THE COMPANION

English Monthly

July 2012 Editor

Vol:07

Issue:2
Prof Dr Mustafa Kamalak, President of Saadet Party conveyed his message that the West and the imperialist powers cannot provide peace, justice and equality to the world. The first and second world war killed millions and created a lot of widows. The remedy is not with the crusaders, but with Islam. We cannot expect solutions from the enemies, the killers and the crusaders. Lets unite with common objectives. I believe in practice, not assumptions. (p. 9)

contents
Regulars
4. Gleanings 5. Editorial 6. Letters Travelogue 9. 5 days in Istanbul Cover Story 13. Islamic Movements on the Political chessboard... 15. Freedom and Justice Party, (Egypt) 17. Harkat An-Nahda, (Tunisia) 19. Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, (Turkey) 21. Justice and Development Party, (Morocco) 22. Hizb An-Nour, (Egypt) 23. Book Review 26. According to Me!!! Burning Issues 29. Cartoons and controversy 30. Koodankulam Campus 32. Before you step into the college campus... Last Word 34. We Palestinians are reclaiming our destiny

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Habeeb Haris on behalf of StudentIslamic Organisation of India A P Zone. Printer Publisher & Editor Mohd Salimullah Khan.Printed at Bharat Offset 2034/35 Qasim Jan Street, Delhi-110006, Published from D300 (Old 230) Abul Fazal Enclave,Jamia Nagar, Okhla New Delhi-110 025. The opinions expressed in the columns of THE COMPANION contain positions and viewpoints that are not necessarily those of editorial board or the Students Islamic Organisation of India. These are offered as a means for SIO to stimulate dialogue and discussion in our continuing mission of being a student and youth organisation.

In India the conflict between tradition and modernity within Islamic circles has gained momentum for quite some time. As sincere Muslims we should understand that both dogmatic orthodoxy and dogmatic openmindedness are lethal. Islam is indeed relevant for all times and yes, it is flexible. But to stretch it so hard that it leads to a rupture, of course in the name of making it READ: relevant, is no service A summary book either to Islam or review of Azzam Muslims. (p. 13) Tamimis Rachid G h a n n o u c h i : Non-violent protesters are Democrat within being intimidated, harassed, imprisoned, and falsely Islamism A biographical charged. From one police station alone, charges have account of Rashid al been filed against more than Ghannoushi. 55,000 people including The upbringing of modern day Islamist who is 6,500 for sedition and war leading the aspirations of Tunisian people in post- against the state in the last revolution era. (p. 23) eight months. (p. 30)

THE COMPANION

July 2012

GLEANINGS

God Gods Help

Do you reckon that you will enter Paradise while you have not endured an experience similar to that endured by other communities who came before you? Affliction and adversity befell them and so terribly shaken where they that the Messenger and those who believed with him would exclaim, When will Gods help come? Surely, Gods help is close at hand. (Al Baqara: 214)
This verse points to way marks in the history of those following the Straight Path. This path is no easy route. It passes through privations, persecutions, and even sufferings of war to the point where the believers all but cry out, When will Gods help come? This point when the followers of the Straight Path are convinced that it is only God who gives success, is also the point when Gods help is at hand, and which leads on to the final triumph or prosperity in both worlds. Gods support (nasr) is reserved for those who earn it: those who persevere and stand firm to the end in the face of all adversity and misfortune, never wavering but always certain that Gods help is on its way. No matter how severe the ordeal may become, true believers will always look to God, and to God alone, for salvation and support. The dynamic of social and religious struggle reinforces the human spirit and encourages man to rise above his own ego and so emerge purer and stronger, ready to uphold the faith with greater energy and vigour. Thus, believers become a shining role model even for their most ardent adversaries, some of whom are liable to be impressed and join ranks with the believers, as witnessed throughout human history. But even if this were not the case, something else much greater and much more admirable happens: advocates of Gods order are liberated from subordination to any worldly power or temptation. Life and its comforts become of no real consequence, and man assumes control of his world, which can only mean a triumph for humanity and the human spirit as a whole. The ingredients of success are faith, hard work, sacrifice, and perseverance. With those, victory is guaranteed and the road to greater, everlasting rewards, to eternal bliss, is direct and clear.
Compiled From: In the Shade of the Quran Syed Qutb, Vol. 1, pp. 250, 251 The Quran: Annotated Interpretation in Modern English Ali Unal, p. 95

Think, in this batterd Caravanserai Whose Doorways are alternate Night and Day, How Sultan after Sultan with his Pomp Abode his Hour or two and went his way.
(Omar Khayyam)

We Anger? Why We Need Anger?

Although anger clearly has some connection with hostility and aggression, they are not the same. Hostility is an attitude of ill will, aggression refers to behaviour that is always meant to hurt, whereas anger is an emotion plain and simple. Anger is neither a positive or negative emotion; it is the way we handle our anger what we do with it that makes it negative or positive. For example, when we use our anger to motivate us to make life changes or to make changes to dysfunctional systems, anger becomes a very positive emotion. When we express anger through aggressive or passiveaggressive ways (such as getting even or gossiping), it becomes a negative emotion. So why do we need anger at all? Why not simply work toward eliminating it from our lives entirely? The reason is that there are many positive functions of anger: THE COMPANION

It energises and motivates us to make changes in our lives. It serves as a catalyst for resolving interpersonal conflict. It promotes self-esteem when we stand up for ourselves, we feel better about ourselves. It fosters a sense of personal control during times of peak stress. Expression of anger can actually promote health. Women with cancer who express their anger are found to live longer than those who express no anger. As uncomfortable as anger is for many of us, it can be preferable to anxiety, as it lays the blame outside ourselves. If we find constructive ways of releasing anger and safe places to let it out, it can become a positive force in our lives, creating energy, motivation, assertiveness, empowerment, and creativity.
Compiled From: The Nice Girl Syndrome Beverly Engel, pp. 165-167

July 2012

EDITORIAL

ours choice hoice, Tor ortoise? Yours is the choice, Cheetah or Tortoise?
n a high pitched voice, flaunting all his oratorical skills, my friend argued in the seminar, After independence, Muslims have walked on the path of progress with the speed of tortoise. Be it economic, political, cultural, educational or whatever sector its same everywhere. Development nevertheless... but in comparison with other communities, only at a pace of tortoise... or perhaps I doubt... he paused and smiled into the camera, ...that may be, some tortoises claim that they can run faster (a peal of laughter in the hall). He was presenting a paper on the conditions of Muslims in India in the light of Sachar Committee report. I was impressed. But not because of his elegant style, eloquence, or rhetoric; not even because of his constant (and awkward) waving of hands, or his imprecise American accent. I was impressed by the sheer power of the simile tortoise for Muslim community of India. Like the tortoise, Muslim community in India, is slow though not steady. Even those few who are steady as well, never win any race. Because unlike the traditional story; hares, in real life, dont sleep during the race. And Muslims in their tortoise-psychology would think that: nothing better could be done or this is order of the day. The daring ones among them will be found complaining that: hares have not slept, as they were supposed to do, and so if they (tortoises) have lost the race, it is none of their fault. Like the tortoise, Muslims in India withdraw into their shells at the slightest trouble or unease. Their seclusion or rather self-imposed exile from the mainstream of the society only vindicates my friends simile for them. Indian political doctors have earned a fabulous living out of this tortoise-psychology of Muslims. Muslims are caressed sometimes with diagnosis as extensive as Sachar Committee Report; they are sometimes offered prosthetics as ineffective as reservations, sub-reservations etc. Everyone is particularly charitable about pills... education excellence, political representation, cultural assimilation, and what not. Instead of being exploited and deceived, repeatedly, will it not be better for Muslims to pause and think? Introspect? After all they are not tortoises in their physical and mental capacities but only in their mindsets. If the phantom of tortoise exist only in the mind then outward solutions, even if applied with cent percent sincerity (note the emphasis on if), will never produce any effect. The solution has to be mental, psychological, and yes ideological! The mindset, of which I am talking, is scarce though not extinct. Such a brave attitude was expressed, for example, by Mohammad Ismat of Lilong Haoreibi in Thoubal district of Manipur. Ismat, as we know, topped the all India CBSE class XII Board examinations. He not only got the highest position in the examination and but also broke down all records of scoring in CBSE, he secured 495 marks out of 500, a whopping 99%. For not topping... not passing... or not even studying... he had plenty of excuses, such as: My mother died when I was 18 months old. My father, assistant teacher in a primary school, earns only Rs. 2,000 a month. In this meagre salary, eight mouths have to be fed. Poverty in our house is immense. Due to job, poverty, and large family my father could not pay the desired attention to me. After tenth, due to financial constraints, I had to leave my school. I could not attend tutorials and coaching classes. I have no guide or reference books. The electricity supply in my village is only2-3 hours a day. How can I study? Each excuse in itself (not to speak of the combination of all) was enough for Ismat to distract, dishearten, and discontinue. But Ismat refused to be tortoise... and he won the race. Thats the key to success. Forget excuses, refuse prosthetics, and shun complaints; in short ditch the spectre of tortoise from the mind. Pounce upon teething troubles, jump over petty obstacles, dream big, and chase your dreams with all your might. Henry Ford got it quite right, Whether you think you can or you think you cant you are right. Yours is the choice, you can choose to be cheetah, have purpose, and win on your own; and you can choose to be tortoise, have wishes, and wait for others to sleep midway.

Khan Yasir
THE COMPANION July 2012 5

LETTERS
It was nice to see that an Islamic magazine focused on the Real power of Fiction. This is one of those neglected areas where Islamic movement has not done virtually anything. Fiction affects general public on which Islamic movement has little hold. What I want to say here is that, this issue must be a beginning in carrying forward the task of Islamising fiction and Islamising people through Islamised fiction. Mobeen Ather, West Bengal.
The pen is mightier than the Sword, very true indeed. The Junes issue which has focused itself on the books which created ripples and controversies in most parts of the world is a good concept, and hope this issue will trigger and inspire the readers to read the books after reading the book reviews. Hope the topics discussed in this issue become a matter of discussion among the readers, especially the youth. Authors like Mayal Khairabadi, Leo Tolstoy, Fyodor Dostoevsky, George Orwell, Ayn Rand and Naguib Mahfouz have done a marvellous job by highlighting various issues which were unknown to the common public or which were an initiative to expose the reality and ill effect about various concepts and ideologies. The presentation style of these authors is also remarkable as they have been very creative in expressing their views; this type of creativity in writing and expressing has also played its role in attracting most of the readers and has contributed to its overall success. Syed Kazim, Bangalore. I often see The Companion. Its interesting contents makes me more curious about not only issues but also updates my information with a literary flavour. I am having its June issue, The Real Power of Fiction. It is magical in terms of sense of selection of the literary figures and their inheritance. But there are many oddities also which must be seen like clear and easy postulations rather than vague contemplation. In analysis portion of the issue, the first sense of the reading tells that it suffers from an unprofessional editing. Apart from this, Dr. M. Rafats reflection on Mayal Khairabadi seems beautiful and really, a purposeful one. Saad Ahmads reflection on Leo Tolstoy is also novel and absolute in identification of the literary sense but I feel that, he must write something more with the reference of modelling Tolstoy in Indian Literature. Mohammad Muqim Khan, New Delhi. Its really great to see young writers coming up with fresh ideas and showing their creativity in fiction. I like the whole issue of the Companion especially the short stories section. Saima Shahid, New Delhi. July 2012 6

Fiction Special
Writing novel or a story is not everybodys cup of coffee. Fiction writing is as difficult as swimming in the sea or climbing Himalayas. Though fiction reading is apparently entertaining, it requires lot of reading for a writer to produce a piece of fiction. Kudos to the editorial team, for choosing fiction, as a central theme, for the June issue of The Companion. Fiction is one form of art, and there are many other forms which can be considered in future issues. Moreover, an article detailing with the art of producing different types of fiction was missing. Hope to see it! Masihuddin Shajie, Hyderabad, AP. It is true that fiction possess a charismatic power. It has been used throughout the ages to bring the significant changes in the behaviour of the people and to propagate some ideas and thoughts. We have seen that fiction has successfully diverted the public opinion towards the goal of a particular group of the people and made revolutions for their own interests. So the fiction is a powerful mean to spread the virtue (or evil) in the society. I am very happy to see that The Companion has realised the importance of this powerful weapon and called for using it for peace and prosperity of the society. As far as the Islamisation of fiction is concerned, I would like to say that we should be very careful in the use of the term Islamisation or like that if we want to achieve a long term goal. Because due to this label we will not be able to reach to the readers across the nations and section of the world. So the best way is that we should made a team of world class fiction writers and they should present the Islamic ideas and values in their novels or short stories so smartly that no one realises that the writer want to impose something on him. This issue of The Companion is very interesting and full of knowledge especially the editorial and the article Islamisaton of fiction: why and How. Mohammad Omair Sufyan, New Delhi. THE COMPANION

