
interest for the rest of the neighbourhood, the district and the city.
- lack of connectivity, essentially with the centre of the city, and of integration with the other
neighbourhoods in the district, which reduces activity in the neighbourhood to the purely residential
function.
- deficiency in the amount of commercial facilities, the main driving force behind other activities
and of movement of people from other neighbourhoods, due in part to the lack of premises available
in the ZA.
- deficiency in the amount of social and cultural facilities in the ZA, despite the health-care and
educational facilities available on its periphery.
Non-built-up areas boil down strictly to the streets of the urban fabric of the ZA. Its weak points
are:
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- lack of suitable and functionally different public space and the capacity to generate activities. This
lack, despite the subsidiary function the street has had as the scenario for forging a community
feeling in the neighbourhood, impairs the quality of interaction between residents as it renders it
impossible to diversify activities and generate representative spaces to boost both the use thereof
and identification with the neighbourhood.
- lack of green areas in the ZA, despite the existing rows of trees, leading to an absence of
recreational areas and activities in a naturalised area.
- lack of quantity and quality of urban installations or facilities, devoid of urban fixtures,
deteriorated paving, narrow and deficient pavements, etc., partly due to the deficiencies of drainage
infrastructure afflicting the neighbourhood.
Infrastructure in the neighbourhood is one of its general weak points, which bring it to the verge of
functional, constructive and developmental ruin in terms of public spaces and housing:
- Serious shortcomings in the sewage and drainage networks which affect the habitability of public
areas and housing.
- lack of quality in service infrastructure, which needs renovation beyond any operating
maintenance it may have once had if a modern and efficient service quality is to be attained.
Defined by the integration of Bon Pastor within the neighbourhood of Sant Andreu, the
improvement of road communications and urban transport is pivotal in the accomplishment of this
objective, considering that the improvement must be brought about by boosting sustainable
mobility.
This drive to mobility must be reflected in paving, the protection of thoroughfares used for this type
of mobility, traffic preferences, car no-go areas, bicycle parking facilities, accessibility for people
with reduced mobility, etc. and considering protected roads for accessing the installations and
services for every use, include health facilities.
Improve the quality of the cityscape by creating and integrating green areas in the neighbourhood
via a strategy targeting the improvement of environmental quality, leveraging the ecological
functions of these green elements.
To afford the neighbourhood commercial services, seeking service for the inhabitants of the
neighbourhood as well as to attract people from outside the area and to promote and stabilise the
urban quality which all trade generates in an urban environment.
In this regard, the challenge consists of increasing the value of the neighbourhood in the eyes of the
rest of the city –via new activities- as an indispensable condition to ensure the survival of urban
quality by maintaining demand for the basic elements: communications, cityscape quality, quality
of services and security and safety.
To equip the neighbourhood with the social facilities that will help to maintain and boost the
existing social involvement and the integration of newcomers to the neighbourhood within this
community structure.
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Achieving a diversification of the neighbourhood population (in income and age) by increasing the
total number of houses via the buildability provided by planning is one objective that must make it
possible to retain young people in the neighbourhood and attract newcomers from different sources
and with different profiles.
In this regard, preventive measures in citizens’ safety must go hand in hand with social integration
actions to recover a basic atmosphere of safety in the neighbourhood to avoid the formation of
ghettos embedded in the ZA which act as social solvents.
The much-needed renovation of the neighbourhood’s infrastructure, the real reason for its
renovation, must be approached from the standpoint of the sustainability of the mobility of
materials supporting it.
The water management model, from collection in buildings and streets to waste waters; the
neighbourhood’s energy model, from the generation of solar energy to buildings and the efficiency
of public services; the material dynamics model, from the loading and unloading of products to
selective refuse collection for recycling and the control of emissions into the air, are the issues to be
defined to adapt the type and sizing of infrastructure to the application of sustainable models.
Particular interest should be paid to the necessary renovation of the houses, the veritable driving
force behind renovation in the neighbourhood, where these strategies must be implemented
optimising the resources available for sustainable building, including the experience of the PMH in
this field.
Thus, the incorporation of systems for saving consumption, energy or water, reduction in the
emissions of CO² associated with the consumption of energy and the manufacture of materials, the
selection of materials and building systems with greatest environmental quality – less impact
depending on the life cycle, low maintenance, high durability- must be the objectives of new
building work.
In keeping with the 'Barcelona model', the architectural quality of building and the urban spaces
generated is a basic demand in the operation for the renovation of the neighbourhood.
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HQE2R
Sustainable renovation of buildings
for sustainable neighbourhoods
Contract n° EVKA – CT – 2000 - 00025
S.D. DIAGNOSIS OF
"ANTIC, ESCODINES, VIC-REMEI"
NEIGHBOURHOOD
in the city of MANRESA
for a sustainable development
ITeC
HQE²R is a combined research and demonstration project which is partly funded under the "Energy, Environment and Sustainable
Development" programme, Key Action 4, "City of Tomorrow & Cultural Heritage", within the Fifth Framework Programme of the
European Union
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CONTENTS
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The Old Part of Manresa is the part of the city outside the main population nucleus, comprising a
surface area of 45.33 Ha, i.e., 6% of the total amount of land classified as urban land by the General
Plan of Manresa. The Old Part, according to this Plan, comprises the sectors of urban land that
correspond to the old part of the city, characterised by a process of city planning and traditional
buildings, with an environmental quality respected by the Plan by including its planning
characteristics and establishing suitable protection measures. It distinguishes between sectors in the
Old Part of Manresa which are characterised by historic and population differences, although they
share the problems and challenges that determine the present and the future of the neighbourhood.
The urban shape of this sector, apart from any renovation operations carried out over the last
century and up until the present day, can be clearly distinguished from the growth that took place in
the city as of industrialisation. Industrialisation, besides being a reference in time that sets the limit
between two forms of urban growth, is also a reference with regard to a change in the trends in the
preferences of the inhabitants of Manresa. This preference would have favoured the new residential
land offered by the widenings, leading to a slow and progressive abandoning of the city which had
thitherto been consolidated, and eventually to the regrettable state of urban degradation in the sector
now known as the Old Part, where increasingly more physical, structural, social and economic
problems are accumulating.
In order to re-channel this unfortunate situation, the City Council of Manresa is working to achieve
management and planning instruments that will make it possible to recover the Old Part. Thus, on
February 4, 1994, the Foment de la Rehabilitació Urbana de Manresa, S.A. (FORUM s.a.) was
incorporated, an exclusively municipal-owned joint stock company created as an instrument for the
management of the public urban rehabilitation service. As of its incorporation, FORUM s.a. has
worked to define the objectives, criteria and priorities of its action and to set the guidelines that will
govern the whole process of rehabilitation of the Old Part. Since then, three Special Reform Plans
have been approved for the Old Part, the management of which is now under development.
We may say that the development of the urban structure of the Old Part of Manresa has been shaped
by three elements: natural elements, such as the relief and river courses; city-planning elements,
such as the walls and the representative public, religious and private buildings; and social and
economic elements, which have gradually changed throughout history, such as guild organisations,
the process of industrialisation, wars and immigration, amongst others.
The evolution of the Old Part was triggered in the 14th Century, regarded by historians as the city’s
greatest century, with the beginning of a greater economic expansion with an implicit concentric
city-development expansion, accompanied by the renovation of roads and the creation of new
squares in the areas located immediately outside the walls of the most important thoroughfares, and
also parallel to the erection of the major religious buildings, temples and convents and great
infrastructure works, such as the Sèquia, which would have a major impact on the configuration of
the city. The suburban growth is very important, and this substantial expansion, also outside the
walls, spawned the need to undertake what was to be the third and last extension of the walled area,
which would span two centuries: the wall of Sant Domènec in the 15th Century and the wall of Sant
Francesc in the 15th Century.
As of this moment the city grew in two directions, inside and outside the walls. Growth inside
saturated the new urban structure as far as the walls, rendering the existing structure even denser.
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Growth outside the walls, which followed, as in older times, the roads out of the city, heralded an
important growth of the suburbs.
The 19th Century witnessed a series of significant events that would mark the future development
of the city, such as the fire and destruction of a large part of the city by the French army at the turn
of the century, which was rebuilt quickly and in very poor conditions; the demolition of the walls-
as there was no longer any need to maintain them, as a measure to face up to demographic pressure
-, and the process of industrialisation of the city undertaken in the previous century, the advent of
the railway, which played a key role in economic expansion and modernisation as well as having a
decisive influence in the city’s morphology.
1.3 Population
In December 2000, the population of the Old Part (NA) of Manresa was 5,906, accounting for
9.14% of the population of Manresa (64,617 inhabitants).
The basic aspects characterising the population of the NA, particularly with regard to the rest of
Manresa, are:
• an age pyramid that shows a drift towards a substantial increase in the population
aged above 65, higher than the same age fringe in the rest of the city (currently 26.9% in the
Old Part as opposed to 20.6% of Manresa)
• since 1986 a progressive fall in the populating, with the abandonment of houses and
businesses, most of which relocate to other neighbourhoods in the city
• even so, a population density of 130 inhabitants/hectare versus 86 inhabitants/hectare
in the rest of the city
• the absorption of the immigrant population from North Africa, with a much higher
proportion than in the rest of the city, the current percentage being 11.6%.
• the NA has a growing illiteracy rate, 7.5% in 2000 versus 1.3% in 1994, although it
also has a rate of graduates and diploma holders of 7.5% of the population versus 9.1% in
the city overal
• a low level of income, with 60% of the population of the NA having a per capita
income of below 60 €/month
1.4 Housing
The NA of Manresa has 4,307 houses on its census, which account for 14.5% of the city’s houses.
The fact that it houses 9.14% of the population is illustrative of the low density of use of this
heritage, and also points to a low housing occupation rate (1.3 inhabitants/house versus 2.1 for
Manresa), and consequently a considerable number of unoccupied houses (some areas of the NA
presenting a 50% rate of unoccupied houses).
On the other hand, the fact that the NA occupies 6.03% of the surface area of urban land points to
far higher housing densities than the other neighbourhoods in the city. The average density is 95
houses/hectare, although it reaches values of 400 houses/hectare in the densest areas (which are also
the most degraded areas).
The aspects defining the houses in the NA are:
• houses erected in a very dense urban fabric characterised mainly by this residential
factor, although this is a basic trait of the old parts of many cities, and which suffered very
important historic processes of densification on its plots and much more extensive original
building work.
• a very old heritage (65% of the buildings are more than 100 years old), generally
speaking with a low level of maintenance and renovation, leading to degraded building
systems and deficient services that often generate habitability problems: nearly 40% of the
houses of the NA do not fulfil the minimum mandatory habitability conditions.
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Most of the city’s cultural facilities are located in the neighbourhood – it houses 45.8% of all
theatres, museums and exhibition rooms, and it also provides the headquarters to 54.7% of cultural
organisations and groups, although culture and activity consumers are basically inhabitants from
other neighbourhoods, and the residents of the NA do not relate to these facilities.
Although there is an important and well-known commercial activity in the neighbourhood, it is
focused mainly in specific areas and basically serves the rest of the city. On the other hand, there is
no commercial life adapted to the conditions of the neighbourhood.
By way of indication, the rate of empty ground-floor premises of the buildings (where shops are
located) is 5.25% in the city overall and 8% in the NA, even reaching the figure of 60% in the most
abandoned areas.
Equally, the scope of the public services in the neighbourhood goes beyond the actual
neighbourhood (as it contains the institutional headquarters of the municipal services), while there
are deficits at local level.
Barring the odd sector, basically commercial ones with a citywide sphere of action, economic
activities in the NA are in the throes of an ongoing recession.
The low levels of occupation of ground floor premises for commercial and industrial use and for
services is demonstrative of the lack of economic activity complemented by the low level of
occupation of flats by professional activities.
The historic densification processes of the neighbourhood have long since deprived it of the
network of urban market gardens within the walls which characterised Mediterranean cities until the
population growths of the 18th and 19th Centuries.
The lack of natural areas inside the NA as a result of the systematic use of the land by buildings and
the permanently insufficient system of streets and squares that lend support to commercial and civic
activities reflects a common situation in the old districts of our cities, highlighting a basic
shortcoming of these urban systems.
The network of streets is insufficient in terms of their quality, as well as configuration and sizing, to
be able to meet the requirements of current urban mobility models for both people and materials.
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Public space is reduced, its conformation corresponding to endangered urban models, presenting
poor connectivity and efficiency, the level of urbanisation being precarious, with poorly paved or
even unpaved streets, narrow pavements in a poor state of repair. Urban facilities are also generally
insufficient with deficiencies in service quality.
Accessibility to the neighbourhood is conditioned by the layout of the network of streets and by the
original constriction of the walled area, which prevents continuous flows and accessibility from the
more modern neighbourhoods. Some ring roads, used basically for vehicle traffic, follow the layout
of the old walls – on the perimeter of the neighbourhood - and support the public transport services
most accessible to the inhabitants. These ring roads, instead of facilitating access to the NA, allow
car drivers to avoid entering it. Only the central position of the NA affords it certain advantages in
this regard, aided y its proximity to the railway stations that link Manresa up with the rest of the
territory.
On the other hand, internal mobility in the neighbourhood is based on pedestrian movement,
constantly at odds with vehicle mobility limited by the layout of the streets, the narrow roads and
the lack of spaces for stopping or parking.
The level of vehicle ownership in the neighbourhood is 400 vehicles per thousand inhabitants, well
below the overall figure for Manresa, which is 610, and the 1244 parking spaces available are 223
spaces short for residents and 531 short for vehicles passing through to park in.
The neighbourhood’s urban infrastructure presents serious problems caused by its antiquity and
deficient level of preservation, problems which limit, to a large extent, the quality of the services
rendered.
The sewage network is old and was realised at different times and with different techniques and
material. Only the steep slopes in the NA help to make for efficient water evacuation.
The electricity supply installations are 100 years old and corrective maintenance work has only
been effected on the high and medium voltage networks, leaving the low voltage network service in
a more deficient state of repair. Public lighting services are also deficient.
Although the public water supply network has been substantially improved, distribution in the
buildings is very deficient, with outdated installations and materials use din the systems for
regulating and metering the water supplied to the residents.
As has already been mentioned, despite the prominence of cultural and social associations in the
neighbourhood, the inhabitants’ participation in them is very low, and these associations serve the
rest of the city more, their presence in the neighbourhood being justified for historic or centrality
reasons.
The aging population, the low level of income and the destructuring of the newly arrived immigrant
population, makes the neighbourhood’s ability to form associations low, and neither is there an
underlying common feeling of belonging.
Despite the low level of quality of the houses and the population problems in the neighbourhood,
the residents and the residences of the NA present some strong points which need to be considered:
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Once again, the strong points of the non-residential activities in the neighbourhood are underpinned
by the advantages of its central location in the city:
• the important socio-cultural dynamics throughout the city in the NA provides a
potential for dynamising other types of activities if proper action is taken. The power of
attraction generated by these cultural activities may be leveraged, if the right conditions
arise, by commercial activities and services which act as a focus of regeneration of the
neighbourhood
• the environmental quality, the possibility of becoming the headquarters of regenerative
activities and the tourist attraction provided by the abundance of buildings with major
artistic and heritage value, a capital investment that can be revaluated in the regeneration of
the NA
• the substantial concentration of services throughout the city, which the central position
of the neighbourhood has afforded it over the years. The activity generated and the
environmental quality this demands are factors that support the regeneration of the
neighbourhood.
• the importance of the quality commercial activity operating in certain areas of the
neighbourhood and which acts citywide, once again as an activity to attract public and
generate and maintain environmental quality around it, and which are traits that must be
spread from these areas to other parts of the NA
• the availability of space for the growth of commercial activities and services to
abandon the ground floors of the neighbourhood buildings. Brought on by the process of
degeneration of the NA, they are now becoming spatial opportunities to reproduce a
commercial and service fabric suited to new requirements, provided that architecture is
renovated.
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Once again the central position of the neighbourhood is the NA’s main potential as a strong point to
be validated in a process of urban regeneration:
• depopulation, with the accompanying loss of density, establishes a broad range of
possibilities to achieve new public spaces and generate attractive urban places with new
value thanks to the central position of the NA and the other strong points that boost the
environmental quality of the neighbourhood. A suitable configuration of new public spaces
conjugated with regeneration strategies –mobility, boosting the use of the area’s heritage,
parking areas for cultural and commercial focal points, etc.-, will be pivotal in leveraging the
potential of this central position of the NA.
• the accessibility of the neighbourhood from other points in the city, established by
the growth pattern characterising the evolution of traditional cities, is a strong point for re-
establishing urban continuity between the area and the rest of the city via the network of
urban spaces -streets, squares, green areas – which afford new value to the central position
of the neighbourhood.
• improvement of the environmental quality of the neighbourhood requires the
appraisal and use of mobility models other than the ones used in the more modern
neighbourhoods, adapting them, in the regeneration of the neighbourhood, to more
sustainable models
The need to renovate infrastructure, which will render it necessary to define broad-ranging
programmes, may help to make sure that the necessary investments are geared towards more
sustainable models and systems in the management of energy and water.
The essential function of housing for a neighbourhood of these characteristics presents major weak
points which will be the main challenges for action, namely:
• the trend towards the depopulation of the neighbourhood, as a process that exposes
the low quality of life offered by the NA, and which is a drain on the main capital needed to
regenerate the neighbourhood: people
• an aging population due to the emigration of the young people and the difficulty that
old people have in leaving the neighbourhood, which prompts an undeniable loss of
potential for a regeneration of the NA
• the strong increase in the immigrant population from North Africa, which albeit
providing possibilities for rejuvenating the neighbourhood already mentioned in the strong
points, also involves all the problems of integration that may turn the neighbourhood into a
marginal ghetto and work against the process of regeneration
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• in the same sense, a concentration of social problems greater than the rest of the
neighbourhoods in Manresa, a burden on the inhabitants’ capacity to give shape to future
proposals
• an extremely dense urban fabric with very disperse plots of land which prevents
actions on a certain scale and makes it necessary to micromanage the renovation process
• a high percentage of houses well below the habitability threshold in a built-up
heritage which for the most part requires major rehabilitation work
Non-residential buildings activities do not abound in the neighbourhood and this contributes to its
problems of depopulation.
• the progressive abandonment of commercial activity in the neighbourhood, an
element with a great capacity for urban regeneration, mirrored by the high rate of empty
premises and the disappearance of shops in some streets.
The persistence of the layout of the original urban network, along with the process of degradation in
the neighbourhood which has made it impossible to generate alternatives to revitalise it and
optimise its potential has rendered its public urban space, an essential resource in the
neighbourhood, obsolete. In this regard the weak points for a regeneration of the neighbourhood
are:
• the lack of suitability of the network of streets for the current urban mobility models.
The lack of car parks is one of the most oft-mentioned factors, although the configuration of
the network and its sizing are restrictive elements that affect many aspects of people and
material mobility in many areas of the NA
• highly deficient levels and quality of urbanisation in streets and public spaces,
limiting their service capacity even further, and therefore their collaboration in the process
of regeneration of the neighbourhood
• lack of public spaces as a support for civic activities in comparison with the rest of
the city, which detracts from the neighbourhood’s potentiality
• absence of green areas, heralding a major deficit in the environmental quality of the
neighbourhood, and even more so if we think of the added value of these types of spaces
among the urban population and the ecological role they provide for the urban medium.
Infrastructure deficiencies are one of the most serious and important weak points – in terms of any
possible actions for the reactivation of the neighbourhood - in the process of regeneration:
• lack of public transport crossing the neighbourhood, the former being limited to the
peripheral area. Accessibility is a determining factor in the neighbourhood’s regeneration
possibilities, and limitations on mobility restrict access by the usual models of public
transport
• degradation of the service infrastructure, making it difficult to maintain a service
quality level and discourage the implementation of new activities.
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The population must be released from the problems that limit its possibilities of transforming its
reality, which generates social integration and thus increases the neighbourhood’s regeneration
potential, namely its inhabitants.
Improving the situation of people affected by specific problems, such as low levels of income or
illiteracy and facing up to the integration of immigrants in the neighbourhood are the actions that
are called for to increase the social involvement of the current inhabitants of the neighbourhood.
The installation of the facilities needed to support these social programmes, as well as to bring the
level of personal services up to that of the rest of Manresa, is part of this challenge.
The technical, financial and social complexity of the intervention in a complex and degraded fabric
such as the heritage of houses of the NA is a challenge of no small magnitude requiring equally
complex and different–scale strategies.
The accomplishment of a sufficient level of habitability – defined on the basis of criteria of
sustainability- must be one of the key challenges in rising to the regeneration of the neighbourhood.
The extreme densification of the neighbourhood renders it necessary to perform clean-up operations
in order to invest the space that is freed to build quality public spaces.
These public spaces must play a decisive role in the strategies for the NA to become a new pole of
activities, and at the same time a model of definition of a sustainable urban space, where the spatial
component of the different logics that act in the urban territory reflects the consideration of this new
requirement of sustainability.
Models of mobility, material circulation, management of the water cycle and the recovery and use
of green areas are fundamental aspects in the definition of the neighbourhood’s public space.
The improvement of mobility inside the neighbourhood, considering the type of activity of its
residents and their mobility characteristics, must provide access to everyday services free of
architectural barriers or risks.
Mobility from the outside to carry out activities inside the neighbourhood must be addressed as a
management of the demand for mobility for each one of the activities, managing resources for users
to be able to access them using the existing infrastructure with maximum efficiency. Mobility to the
outside requires resources based essentially on public transport.
The necessary renovation of the neighbourhood infrastructure must be carried out from a
sustainability-driven basis vis-à-vis the mobility of the materials it supports.
The water management model, from collection in buildings and streets to waste waters; the
neighbourhood’s energy model, from the generation of solar energy to buildings and the efficiency
of public services; the material dynamics model, from the loading and unloading of products to
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selective refuse collection for recycling and the control of emissions into the air, are the issues to be
defined to adapt the type and sizing of infrastructure to the application of sustainable models.
The creation of green areas leveraging the cleaning up of the neighbourhood and the remodelling of
houses must correspond to an environmental quality improvement strategy where the effect of
vegetation is central.
The regeneration of the neighbourhood requires the consolidation of economic activities to increase
income in the neighbourhood, to help to improve the urban space, quality of services and
commercial offer, affording, when all is said and done, prestige to the NA and thereby attracting
new residents, leading to a balanced quality of life in the neighbourhood and the rest of the city.
Trade, so sensitive to the urban quality of the environment, is one of the activities that provide
information on the conditions of the different points of the neighbourhood and which also establish
these conditions and attract other activities.
Leverage of the other potentialities of the neighbourhood, such as its built-up heritage or the historic
value of the NA, must also be reinforced with the installations required by the activities operating in
them.
However, the main challenge lies in the coordination of the different actions required for the
regeneration of the neighbourhood, which must be performed in coordination for the purpose of
mutual promotion and to avoid interferences or lost synergies.