LETTERS
The issue on fiction of the students magazine was somewhat in the middle of its standard. I have gone through the short stories in this issue. I think the shortness could not be felt in them. There is saying in Arabic the better talks are those which are spoken in fewer words. Also the theme that ran through all of them was similar with exception of the Quest for Humanity. What I feel is that fictions should impart values that adhere to the core of Islam, but they shouldnt show that they are from Islam. Instead the reader must be encouraged through the fiction to find which ideology possesses the above mentioned values. Mahboob Thaha, Kerala. I happen to have a look on current issue of The Companion. With the first sight of the issue, I thought to myself that why we need fiction? The answer, I realised that fiction is a reflection not only of society but of aesthetics also. Aesthetic is a sense of literature in real sense. This real sense plays and creates the world of imagination and narration of the matter. Matter existed since the maturity of man and his literary engagement. In this context, The Companion contains a reflection on Naguib Mahfouz by Mahboob Thaha. This is superb. It produced Naguib Mahfouzs literary profile in a very light presentation and lucid articulation. I enjoyed, this articulation, most. The suggestion is related to Naguibs literary relations, networks, and inspirations which must be produced here. Saad Ahmad, New Delhi. Dr Mohd Rafats article on Mayal Khairabadi introduced me to a personality I can admire. Thanks to the author for reviewing the works of Khairabadi and presenting before us the vital points to understand him and his works in the best light. Overall, June issue of The Companion was excellent. Shaik Imran, Kurnool, AP. Yet another good issue (The Companion, June 2012) in its entirety. I thoroughly enjoyed reading most of the articles in the magazine. From editorial to the last, the thoughts and views presented have added to my knowledge. But the article dealing with psychological aspects of fiction-reading was completely new for me and inspired me to read more about psychology. However, popular yet intriguing genre romance could have been covered and reviewed. SM Shoeb, Andhra Pradesh. The June issue of The Companion gladdens my heart. It reflects a new approach in highlighting newer aspects, those which encompass human life and drive minds. Fiction since ages has been a key tool in promoting ideas and thoughts. Various movements, trends, cultures, nurtured themselves and consolidated their foothold among masses and in societies using fiction. Just by analysing the sort of fiction prevalent in a particular place one can deduce the sort of ideology and belief dominant there. In earlier times there were great Muslim names who presented brilliant works in fiction. They produced stories, epics, poems etc. that entertained people and conveyed message but today most of the Muslim writers on the arena portray a very negative image, they simply try to scratch the darkest sides of the Muslim civilisations in order to get quick acceptance in the west. Be it Khalid Husainis The Kite Runner or A Thousand Splendid Suns or any other. The article on Islamisation of Fiction by Sikandar Azam is inspiring and serves as a ray of hope. The overall reviews of various writers and their fiction works is very effective it really goes a long way in making readers understand the real power of fiction. Kamranullah Khan, New Delhi. I read the short story Quest for Solace. People should believe in Allah in order to find inner peace. We can get solace only in being a true Muslim. I liked the story, it was nice and beautiful. Abdul Noor, JMI, Delhi. The creative cover-page, persuasive case-building in editorial, succinct analysis of the issue by the writers and wonderful short stories at the end; everything was royal about the fiction-special. Congratulations to the whole team! Ammar Ahmad, Karnataka (via sms). This is apropos of Sikandar Azams Islamisation of fiction: why and how?(June 2012). In fact, producing fiction requires lot of efforts. Writers take impressions from the society to produce a story or novel, but mostly it is the work of imagination (unreal). It is not necessarily mean that a Muslim should not attempt to produce fiction. May it be Indian writer Mayal Khairabadi, British singer Sami Yusuf or Iranian film director Majid Majidi they are inspiration especially for those who want to take the less travelled road. Let me tell you, I have never seen a more sober and decent film like Baran, directed by Majid Majidi. SM Fasiullah, Hyderabad, AP. The editorial The real power of fiction is a milestone as far as the efforts of Islamising the arts and literature is concerned. The elucidation of the power of stories, and the suggestion that how this power could be utilised for Islamic ends, was compelling. The linkage of fiction with revolution, so well-articulated in the editorial was entirely a revelation for me. As a whole I liked the whole issue and hope that such issues would continue to come up in the future. S. Mohd. Rafiq, Maharashtra. July 2012 7

Story can rebel from below against the imposition of History from above. Thank you The Companion for giving me this insight through your fiction-special. I am a voracious reader of fiction but now my whole outlook towards looking at the fiction has changed. Muzaffar Ali, New Delhi (via sms)
THE COMPANION

LETTERS
I liked the fiction special very much. Much more than analyses, the inclusion of short stories as demonstration won me over. The strength of the narrative especially in Quest for Humanity and Quest for Meaning was captivating. Especially the earlier bound the reader till the end, it forced the readers to predict and predict wrong and be shocked with the defeat of the virtue and success of evil in the end. The effect of this defeat forces the readers to be vigilant of the evil-virus of communalism and strive to eradicate it. The author is fairly successful in his effort. Syed Yaseen, Uttar Pradesh. As a whole the fiction-special of The Companion was a nice attempt. But I very forcefully felt the omission, in the analysis-section, of the great Indian storywriters like Tagore, Manto, RK Naraynan, Qurratulain Haider, Arundhati Roy etc. Hope that these legends will also be included in some future issue of The Companion. Fayyaz Ali, Delhi (via sms) society, instead they are ransacking the community and its properties (It is in reference with case of wakf properties of Karnataka). Hence we should be very conscious while electing our representative. And unfortunately, we seldom find Muslim leaders in mainstream politics. Hence we need to emphasis on leadership quality in our children and also in us. In my opinion the Welfare Party of India has emerged the ray of hope that they will work towards evil free, peace and developing society. In addition the issue of April month was awesome, nowadays world has became compact because of technological development in communication, and we can say it is boon from almighty. And we should take proper use of it in spreading and expounding the true message of Islam, as well for helping the people. Mustaq Kunnur, Karnataka. With reference to Mays According to Me question and answers, I consider it strange that Muslims should talk in these words as I wish, if I were. Ponder over, select route, swing into action is what fits a Muslim, as there were no genies (that will grant our wishes) in the past, not now and never ever will be in the future. Ayatullah Maktoom, AMU.

Muslim Politics
Whereas one cannot disagree with what Dr SQR Ilyas has said about the problem of Muslims and their protectionist politics, I think he has overrated the non-Muslims. The problem is the same with everyone, I think. Others are also never concerned with economic policies or international relations as long as it does not affect them. For instance, the furore over FDI was only created by the farmers and retail traders, the ones directly affected by it. As a matter of fact, the two national parties, namely INC and BJP also do not have any ideology with respect to economics or international relations (apart from the common ideology of opposing the other when the other is in power and implementing the same policies when they come to power). Even the party that owes its existence basically to economic theories (CPI) turns out to be like the others once it comes into power (for instance, the Singur case was a good example of the crass capitalistic policies followed by those who claim to be avowed enemies of capitalism). Umair Azmi, New Delhi. The cover story of May month was interesting and informative. It is with reference the article Muslims in 20th Century Indian Politics. It is argued that Congress has become a party of Muslims, however it is not true, and if we glance over the history it has never ever helped Muslim community. Whereas we also have so called Muslim political parties, but they are not working for Muslim THE COMPANION

Miscellaneous
Islamic Movement in Sri Lanka seemed more like an info brochure. Considering the article is written by SIOs General Secretary, I was expecting more of analysis. Musab, Mumbai (via sms) Hats-Off to the Editorial team for bringing in to light the topic of Communication (April). Especially the article Communication and Islamic movement gives us a beautiful message for the dawah workers, especially to the cadre of Tehreek e Islami. Present era is called an era of information and in this era communication is a big tool for Islamic movement. Each and every organisation, right from education institutions to big MNCs, checks communication skills when they recruit employees for their organisation. Azharuddin Syed, Waranagal, AP. I request you to publish stories of great people who accepted Islam and some conclusions about Sunita Williams, Michael Jackson, etc so the other non-Muslim may think of Islam by interest. Sd. Muneb Ahmed, Andhra Pradesh (via sms) Subhanallah, I am so surprised and extremely glad to see a magazine like The Companion existing among us. Its so much informative about both Islamic traditions and contemporary topics and has also reduced my hours long browsing by providing all that I want together in one binding. Jazakallah for all those committed for the great work. Wafa Sultana, Mangalore (via sms) July 2012 8

TRAVELOGUE

5 days in Istanbul
PM Salih
y readings have sown in me a strong intention to feel the transformation from Mustafa Kemal Atatrks ultra-secularist Turkey to Erbakan and Erdogans Turkey. It was fulfilled when SIO got invitation from IYFO (International Youth Forum Organisation) to participate in its 7th International Muslim Youth Cultural Cooperation Conference on 26th and 27th May at Istanbul. When I reached Istanbul I felt relief from the Delhi heat as the temperature was 24 degrees. Anas and Talha, the workers of IYFO and Saadet Party, were waiting at the Airport. We moved towards the Conference Venue, the Wow Airport Hotel Convention Centre, which is one of the major hotels in Turkey. It stands elegantly near the Turkey World Trade Centre. IYFO Conference The theme of the 2012 Conference was Islamic Union and Muslim Youth. It was attended by hundreds of delegates (including women) from more than 80 countries. The first day started with inaugural words of Musa Budak, the president of IYFO followed by the protocol session, which was attended by distinguished personalities from different Islamic organisations around the world like Racai Kutan of ESAM, M. Osman Ismail, Chief Advisor of Sudan, Fatih Aydin, President of Saadet Party Youth Forum; Ahmet Abdullaty, Secretary General of IIFSO; and Tevfik Rida, Chairman of the Youth Justice and Welfare Party of Indonesia. They all emphasised the changing world conditions especially in Arab and West Asian countries and the creation of new and just world order. They further stressed the coordination and unity among single aimed Muslim youth and students organisations and their experience sharing is necessary to understand and go forward. The next session was on politics. Representatives from Tunisia, Sudan, Tajikistan and Palestine explained their experiences and ideas. Atik Ada presided over the session. Tunisian and Palestine presentations were remarkable. I felt extremely happy to hear the first hand narration of Tunisian politics. The session after lunch on education was presided by Mustafa Tahhan, the President of Student Organisation Union. All panellists Zubeyir Safdar of Pakistan, Idris Bananou of Morocco, A. Ferid Mustafa of Saudi Arabia and THE COMPANION

Nabil Yahiaoui of Algeria emphasised to take practical steps rather than discussing theoretical aspect of education and knowledge. The second day program began with the joint session of 21st Congress of the International Union of Muslim Communities. After this Joint Session with ESAM, the third session of IYFO Conference continued. The title of the session was Media and communication. Mustafa Yilmaz (Turkey) presided over the session. Mohsin yousef El Desoki Wetwet of Ikhwan (Egypt), Arslan Ates (Turkey), Ehsan Khosrojerdi (Iran) and Abdi Tasdoger (Austria) were the speakers in this session. My presentation was also in this session which discussed on the media and its role as a power house of the change. After the break, the last session was on human rights which was presided over by Birol Aydin. The session saw and experienced the brutalities and human rights violations happening in Bangladesh, Syria, East Turkistan and Australia etc which were presented by the representatives of those countries. The program ended by a final declaration. Istanbul 1453 un fethinde This year it was the 559 th Anniversary of Sultan Mohammed Fatihs Istanbul conquest. Turkey has planned huge celebrations all over the country. After our programme, the organisers had given us an opportunity to be part of a celebration organised by Anatolia Youth Organisation (youth wing of Saadet Party) in Fiyapi nn stadium. The one and half hour journey to the stadium in the bus provided a panoramic beauty of Istanbul. The beaches, resorts, roads, buildings etc were exposing the neatness of the city. The beaches were open to all and