Moreover, establishing models of sustainability based on the different action programmes
constitutes, more than an additional challenge, a resource for reinterpreting the remodelling of the
NA going forward, and for the purpose of stability.
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HQE2R
Sustainable renovation of buildings
for sustainable neighbourhoods
Contract n° EVKA – CT – 2000 - 00025
S.D. DIAGNOSIS OF
"RAVAL" NEIGHBOURHOOD
in the city of BARCELONA
for a sustainable development
CAATB
Xavier Casanovas CAATB
HQE²R is a combined research and demonstration project which is partly funded under the "Energy, Environment and Sustainable
Development" programme, Key Action 4, "City of Tomorrow & Cultural Heritage", within the Fifth Framework Programme of the
European Union
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CONTENTS
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This diagnosis concerns the neighbourhood of ‘Raval’, covering an area of 109,72 hectares (1,1 %
of Barcelona’s surface), considered statistically by the Statistic Department of the Town Council as
a ZEG (Great Statistical Zone).
Most of statistics concerning population are taken from the municipal statistics and are quite
updated. On the other hand, most of statistics concerning housing are from the State ‘Census’,
elaborated in 1991. The most recent census, elaborated last year, is not yet completely published.
Other data are taken from the statistics of the Catalan Statistical Institute, data from reports
elaborated by Foment de Ciutat Vella / PROCIVESA and different public inquiries about different
subjects (mobility,…).
Population: 37.498 inhabitants (2,49 % of Barcelona) / 2001
Housing units: 20.110 (3 % of Barcelona) / 1991
2. NEIGHBOURHOOD CHARACTERISTICS
2.1. Situation
Raval is one of the neighbourhoods that configure the District I of the city of Barcelona, a very
dense and consolidated urban area, the district that gathers the oldest neighbourhoods of the city,
called Ciutat Vella (meaning ‘Old town’ in Catalan) and located in the heart of it, perfectly
definited by the traces of the ancient wall built on the XIVth century.
Raval is the more recent neighbourhood of the district, developed as a extension of the ancient
medieval city.
2.2. Limits
It is physically delimited by 4 main boulevards, following the trace of the ancient walls. To the
north and west Ronda Sant Antoni and Ronda Sant Pau (‘Ronda’ means Round) separate Raval
from the Eixample, the new district developed since the end of the XIXth century outside the walls.
To the south, Paral.lel street separate it from Poble Sec and to the east, Les Rambles, the most
known Barcelona’s avenue, explain the western limit of the first ancient medieval city.
The neighbourhood was born inside the second city walls, close to the ancient medieval town
(‘Rabad’ means suburb in Arabic). The second wall was built in the XIVth century when Barcelona
was still an important commercial capital in the Mediterranean. Until the XVIIth century ‘Raval’
was still a place of fields and cultures.
The growth of the neighbourhood began in the XVIIIth century and had its major development
during the industrial period: only from 1700 to 1850 the population grew about 17 times. The
construction of housing (really minimal and in bad conditions) was mixed with the development of
dirty industries along narrow and dark streets. The Raval became soon a periphery inside walls.
At the end of XIXth century, with the demolition of the walls and the expansion of the city, a lot of
industries moved outside the neighbourhood and Raval became an obsolete and corrupted area.
Poor people coming from the countryside and other regions of Spain came into the neighbourhood
and occupied the old housing.
At the beginning of XXth century the density was really high, up to 100.000 inhabitants and the
mortality rate was very important.
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Since the beginning of democracy in Spain (1979), the Town Council has done enormous efforts to
recover the neighbourhood and to integrate it to the city. To pull down ‘the walls’ that separate
socially the neighbourhood from the city.
2.4.1. The situation before democracy
The housing stock was really obsolete, 70 % of housing were built before 1900, 2 % were under
collapse, 7.000 did not have toilet and only 10 % had lift. On other hand, the sewage was
unsatisfactory, most of housing had wiring of 125 V and only 60 % had gas supply. The area was in
decline. The commercial tissue was very damaged and living in the neighbourhood was socially
depreciated.
2.4.2. The urban planning tools developed to renovate the neighbourhood.
On 1976, ‘Pla General Metropolità de Barcelona’ (Metroplolitan General Plan) was approved,
proposed the opening of the great avenues across the old city planned by Ildefons Cerdà at the end
of the XIXth century, when he planned the extension of the modern city.
On 1979 the first democratic town council was elected and the process of renovation of the old
town began with the elaboration of specific plans for the old town, trying to overcome the general
options of the Metropolitan General Plan.
On 1983 three PERI (Special Plan of Internal reform) for Ciutat Vella where presented; an specific
one for the Raval. After surpassing a long time of discussions and two periods of public exposure it
was approved in 1985.
The common characteristics of the PERI were:
1. To promote operations in order to open new spaces in a too dense tissue (new public spaces,
to improve mobility,...).
2. To make concrete operations for creating new facilities to solve the great problems of
quality of life (schools, health centres, sport centres, facilities for aged people, for young
people,...)
3. To develop a programme to built new public housing. First of all, to satisfy the needs
created by the development of the urban planning, relodging the neighbours involved, and
then, at the end of that programme, to have a new and renovated stock of housing.
At the same time that the urban plan was approved, the town council developed the PAI (Pla
d’Actuacions Integrals – Integrated Action Plan), a global and more ambitious plan that had as main
objective the improvement of the quality of life in the degraded neighbourhood. The 5 main fields
of the Plan where urbanism, social welfare, security, economical activity and citizen relationship
and image.
On 1987 the old centre of Barcelona was declared Area of Integrated Renovation (ARI) by the
Catalan Government, an important step towards the successful renovation of the neighbourhood, so
it represented to have special aids to improve private renovation of buildings and an important
agreement between all the authorities with competencies in the planning framework.
Since 1988 ‘Promoció de Ciutat Vella’ (actually ‘Foment de Ciutat Vella’), a public institution
created by the Town Council, is in charge of managing the urban renovation of the neighbourhood.
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% of the total are done, meaning the disappearing of 500 buildings (7,8 % of the total) and the
moving of the residents to new housing.
The liberated ground / land in whole Ciutat Vella (106.519 m² in 12 years, representing 2,3 % of the
district surface) was dedicated to:
- 57.252 m² to create new public space (streets and squares).
- 26,163 m² to create new facilities for the residents and for the city.
- 23.104 m² to promote 52 new buildings of social housing to relodge the affected families.
On the other hand, the town council has done an enormous effort to improve the quality of the
public space in the old city, renewing 80 % of streets and squares.
2.5. Population
The population of Raval was of 37.498 inhabitants at the beginning of 2001, representing 2,49% of
the total population of the city of Barcelona and 42,2% of the population of the district of Ciutat
Vella (88.793 inhabitants).
2.5.1. Density
The density of population, considering that the surface of the neighbourhood is only 1,1 Km², is
extremely high, reaching 34.089 inhabitants / Km², more than twice than Barcelona’s density
(15.195 inh./Km²), that is one of the cities with the highest degree of density in the world.
This fact decreased considerably with the constant loss of inhabitants since 1970 (more than
35.000), representing a descent of almost 50 %, four times more than the whole city, that only
decreased 13,74 %.
The highest degree of density is in the western part of the neighbourhood, overcoat the north area
from Joaquim Costa street and the western limit of the neighbourhood (more than 800 inhabitants /
hectare) and the area situated to the west of the new Rambla del Raval (between 400 and 800
inhabitants / hectare).
2.5.2. Diversity
The arrival of a great number of immigrants to the city is one of the main causes that changed the
tendency of these last 30 years, and Raval won 2.203 inhabitants in 2001 in relation to 2000. Raval
‘received’ almost 25 % of the growth of population of the whole city (9.059), 10 times more than
Barcelona in relation to population (0,6 % and 6,2 %) and 22 times more in relation to the surface
of the territory, as well as Ciutat Vella, that concentrated 50 % of the ‘new residents’.
Only between 2000 and 2002 the foreign population in Raval grew 80 %, representing 34 % of its
total population (19 % two years before and only around 7 % in 1996). The increasing of foreign
people, being the same, more or less, in Barcelona (from 3,57% in 2000 to 7,56 % in 2001) than in
Raval and Ciutat Vella, is much more obvious in these ones in regards with the total number of
inhabitants (1 for each 25 inhabitants in BCN and 1 each 6 inhabitants in Raval). As a consequence,
Raval gathers 12 % of the foreign residents of Barcelona, 10 times more than Barcelona taking into
account the surface of the territory. Raval concentrate the greatest number of immigrants coming
from Asia (21 % of them are from Pakistan and 17 % from Philippines). Only the distict of Ciutat
Vella, most of them in Raval, concentrate the 60 % of all the immigrants of the whole city coming
from south Asia, 40 % from Central Asia and 36 % from North Africa.
Most of foreign people live in the area of Joaquim Costa (people form Philippines) and the streets
near Rambla del Raval (natives from Pakistan and Morocco).
The recent data from the first statistics of 2003 show that the number of foreign residents has
grown to 47% of the whole population.
2.5.3. Age
The population of Raval is slightly older than Barcelona’s, and 1 of each 4 people living in the
neighbourhood is over 65 years. As a consequence, the number of retired people is much more
higher than in Barcelona (31 % instead of 21 %).
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But this situation is changing quickly with the arrival of foreign people, most of them younger than
40 years. More than 60 % of residents from Pakistan (representing 7 % of the population of the
neighbourhood) is between 25 and 39 years old.
2.5.4. Education
The educational level of population older than 16 is lesser in Raval than in Barcelona. 64 % of
population has only primary studies.
2.5.5. Activity and socio-economical profile
The degree of active population is lower in Raval than in Barcelona (40,9 % against 44 % in the
whole city) due to the previous reasons, and the degree of unemployment has been always much
higher than in the whole city.
Most of employed people are salaried workers (81 %), more or less the same that in Barcelona, but
the group of temporary is much higher (24,8 %).
The arrival and establishment of young people and artists in the neighbourhood means that 10,42 %
of the employed active population are classified as entrepreneurs without employees (more than in
Barcelona), but on the other hand, the number of businessmen with employees represent 3,4%
against 6,50 % in the whole city.
2.5.6. Economical capacity of families
Raval is the last neighbourhood (taking into account 38 statistical zones) if we consider the
economical capacity of families. If the average level of the city is 100 in Raval the rate is only 59,2.
2.5.7.Households / Fireplaces
In Raval it is better to talk about housing units or fireplaces than households, since 40,03 % of
housing units are not occupied by families, in front of 24 % of the whole city. This is an important
characteristic of the neighbourhood, due to the quality and size of accommodation. Most of this
non-familiar housing units are just a single person (95 % of them). So we can tell that almost 2 of 5
housing units are occupied only by one person.
The data of 2000 tells us that the most important group of population that lives alone is the
population aged between 75 and 79 years, representing 2% of the total population of the
neighbourhood.
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cars, most of streets have been won by pedestrian use. There are almost 7 sq.m of pedestrian space
by inhabitant, seven times more than the average rate of the whole city.
The last big operation done in the neighbourhood is the creation of a big central square of 317
meters long (with the demolition of old buildings) that has as main objective to close the north and
the southern part of the neighbourhood. This is the first important vertical axes in the
neighbourhood.
2.9. Environment
a. The central position of Raval is an important fact to consider as a strong point to improve the
‘integration’ of the neighbourhood in the city. The operations done in the neighbourhood until the
moment succeed in that sense, opening a ‘closed’ area, making it more accessible for the citizens of
other parts of Barcelona.
b. The heritage value of buildings and sets of buildings can be an important point for the
neighbourhood, as an added value.
c. The existence of important public subventions for the private renovation is a strong point to
improve the renovation of Raval. We understand that we need some complementary tools, as it is
proved, to guarantee to complete and integral renovation of buildings.
d. The recent operations, removing obsolete buildings and creating new social housing, try to start a
new dynamics of private renovation in Raval.
e. The arrival of new residents can be valued as a negative thing, as it is a contradiction with the
effort of reducing the high degree of density, but we consider that the arrival of new residents
(different from the natives) are a positive factor for a territory. The neighbourhood attracts young
people from other neighbourhoods in a ‘gentrification’ process, but on the other hand concentrate
the arrival of most of foreign people from Africa and Asia.
f. The rejuvenation of an aged population. Most of foreign residents are young.
a. a high complexity of functions. Only 10 % of buildings are only housing buildings (in Barcelona
33 %). In Raval the residential space mixtures with other uses, such as commercial activities or
productive activities, since a lot of ‘free’ professionals adapt the residential space and the low floors
as offices or workshops.
b. a high commercial density. Three times more than the city if we consider the density par surface.
c. an important presence of urban scale facilities. The neighbourhood has won a large number of
important facilities that has made the neighbourhood more attractive.
d. a dense network of association and clubs. The resident has more possibilities to participate in the
social life in the neighbourhood.
e. an important tourist potential. The neighbourhood has an important heritage value that is
important to valuate at the same time the traditional tourist areas are extended to other forgotten
parts of the neighbourhood.
a. Liberation of new open space. In an historical overbuilt area the municipality has libered land
with the demolition of obsolete residential buildings. These operations allowed to drain the sector
and to make it breathe.
b. Recuperation of the continuity of streets. The operation of opening the new big space of La
Rambla del Raval try to solve the problems of relationship and connectivity between the north and
the southern parts of the neighbourhood. Historically, all the internal flows in the neighbourhood
were done from east to west or from west to east.
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c. new spaces of citizen relationship. With the renovation of streets and squares, most of them
redefined appropriately with the presence of new facilities. La Rambla del Raval appears as a new
open big space that in a recent future will be revaluated with the construction of new housing and a
big ‘urban’ hotel
d. The historical configuration of the neighbourhood makes easy to obtain a proper degree of
density to keep alive and promote public space. The relationship between residential space and
public space is closer.
3.4. Infrastructure
a. The neighbourhood has a great accessibility (metro, bus, train,...) in public transport, on account
of its central position in the city. This transport is situated in all the perimeter of Raval. This is an
important added value, so it allows to develop an intensive pedestrian use of streets.
b. The need to already improve the infrastructure and services of most housing it is a good
opportunity to introduce more sustainable models for the management of water and energy.
c. The historical configuration of Raval helps to develop easier a sustainable model of mobility,
since the urban structure is not suitable to define models of use of car.
a. In spite of the great operations done during the last years, there area some areas in the
neighbourhood where the urban tensions of the historical tissue are still present. The operations
have been too focussed on concrete points of the territory and the renovation did not have an
extensive translation into all the territory.
b. a housing stock non diverse. IN spite of the operations the housing stock of the neighbourhood is
still no adequate to answer all the demands of the actual society. Not only for the lack of services
(lift, running water,...) but specially for its typological configuration. A concrete residential space
has as a consequence concrete residents.
c. An excessive social ‘specialisation’ due to the concrete conditions of the housing. The minimum
size did not allow to have families, and 40 % of the housing units are occupied by a single person.
d. The new residents occupy the areas of more degraded housing being more difficult the process of
renovation. The small flats are occupied by a great number of people.
d. The excessive concentration of new residents with a low economical capacity and low level of
formation did not help the process of renovation and accent the problems of social segregation.
There is not any politics to regulate that and integration of immigrants.
e. A too vacant residential space, since more than 23 % of housing is not occupied. It will be
interesting to recover this stock to plan new actions of renovation.
f. The renovation is only focussed on the great scale. It will be necessary to complement that with a
small scale operation
g. The private renovation is only focused on solving concrete problems and it do not exist a defined
programme and concrete tools to develop an ‘integral’ renovation of buildings.
a. to recover the ground floors of buildings for commercial activities and facilities. Some of them
are occupied by housing and that has as a consequence the ‘death’ of street as a place of citizen
activities.
b. to avoid tertiary and tourist specialisation as it is happening in some areas of the neighbourhood
recovered recently.
c. to avoid the commercial specialisation.
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d. Lack of a renovated productive sector. It will be interesting to develop the new economy and new
sectors in order to improve a diversification of the production and to improve the compatibility
between production and residential space.
e. Lack of citizen participation. In spite of having a very dense tissue of associations and clubs.
a. One of the weakest points of Raval is its relationship with the closer neighbourhoods. Except Les
Rambles to the east, the other limits are physical barriers that obstruct the continuity of streets and
public spaces.
b. Feeling of insecurity is an important problem to solve. Criminality increased a lot the last years.
4.4. Infrastructure
a. To solve the problems of accessibility of cars and vehicles, not for residents, but for the services
and supplies, to plan strategically the parking,...
To keep a politics of support of private renovation, insisting in the improvement of services (lift,
running water,...)
To valuate globally the renovation. To complete the private one with an integral renovation of
buildings, previous valuation of the possibilities of inhabitability. Further than façades.
To complement the great-scale operations with more attentive small-scale ones. Reduction of
height, cleaning of overbuilt courtyards,...
Valuation of heritage in the residential tissue, not only single buildings, but also sets of
buildings.
Promotion of social and public housing to guarantee the diversification of the housing stock. To
plan strategic operations in order to ‘cut’ the social specialisation of some areas.
To study the housing stock in order to recover buildings and to reintroduce vacant flats in a
global operation.
Design of the new housing and the old one in order to improve water and energy savings.
To favour the relationship between public space and private space.
To define the correct relationship between new buildings and empty-free space. To develop the
projects taking into account the heritage value of the urban tissue.
To promote more facilities at a urban scale in the other parts of the city.
To promote more facilities at the resident level. Adapted to a changing society
To recover the ground floors of buildings in order to improve the public space.
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To extend the tourist runs to the entire neighbourhood in order to improve the commercial
activity every where.
To promote the participation of residents to social and common activities.
To promote the pedestrian space. This renovation of streets must be accompanied of politics of
improvement of the commercial activities.
To re-plan the urban operations planning urban projects adapted to the singularity of each
‘corner’.
To link all the public space helping to the continuity of internal spaces and with the external
ones.
Clarify the uses of streets
To consider the heritage value of open spaces (form, configuration, architecture,...)
To develop green spaces and its linkage.
5.4. Infrastructure
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HQE2R
Sustainable renovation of buildings
for sustainable neighbourhoods
Contract n° EVKA – CT – 2000 - 00025
S.D. DIAGNOSIS OF
"LOEBTAU" NEIGHBOURHOOD
in the city of DRESDEN
for a sustainable development
IOER
Holger Martin Institute of Ecological and Regional
Development (IOER); Department Urban
Development and Urban Ecology
Kerstin Hecker Institute of Ecological and Regional
Development (IOER); Department Urban
Development and Urban Ecology
HQE²R is a combined research and demonstration project which is partly funded under the "Energy, Environment and Sustainable
Development" programme, Key Action 4, "City of Tomorrow & Cultural Heritage", within the Fifth Framework Programme of the
European Union
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CONTENTS
7. REFERENCES................................................................................................................. 164
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2. Redevelopment area
The neighbourhood chosen for the case study in Dresden-Loebtau coincides with the urban
redevelopment area Loebtau. Urban redevelopment areas according to the Building Code are a
special instrument in order to cope with derelict urban districts and with development related social
problems.
In officially declared urban redevelopment areas exist special planning regulations which among
other things regulate the real estate market. Usually public spending is concentrated on these areas.
Investments in these areas enjoy tax privileges. This planning instrument is useful and important to
support a development process in derelict areas and to control at least partly this process. Urban
redevelopment measures are always temporary.
Before designating an area as redevelopment area and as well during the process of redevelopment
the situation in the redevelopment area is examined in a more detailed way than in other parts of the
city. Therefore some data available for the redevelopment area are not available for other
neighbourhoods.
When the former redevelopment areas Loebtau North and Loebtau South were established in 1994
the reconstitution of the inhabitability of the existing buildings was in the centre of the
considerations. The main targets were to save the buildings which were in a very bad shape in this
time, to preserve the built structure of the neighbourhood as well as to improve the residential
quality combined with the preservation of reasonable prices for the rents in the area.
Since the beginning of the process of urban renewal a substantial share in the typical and historic
buildings could be preserved and refurbished. In some individual cases new buildings were
constructed adapted to the townscape. But only a small number of the buildings refurbished offers
moderate rents. The process of the reconstruction of the road network and the valorisation of public
and private green spaces is not advancing at the same scale.
The progress in the reconstruction of the residential buildings achieved in recent years and the
critical state of the areas outside the two redevelopment areas demanded for changes as well for the
targets of the process of the urban renewal as for the boundaries of the redevelopment area. The
main problems the area is facing now are a high vacancy rate of more than 20%, a high turnover
rate of the population (50% moved in the area in the last three years and there is a high disposition
to move out of the neighbourhood), a concentration of problematic areas on the edge of the
redevelopment areas and furthermore the enormous traffic on the two main roads in the area.
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The new redevelopment area now includes the commercial centre of the district along a main road
in the north of the neighbourhood (Kesselsdorfer Strasse) and the area along the Tharandter Strasse,
a main road in the east with large abandoned industrial sites. The new targets with high priority as
fixed by the local town planning administration are the renewal of the commercial centre and the
area north of the Kesselsdorfer Strasse, furthermore the establishment of an adequate mixture for
the use of the properties along the Tharandter Strasse and third the amelioration of the supply with
green and open space.84
3. Neighbourhood characteristics
3.1 Population
Traditionally Loebtau has the function of a housing quarter with a tight connection to mixed and
commercial areas. The whole area of Dresden-Loebtau which exceeds the investigation area is
divided in the main parts. Only the southern parts of Loebtau North belong to the neighbourhood as
defined in the project. Loebtau North is traditionally a workers´ quarter. The roots of this workers´
quarter go back to the time before the last war. Its population consists of a persistent core of
immobile inhabitants and has on the other hand a high turnover rate. The people coming from
outside the neighbourhood stay in the area a short period of time only. South of the Kesselsdorfer
Strasse, the area which represents the major part of the investigation area, live more senior citizens,
less families with children and has a lower fluctuation of the population. The contiguous area in the
south of the neighbourhood on the slopes of the Weisseritz valley has a persistent population and
comprises mainly one family buildings for the better off.
In 2000 about 13.700 inhabitants lived in the area formed by the two former redevelopment areas
Loebtau North and South.85 The population is slightly increasing. But the number of inhabitants is
still reaching only about 84% of the population in the year 1990. In 1970 even 24.807 people lived
in the area. Now the population in the neighbourhood represents about 3% of the population of the
whole city with its 470000 inhabitants. The number of inhabitants of Dresden is still slightly
decreasing.
The share in inhabitants which live on social welfare exceeds the respective share in the whole city.
In Loebtau North 4,3% and in Loebtau South 3,6% of the inhabitants are welfare recipient in
comparison to 2,7% in the whole city. 86 Many senior citizens are living at poverty level. The
unemployment rate of with around 15% in 2000 was as high as in the whole city.