July 2012

TRAVELOGUE
tourists both Turkish and foreigners can wander with freedom. No restrictions were imposed there on visitors. This short journey provided me the chance to mingle with most of the people in the bus, including Cuma Emuin Vice President, Ikhwan-al-Muslimun Egypt; Abdul Ghaffar Azeez, Pakistan Jamat-e-Islami Assistant Amir; Abdurrashid Turabi, Kahsmir Jamat-e-Islami Amir; Dr. Abdul Aziz Jifrik, King Abdul Azeez University Professor; Dr. Muhammad Umar Jamjoom; Muhiuddin Kebri, President Nahda Party Tajikiztan; Lutfi Hassan Ishaq, President of Justice and Welfare Party Indonesia; Riyad Shakhfa of Muslim Brothers Bakani, Syria; Dr. Syed Azman, Vice President of Parti Islam Semalaysia (PAS), Malasia; Senussi Bsakri of Libya; and Muhammed Ali Taskiri, Taghrib Secretary General, Iran. These interactions with distinguished personality offered me to disclose to them as well as to introduce Indian Islamic Movement and SIO. On the way to the stadium people were flowing like river in buses, cars and trucks. The whole city had been decorated with posters which contained the colourful picture of Sultan Fatih, banners with powerful slogans and party flags. The time from 5pm to 12pm (7 hours) were the moments of joy and excitement. The stadium had been decorated by posters and banners which were inscribed by slogans. A big portrait of Sultan Fatih and Erbakan was the most noticeable in the stadium. Crackers and fireworks in the sky made it seem like a festival. The stage was in the centre outside the ground; it was big and nobody except the announcer stood in it. All the people were clapping hands in accordance with his high and low pitch voice and it definitely were some fascinating words. The slogan in stage was Hayat Iman we gihat (Life is Iman and Jihad). The program started and the honourable guests were led to the stage by retinues of a group of young people. Spectators applauded and threw flower petals and pieces of colour papers on them. The speakers took 5 to 7 minutes. In every pause of the speech, the bands were drummed. In between every speech a group of artists presented traditional martial and cultural arts brilliantly. The program started with a wonderful Quran recitation by a young qari. He recited Inna fatahna laka fathan mubeena (Sura Fath) and Sura Nasr three times in three tune. Whenever he stopped in between the Ayats people raised Takbeer loudly. I was able to interact with Erbakans son Fatih Erbakan. ESAM Conference Fortunately I got an opportunity to attend The International Union of Muslim Communities on the topic of Islamic Union and A New World: from oppressive and exploitative system to a New and Just Order which was organised by ESAM (Economic and Social Research Centre) the research wing of Saadet Party. This program was attended by leaders of Islamic movements all over the world THE COMPANION and official government representatives of Muslim countries. Racai Kutan, the president of ESAM, started his opening speech by remembering Fatih Sultan and Najmuddin Erbakan. His speech continues We the Muslims have the capacity to build a new world order. We are passing through a transition period... Who is responsible for brutality in the history? That is indeed western civilisation the civilisation of massacre and attack... They have created insecurity in the world. They propagated Islam as a threat and thereby Islamophobia. It is impractical to create just and new world order on the western plan. Islam doesnt promote terrorism but peace and hope. Everyone wants a prosperous world. We should establish a new world order on the basis of peace, welfare and justice. So unite together because it is high time we did so. The very fascinating 40 minutes long speech of Kutan concluded, We are not obedient to western civilisation... Istanbul is home for all of you, therefore I welcome you all to your home. The protocol speech started by Mustafa Osman Ismail, the Chief Advisor to the President of the Republic of Sudan, said Arab revolution opened a new age all over the world. Economic system of west has collapsed, ethical system is already collapsed. A new world order is needed on the basis of peace, justice and welfare. Islam has potential for transition. Our Rabb, Rasul, Quran and Qibla everything is common. So let us work for common goal. Prof Dr Ahmmet Davutoglu, Foreign Minister of Turkish Republic was the next speaker. He began his speech by quoting his experience of the Somalian visit. He said, We had to see a small child die in front of us without getting water and food for several months. One side of the Muslim world is living in poverty while the other is leading a luxurious life. He added that the Muslim countries were victims of massacres but now we are in a transition period. The world witnessed three major earthquakes: 1) the political earthquake of USSR. 2) The September 11 Earthquake which led to the Muslims being targeted in the global level and 3) Arab spring he said the success of Tunisia is a role model for all of us. The next speaker Prof Dr Mustafa Kamalak, President of Saadet Party conveyed his message that the West and the imperialist powers cannot provide peace, justice and equality to the world. The first and second world war killed millions and created a lot of widows. The remedy is not with the crusaders, but with Islam. We cannot expect solutions from the enemies, the killers and the crusaders. Lets unite with common objectives. I believe in practice, not assumptions. Bekir Bozdag, Vice Prime Minister of Turkish Republic spoke next. He said, Negotiations provide solutions to problems. We are paying more for slogans not for practice. But pay for practice. We have many problems like poverty, July 2012 10

TRAVELOGUE
clashes, problems in explaining and expressing Islam, competitions among Muslim sects. Replace all negative understanding with the law of brotherhood. Fighting against America is not the only solution. Look into you and your problems. We should be aware of our deficiencies. Put the slogans into the garbage and do something for the benefit of humanity. Cuma Emin, Vice President of Muslim Brotherhood from Egypt emphasised in his speech that the secret of the power of Muslim community is brotherhood and if it is destroyed the Muslim community will be demised. Abdul Mecit Munasara, President of the International Muslim Parliamentary Union, from Algeria said that three things are needed to be successful 1) Development projects 2) Cooperation and 3) Sharing of experiences and success stories with others. The other dignitaries who spoke in this session were Hamza Mansur, President of Islami Amel (Jordan), Muhiddin Kebiri, President of Nahda party (Tajikstan), Mustafa Tahhan, President of the Students Organisation Union (Kuwait), Lutfi Hasan Ishaq, President of Justice and Welfare party (Indonesia), Raid Salah (Palestine), Bekir Bozdag, State Minister of Turkish Republic and Vice Prime Minister, Oguzhan Asilturk, Saadet Party (Turkey), Ahmed Halebiye, Deputy and President of the Jerusalem Commission (Palestine), Abdurresit Turabi, President of Jamaat alislamiyya (Kashmir), Omer Zubayr, Former Rector of King Abdul Aziz University (Saudi Arabia) and Fuat Sarac, Director of Religious Affairs States of Austria. There were five more sessions in the ESAM Conference which discussed different topics like Changes and Developments in the Islamic World; How to Establish a Justice centred political construction; What kind of Justice centred economical system; How to establish Media, communication, science and technology centred in rightness and justice and Human rights, charity and solidarity, education, culture. The organisers of the conference had also arranged a tour of the Bosphorus Bridge and Fatih Sultan Mehmet Bridge, both of them connects Asia and Europe. The journey to the bridge was a long one of about two to three hours. I took this journey as an opportunity to interact with the different delegates of the conference. The delegates which I met were Hamza Mansur (President of Islami Amel Jordan), Ahmet Halebiye (Deputy and President of the Jerusalem Commission Palestine), Fuat Sarac (Director of Religious Affairs States of Austria), Dr. Syed Azman (Vice President of Iraq Consultative Board Iraq), Enver Bayraktar (President of Iraqi Turkmen Justice Party), Prof. Inayetullah Shodab (Vice President of the Jamaat al-Islamiyya Afghanistan), Ali Sadruldin (former President of Syrian Ikhwan), Muhammed Adil (President of Strategic Research Centre Tunisia), Abdullah Bebati (President of Jemaah THE COMPANION Islamiyah Consultative Board Lebanon), Galip Himmat (Switzerland), Riza bin Haldun (Vice President of Justice and Development Party and Deputy Minister Morocco) and Edhem Baksic (President of The Muslim Youth Society Bosnia). Get together of Undivided India After checking out of the hotel we the delegates from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka started on our Istanbul tour as members of the undivided India. We had known each other very well as we had met at the IIFSO (International Islamic Federation of Students Organization) meet at Sri Lanka in August 2011. The group included Zubair Safdar (President Pakistan Islami Jamiat Talaba), Umer Abbas (Punjab South Nazim of IJT Pakistan), Ahmed Munsif (President, Sri Lanka Islamic Students Movement), Jobair Hassan (Foreign Affairs Secretary, Islamic Chatr Shibr, Bangladesh) and Raja Nizakat Ali Khan (Islami Jamiat Talaba, Kashmir). At first we saw the Panorama 1453 the 3D view of Fatih Sultans Istanbul conquest. Then we moved to the place where Necmattin Erbakan was laid to rest. We prayed for his maghfirat (forgiveness). After that we moved to the Blue Mosque and Hagia Sophia (Ayasofya). In the beginning it was a Church of Orthodox Patriarchal Basilica which was later turned into a mosque in 1453 and in 1935 it was turned into a museum. We also came across the Macidia mosque which was ancient architecture. The lunch was sponsored by Chatr Shibr delegates and after that Chatr Shibr team went to Ankara and Pakistan delegate started on their journey back to home. I and Munsif (Sri Lanka) continued our tour of the city with Zafir and Shazri, the Sri Lankan students studying in Istanbul. Experiences through Istanbul lanes In the night at 11pm we visited the public sports place. We were astonished to see the Turkish people very active and vigorous in the late hours of the night. Soccer was the main attraction. There were also gymnasiums which had equipments left out in the open and anybody can use it as they wish. In our journey through the city we saw that the flag of Turkey was hoisted with full respect in many places. The public was also very nice and helping. I remember two incidents in which the people helped us. We didnt know the way to Macidia mosque and so we asked a youth at a metro station. Even though he was in a hurry, he accompanied us till the mosque. In another instance we were on our way to Ayasofia mosque in the Tram Bus but we didnt know which stop to get down at. We were talking to each other when a person came to us and asked whether we needed any help. He too guided and accompanied us to Ayasofia mosque. Later on the day before coming back to India I and Munsif were given an opportunity to take a class based on the book A guide for youth by Badiuzzaman Syed Nursi at July 2012 11

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a general meeting of Nursi foundation. We also had the chance to visit headquarters of Ruba Wakfi (Body of thousands of madrassas and cultural centres in Turkey) and talk with Nurettin Kiray, the head of Ruba Wakfi. We also visited the Bab-e-Alam office (an international students body under IHH Insani Yardim Waleif). After the conference, the reporters of A9 TV (supported by Harun Yahya) interviewed me and I had the opportunity to introduce the activities of SIO. The dinner on the last day was sponsored by the Sri Lankan Jamaat e Islami people at the Hamidia Foundation office. I was served with Turkey Cola which resembled my experience at IIFSO Conference in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan Islamic movement activists had taken a strict stand against Coca-cola and Pepsi and therefore they also had served Kick Cola. Both the colas expressed the anti imperialist mindset of Sri Lankan people. Erdogans Speech On the last day while we were planning our program, we got the news that Erdogan was coming to Fatih mosque to address the gathering. We reached Fatih mosque by 4oclock. Erdogan spoke for around 13 minutes. It was a wonderful experience to witness his charismatic personality and behaviour. While he walked to stage he talked with some of the audiences. There was not much gap between him and the audience. It was a fascinating speech which began with Hamd and Swalath (glorification of Allah and prayers to His prophet). During his speech a small girl who was sitting on the shoulders of her mother waved at him and he responded with a smile. He said there was a time in the history of Turkey when the Government converted mosques into restaurants, bars, brothels, prisons etc. For the last hundred years there has been no renewal of cultural and historical places. During the last five years, we have renovated around four thousands historical places and we intend to do more. We need a good and pure generation for this purpose. In between his speech, he made prayers and audience said Ameen. He continued I can see a lot people gathered here and I am spiritually very happy. I wish and pray to see all the places in Turkey in the same way. This city of Sultan Fatih, i.e. Istanbul is filled with good and pious people and that is the reason why he conquered Istanbul. Therefore if we need to repeat that victory, we need such a generation. Yah Rab (Oh my Lord) bless us with good generation and good children for the future. Turkey is changing Turkey today is in the transition period. People are turning towards the Islamic tradition, life and culture. In this regard the contributions of Gulen movement and the Nursi foundation can be seen in the lives of the public by forming thousands of NGOs. At the airport I noticed that a large number of police officers were also present for the congregational prayers in the airport mosque. I asked Mr. Asim Alavi, the Tamil translator of Risala e Nur, about the prayers of police officers. He replied that three years ago it was a rare scene to see people praying openly in Turkey. But today Turkey has changed.
(continued from p. 32) Lack of Identity: When it comes to keeping confidence in ones principles, the college campus can be a testing environment. Most students these days just dont have the courage to stand up by their own set of rules. There is no place the individuals character is challenged more than that in a college campus. Students get used to slangs because they think it is trendy, they waste money in cheap fashion to think they are at par with their colleagues; they smoke and drink trying to become cool. If it is anything that brings them to these addictions, it is their low selfesteem. On the contrary, I have witnessed that if you are sincere and honest, you refuse politely when someone asks you smoke or drink, you speak the right words and spend just the right amount to appear tidy, you gain respect from all quarters of the college campus the friends, the teachers and the officials alike. All you need is to have the courage to stand up against evil boldly and proclaim that it is evil, and not what most people think it is. This reminds me of how my batch mates would react in the first year, when I would tell them that watching movies was a sheer waste of time with little gain and involves risk that an individual might be thrown out of the world of reality into that of fantasy. No matter what, I have stood by this belief of mine for the last three years and Alhamdulillah it has counted in far many ways than what I had thought it would. It has saved me from the useless gossip that goes late till night only to make you miss classes the next morning, it has allowed me to remain ahead of others academically and surely has saved me from the sinister and evil ways they portray in the movies these days. My narration of a college campus should not make it appear dull and gloomy. Those are the best moments to be spent with friends, memories that remain etched in our minds long after the days are over. After years of hard work, its eventually the college life that everyone looks forward to, which in turn could open the doors to infinite opportunities in life. But when the last thing we want at this point of time is an identity crisis among the student community, my concerns just seem a little genuine, dont they?

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slam c
movements
On the political chessboard...
Its hard enough to start a revolution, ...even harder to sustain it, ...hardest of all to win it. But its only afterward, once weve won, that the real difficulties begin. (Mohammed ul Arabi bin Mahdi) ounter revolutionary forces are in full swing, in the areas where last year, fresh breeze of Arab Spring swept away the dictatorial winters and tyrannical summers. As we rush to the press the parliament in Egypt has been dissolved. The prospects of a military takeover are immense, as in the wake of Morsis foreseeable (and according to not-so-official results already achieved) electoral victory as president; military, in a desperate move, has awarded itself sweeping political powers by issuing an interim constitution and taking control over budget. To prevent the hijack of these popular revolutions, either by the army or western powers (anxious for their interests in the Middle East), is a real challenge. Islamic movements are facing tough tasks. Making and sustaining a consensus government with the support of Islamists, salafists, minorities, liberals, and secular elements of the population is like, walking with steadfastness, on a slippery and thorny track. The vicious propaganda, both national and global, against Islamic movements has aggravated an already deteriorating situation. In this predicament, the way these movements are coping up with obstacles, and living up to the expectations of the masses, is certainly a lesson for us. Islamic movements, facing for the first time (in real sense of the term) the challenge of practical politics, are Invoking higher objectives of
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Sharia (Maqasid e Shariat) like freedom, justice, development, dignity, equality, fairness etc in their politics. They are trying to build consensus and take the multitude with them on the issues of rights, liberties, and welfare. How much they will succeed is for future to see. In this issue of The Companion, we have decided to analyse for our readers the programmes, initiatives and strategies of FJP of Egypt, An-Nahda of Tunisia, AKP of Turkey, and PJD of Morocco. An article on AnNour party has also been included to show the changing trends among the orthodox elements of the region that were earlier against any revolutionary change in the status-quo but today are forced to change their stance. A biographical account of Rashid al Ghanoushi will help the readers to look into the upbringing of modern day Islamists that are leading the aspirations of the people in post-revolution era, in their respective countries. I would like to thank Mahboob Thaha for his untiring efforts for making this important cover-feature what it is. But a word of caution is vital at this step. We have certainly many things to learn but this learning must be through open, critical, and questioning mind and not some blind copy of this or that countrys model to India. In our column According to Me, we have tried, through you, to look into this aspect of the matter and have received enlightening and thought-provoking replies. Thank you! In India the conflict between tradition and modernity within Islamic circles has gained momentum for quite some time. As sincere Muslims we should understand that both dogmatic orthodoxy and dogmatic open-mindedness are lethal. Islam is indeed relevant for all times and yes, it is flexible. But to stretch it so hard that it leads to a rupture, of course in the name of making it relevant, is no service either to Islam or Muslims. An example of such an attempt is recently launched London based quarterly The Critical Muslim, which wants to present the Muslim perspective on the great debates of our time, seeks to emphasise the plurality and diversity of Islam, cares to look, at everything critically and challenge traditionalist, modernist, fundamentalist and apologetic versions of Islam as well as the established conventions and orthodoxies of dominant cultures. In short the whole project is an attempt to seek new readings of religion, culture and politics. But contrary to all these farfetched claims, the editor Ziaddun Sardar argues, It is time to leave the prisons of Sharia...break free from the traditionalist thought and bury the notion of the Islamic state.... Some enthusiastic British-Muslim womens Occupy Mosque Movement can also be mentioned in this regard. If orthodox and unchanging elements within Muslim community are one extreme, then these ever-fluctuating liberal and so-called critical elements of the community are another extreme. We have to avoid both. What is necessary is to keep a vigilant eye on the different models that Islamic movements are presenting throughout the globe in Afghanistan, Algeria, Bangladesh, Egypt, Morocco, Palestine, Pakistan, Syria, Tunisia, Turkey, Yemen. Other lesser known Islamic movements working in Britain, America and other western countries, and also Caucasia, China, Japan and Latin America also should not be neglected. This learning should be positive and dispassionate, and should not be done under any inferiority-complex (or superiority-complex for that matter). We have many things to learn and we should not hesitate to learn, we have many things to teach and we should not shy away from the task...

Editor

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FJP
T

Justice Freedom and Justice arty (Egypt) ty, Party, (Egypt)

Mahboob Thaha
of the Mubarak regime and this prompted them to vote for the uniqueness of the Islamists in the elections. The usual policy of demonising the election victory of the Islamists in different countries didnt come to play in Egypt. It had no much choice but to come to the tables for discussion with FJP. FJP General Secretary Dr. Sad Kathatheeni expressed in detail to the American delegation of the bad politics played by America in the region and its support to the dictators of the region and Israel. Hillary Clinton, US Secretary of State said to the media that the US will co-operate with a government that supports human rights and uphold democratic values. The intellectual of the West have opined that the West shouldnt ignore and turn its back on the new scenario by terming it as political Islam. Jimmy Carter the former president of America is in the forefront of this stand. He had even recognised the victory of Hamas and even demanded to the Western leadership to hold talks with them. The surveillance team under Jimmy Carter had opined that the elections didnt face any kind of malpractices and interferences even though there were some moves from the army to do so. FJP has declined the suggestion of Turkish Premier Erdogan that the Arab Nations should have a secular constitution like Turkey. FJP argues that Turkeys state of affairs is such that it cannot dissect itself from the European secular atmosphere and so its model of constitution cannot be applied everywhere. The Egyptian scenario is different from Turkey and such attempts of a secular constitution without considering every section of the society will cause troubles for FJP. FJP and the Presidential election The first round of the crucial presidential election was held on the 23rd of May and the second round will follow it between June 3-9 for the expatriates and June 16 and 17 for those in the country. Even though the transparency of the election is visible the observers do not give it hundred percent marks. The army still has the power in their hands and the transfer of power as per their promise is yet to materialise. July 2012 15

he victory of the Freedom and Justice party of the Muslim Brotherhood in the parliamentary elections in Egypt soon after the descent of the Arab Spring has in fact revealed the movements deeprooted influence among the Egyptians. The whopping victory run by FJP by securing 235 seats (47.2%) in the parliamentary elections surely showcased their strength and command. The western media has begun to recognise the presence of Muslim FJP has declined Brotherhood in the political arena of Egypt even though the suggestion of they have tried to tarnish its Turkish Premier image by creating fear of the Erdogan that the threat of implementation of Arab Nations strict Islamic rules and should have a regulations. They spread the notion that Egypts economy secular which rests its shoulders on constitution like the tourism industry will be Turkey. FJP argues adversely affected by the rise that Turkeys state of Muslim Brotherhood. The only point that they could of affairs is such project in the election that it cannot mandate of FJP was that the dissect itself from FJP wishes to change the the European music sector in Egypt in secular accordance with the social values. Despite all these atmosphere and allegations Egyptians anxiety so its model of for change and implemenconstitution tation of democracy in Egypt cannot be applied has been at the apex. The acceptance of the FJP everywhere. in Egypt is not confined to the Muslim voters. In fact they have also received the support of the Christians and secularists. The Islamists or the FJP candidates gained votes on the basis of the humanitarian activities among all the sections of the society. Their track record of social service and transparency in financial transactions really opened the eyes of the voters. For a long time the people had been facing the brunt of the corruption THE COMPANION

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With regards to the candidates for the presidential post FJP candidate Mohammed Moorsi and former Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq have come out as the favourites after the first round with 25 and 24 percent votes respectively. Muhammed Moorsi comes from a farmer family and has a PhD in engineering from South California University in America. His personality has been admired even by his opponents. He was actively present in the relief activities during the Mubarak regime. The FJP had made it clear that they will strengthen the Islamic tradition of Egypt, provide protection to the Coptic Christians and also end the relation of Egypt with Israel. Ahmed Shafiq on the other hand is using the army tradition of 41 years. His main points of the campaign are the brave stories of the Israel war of 1973 in which two Israeli warplanes were bombed and 17 soldiers killed, the awards he gained etc. He even stated that till death his mentor and guide will be Hosni Mubarak. His intention looks like to gain the support of the army in future. His election manifesto doesnt address the issues of the common man and it clearly indicates whom he is representing. The process of selection of the presidential candidates by the Supreme presidential commission appointed by the Army council has raised doubts of the armys intention. Ten nominees including three famous individuals were disqualified from running for the presidential post. Khairath al-Shatir, the candidate declared by the FJP in the beginning was one of them. The election commission fearing his popularity disqualified him saying that he had served jail term during Mubaraks regime and such a person can only compete after six months. In fact the matter that Shatir had served jail sentence for protesting against Mubaraks wrong policies is being ignored here. The new Egyptian parliament had passed a law stating that those who were part of the Mubaraks regime should be disqualified from becoming presidential candidates. According to this Amr Mousa (foreign minister of Mubarak), Umer Suleiman (Vice President and head of intelligence) and Ahmed Shafiq (former Prime Minister) were to be disqualified. But only Umer Suleiman was subjected to disqualification and the others escaped it. Even though Ahmed Shafiq was also disqualified his appeal reinstated his candidacy within 24 hours and Amr Mousa was not at all touched by the commission. In short, not only has the remnants of the Mubaraks regime come up actively in the election but have made their presence felt in the elections. The supreme council of the army has allowed international observers for the election but with a lot of conditions. The observers will be allowed only thirty minutes inside the polling booths at the time of voting and even for that they need the permission of the concerned authorities. They also dont have the permission to observe the counting of votes in the end. Even if they find any THE COMPANION malfunctioning they shouldnt be reported to the media but only to the election commission. The 28th article of the temporary constitution states that even if the international observers or groups find some malpractices in the election process, the election commission will have the final word and decision. The decisions of the election commission cannot be questioned in the court. In response to this article strong demonstrations and protests broke out in Abbasiya. The parliament had brought in an amendment for this recently but human rights activists opine that these are not enough to prevent the malpractices and irregularities happening in the polling booths. During the 2005 elections the court had interfered against the governments stand and allowed the observers complete freedom. Egypt has 5,86,000 expatriates registered around the globe. Even though their votes are decisive, only one lakh of them have used their voting rights. It was from May 11 to May 17 that the facilities were set up in embassies and consulates for voting in different countries. While the Egyptians in the Gulf sector showed much enthusiasm in voting the response from American and European countries was low. The outcome of the first round of the presidential elections has created a sort of dilemma among the voters. Ahmed Shafiq, former Prime Minister in Mubaraks cabinet and Mohamed Moorsi of FJP are level-pegging at the first round. The opinion revolving around Ahmed Shafiq is that he should not be allowed to come to power as they fear a return of Mubarak-style governance if he wins. Mohamed Moorsi on the other side has received a list of demands from a coalition of liberal and secular forces that he ensure fair representation of women, Christians and youth. Some have raised the opinion of boycotting the election as they fear that if FJP candidate wins they will have the dominance over the whole administration of Egypt which may turn out to be the same as the NDP of Hosni Mubarak. Sentence on Mubaraks trial and its impact The verdict of an Egyptian court of life-term for the former president Hosni Mubarak for his complicity in the killing of protesters has brought joy to the Egyptians. But some say that he must be tried again for the atrocities he had done during his regime in denying the basic human rights and amenities of livelihood. At the same time his sons Alaa Mubarak and Jamal Mubarak were acquitted of major corruption charges and now they will have to face the trial on charges of manipulating the stock market. This has ignited sparks of protests around Egypt. Altogether it can be understood that the elements and leftovers of the Mubarak regime has not been completely uprooted from the administrative positions. The fear of their comeback allures over the Egyptians after the pronouncement of verdicts of Mubarak and his colleagues. The end results of the presidential elections will surely change the destiny of Egypt in the coming future. July 2012 16