Especially young families and students move into the neighbourhood. They come to Loebtau
because the high vacancy rate, low rents and the proximity to the technical university. But they do
not stay long in the neighbourhood. A lacking infrastructure and the negative effects of the road
traffic make them leave the area after a short period of time. Young families also leave the
neighbourhood soon after moving into the area due to the short number of large flats.87
Quite a lot of senior citizens are moving into the neighbourhood.88 A large part of them moves in
from Gorbitz an adjacent part of the city consisting of prefabricated buildings. Often they had lived
on Loebtau already before moving to Gorbitz. During the times of the GDR the quality of life in the
newly constructed Gorbitz was better than in the declining area of Loebtau. A situation which has
changed meanwhile and turned around in favour of Loebtau and in disadvantage for Gorbitz.
84
Stadt Dresden: Überarbeitung der Neuordnungskonzepte für “Löbtau-nord” und “Löbtau-Süd” Juli 2001, p.49
85
population with registered residence , no secondary residences; Kommunale Statistikstelle der Stadt Dresden:
Statistische Informationen Dresden in Zahlen 2000
86
Kommunale Statistikstelle der Stadt Dresden: Statistische Mitteilungen Dezember 2000, Sanierungs- und
Weiterentwicklungsgebiete in Dresden 1999
87
interview with Mr. Manzer; SAS Regional-, Verkehrs- und Umweltforschung GbR Dresden: Sozialstruktur und
Wohnortbindung im Sanierungsgebiet Löbtau – Süd 1994 bis 2000, p 23; SAS Regional-, Verkehrs- und
Umweltforschung GbR Dresden: Entwicklung des Sanierungsgebietes Löbtau – Nord 2000, p 22
88
interview with Mr. Manzer; interview with Mrs. Nuetzmann
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Furthermore at the borders of the neighbourhood exists a large complex which offers special
apartments and services for elder people.
In general the neighbourhood has a mixed population due to different standards of the
refurbishment of the buildings and therefore different levels of the rents in the same area. The
exchange of the population in recent years has only little effects on the structure of the age of the
inhabitants. Despite the senior citizens moving into the area as mentioned above there is a tendency
towards a juvenescence of the adult population.89
The average net income in Loebtau North and Loebtau South lies below the average of Dresden.
The income of households in Loebtau South with three and more persons is drastically below the
average of the whole city.90 In Loebtau North especially one-person-household are in a financially
non favourable position.
Due to the immigration of students the level of the academic qualification has increased in both part
of Loebtau. In Loebtau North the immigration of young professionals has raised the level of
academic qualification as well.
Typical for Löbtau is an open coverage type with three to four storey cubic buildings. Despite a
generally dense building structure the special design of the buildings at corners of the blocks and
generous, greened streets give Loebtau a pleasant atmosphere. In some parts of the neighbourhood
buildings were constructed in package type - mainly by housing co-operatives. Most of them are
now registered as architectural monuments.
In the redevelopment area of Loebtau South more than 70% and in Loebtau North more than 60%
of the buildings have been completely refurbished. 91 12% in both areas have been constructed since
1990.92 The situation outside the former redevelopment areas and in the commercial centre along
and north of the Kesselsdorfer Strasse is substantially worse. Both areas belong to the
neighbourhood in the case study. The buildings in areas dominated by industrial buildings, mixed
use, buildings used for public purpose, empty buildings and waste lands are in a particular bad state.
A large part of the residential buildings in the neighbourhood are registered as architectural
monuments. Most of them are meanwhile in a good condition. In the past some architectural
valuable buildings could not be maintained and had to be demolished and replaced by a new
building.
The process of refurbishment of the buildings in Loebtau got further ahead than in the whole city.
99% of the flat have new windows (64% in the whole city) and 49% modern thermal insulation
(43% in the whole city).93
Together with the adjacent district of Cotta Loebtau belongs to the areas with the highest residential
vacancy in Dresden. The residential vacancy is up to 24% (23,8% in Loebtau North and 22,7% in
Loebtau South – in the whole city the vacancy rate is at 14,2%.). 94 Since 1997 the vacancy in
Loebtau has decreased enormously (1997: Loebtau North 33,9% and Loebtau South 37,2%)
whereas in the whole city the vacancy level remained the same.
89
SAS Regional-, Verkehrs- und Umweltforschung GbR Dresden: Sozialstruktur und Wohnortbindung im
Sanierungsgebiet Löbtau – Süd 1994 bis 2000, p 5; SAS Regional-, Verkehrs- und Umweltforschung GbR Dresden:
Entwicklung des Sanierungsgebietes Löbtau – Nord 2000, p 4
90
SAS Regional-, Verkehrs- und Umweltforschung GbR Dresden: Sozialstruktur und Wohnortbindung im
Sanierungsgebiet Löbtau – Süd 1994 bis 2000, p 15
91
Stadt Dresden: Überarbeitung der Neuordnungskonzepte für “Löbtau-nord” und “Löbtau-Süd” Juli 2001, p.11
92
As the structure of the settlement of Loebtau goes back to the 19th century it is estimated that all the new buildings
were constructed on properties which had already been used for construction.
93
Kommunale Statistikstelle der Stadt Dresden: Statistische Informationen, Kommunale Bürgerumfrage 1998/99
94
Quelle: Kommunale Statistikstelle der Stadt Dresden Stand: 31.12.2001
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The share in apartments adapted for wheel chairs and those suited for disabled persons is fairly low
(7 and 4%) but still slightly above the share for the whole city (6 and 2%).95
99% of the flats in the neighbourhood are occupied by tenants one percent of the apartments are
used by the owners themselves. In the whole city the share in apartments used by the owners
themselves is 9%.96
Between 1993 and 1999 573 apartments have been constructed or rehabilitated which were partly
subsidised by public spending. The share in flats constructed or rehabilitated with public subsidies
is in Loebtau North with 13,9% (1998) similar to the share for the whole city (12,1% 1999). For
Loebtau South this figure is much lower (5,7% 1998).97
senior citizens
For elder persons the medical services and the possibility to reach the shopping and other facilities
on foot are of special importance. In recent years the quality of life for elder persons has improved.
In the neighbourhood exists a number of apartments which are accessible by wheel chairs and
adequate to the needs of elder persons – besides the large complex which offers special apartments
and services for elder people mentioned above. The shopping facilities are now spread on different
parts of the neighbourhood and no longer restricted to the Kesselsdorfer Strasse. They can be
95
Kommunale Statistikstelle der Stadt Dresden: Statistische Informationen, Kommunale Bürgerumfrage 1998/99
96
Kommunale Statistikstelle der Stadt Dresden: Statistische Informationen, Kommunale Bürgerumfrage 1998/99
97
data for the whole city: only when all the appartments in a building were subsidised; Stadtplanungsamt (letter from
Oct 2nd 2002), Kommunale Statistikstelle der Stadt Dresden, Landeshauptstadt Dresden: Stadterneuerung für Dresden
Überblick 1996 bis 1998, Dresden 1998
98
interview with Mr. Kuehnel
99
interview with Mr. Kuehnel
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reached on foot and offer a good variety of shops. Now there are a sufficient number of doctors,
medical specialists as well, and pharmacies in the neighbourhood.100
There is a office and meeting point in the area run by the same large welfare organisation
(Arbeiterwohlfahrt) which run the housing complex for elder persons just outside the
neighbourhood. It offers room for activities and an event every day. It is financed by the
municipality and ought to be closed. But the senior citizens sticked up for the maintenance of the
meeting point.
sport
In the area owns very few and poor sport facilities. In Loebtau South there is a sports field and in
the north a bit outside the neighbourhood existed an old tennis court which has been destroyed by a
flood in summer 2002.
shopping facilities
The Kesselsdorfer Strasse in the north of the neighbourhood is the commercial centre of the area.
Additionally there are some small and medium sized stores spread in the area. Still many
inhabitants do their shopping at the large megastores in the outskirts of the city or in the specialised
shops in the city centre.
culture
As a former workers´ quarter the neighbourhood has no cultural tradition. Especially the lack of a
cinema is complained.101 The church tried to establish a new location for cultural events with movie
screening and concerts. But the response by the people was poor. This was partly due to the
difficulties everyone faces when trying to establish a new location in an area without any tradition
in cultural life and partly because the rooms used for the events were inside the complex of the
church which represents an obstacle for some people.102 A bit outside the investigation area in the
south there is a municipal library serving the districts of Loebtau and Plauen. For cultural and other
leisure activities the inhabitants mainly use the possibility offered in the city centre and other parts
of town.
100
interview with Mrs. Nuetzmann
101
interview with Mr. van de Loo, interview with Mr. Manzner
102
interview with Mr. Manzner
103
Kommunale Statistikstelle der Stadt Dresden, before the railway station at Dresden-Plauen had to be closed all
inhabitants also lived up to 600m to the next railway station – for the new situation no data is available
104
Stadt Dresden: Umweltatlas Dresden 2001
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Possibilities for parking bicycles are widely missing. Whereas the number of car-parks is sufficient
for the neighbourhood.105
The main road and commercial centre of the area represent a barrier for children which are too
dangerous for them to cross. 106 Many parents forbid their children to cross this street. In the
administration there is the idea to restrict the Kesselsdorfer Strasse to local traffic only as they are
constructing a tunnel for the transit traffic north of the neighbourhood.107
Loebtau has one main shopping street, the Kesselsdorfer Strasse situated in the middle of Loebtau
North and Loebtau South. Beyond this exists a number of businesses spread in the neighbourhood
which are able to meet the short-term demand of the inhabitants.
In former times the Kesselsdorfer Strasse the commercial centre of Loebtau was one of the most
important shopping streets in Dresden. Only the Old Town could attract more customers. Nowadays
a lot of shops and houses are vacant in this street. Especially those houses which have been vacant
for a longer period of time are in a bad condition and give a bad appearance to the street. But in
recent years the number of businesses has been increasing. A development which has been
supported by the process of urban redevelopment in the area. Between 1994 and 2000 a vast
majority of businesses have been abandoned and many new ones have been established.108 Despite
these enormous changes there still exists a commercial structure with strong connections to the
neighbourhood. A considerable number of tradesmen live in the same house where the shop is
situated.109
The location close to the city centre, a well operating public transport and the structure of the
inhabitants have positive effects on the development of the commercial activities.110 The positive
development of recent years does not guarantee a promising future perspective. The problem is
more the turnover than the level of rents.111 There is a strong competition with the city centre. On
the Kesselsdorfer Strasse exists a wide variety of branches. But it is lacking in one-line shops. For
the medium and long-tern demand the people need to go somewhere else – to the city centre or the
large stores at the outskirts of the city. The commercial structure is living on the inhabitants of the
neighbourhood as the majority of the customers comes from the neighbourhood. For the main road,
Kesselsdorfer Strasse, an equal situation can be observed.112
Generally the situation of the local business is considered as stable which does not exclude that
some shop will have to close in unfavourable areas.113 A lack of investors who are interested to be
engaged in the main shopping street has its share in this stagnant situation.114 Especially in the area
north of the Kesselsdorfer Strasse no development is expected. The complains by an association of
local business men about a lack of car parks is regarded as an attempt to lay the blame on the
administration when the business is in difficulties.115
105
SAS Regional-, Verkehrs- und Umweltforschung GbR Dresden: Entwicklung des Gewerbes in den
Sanierungsgebieten Löbtau-Süd und Löbtau-Nörd, p. 11, no year given
106
interview with Mr. van de Loo, interview with Mr. Kuehnel, inteview with Mr. Manzner
107
interview with Mr. Seifert
108
the total number of businesses has increases in this period of time, SAS Regional-, Verkehrs- und Umweltforschung
GbR Dresden: Entwicklung des Gewerbes in den Sanierungsgebieten Löbtau-Süd und Löbtau-Nörd, p. 2, no year given
109
interview with Mr. van de Loo
110
SAS Regional-, Verkehrs- und Umweltforschung GbR Dresden: Entwicklung des Gewerbes in den
Sanierungsgebieten Löbtau-Süd und Löbtau-Nörd, p. 34, no year given
111
tentants with elder treaties pay higher rents than those who established their business more recently, interview with
Mr. van de Loo
112
Interview Mr. Seifert
113
inteview with Mr. van de Loo
114
interview with Mr. Seifert
115
those who just cross the area would not stop anyway, interview with Mr. Seifert
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Despite the number of employees per company of very small all the businesses in the area together
offer quite a lot of jobs. But within the existing companies no increase of jobs is expected.116
An association of local business men is active in the neighbourhood which concentrates its activities
on the main shopping street. It published a brochure showing all the businesses in the area. It
intends as well to present all existing businesses and to prepare a documentation of the premises of
the Kesselsdorfer Strasse including photographs in the internet in order to find out together more
easily the possibilities for the improvement of the street with small actions. They see themselves as
the only contact in the neighbourhood as far as business affairs are concerned.