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Harkat An-Nahda
The Renaissance Party, (Tunisia)
Hilaludheen K.
Emergence of Islamic movements in Tunisia It was in nineteen sixties that Islamic movement gained momentum in Tunisia. Rashid al Ghannoushi, a well known Professor in Philosophy and a scholar of religion, started Al Jamaath Al Islamiya, an Islamic movement in 1972. It was the first organisation to carry Islamic activities to the common people of the country. The professor himself campaigned for his party among the large number of students wherever he met. Abdul Fatah Morro, a renounced lawyer and Salih Karkar, an economist joined to the organisation and within few years organisation earned a good acceptance in Tunisian society. In 1974 Al Jamaath Al Islamiya started a magazine Al Marifa in which they scrutinized those leftist thoughts and existential philosophies which had been influencing the youngsters of the time. Followed by the second yearly conference, the organisation changed its name to Islamic Trend Movement (Al Itijah al Islami). It was in 1981, but the application for legal registration had rejected by the government of Burqibah and he started widespread arrests of its leaders by alleging antinational activities. Habeeb Burqibah, was earlier called Al Mujahid Al Kabeer of Tunisia, but when the power came in his hand, he showed his true colours and began the crusade against Islam. It is very difficult to differentiate his activities from what was done by Kamal Ataturk in Turkey. Burqibah closed Zaituniya University which had a huge legacy and significance in Islamic history. Ghannoushi and Morro were arrested and imprisoned for 10 years. But after the Bread Revolution both were freed in 1984. Habeeb Janhani, a Professor in the University of Tunisia, once remarked that the pathetic situation which Tunisia has experienced in a long 30 years under the autonomy of Burqibah itself made the platform for the growth of Islamic Trend Movement. He recalls that the major faculties in Tunisian University especially science faculties were filled with the students associated to Islamic Trend Movement. The Renaissance Party In 1987 Zain al Abideen Ben Ali came to throne. He was just a carbon copy of Habeeb Burqibah. Despite some of his policies like regaining the Arab-Islamic legacy of Zaituniya University, the declaration to start all T.V/Radio programmes by the recitation of Holy Quran, establishing a special ministry for religion and its matters he didnt tolerate the political interference of Islamist groups. That is why the Islamic Trend Movement accepted a new name An-Nahda (Renaissance) in order to make their way easy. But this change also would not much satisfy the government and they denied its legal registration by saying there was a court order against its leaders in past. An-Nahda and Democracy An-Nahda has been considered as the most liberal Islamist group throughout the Arab world. In the beginning Rashid Al Ghannoushi himself was an ultra secularist greatly influenced by Jamal Abdul Nasir, later he turned to Tabligh Jamat, but when he was appointed in a Syrian University he got in touch with the ideology of Muslim Brotherhood in which he found the light for his religious and political strategy. He was not interested in presenting a copy of Ikhwan in Tunisia , but he came with a new, which he explains our movement should be Islamic in ideology, same time it is an Arab political party having independent views on politics and governance, the people will have the right to chose their government either Islamic or not. (From an interview with Al Shirag Magazine, 1987) Traditionally inspired and shaped by the thinking of Sayyid Qutub and Maududi, the party began to be described as moderate Islamist in the 1980s when it advocated democracy and a Tunisian form of Islamism recognising political pluralism and a dialogue with the West. Critics charged that Rashid Al Ghannoushi had a history of violence yet in courts he was accused by the ruling party of organising a non-authorised political party, others said he supports any form of multi-party democracy that offers a minimum of freedom for his party and followers. An-Nahda and 1989 Election As An-Nahda was banned from participating in the elections it fielded its independent candidates in the 1989 elections and they constituted around 17 percent votes according to official figures. Realising the dangerous growth of this Islamic movement Ben Ali decided to take criminal actions against the members of the party, first of which, he banned Al Fajr, partys newspaper and arrested its editor Hamadi Jabali and sentenced him to 16 years imprisonment for membership in the un-authorised organisation and for aggression with the intention of changing the nature of the state. It is said that 30,000 An-Nahda workers were arrested,

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thrown into jail and brutally tortured in those days. In 1992 Tunisian court made a most cruel verdict in its history, it was the capital punishment for 50 out of 280 An-Nahda activists who were alleged for anti-government conspiracy. During these persecutions Rashid Al Ghanoushi exiled to London and continued his guidance from the outside. Despite the organisation within Tunisia faced difficulties due to the tight security on its members, the leadership that resides in overseas still remain active and are ready to step backward. The party was strongly repressed in the late 1980s and early 1990s and almost completely absent in mainstream from Tunisia from 1992 until the post-revolutionary period. Thousands of Islamists were imprisoned or exiled during this time. Legalisation of the party and the election manifesto The party was legalised on 1 March 2011 when Tunisias interim government granted the group permission to form a political party. A March 2011 opinion poll found the An-Nahda Movement ranked first among political parties in Tunisia with 29%, followed by the Progressive Democratic Party (PDP) at 12.3% and Tajdid Movement at 7.1%. Ahead of the Constituent Assembly election on 23 October 2011, the party conducted an ardent electoral campaign with publishing an election manifesto containing 350 paragraphs. Instead of presidential system it assures a parliamentary government, liberal judiciary and constitutional court which stands for constitution, law, freedom and democracy. It demands for collision government of 5 years. Election mandate contains a plan to create 600 lakh new employments. Jasmine revolution and the political transition In the wake of Jasmine Revolution, Rashid Al Ghannoushi returned back to Tunisia on 1st of March 2011. According to Salim Asusu, an Egyptian columnist, it is said that if Ghannoushi had reached Tunisia before the Jasmine wave got quiet, it would have repeated what occurred in Iran by the arrival of Imam Khomeini from Paris to Tehran. In his first press release Rashid Al Ghannoushi declared that he will cooperate with all to establish a multi-party democracy which will assure a free and transparent election. Until the public election will be conducted he suggested making a temporary national government by including the representatives of every political party. Earlier Ghannoushi announced that the party had signed a shared statement of principles with the other Tunisian opposition groups. The New York Times reported mixed predictions among Tunisians for the partys success, with some believing the party would enjoy support in the inland part of Tunisia, but others saying Tunisia was too secular for the AnNahda movement to gain broad support. Constituent Assembly and the cooperation with other parties An-Nahda won 89 seats and placed in first in the election held in 2011 for constituent assembly, which is the strong evidence of the powerful existence of the party in the hearts of Tunisian people. Even though the party itself has the majority to make their own government, An-Nahda wished for a government of mixed alliance. For this they agreed with the two runners-up, the centre-left secular congress for the republic (CPR) and Al Takatul, to co-operate in the assembly and to share the three highest positions in state. Accordingly, An-Nahda supported the election of Al Takatuls secretary general Mustafa Bin Jafar as speaker of Parliament, and of CPRleader Muncef Marzuqi as interim President of the Republic. The latter, in exchange, immediately appointed Al-Nahdas secretary general Hamadi Jabali as prime Minister. Women participation in the party The party has expressed support for womens rights and equality of civil rights between men and women. On a press conference in June 2011 the An-Nahda movement presented itself as a modern and democratic. It introduced a female member who wore headscarf and a member who did not. It is highly noticeable that out of eighty nine who were elected for constituent assembly under the banner of An-Nahda, 42 candidates are women while the party has been alleged for restrictions for women, polygamy and so on. Political positions The party is generally described as socially centrist with mild support for economic liberalism. However, liberals accuse its leaders of doublespeak in this regard. The party wishes to revise the strong secular, Arab nationalist, and socialist principles that are predominate among the other parties, and to accommodate closer relations with the west and greater economic freedom. Rudolph Chimelli noted that, unlike leftist parties of Tunisia, the moderate Islamist party is not against market economy. The party currently rejects radical Islamism as a form of governance inappropriate for Tunisia; in a debate with a secular opponent Al Ghannoushi stated, Why are we put in the same place as a model that is far from our thought, like the Taliban or the Saudi model, while there are other successful Islamic models that are closer to us, like the Turkish model of Rajab Tayyib Erdogan, the Malaysian and the Indonesian models; models that combine Islam and modernity? Conclusion Thus, An-Nahda has become the biggest and bestorganised party in Tunisia so far outdistancing its more secular competitors is concerned. According to scholar Noah Feldman, rather than being a puzzling disappointment for the forces of democracy, the An-Nahda victory is a natural outcome of inevitable differences between revolutions leaders and the fact that Tunisians see Islam as a defining feature of their personal and political identities. Rashid Al Ghannoushi, the partys leader was one of the few voices of resistance to the regime in the last 20 years. On 13 November 2011, the partys General Secretary Hamadi Jabali held a joint rally in Sousse together with a parliamentary deputy of the Palestinian Hamas party and referred to the occasion as a divine moment in a new state, and in, hopefully, a 6th caliphate, and that the liberation of Tunisia will, god willing, bring about the liberation of Jerusalem.

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AKP
T

Dev Justice and Development party (Tur ty, urk party, (Turkey)

Saifudheen Kunju
he Justice and Development Party (known popularly by its Turkish acronym Adalet Ve Kalkinma Partisi the AKP) secured sweeping victory of almost 35 percent of the vote in the November 2002 parliamentary elections. This landslide victory allowed the AKP to form a single-party government. The AKP was formed by the reformist leaders like Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Abdullah Gul who broke away from the Fazilet Party of Arbakan in 2001. The AKP is now in their third term after the splendid victory of 12 June 2011 in which the party scored 49.9 percent votes. It means half of the Turkish electorate voted for the AKP. The peculiarity of this progress is the successive victory of an Islamic rooted party in a secular country where Islam has always been perceived hostilely. Turkeys Kemalist elite had always tried to portray Turkey as secular and continued to deny the role of Islam in public sphere. But the AKPs successive victories and increasing religious consciousness insist Turkey to re-read its established claims. THE AKP AND CONSERVATIVE DEMOCRACY The AKP defines its political concept as Conservative Democracy (Muhafazakar Demokrasi). Conservative Democracy is described by the AKP as a gradual change which favours balance instead of radical solutions. It names family, tradition and the achievements of former societies as the most important values. Islam is not part of the self-definition as conservative-democratic. However conservative-democratic has a wider meaning in the Turkish context, as the term also implies being-Muslim. It presents itself at the same time as the preserver of national traditions, religious values as well as a dynamic party actively engaged in progress and development. Erdogan describes the partys approach as a significant part of the Turkish society desires to adopt a concept of modernity that does not reject tradition, a belief of universalism that accepts localism, an understanding of rationalism that does not disregard the spiritual meaning of life and a choice for change that is not fundamentalist. Highly influenced by the Anatolian Bourgeoisie the AKP developed an understanding of tradition, which also values development and change. Whereas traditional values and society structures are given high emphasis, in the field of science, business and state structure the party calls for change. In comparison to western conservatism the biggest parallels exist with the American conservative model. The creation of the term conservative democracy instead of using democracy alone is two times advantageous for the party. The message to the public is that of a new political beginning without losing the connection to the past.

PRAGMATISM IN FOREIGN POLICY IDEALS Since May 2009 when Ahmet Davutoglu was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, the rhetoric and practice of Turkish foreign policy has changed. As a previous chief advisor of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan he has been closely associated to AKPs foreign policy since 2003 and he articulated a new vision bringing it to a new dynamic and multidimensional orientation aimed at solving chronicle problems in neighbouring regions. In his 2002 book, The Strategic Depth Davutoglu describes well Ankaras newfound appetite in engaging in all neighbouring areas, as a mean to get a recognition for Turkey as being in the same time a European, West Asian, Balkan, Caucasian, Central Asian, Caspian, Mediterranean, Gulf and Black Sea power. The outcome is that today Turkey is a very influential country with strong ties with all countries around its borders such as Iraq, Iran, Syria, Russia, Lebanon, in full line with Davutoglus personal motto: zero problems with neighbours. Within this framework, Ankara has also taken the diplomatic initiatives to manage and mediate long standing conflicts in the region. These new conditions helped to increase trade and business links between Turkey and its neighbours, thus providing stability and prosperity across Turkeys borders While Turkeys relations with the countries of the West Asia, Caucasus and Central Asia are improving, and the relationship with the European Union is nearly deadlocked. Facing the continuing opposition of France, Germany and Austria to anything more than a privileged partnership, Ankaras enthusiasm for reforms has waned even if Turkish government claims it remains fully committed to accession. Nowadays, the AKPs diversification of its foreign policy goals has delivered a number of notable results. Remaining institutionally anchored in the West, the AKP government, equipped with a huge democratic mandate and the prospect of EU accession, realised that it is convenient to forge new relations with the South and the East, taking advantage of the opportunities offered by postCold War scenario. Turkey is showing a new activism in economic and foreign policy and this could bring benefits for EU. Turkey now plays as a proactive soft power in the region in order to ensure the stability and mutual peaceful diplomatic relationships.

THE COMPANION

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COVER STORY
According to his point of view as was during the Ottoman Empire Turkey must play a central role in the regional events rediscovering its historic and geographic identity, balancing the approach towards all global and regional actors and building strong economic linkages with all regional states. Under the AKP regime, not only Turkish trade with neighbours has increased, but also historical critical relations with countries like Russia, Syria, Iran and Greece improved a lot. A great number of ambitious mediation efforts show that Ankara is willing to emerge as a key regional player and all these negotiations demonstrate that AKP is pursuing its zero problems policy with neighbours improving its relations with explicitly Islamic regimes, but also reaching non Islamic governments. Making clear that its policy is not driven by Islamic feeling, Davutoglu aims to balance Turkeys strategic relationships rather than prioritise relations with international organisations framework and Turkish historical western orientation. This trend must be recognised as a deep degree of pragmatism which underlines a significant degree of continuity with respect to AKPs foreign policy activism. Nowadays Turkey is taking every chance to pursue its own national interests. Rather than turning away from the West, Ankara is thus realising that its neighbourhood consists not only in Europe but also in the West Asia, the Balkan and the wider Black Sea regions. This new trend is breaking away from the old Kemalist notion of Turkey as a country surrounded by enemies and strategically located in the West and emphasises the cooperation between Ankara and the neighbours in order to guarantee stability in the region. Now Turkey is a stronger country inclined to wield its influence globally, comparing with the past. Decades of promarket policies have transformed Turkey in the 16th largest economy in the world; migration from rural areas to the cities and an expanding middle class also has huge political implications. In other words, a more prosperous and confident Turkey wants an independent diplomacy to follow its national interests. With AKP and the new Davutoglus strategy, Turkey is experimenting a new course in its international policy, breaking out from the rigid Kemalist schemes based on security while preserving the main principles of the Ataturk heritage: peace at home, peace in the world. If historically Turkish foreign policy was oriented only towards western side since the birth of the Republic, with the end of Cold War and the recent dynamics Turkey is trying to take all chances and shape its strategy following its own national interests. The alliance with the West is still a strategic imperative and the AKP Government is pursuing not a New Ottoman but a New Turkish foreign policy, rediscovering Turkeys central position. Even if in the past, some other governments tried to liberalise Turkish foreign policy, under the AKPs rule for the first time Turkish orientation is questioned since the birth of the Republic. This generates confusion and concerns about Turkish foreign policy orientations both internally and at international level: Ankara must clarify its commitment to the Western values and avoid exasperating internal and international tensions using a moderate and diplomatic language. On the other side, the current divisions within the EU and European fatigue to gain a political consensus about Turkish accession shows that Europe is not politically ready to speak with a one voice about Turkey and its foreign policy orientation. Therefore it is appropriate to ask what the EU and the international community are willing and ready to do with Turkey. Right now the suspicions in western circles make a great noise but the only way to go forward avoiding the risk of losing Turkish efforts towards democracy and modernisation is to recognise Ankara as an emerging regional power with its own interests outside the western area. In domestic discussions of the AKPs recent foreign policy approach frequent references are made to the term a shift of axis suggesting a drift away from the predominantly Western orientation which has been the hallmark of Turkish foreign policy throughout the post World War period, toward a more eastern-oriented pattern of foreign policy behaviour. POLITICAL REFORMS The AK Party identifies the realisation of a free market economy by liberalisation and privatisation, the improvement of the situation of human rights and a stronger democratisation of Turkey. In terms of foreign policy it votes for an EU entry much more actively than all other Turkish parties. In this regard it has carried out numerous structural reforms which will change and influence the country in a long-term perspective. The most crucial point in this aspect is the loss of power of the armed forces, which will lead to a stronger democratisation of Turkey. Although the military is not allowed to intervene in politics it sees itself historically as a Guardian of the Republic and its Kemalist heritage. Whenever it saw these values threatened in the past it tried to restore the order by a military coup as happened in 1960, 1971, 1980 and 1997. Besides, it heavily influenced civil politics through the institution of the National Security Council. Another important step towards further democratisation of the country was the constitutional amendment in September 2010. The main points of the amendment were the strengthening of civil control of the military, the abolition of the impunity for the generals of the military coup in 1980, the aggravation of party bans and a strengthening of human rights. Other reforms in relation to an EU-accession concerned minority rights. Especially the third, sixth and seventh harmonization package (between 2002 and 2004) were crucial for the Kurdish question. As a result the first official radio and television programs in Kurdish were broadcasted in March 2003. At the beginning of 2009 a channel for multi-language programs was created by the official television council TRT (Turkish Radio and Television Council). Also language classes in Kurdish were made possible by the harmonisation packages. The AKP`s relation towards religious minorities seems to be influenced by a desired EU accession. The resolution of a new law concerning religious foundations in February 2008 is a step in this direction. It ameliorates the legal status of religious minorities.

THE COMPANION

July 2012 20

COVER STORY

PJD
T

Justice and Dev Party, arty Development Party, (Morocco) (Morocco)

Mahboob Thaha

he Justice and Development Party (abbreviated to PJD) is the ruling party in Morocco since 29 November 2011. The party was founded by Abdelkrim Al Khatib one of the founders of the Popular Movement party, from which he was expelled in the mid1960s, under the name of MPDC (French: Mouvement populaire dmocratique et constitutionnel, the Popular Democratic and Constitutional Movement). The party was an empty shell for many years, until various members of a clandestine association Chabiba Islamia, who later formed the MUR (French: Mouvement unit et rforme, the Unity and Reform Movement) joined the party, with the authorisation and encouragement of former interior minister Driss Basri. It later changed its name to current PJD in 1998. Parliamentary representation In the parliamentary election, held on 27 September 2002, the party won 42 out of 325 seats, winning most of the districts where it fielded candidates. Its SecretaryGeneral since 2004 is Saadeddine Othmani, MP representing Mohammedia. In the parliamentary election held on 7 September 2007, the PJD won 46 out of 325 seats, behind the Istiqlal Party, which won 52. This was contrary to expectations that the PJD would win the most seats. Abdelilah Benkirane was elected leader of the Justice and Development Party in July 2008, taking over from Saadeddine Othmani. In the 2011 elections, it had gained 107 seats surpassing the party at the second position and also doubling their previous quota of seats. Having won a plurality of seats in the 2011 parliamentary election, the party formed a coalition with three parties that had been part of previous governments, and Benkirane was appointed Prime Minister of Morocco on 29 November 2011. His new government has targeted average economic growth of 5.5 percent a year during its four year mandate, and to reduce the jobless rate to 8 percent by the end of 2016 from 9.1 percent at the start of 2012. Benkiranes government has also actively pursued Moroccos ties with the European Union, its chief trade partner, as well as becoming increasingly engaged with the six-member Gulf Cooperation Council. He also declared that they are following THE COMPANION

the model of AKP (Justice and Development party) of Turkey which also has similarity in its name. The PJD in Morocco do not consider themselves working only for Muslims. But even before the elections the leadership of the party made it clear that this is a party which follows policies based on Islamic values. The party which took inspiration from the Muslim Brotherhood was active in the politics of Morocco since 1998. The party will focus on three topics in their administration A comprehensive change in the educational sector, eradication of corruption from the social sector and employment of the thousands of unemployed. One-third of the youth are unemployed in Morocco and one-fourth of the three and half crore population are facing extreme poverty. The Prime Minister has also declared that the country will continue its relation with the West. The Time magazine says quoting Prof. Muhammed Thosi of the political science department of the University of Morocco that PJD already had a good support of the pubic and this time it came out on a large scale. He also points out that AKP of Turkey had showed the world Islam and modernity is capable of going hand in hand. Ideology The PJD claims to be inspired by Turkeys Justice and Development Party. According to The Washington Post, Saad Eddine el-Othmani (the partys head) is a moderate Muslim. According to a paper published by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the PJD has placed economic and legal issues at the core of its platform and is committed to internal democracy. Views on PJDs entry into politics The integration of the Islamists into the democratic process may well moderate some of their stands with regarding the reforms in the society. Their participation can have a strong impulse in the democratic setup of the nation. Some also fear that once they are in power they may exercise orthodox stands that may hamper the democratisation process. Another view that comes forward is that the PJD nor any of the opposition is not in a position to alter the established power structures and the executive in one way or other. July 2012 21