Once a business woman persuaded a houseowner to make available his vacant shop to show
photographs of old Loebtau. But this was the only activity to use vacant commercial space for non
commercial activities..
There is quite little green space in the neighbourhood also between the buildings. The front gardens
and backyards are mainly not usable as green space. Often they are used as car park especially of
the those premises where the buildings have been recently reconstructed. But there has been done
quite a lot for the children as many new playground were built.
In the neighbourhood exists only one relevant green space, the Bonhoeffer Platz. It has been
reconstructed in recent years and has a pleasant atmosphere with a lot of green and large trees. With
a surface of one hectare it covers less than 2% of the whole the surface area – a third less than the
share in the recreational area in the whole city. As it is the only green area every group of the
population is using their own corner of the square and tries to avoid contact to other groups.
Especially the noise caused by the youth produces anger by the elder people.
Outside at the edge of the investigation area there is a graveyard with many tall trees.117 Including
the surface of the graveyard a bit less than 20% of the surface of the neighbourhood in used for
green space which is about three quarters of the share for the whole city.118 The graveyard is not
used as a green space as it could be according its size and its attractive green. Only elder people and
sometimes parents with their children use it to take a walk. Furthermore exist in the neighbourhood
some small squares which are too small and in a fairly bad condition to be considered as usable
green spaces.
contaminated land
The areas which are suspected to be contaminated cover more than 20% of the neighbourhood.119
They comprise mainly former industrial premises along the river Weisseritz.120 It is not intended to
clean those sites as long as no immediate danger results from this contamination. But this
contamination makes difficult a future use of these sites. Most of them are abandoned. A high flood
in summer 2002 which severely affected the area on both banks of the river showed the risks
resulting from the contamination’s.
116
SAS Regional-, Verkehrs- und Umweltforschung GbR Dresden: Entwicklung des Gewerbes in den
Sanierungsgebieten Löbtau-Süd und Löbtau-Nörd, p. 31, no year given
117
Stadtplanungsamt Dresden; Stadt Dresden: Überarbeitung der Neuordnungskonzepte für “Löbtau-nord” und
“Löbtau-Süd” Juli 2001; Kommunale Statistikstelle der Stadt Dresden: Statistische Informationen Dresden in Zahlen
2000
118
for the whole city: recreational areas, forests and graveyards; Stadtplanungsamt Dresden; Stadt Dresden:
Überarbeitung der Neuordnungskonzepte für “Löbtau-nord” und “Löbtau-Süd” Juli 2001; Kommunale Statistikstelle
der Stadt Dresden: Statistische Informationen Dresden in Zahlen 2000
119
the share for the whole city is 15% and for the building land only 26%; Umweltamt der Stadt Dresden
120
H und M Ingenieurgesellschaft für Energie- und Umwelttechnik mbH: Objektbezogene Auswertung und
Überprüfung von Altlastenunterlagen im Rahmen des Stadtteil-Entwicklungsprojekt Weißeritz; Dresden 2000
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derelict land
Large areas of the neighbourhood consist of unused and derelict land. These premises are situated
mainly in the centre of the neighbourhood and along the Tharandter Strasse in the east where they
dominate those areas.121 These derelict sites have a strong negative impact on its surroundings. In
the areas with many unused premises hardly any building has been rehabilitated so far as the owners
fear that they are not able to let the apartments or shop at a rent that allows to refinance their
investments. Furthermore the derelicts sites harm the image of the neighbourhood as a whole.
A provisional and temporary use of derelict premises would be a good solution in order to reduce
the negative impact on the neighbourhood. This could be a simple greening or a levelling of the site.
This idea is supported by the local administration. 122 But the supervisory authority and the
municipal administration have a critical position towards this as they do not support the spending of
public money for private properties. For one site in the centre of the neighbourhood a simple
greening of the site was done. But for other properties the attempt to realise a temporary use failed
due to a blockade by the municipal planning authority and a lack of co-operation by the land
owners. Especially banks are extremely uncooperative land owners. They want to sell their
properties at a price as high as possible and are not interested in the development of the
neighbourhood at all.
3.6 Image
The former bad image of the neighbourhood as a workers´ quarter between polluting industry has
change meanwhile.123 As the industrial firms have been closed or installed cleaning techniques and
as there are a lot of attractive old and refurbished buildings it has become a popular area with many
people moving in the area from the other part of the city. Especially young people come to the
neighbourhood and there are in consequence many young children. Now the image of the
neighbourhood as seen from the outside is better than the real situation with its lack in cultural
infrastructure and green spaces.124
The people who have been living long time in the area have a connection to the neighbourhood.
They have their structures in the area and do not want to create something new. But a lot of the
connections have been lost during the changes in recent years. The new inhabitants do not feel these
connections.
In the Loebtau the atmosphere is relatively peaceful and anonymous.125 Each part of the population
cares about its own affairs and has few contacts to other people. There is no acceptance or
integration of different parts of the society. It is rather fear which rules the contacts between the
different groups.126 The meeting point of the welfare organisation for elder people does not provide
for a connection of different generations. The youth house has contact to other youth houses in the
district. But there is no connection to other parts of the society.127 The church does not co-operate
with the welfare organisation or the youth house either. Partly this is due to the bad reputation the
church has in general. It is confronted with a cultural foreignness. There is a rough way to interact
121
Stadtplanungsamt Dresden; Stadt Dresden: Überarbeitung der Neuordnungskonzepte für “Löbtau-nord” und
“Löbtau-Süd” Juli 2001; Kommunale Statistikstelle der Stadt Dresden: Statistische Informationen Dresden in Zahlen
2000, p16
122
interview with Mr. Seifert
123
interview with Mrs. Nuetzmann, interview with Mr. Seifert
124
interview with Mr. Manzner
125
interview with Mr. Seifert
126
interview with Mr. Manzner
127
interview with Mr. Kuehnel
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Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
with each other in the neighbourhood. It exist different youth groups. But they do not act against
each other. The youth has little disposition to use violence.128
Between the different groups of the population there is a strong company, e.g. between the senior
citizens who come to the office and meeting point run by a welfare organisation. Sometimes the
welfare organisation co-operates with a kindergarten or the music school. And once a year the
association of local business men organises a street party on the Kesselsdorfer Strasse with the
participation of among others the church and a school. Unfortunately the party was poorly attended.
• little possibilities for local administration due to lack in money and in premises owned by public
bodies
• little possibilities to realise the temporary use of derelict sites
• little legal possibilities to make owners of properties upgrading their sites
• public premises next to the grave yard cannot be used as meeting point for the youth due to the
restriction for use of area near graveyards
• few jobs
• number of thefts above average
• some stakeholders criticise municipal administration to act slow and immobile and barely
reasoned
128
interview with Mr. Manzner; interview with Mr. Kuehnel
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senior citizens:
• tear down declining buildings
church:
• improve the infrastructure
• less traffic on the Kesselsdorfer Strasse
• clean derelict sites
• make interesting for business people
local administration:
• improve empty sites
• invest public money in the image of the neighbourhood (parking lots, green spaces)
7. References
H und M Ingenieurgesellschaft für Energie- und Umwelttechnik mbH: Objektbezogene Auswertung
und Überprüfung von Altlastenunterlagen im Rahmen des Stadtteil-Entwicklungsprojekt Weißeritz;
Dresden 2000
Kommunale Statistikstelle der Stadt Dresden: Stadtteilkatalog 2001
Kommunale Statistikstelle der Stadt Dresden: Statistische Informationen, Kommunale
Bürgerumfrage 1998/99
Kommunale Statistikstelle der Stadt Dresden: Statistische Informationen Dresden in Zahlen 2000
Kommunale Statistikstelle der Stadt Dresden: Statistische Mitteilungen Dezember 2000,
Sanierungs- und Weiterentwicklungsgebiete in Dresden 1999
Landeshauptstadt Dresden: Stadterneuerung für Dresden Überblick 1996 bis 1998, Dresden 1998
Landeskriminalamt Dresden: Kriminalstatistiken 2000, 2001
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SAS Regional-, Verkehrs- und Umweltforschung GbR Dresden: Entwicklung des Gewerbes in den
Sanierungsgebieten Löbtau-Süd und Löbtau-Nörd
SAS Regional-, Verkehrs- und Umweltforschung GbR Dresden: Entwicklung des
Sanierungsgebietes Löbtau – Nord 2000
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Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
HQE2R
Sustainable renovation of buildings
for sustainable neighbourhoods
Contract n° EVKA – CT – 2000 - 00025
S.D. DIAGNOSIS OF
"LINDEVANGEN" NEIGBOURHOOD
in the city of FREDERIKSBERG
for a sustainable development
Cenergia
Ove Mørck Cenergia
HQE²R is a combined research and demonstration project which is partly funded under the "Energy, Environment and Sustainable
Development" programme, Key Action 4, "City of Tomorrow & Cultural Heritage", within the Fifth Framework Programme of the
European Union
Cenergia 166
Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
CONTENTS
2. GOALS.............................................................................................................................. 169
2.1. Improvement of the housing standard 169
2.2. Improvement of the public and recreational areas of the neighbourhood 169
2.3. Improvement of the social conditions 170
2.4. Reduction of environmental pressure 170
Cenergia 167
Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
In 1998 the municipal council for Frederiksberg municipality decided on an overall comprehensive
holistic urban renewal plan for a neighbourhood within the municipality, the area named
Lindevang. This effort covers the year 1999 to 2004 and is based on a urban renewal programme
drawn up jointly by the tenants and the municipality.
The object of the holistic urban renewal in Denmark is to implement and co-ordinate the measures
with a view to creating a well functioning neighbourhood and further to improve the basic general
living conditions. The urban renewal effort especially target neighbourhoods where there are a
majority of essential problems, especially as regards structural, social, cultural and problems as to
traffic.
Together with the decision of an urban renewal plan for the neighbourhood Lindevang it was
decided to draw up a special social policy for the area and employ a “green” social worker for a 3-
year-period. The visionary plan regarding the social policy on housing at Frederiksberg
municipality aims at:
• To ensure that the housing sectors which today are viable and well functioning will stay in this
way.
• Housing sectors which are estimated to experience beginning social problems should be offered
assistance before the problems develop in adverse directions.
• The housing sectors with social problems should be offered assistance, and the implementation
of initiatives should then make the areas sustainable and well functioning again.
• This effort should be planned and carried out in cooperation with the tenants.
• The idea is that these efforts are to be firmly rooted within the programmes of the local tenants’
committees/groupings.