COVER STORY

Hizb An-Nour
Par arty The Party of Light, Egypt
Saad Ahmad Farooqui
n Egypt, secularist ideas totalized the internal politics during its heydays of nationalism. After Arab Spring and since the political uplifting of the Islamist party Ikhwanul Muslimin (Muslim Brotherhood), it was considered that the spectrum of political Islam in Egypt is limited to only MB (and its official Freedom and Justice Party and The Wasat party). It now includes several Salfi parties of which An-Nour Party is most prominent in the context of recent political scenario in Egypt. The An-Nour (Hizb an-Nour) is a political party associated with Salafi thought and has been established in Egypt since the Arab uprising. The homepage of the party states that the party will try to wipe corruption from the society and will bring equality and justice by advocating equality of opportunity within the framework of Islamic law. Party focuses on Islam as religion, Arabic as official language and Sharia as source of legislation. However, AnNour is the largest licensed Salafi party of the Egypt other than Asala and Fadila Party. It was established by Egypts largest Salafist group al-Dawa al-Salafiyya. The vision of the An-Nour party rest in the vision of Salfiyyah which fundamentally demands for internalisation of Islam through Quran and Sunnah, according to Salafiyyah this internalisation can be successful only by a purified aqeeda (faith) in daily life which can bring a substantive change in society and state. An-Nour party was licensed in June 2011 with a prime tendency of apoliticism later with the intensification in waves of uprising, adherents of Salfi ideas came in public and issued various quotations from Hadith about not rebelling against the regime just because it is prohibited in Islam. But later, Yasser Borhami a dawa (al- Dawa al-Salafiya is Egypts largest Salafi group) leader in Egypt called to form a political party that could work to unify Egypts Islamic movements and apply Islamic principle to all social and political life. Party dramatically emerged after Arab uprising with few contentious statements and an attestation of democratic vision in Islamic hue as it is ready to negotiate with Israel and committed to 1979 Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty with certain amendments and opposition of normalisation with Israel. This can be considered as foreign policy doctrine of An-Nour party as well. Party demands that States institutions must help to restore nations Arab identity and THE COMPANION

its majority religion. The role of the Sharia is mentioned only in reference to Egypts existing constitution in article 2 as Sharia the main source of law. With the entrance into a political realm, Party has accepted rules of democratic illusion and tried to reconcile with their ideological and religious principle. It has declared Party advocates establishing a modern state upon modern principles by which according to partys later explanation it means the adoption of political mechanism of democracy such as free election and rejection of democracy such as rule of people. From the pluralist perspective, party is an exponent of majoritarian rule which later led clashes with religious minority such as Copts. Salafi ideas abnegates presence of women in public but to achieve a political goal, it provided room for women in politics and promised to nominate women with the condition of religiosity. As the party announced that it would field sixty female candidates in the upcoming elections it became the source of considerable controversy. In response, An-Nour leader Emad Abd Al-Ghafour stressed that the party cannot go off of its principle that ikhtelaat (intermingling of men and women) is prohibited in Islam. The decision to field female candidates had been a necessary measure aimed at winning as many seats as possible, given that the law stipulates a set quota for female candidates on party lists. Al-Ghafour went on to note, however, that female candidates would remain at the tail end of the list and would therefore have very little chance of securing representation. From the perspective of partys relation with other political establishments, it had been a part of the MB-led electoral coalition, the Democratic Alliance, before it was defeated in September. According to reports, An-Nour withdrew from the coalition due to disagreements with the MBs political party, the Freedom and Justice (FJP), over its share in the coalitions joint candidate lists. Party is criticised due to its camouflaged dealing on issues contradicting with the foundations of Islam which are later politically neutralised and evaluated to the elements of contestation. Party claims to target the criminalisation of the politics, politicisation of national development plans and providing an ambience of welfarism by removing all forms of discrimination. For this purpose it goes to participate in national political contestations and will try to dream its own version of political projection. Now, future seems in favour of religious mainstream MB and AnNour Party and circumstances will decide that which party can shape the future of the Egyptian politics. (saadfarouqee@gmail.com) July 2012 22

BOOK REVIEW

Democra Islamist and Democrat

Mirza Kamran Baig
he Book Rachid Ghannouchi: Democrat within Islamism is one of the masterpieces on the political viewpoint of Islam; it is not just a biography but also a treatise on the political philosophy of Islam. Azzam Tamimi who is a British Palestinian and currently director of Institute of Islamic political thought in London introduces one of his close acquaintances whom he calls very interestingly as Democrat within Islamism. Introducing Rashid al Ghannoushi as a Democrat, Azzam Tamimi attempts to introduce to the English world the viewpoints and one of the most important contributions to the Islamic political thought by Rashid Ghannoushi. Being his translator in many of the conferences and a close associate during his exile Azzam Tamimi had known the works and thoughts of Rashid al Ghannoushi from very close. Rashid al Ghannoushi belongs to the group of postQutub, Banna and Maududi group of thinkers. His thoughts and ideas on democracy and west match with those of Afghani, Kawakibi, Rida and Malik Bennabi. He is today considered as authority on the political viewpoint of Islam. The book gives substantial amount of space to two very important analyses. 1. Analysis of Ghannoushis Understanding of Democracy and his theory of compatibility between Democracy and Islam, for this western democratic theory is dealt in depth and core theme of liberal democracy and Ghannoushis position on them are discussed in detail. 2. Analysis of Ghannoushis theory that democratisation in the Arab world is hindered by 4 very important factors Secularism, the modern territorial state, the new world order, and radical trends within Islamism The Genealogy of his political thoughts has roots in his childhood. Born in 1941 in the province of Gabes in Tunisia which was then a French colony, He studied in the traditional school. Until age of 16 Ghannoushi grew up in a large extended family of which his maternal uncle Al-Bashir was a distinguished member, a great admirer of President Nassir of Egypt. Al Bashirs house was a regular point, where Ghannoushi would sit together with other members of the family, young and old , to listen attentively to Egyptian radio broadcasts, to Nassirs speeches, and to his uncles analysis of political events in the country, in the Mashriq (Arab East), and worldwide. Of particular interest was al-Bashirs analysis of Nassirs struggle against Western foes. For Ghannoushi, those evening family meetings were most enjoyable: they were windows through which he saw the THE COMPANION

world outside the village; they were political alphabets inscribed in his young unquestioning, unsuspecting brain. His uncle would describe Nassir as the bikbashi (from the Turkish binbasi: an army major), a title Ghannoushi thought was most grandiose and worthy only of a hero like Nassir. As a child he also developed an unlimited hatred for the French colonisers who frequently killed many people in Tunisia. These events coincided with another memorable experience, which occurred when Ghannoushi was still at primary school. He came across an article about the atrocities perpetrated by the Zionists in the village of Deir Yassin in Palestine in April 1948. He read how 250 Palestinians, including many women and children, were massacred by Irgun and Stern terrorist gangs under the command of Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir. While filling his eyes with tears, the article opened them to an image of the Mashriq he had frequently heard his uncle alBashir describe. His imaginative mind would fly him to the Mashriq on a mission of rescue and support. In 1959, at the age of eighteen, Ghannoushi followed the footsteps of his elder brothers and left the village for the capital in pursuit of education at the ancient Arabicmedium Az-Zaytouna. While at city at Az- Zaytouna he was first time introduced to the effects of westernisation. A conflict between his society and traditions troubled him much, the conflict with self, tradition and society made him give up his salah and almost he turned to atheism. He left Zaytouna and goes to Egypt for higher studies, Intellectually, Ghannoushi grew up as a Nassirist. Nassirism was the ideology of the Arab Socialist Union in Egypt, a form of pan-Arabism attempted by President Nassir of Egypt between 1952 and 1970. In 1964, Ghannoushi enrolled with the Faculty of Agriculture at Cairo University. For three months prior to being forced to quit, the Egyptian authorities moved to expel from the country Ghannoushi and his friends whom the Tunisian government referred to as the fugitives. The incident was the first to shake Ghannoushis preconceived ideas about Nassirism as a panArab unionist and anti-colonial movement. But to Ghannoushis great disappointment, the few months he spent in Egypt had exposed him to a different image of Nassirism and of Egypt. He did not find in Egypt what he had always imagined of ambition for progress, of July 2012 23

BOOK REVIEW
Arab solidarity, and of unwavering support for the causes of justice and equality. In Syria Once in Syria, Ghannoushi changed his mind and decided to study philosophy instead of agriculture. Or perhaps he did so because at high school in Tunisia he was fond of the subject, viciously and cunningly arguing with the teachers of Az-Zaytouna over issues pertaining to deity and life after death. The Intellectual evolution At Damascus University, Ghannoushi found himself in the midst of a raging intellectual battle. A fierce conflict had been going on among students belonging to different political trends. The nationalist trend was the most prominent. Conflict within this camp existed between the Nassirists and the Bathists. In the meantime, a conflict had been going on between the secularists, who campaigned for the exclusion of religion from public life, and the Islamists, who defended the role of religion as a source of guidance in both the public and private realms. These intellectual debates played a very significant role in the intellectual evolution of Rashid Ghannoushi. European Tour In June 1965, at the end of the academic year, Ghannoushi decided to explore the Western world. He traveled from Syria to Turkey then to Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Germany, France, Belgium, and the Netherlands. The tour took seven months. The impact of the journey on him was immense. Upon returning from his European tour, Ghannoushi told his fellow students how shocked he was to see in the West such lost and decadent youth. The splendid image he had depicted in his mind of the West had faded and was replaced by a more realistic image reinforced later on by his readings about the West and about Islam. His observations in the West and the experience of living with Western youth reinforced in his mind the Islamists perception of the West more than it reinforced the perception of the nationalist camp to which he still belonged. The European tour had in its own way contributed to his migration a year later from Arabism to Islamism. The conversion The divorce with nationalism led Ghannoushi to the rediscovery of Islam: Eventually, my mind rested assured of the wrongfulness of the nationalist way. While my THE COMPANION heart was perfectly reassured of Islam, I realised that what I had been following was not the right Islam but a traditional and primitive version of it. The traditional model was not ideological, nor did it represent a comprehensive system. It was a conventional religious sentiment, a set of traditions, customs, and rituals that fell short of representing a civilisation or a way of life. I discovered that I was not a true Muslim and therefore I had to take a decision to re-enter Islam. Ghannoushi speaks of the night of 15 June 1966 as having been a turning point and a landmark in his life. That was the night he embraced what he called the true Islam. That very night I shed two things off me: secular nationalism and traditional Islam. That night I embraced what I believed was the original Islam, Islam as revealed and not as shaped or distorted by history and tradition. That was the night I was overwhelmed by an immense surge of faith, love, and admiration for this religion to which I pledged my life. On that night I was reborn, my heart was filled with the light of God, and my mind with the determination to review and reflect on all that which I had previously conceived. It was during the third year of his stay in Syria that Ghannoushi divorced the al-Ittihad al-Ishtiraki and moved to the Islamic camp. He boasts of having deserted Nassirism while still at its climax, which is before the 1967 Arab defeat. In Syria, Ghannoushi had gained no practical Islamic movement experience; he had not joined any group or party and had not even practiced dawah work (preaching). He was preoccupied with trying to comprehend as much as possible some of what had been written by contemporary Islamic thinkers. During the last two years of his study in Damascus, he read some of the writings of Muhammad Iqbal, Maududi, Sayyid Qutb, Muhammad Qutb, al-Banna, as-Sibai, Malik Bennabi, and an-Nadwi. He was invited by more than one organisation, including the Ikhwan, to join in but he refrained. Because he intended to return home, and did not know what kind of Islamic activity he would find there upon returning, he deemed it inappropriate for him to commit himself and return to his country with an

That very night I shed two things off me: secular nationalism and traditional Islam. That night I embraced what I believed was the original Islam, Islam as revealed and not as shaped or distorted by history and tradition. That was the night I was overwhelmed by an immense surge of faith, love, and admiration for this religion to which I pledged my life. On that night I was reborn, my heart was filled with the light of God, and my mind with the determination to review and reflect on all that which I had previously conceived.
July 2012 24