On this background the “green” social worker for the neighbourhood Lindevang has had the job of
taken an initiative to and start the activities regarding the environmental measures for the
neighbourhood and involving the tenants in this. The employment of the “green social worker” will
be terminated mid 2002. However, it has been decided to continue the social effort on a smaller
scale with the appointment of another social worker in autumn 2002.
No explicit goals have been defined for the overall holistic comprehensive urban renewal effort or
the socio-housing related efforts for the neighbourhood Lindevang. The identification of the goals
for the development is based on:
• The implicit goals to be decided on in the choice of a focus area for the urban renewal
programme for the neighbourhood.
• Visions for the socio-housing effort in Frederiksberg municipality as mentioned above.
• General goals for Frederiksberg.
An interpretation of the goals for the neighbourhood Lindevang and for Frederiksberg municipality
as compared to the goals suggested in the HQE2R-project shows that generally speaking all of the
HQE2R goals can be found in the visions and the goals of the municipality, but to be found on a
smaller scale in the urban renewal programme. On a whole the goals and the visions of the
Cenergia 168
Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
municipality for the neighbourhood Lindevang must be said to reflect an idea of sustainable
development for the said neighbourhood provided that the sustainable goals drawn up in the
HQE2R-project give a total scenario of the sustainable development.
2. Goals
At present we can identify 4 goals for the overall view on urban renewal.
This goal is about the furthering of sustainability in HQE2R targets 3 and 14 respectively (to secure
a varied housing supply, and to further the standard of the habitation) and is related to the superior
goal of sustainability in order to further the quality of life for the neighbourhood citizens.
As compared to the general housing standard first and foremost the idea is to rise all of the housing
units to an acceptable level which means the installation of lavatories and baths in all apartments, to
install central heating in the housing blocks which are still without this.
In order to increase the social integration and diversity the goal is to draw a new type of citizens to
the neighbourhood, however, it is also important to give the citizens now living in the area the
opportunity of remaining in the neighbourhood, and efforts are made to establish bigger apartments
by utilising the top stories and by joining smaller apartments into bigger ones. Thus the expectation
is that these measures will attract families with children.
2.2 Improvement of the public and of the recreational areas of the neighbourhood
It is not quite clear which sustainable targets this statement relates to. Among other things this is
about the integration of the neighbourhood to the town (target 5), for example the renovation of the
Lindevangsparken, the establishing of an icerink etc. will attract citizens from other parts of the
town. At the same time it deals with the furthering of environmental transport (target 6), improved
conditions for bicycles, cross field paths, pavements etc. all initiatives which are expected to further
non motorised transport. Finally the goal deals with an improvement of the visual comfort
(mentioned in the HQE2R-project) regarding the aim to create inviting and green surroundings for
the residents.
The surrounding areas for the neighbourhoods have for many years been characterised by a general
wear and tear, failing attraction and use. However, it is an explicit goal to renovate the communal
areas for the neighbourhood and consequently make this more attractive. Certain areas have already
been renovated, among these Lindevangsparken, but other areas are still waiting for their turn. The
challenge is really to create better recreative areas, cross field paths around former railway systems,
better pavements, improved conditions for cyclists by extending the paths, and the pacification of
Wilkensvej which runs through the neighbourhood. An upgrading of the public areas with an
improvement of the accessibility, and the visual comfort for the citizens will also strengthen the
local affiliations. An improved public space is expected to increase the numbers of people in the
streets and more jointly arranged events in the community. Finally, this is actions that will improve
Cenergia 169
Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
the integration with other neighbourhoods in the municipality because the neighbourhood becomes
more attractive to visit.
This goal is about the furthering of sustainability target 20 and 21 respectively as drawn up in the
HQE2R-project and related to the superior sustainability targets regarding the furthering of the
social integration of the neighbourhood.
Here the social effort which is carried out by the employment of a social worker as well as the
opening of the “Lindevang Shop”, a local house of activity, has had great importance for the
strengthening of the local integration. The future of the “Lindevang Shop” has been uncertain,
however, the housing association which owns the block of buildings where the shop is situated has
agreed to continue to place the premises at the disposal of the tenants. The municipal grant covering
the employment of the social worker ceases by the end of 2004, therefore, it is important to secure a
continued strengthening of the local activities until the end of the employment.
The initiatives of including the citizens in the overall comprehensive urban renewal are also of
importance for the social conditions, even though the process of including the citizens do not
always work as well as one could wish for. The fact that the citizens are included in the decision
making process concerning the events in connection with the urban renewal of their neighbourhood
is expected to increase their interest for the neighbourhood and for the relations between the
habitants.
This goal is related to several of the sustainable targets (7, 8, 10, 15, 16, 17, 18 and 19) and
especially related to the two superior goals concerning the furthering of life quality and the
protection of “green” values.
The intentions of the holistic urban renewal are that the urban ecological measures are to be
implemented as part of the urban renewal effort which appears from the action programme for the
general oriented urban renewal. The municipality has also tried to further this aspect especially by
giving the social worker the assignment to strengthen the neighbourhood not just socially but also
environmentally by way of dialog and cooperation with all relevant parties. However, the social
effort has had the highest priority which has lead to that no special environmental efforts have been
initiated. Therefore, it is imperative that this aspect is given priority in the years.
Cenergia 170
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HQE2R
Sustainable renovation of buildings
for sustainable neighbourhoods
Contract n° EVKA – CT – 2000 - 00025
UWE
Celia Robbins UWE
HQE²R is a combined research and demonstration project which is partly funded under the "Energy, Environment and Sustainable
Development" programme, Key Action 4, "City of Tomorrow & Cultural Heritage", within the Fifth Framework Programme of the
European Union
UWE 171
Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................ 173
UWE 172
Setting priorities for sustainable development in 14 European neighbourhoods (Deliverable 8) HQE²R
Introduction
Purpose
• To initiate a process in CAH of thinking through how sustainability impacts on different aspects
of its programme.
• To act as a first draft of a ‘sustainability audit’ for the area, which will lead to prioritising areas
for action.
From this starting point, it is hoped that CAH will be able to explore ways to build sustainability
more strongly into delivery planning, project appraisal and evaluation.
Structure
The current structure of the sustainability audit is based around the CAH outcome areas. It is
recognised that these are under review, so it may be necessary to change the structure accordingly.
Each section (‘worksheet’) of the audit deals with one outcome area (plus a few tentative additions
to cover topics that the outcome areas are weak on) and includes:
Each section has an Appendix that shows the data currently available on that topic. The sources
used are:
This is by no means a comprehensive data set, it should be updated according to priorities decided
locally.
The sustainability audit is a work in progress; ideally each section will be discussed with the
relevant outcome groups, then revised and supplemented accordingly. The appendices will be
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supplemented as new data sources become available. These include the MORI survey that was done
as part of the national NDC evaluation project. The national evaluation team is also working on sets
of statistical data specific to the CAH area.
Definitions
The words sustainability and sustainable development do not have fixed meanings. Many
organisations do not have a coherent view of what they mean by them. These meanings cannot be
defined externally, but are political and ethical questions that people/ organisations must decide for
themselves. The HQE2R project can help to set the agenda and guide thinking on these topics, but
the extent to which CAH adopts sustainable development as a goal can only be decided locally.
The sustainability audit uses the terms ‘social and economic sustainability’ and ‘environmental
sustainability’. It is vital to keep in mind the concept that all aspects of sustainability are
inextricably linked, but for practical purposes of awareness-raising and actually acting on these
principals, they might usefully be separated.
Environmental sustainability has not been high on the agenda for CAH to date. This might be
because the majority of people do not see environmental sustainability as vital in improving their
quality of life; CAH has been very clear in taking the lead for its priorities from local people, and
this issue has not come through strongly. There is, however, an awareness within the organisation
that CAH should be able to demonstrate its sustainability credentials, arising in part from a degree
of political pressure from central government and the regional office. Promoting the concepts of
sustainability, and environmental sustainability in particular raises the difficult issue of ‘who knows
best?’. If the people of Barton Hill are not demanding help in reducing their contribution to global
warming, is it the role of CAH to tell them this is an issue they should care about? Or should
environmental sustainability be accepted as a guiding principal that is built into all projects in the
same way as equal opportunities or health and safety?
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WORKSHEET 1.
Aims Key Projects
• To substantially reduce levels of • Employment links project
worklessness in the NDC area • Business adviser
• To create an environment that encourages • Education and business project
enterprise and sustainable business growth • Neighbourhood assets management
• Vocational training programme
- Environmental sustainability
There is huge scope for consideration of how employment and business might contribute to
environmental sustainability. This might be approached in a number of different ways:
• minimising the environmental impact (resource use, pollution etc.) of existing business,
• supporting businesses with low environmental impact,
• promoting businesses which make a positive impact on the environment (local food links,
reclamation and recycling, sustainable energy).
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WORKSHEET 2.
Sustainable Health and
Wellbeing
Aims Key Projects
• To improve the health of local people • Healthy living centre
• To increase the range of health options • Local drugs and alcohol project
available locally • Quality environment project
• To create a healthier environment
• To promote sustainable health and
wellbeing through education
• To use this process to maximise
employment creation in the area
- Environmental sustainability
The Delivery Plan recognises the link between health and environmental sustainability, although the
case for this link could be made more strongly. The link between respiratory disease and traffic
emissions is not spelt out, for example. The connection between home insulation, health, energy
conservation and emission reductions is also important, as is the potential contribution of tree
planting to the improvement of local air quality.
There should be a clear understanding of the different goals which might be found under the
‘quality environment’ heading. By ‘environmental improvement’, people often mean creating a
safer, cleaner, more attractive environment. While this obviously contributes to the wellbeing of the
human population, this type of initiative does not necessarily improve the local natural environment
or reduce the neighbourhood’s impact on local and global ecosystems.
WORKSHEET 2.
Sustainable Health and
Bristol City Council Lawrence Hill Ward Profile 2002 Wellbeing
% of households with a smoker
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Exercise levels
Number of hospital admissions for serious falls in elderly
& of respondents who have a health problem
Premature death
Death rate by cause (cancer, circulatory disease, injury or suicide)4
Low birth weight
Teenage pregnancy
% mothers breastfeeding
Access to fresh fruit and vegetables
Organic/local food consumption
Health deprivation and disability
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WORKSHEET 2B.
Local and Global
Environment
Aims Key Projects
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WORKSHEET 2B.
Local and Global
Environment
(I.7A) % of buildings with a standard of the heating / cooling system and / or the insulation system
above the legal norms (national or European).
(I.7B) % of housing units and public buildings (expressed in housing unit equivalent) using
renewable energy in the neighbourhood.
(I.7C) Emission of greenhouse effect gases from heating of housing units per inhabitant
(I.8A) Consumption of drinking water per inhabitant in the residential sector of the neighbourhood
in m3 per year.
(I.8B) Volume of rainwater used in m3 per year per inhabitant
(I.8C) % of public equipment saving water
(I.8D) % of buildings under the legal water quality
(I.9A) Neighbourhood average Floor Area Ratio (NaFAR) = Overall Floor area in hectares / Total
neighbourhood surface area in hectares
(I.9B) Built surface area in the neighbourhood in hectares / Urbanised surface area in hectares
(I.9C) Surface of brown-fields or polluted sites
(I.9D) Number of inhabitants whose buildings are subject to rules limiting the discharge of
rainwater
(I.9E) Number of targets attained in the urban planning instructions concerning the neighbourhood
(as a percentage of the maximum possible number).
(I.10) Number of buildings built renovated or demolished including an approach which takes into
account recycle materials, environmental labels, certifications, or norms, as well as the lifetime of
materials and equipments and the easiness of maintenance and operation
(I.11) Number of actions for the preservation and the valorisation of the biodiversity
(I.12) % of buildings or facilities constructed with the objective of landscape conservation and
visual comfort in the specifications.
(I.17A) Number of residents or users exposed to local NO2 pollution
(I.17B) % of new buildings with specifications covering indoor air quality
(I.18A) Roads subject to noise pollution
(I.18B) % of building sites with planning permission controlling noise pollution
(I.18C) Number of noise complaints to the council
(I.19A) % of waste separated for recycling
(I.19B) % of buildings sites with planning permission requiring management of site waste
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WORKSHEET 2B.
Local and Global
Environment
Bristol City Council Lawrence Hill Ward Profile 2002
Sites of nature conservation
Woodland
Parks > 2 hectares
Average bird species per garden
% gardens/ponds with frogs
NO2 from road traffic
Benzene from road traffic
Contaminated sites
% of respondents who feel dog fouling is a problem
Noise complaints
Background noise
The Lawrence Hill ward profile contains information on open spaces and wildlife. It also gives
measurements for air pollutants and noise levels; the relevance of these to the CAH area should be
checked by finding out where measurements were taken.
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A strong message coming from both the CAH baseline survey and the sustainable neighbourhood
research is that vandalism and litter detract from residents’ enjoyment of and pride in their local
environment. Traffic and the impact of St. Philips Causeway are also seen as having a negative
effect on the neighbourhood.
The Lawrence Hill indicators suggest that local gardens have less wildlife than in other areas of the
city. They also point to problems of air and noise pollution.
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WORKSHEET 3.
Aims Key Projects Tackling Crime
• To reduce the incidence of crime in the • Healthy living centre
NDC area and reduce the fear of crime and • Local drugs and alcohol project
create the conditions necessary for the • Quality environment project
prevention of crime.
- Environmental sustainability
It is easy to see how a reduction in crime might lead to improvements in the sense of a safer and
more visually attractive environment. The connection with environmental sustainability in the sense
of reduced impacts on local and global ecosystems is less clear. It could be argued that the removal
of the fear and consequences of crime would lift a significant burden from the minds and lives of
people in the neighbourhood, and that this would free those with an interest to engage more actively
with environmental action and education.
The goals of tackling crime and working towards environmental sustainability might be brought
together through the activities of the Youth Inclusion Programme, or through the use of community
service orders.
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The responses to the sustainable neighbourhood research make strong connections between crime
and the fact that many young people are under-occupied. The link between crime and drugs is also
felt to be very important.
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WORKSHEET 4.
Raising Educational
Achievement
Aims Key Projects
• To substantially increase educational • Education action team
attainment at all the local schools • Out of school learning team
• To improve levels of qualification and
provide a range of education options for
local people
• To increase parental involvement in
schools
Good schools are a key factor in motivating people to move to, or stay in an area. They are thus
pivotal to neighbourhood sustainability. By encouraging people to stay, good schools might aid
neighbourhood sustainability, but they may also lead to higher house prices, ‘gentrification’, and the
displacement of residents. A possible outcome of improved educational attainment is also that
individuals will have more opportunities and may choose to leave the neighbourhood. These points
are discussed more under housing, below.
- Environmental sustainability
The contribution of schools is central in raising consciousness of environmental issues. Changes in
peoples’ attitudes occur most profoundly between, rather than within generations, so the
opportunity to influence those of the next generation must not be missed. External inputs might be
used where teachers don’t have the time or ability to adapt the national curriculum to promote
environmental awareness. The Recycling Consortium is one example of a local voluntary sector
organisation which has wide experience of working with schools.
Environmental education offers opportunities beyond local schools, and should be seen as relevant
to the wider community. Sharing experience of re-use and recycling (or ‘make do and mend’) could
stimulate interaction and learning between the generations. Learning gardening skills could be a
healthy and confidence-giving activity for many people, which would have health and
environmental benefits through the consumption of local food.
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The Audit Commission indicators require further information on the numbers of young people in
education, and the number of childcare places. As Bristol City is piloting this set, it should be
possible to find data for these indicators.
In response to the sustainable neighbourhood research, few people commented on the quality of
education in the area, the provision of facilities for young people was a major issue, however, which
corresponds to Audit Commission indicator QoL21 (comments on this topic from the research can
be seen in the appendices to worksheets 3, 6 and 7).
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WORKSHEET 5.
Housing
The housing outcome area highlights the intimate connection between the physical and the social in
neighbourhood regeneration.
- Environmental sustainability
As housing comprises a large proportion of the neighbourhood’s buildings and is central to daily
lives, it is possibly the most important location for action towards environmental sustainability.
Investment in new housing offers an exceptional opportunity to demonstrate CAH’s commitment to
the environment. Using this opportunity to invest in innovative, resource-saving housing would
create a wonderful legacy for the neighbourhood; the political and moral imperative for
environmentally sound building design is growing and this could put Barton Hill ahead of the game.
Such housing would be warm, cheap to run and made from healthy materials, so tenants would
enjoy cash savings and benefits to their health.
The repairs and conversions fund is already working to improve the energy efficiency of existing
homes. This programme may offer further scope for the use of environmentally sound materials, or
demonstrating retro-fitting for renewable energy sources.
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WORKSHEET 6.
Community Services
- Environmental sustainability
Raising the quality of local services brings many opportunities for environmental improvement. The
success of Project Pathfinder is testament to this. Other examples might include reviewing energy
efficiency in social housing, or managing open spaces for wildlife. The vision of CAH is for service
improvements to go hand in hand with local control; progress towards environmental sustainability
would thus need to be adopted as a goal of those local people taking responsibility for services.
Better quality and quantity in local services would lead to more of peoples’ needs being met in the
neighbourhood. This would be likely to make people feel more positive about it as a place to live,
strengthening the social aspects of sustainability. The consequent reduction in the need to travel
would also contribute to environmental sustainability. These effects might be strengthened if the
meeting of local needs took account, where possible, of local production and labour. We might
describe a sustainable neighbourhood as one that sustains the people who live in it.
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The Lawrence Hill ward indicators give data on voter turnout. The sustainable neighbourhood
research elicited many responses on community involvement and local services.
in community activity, but discussions held during the sustainable neighbourhood research showed
that some people felt local organisations were unresponsive. Others felt that lack of time prevented
them from getting involved, and that they therefore should not criticise. There was generally a
recognition that opportunities for involvement existed.
The baseline survey shows that people feel many services are easily accessible, and this is reflected
in the Lawrence Hill ward indicators, by the ‘geographic access to services index’. The main
exceptions, according to the survey, are hospitals, leisure facilities and supermarkets. A wide range
of opinions on services were expressed in the sustainable neighbourhood research. Comments
included how people valued the Settlement and Project Pathfinder. Criticisms included the lack of
youth facilities, problems with public transport and the use of the Barton Hill shops by public
agencies.
Voter turnout in the ward is generally low, although many more people voted in the CAH
Management Board elections.
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WORKSHEET 6b.
Neighbourhood
satisfaction
Aims Key Projects
feelings about the neighbourhood than younger people. When asked what they like about the area,
closeness to a range of services scores highly, along with ‘good neighbours’, suggesting that many
people feel a sense of identification with the local community. The sustainable neighbourhood
research revealed a very mixed picture. Several people said they liked the area and felt it had a good
community spirit, while others disliked it strongly and wanted to leave.
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WORKSHEET 7.
Arts, Sports and Leisure
- Environmental sustainability
As a route to capacity building, the arts and sports can help people to respond to the challenges
facing them, and environmental improvement is one of these. The arts also have a vital role in
interpreting, educating and encouraging people to identify with their surroundings.
(I.4) % of residents living less than 300m from a public service or facility, or a public transport stop
that directly accesses a public service (including sports and cultural facilities)
(I.5A) Number of facilities of city-wide importance per 1,000 population (including sports and
cultural facilities)
(I.5B) Number of days per year when event and activities take place
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WORKSHEET 8.
Tackling Racism
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WORKSHEET 9.
Tackling Poverty
As with neighbourhood satisfaction (worksheet 6b), poverty is perhaps an area for monitoring,
rather than specific action; the net effect of success across the CAH outcome areas would be to
reduce poverty. The nationally calculated indices of deprivation are used by Bristol City Council to
assess poverty, and are also proposed for use by the Audit Commission quality of life indicators.
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WORKSHEET 10.
Transport
Aims Key Projects
- Environmental sustainability
Transport is a key element of environmental sustainability, as it consumes large amounts of energy
and land, produces pollution and can degrade the quality of local environments and create physical
barriers between communities. There are thus numerous options for aiding neighbourhood
sustainability through action around transport. These might include: encouraging the switch to
public transport by providing better bus and rail services; improving pedestrian and cycling
provision; cycling education in schools; planning streets to give more space and freedom to people
(as in the Dings’ home zone); running public vehicles on environment friendly fuels; providing
alternative fuels and educating people about them; planning new developments with an emphasis on
accessibility for people instead of cars; planning new developments to minimise the need for travel.
(I.4) % of residents living less than 300m from a public service or facility, or a public transport stop
that directly accesses a public service
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The data presented here does not enable us to give an assessment of the quality and convenience of
public transport links, or of pedestrian and cycling facilities.
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Today cities are being reconstructed, buildings are being rehabilitated, and neighbourhoods revitalised. To
assure sustainability, this rehabilitation must, besides technical solutions, take social trends, changes in
behaviour, environment and economic development into account. In the HQE2R project 14 neighbourhoods
and 10 research institutes in 7 European countries are co-operating to provide methods and tools for use by
local municipalities and their partners: government agencies, planners, landlords, local citizens and other
users in sustainable urban renewal projects.
The project is partly financed by the European Commission Programme for Energy, Environment and
Sustainable Development (City of Tomorrow) and is lead by CSTB.
The objective of the project is to develop a new methodology together with the necessary tools to
promote sustainable development and the quality of life at the crucial and challenging level of urban
neighbourhoods
As far as developed until now, the HQE2R methodological framework for sustainable neighbourhood
analysis and development is structured into 4 phases (an inventory, an analysis - identifying priorities,
definition, discussion and assessment of scenarios and finally setting up an action plan for the
neighbourhood). It is furthermore based on a set of 21 sustainable development targets under 5 main
objectives and backed up by a set of indisputable indicators and 3 new assessment tools.
In detail the main results of the work done until now are:
• the state of the art analysis according to laws and an analysis of the practices about residents and
users participation allowing to elaborate recommendations for improving participation;
• an analysis of the different laws and practices about urban planning documents and their impacts
upon the neighbourhoods with recommendations for taking into account SD in urban planning
documents (for each partner country);
• development of pilot-versions for 3 models as decision aid tools for choosing the best Action
plan for a neighbourhood: the INDI model with SD indicators, the ENVI model which assess the
environmental impacts of the different scenarios and the ASCOT model about global costs;
• a drafting of SD briefing documents for choosing the good targets for building renovation,
• a drafting of SD briefing documents towards procedures and strategic decisions before the
elaboration of the action plan for neighbourhoods.
TO ENSURE DIVERSITY
13 - To ensure the diversity of the population
14 - To ensure the diversity of functions
15 - To ensure the diversity of housing supply
TO IMPROVE INTEGRATION
16 - To increase the levels of education and job qualification
17 - To improve access for all residents to all the services and facilities of the city
by means of easy and non expensive transportation mode
18 - To improve the integration of the neighbourhood in the city by creating living
and meeting places for all the inhabitants of the city
19 - To avoid unwanted mobility and to improve the environmentally sound mobility
infrastructure
Source: CSTB, La Calade with contribution of the European partners of the HQE²R project (http://hqe2r.cstb.fr)