BOOK REVIEW
organisational affiliation. Nevertheless, he had acquainted himself with all sorts of trends, the Ikhwan, the Sufi orders, Hizb-ut-Tahrir al-Islami, and the Salafiyah. In France and Tabligh Movement While staying at France he joined the Tabligh movement which started in India, he says that the Tabligh movement added the spiritual dimension to his life and also for the first time he did dawah with them. When his parents learn about Rashid and his engagements they call him back to Tunisia. On his way back in Algeria he meets Malik Bennabi. Rashid Ghannoushis thought is mostly influenced by Malik Bennabi. Back at Tunisia he forms Jamaa al Islamiya on the Ikhwan model, but soon realises that the Ikhwan model doesnt suits the Tunisian state. In 1981 he forms ITM (Islamic Tendency Movement), soon it becomes a popular movement and the dictatorial state looks it as a viable threat and bans it and 500 members and Rashid al Ghannoushi get arrested. Ghannoushi stays in Jail from 1981-1984, this was the period for him for deep contemplation, he studies in depth tafsir, fiqh , politics, reflects deep on the Tunisan affair and future. He also completes his magnum opus Al hurriyat Al-Ammah fid dawlah al Islamiyah Public liberties in Islamic state, this is the most important book written by him which has his whole political thought. After getting released he again changes the name of his movement as An Nahda (Renaissance), he removed Islamic name to register it as a political party. An Nahda soon emerged as a viable opposition, it was again crack down by Ben Alis regime and Rashid al Ghannoushi takes voluntary exile in May 1989 at London. Views on Democracy The 1970s and 1980s Sayyid Qutub and his affiliates group of thought insisted that Democracy is a concept alien to Islam. Ghannoushi argues that Democracy is not an ideology but a tool for electing checking and dismissing or replacing system of government for protecting civil liberties and basic rights of citizens, though he is conscious that democracy has ethical and philosophical underpinnings that procedures may unavoidably carry with them, this for him is a price worth paying in order to get rid of despotism. He sees in Western modernity, including secularism and liberalism, positive aspects that can be of benefit to the Muslims. He embarks on yet another tough mission and travels through a rough terrain. He attempts to deconstruct Western concepts, assimilate what he believes to be positive, and eventually come up with a formula for an Islamic renaissance. The latter would have to be founded on Islamic values and capable of benefiting, at the same time, from the positive aspects of modernity. Rashid Ghannoushis importance emanates from the high standard of his political discourse, which is distinguished by daring attempts to innovate and to THE COMPANION introduce new dimensions in contemporary Islamic thought. The impact of his ideological and intellectual standing has extended well beyond the frontiers of Tunisia. His contribution to modern Islamic thought lies in his comprehension of both traditional Islamic literature and modern Western concepts. The significance of Ghannoushi also emanates from the fact that, unlike other Islamic thinkers who espouse the democratic cause, he is both a thinker and a leader of an Islamic movement. He is a credible authority within Islamic circles at the global level. His thoughts are in no way restricted to an intellectual debate at a time when the Islamic movement has emerged as a major political power in the Muslim world, and when power-sharing or power-taking experiments are in process. Ghannoushi is unprecedented within Islamic intellectual circles in his theory that civil society is an Islamic concept and that religion consolidates civil society whereas secularism, especially the model imported to the Muslim world under the guise of modernisation, weakens it. He is the first Islamic thinker to address the problems facing the transition to democracy in the Arab world. He started developing this thesis following the coup against democracy in Algeria in 1992, less than two years after the failure of the democratic experiment in his own country, Tunisia. Ghannoushis discourse is likely to exhibit signs of tension for one other reason. In certain ways, he is a follower of the reformist school, which combines to its Islamic terminology a list of Western terms. Ghannoushi deserves recognition for a number of important contributions, including: 1. His contribution to the revival and redefinition of the language of civil society within Islamic political thought 2. His thesis that the project of secularisation has its limits and that it is incompatible with civil society, and that indeed a post-secular civil society is thinkable and possible 3. His rethinking of the relationship between democracy and Islam, and the importance therefore of democratic procedures and ways of life for the survival and renewal of Islam 4. His elucidation of the Islamic concept of freedom and human rights 5. His analysis of the role played by the modern Arab state and the new world order in precluding the advancement of democracy in the Arab region. These are not only valuable additions to Islamic political thought but also launching pads from which ambitious Islamic thinkers and researchers may take off. The book has substantial philosophical discussions both from Islamic viewpoint and western viewpoint, it may be hard for a common reader to comprehend but these discussions are of extreme use to those who really want to understand the Political viewpoint of Islam and also the different and new emerging thoughts within the Islamic movements across the globe. July 2012 25

ACCORDING TO ME!!!
The following strategies should be adopted by the Islamists at this historic moment of democratisaion (read Islamisation) of Middle-East. 1. The Islamic movements should focus on transforming and building the society, the revolution is yet to come, changing peoples perception about Islam and Islamic movements rather than implementing the Islamic laws at the first step. The document prepared by FJP in 4 volumes Renaissance project in Egypt is an excellent project drafted; peoples perception of Taliban model and Iran model should be proved wrong by Islamic movements. 2. They should collaborate with all the people, and avoid any confrontations to repeat the situations like Algeria (An-Nahdas collaboration is a good example). They should include secularists, leftists, nationalists, salafists, traditionalists, sufis, modernists etc anyone who will to join and a form of pluralism in civil code needs to be adopted to include all the schools of thoughts in Muslim ranks. 3. The Islamic movement should focus now on creating the positive image of Islam. The accusations of inexperience should be removed by gradually and practically proving their competence. (Turkey proved itself in corporation, and now they have proved themselves in parliament as well, An-Nahdas Torture laws are now regarded as the best law ever for torture by AMNESTY International). 4. To avoid clashes with all the superpowers, it was tactful that Muslim Brotherhood said we will not break pact with Israel. (Keeping in view the propaganda against the MB, so MB should focus more on consolidating its broken society and gradually reaching out to Palestinians and helping them whatever they can, but avoiding any confrontation with Israel as for now, Turkeys tactics are also appreciated in this regard). 5. Gradual implementation of sharia. (At this moment they will have to maintain positive silence at many issues like An-Nahada said it wont ban beaches as there is a wrong perception that Islamist people are not ready for administration but will struggle with non-issues like beaches, skirts etc.) I think the same model cant be replicated per se but we can learn many lessons from them. 1. We living in India have to develop a political model considering the multiple levels of pluralities in India. 2. The ikhwan, An-Nahda have a history of their social engagement and working out for common mans genuine and basic issues..In India we have to still gain the confidence by max social intervention and standing out for common Muslims and non-Muslims alike. 3. The Welfare Party concept of value based politics is a dynamic decision and the whole vision 2016 is an exemplary example of social intervention. I think these two experiments needs to face the test of our time in India. Mirza Kamran Baig, Mumbai. July 2012 26

What strategies What strategies or tactics the Islamist parties parties (in Egypt, Tur urk Tunisia, Turkey, Morocco occo, Morocco, and elsewher where) elsewhere) should for orging adopt while forging ahead in their political career? career? Can same applied models be applied to well? India as well?
It is a fact that the Islamist parties are enjoying wide political support in all Arab countries and they are the determinant force in the elections taking place. FJP of Egypt, PJD of Morocco, An-Nahda of Tunisia, AKP of Turkey are all committed to the values of Islam justice, unity, truth, freedom of religion and conscience. At the same time they have become a great success in terms of busting the Islamic stereotypes created by the west. Most of them were fundamentalists till yesterday; but are now labelled as moderates by the same western media. This strategy and representation is exactly what we need to study from them. Suhail KK. New Delhi. My opinion is that the political parties must present Islam as a system of life that can solve the problems of the common man and thereby winning the hearts of the nonMuslims as well. Husna Nizam, Kerala. THE COMPANION

ACCORDING TO ME!!!
There can be no common strategy for Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia, and Turkey. It is evident from the election manifestos, declarations, and types of governments of the Islamic parties in these countries. The Justice and Development party in Morocco is still accepting considerable power centralised in the monarchy, An-Nahda in Tunisia is not using any overt religious symbolism or vocabulary, Ikhwan in Egypt is more religiously rooted and overt in its Islamic nature and AKP in Turkey does not associate with the term Islamic Party or movement rather calls themselves a centre right conservative political party. Though the common platform they have all adopted is building a consensus with other major political outfits on restructuring the economy, generating employment, protecting minority rights, balancing foreign policy by keeping Palestine as a priority, careful cooperation with international financial institutions on loans and borrowings, etc. These are not issues in which a solid result will be visible in normal five-year government tenure. Rather their strategy is to show signs and beginnings of recovery and sustain that momentum into the next 10 years or so. AKP has done exactly that. The Islamic movement in India cannot adopt the strategy of any other movement per se but it really can learn much needed lessons not only from the Arab spring phenomenon but in fact can learn a lot more on how these movements made themselves ready when the Arab spring took place despite the restrictions imposed on them and oppression meted out to them over the last few decades. Shaheen K Moidunni, Kerala. Diversity of people, practices and political culture along with socio-economic dynamics vary from country to country. There should not be any effort to borrow a detailed model from any country. India is absolutely different from any West Asian or European country in its political contents and spirit. Success or achievements alone do not constitute a model. Some failures of Islamic parties in Turkey, Pakistan, Tunisia, and Egypt must also be part of their deliberations. Indian Islamic groups are unfortunately importing irrelevant models from Pakistan, Turkey, and some European countries. Main challenge of Islamic parties is not to implement Islamic State or Sharia Law rather it is to prove that their ideology of Islam is responsive to the needs and challenges of the given society. On the other hand, there are some universal values that must be agreed upon and must be projected as core ideology of Islamic parties regardless of nations and states. Most important is human rights on the basis of prophetic model, which unfortunately couldnt be proven beyond talk. On the other hand, material satisfaction, if not prosperity, should be first priority so that the major population of THE COMPANION Islamic world gets rid of abject poverty. The third priority is respect to Shura based governance, instead of charismatic leadership. And the final issue is a careful relation between religion and state so that religion is represented by institutionalised Ijtehad and opinion of institutionalised ijtehad is given proper privilege in state decisions. Neither religion nor the state should hijack each other on the name of religiosity and popular politics. Anarchist intervention of religious scholars, schools, leaders as it is common in Pakistan, Afghanistan and India, must be contained. Perhaps Turkey and now Tunisia are on the way to become a model of above mentioned strategies and modalities. Omair Anas, JNU. New Delhi. At the outset it should be clear that the responsibility of administrating a state cannot be possible without the involvement of the general public (citizens) of the state. Therefore, taking the common people along with itself (party), should be the first priority of all the Islamist parties working in political dimension of the society. The objective of the political activism in any state should be the Public Welfare and Public Insurance. Therefore, the policies designed or the political agenda brought before the people, should be in-line to this objective. Uniting a group of people on a single platform or leading a society or satisfying every ones need is no doubt a difficult task. But it can be achieved through the means, programs, policies and strategies that are in Common Interest of the general public and adopting a balanced approach towards the critical issues. As far as the question, whether, the same strategies can be implemented in a multicultural society like India, in my opinion it is not right to say exclusively YES or exclusively NO. It is due to the reason that, the Islamist parties and their activism that we have seen in past couple of years are working in a society where the majority of the population is Muslim. As we know, the worldview, which a society has towards life, environment, society etc, would play a key role in the effective functioning of the state and successful implementation of the strategies (political, economic, social, ethical). Any law can be successfully implemented only if the prerequisite qualities of adopting that particular law are present in the society where this law is going to be implemented. Therefore, from this point of view, I opine that it is not possible or may not be easy to adopt the same strategies that are being adopted by other Islamic parties, in India. But from the other aspect, if we look, any society be it a Muslim or a Non Muslim, the issues and problems it faces is some or how are similar in their nature, intensity and effects. Therefore, every society tries to tackle these problems with all possible means and measures. If the solutions to these common problems and issues are derived, July 2012 27

ACCORDING TO ME!!!
keeping the objectives of Shariah in view, by the Islamist parties in their society, then the same solutions can be adopted (as an alternate) with necessary modification to the similar problems in India. S.M. Wasiullah, Hyderabad. Every single country has different socio-political realities. Even if all these parties are drawn under same Islamist fold, they are the outcome of different sociohistorical and political experiences. Some of the abovementioned countries have a colonial past, that too, under different powers. Turkey has held a huge empire once. Therefore, bringing all of them together, in my opinion, would rather, make the matter superficial overlooking the nuances involved. However, for the question of political application of these parties, I would say that looking at the current scenario a wait-and-watch policy should bring about more desirable results. Currently, it is very easy to attribute every wrongdoing to the Islamists, which is easier to believe also. The need of the hour is to do confidence building among the masses. The question is: what will happen if the Islamists come to power? A large number of people are more concerned about their freedom under the Islamists, which was already not there under the non-Islamists. So the parties including Ikhwan and others should concentrate more on confidence building programme rather than a manifesto-based self-proclamation. India, well Muslim parties in India are more into minority politics rather than having an Islamist agenda of sharia based law and execution of work inspired by the experiences during Khilafat. First of all, the Muslim parties in India have to make sure that they are exerting consistent pressure on the government over the socioeconomic development of the Muslims. In the last sixty years, Muslims in India, I am referring to majority of them, have not been able to achieve a respectable status in the society because of lack of education and employment opportunities, therefore, there is no comparison between Islamist parties in abovementioned countries and Muslim parties in India. There they have to do nation building and here they have to do community building. Moinuddin Ahmad, JMI, New Delhi. 1. Zero tolerance for human rights violations, corruption or exploitation as this was the main reason of the revolutions. Even distribution of Wealth. Wealth belongs to the citizens and not to the chosen Emirs/Kings. Freedom and complete rights to Non Muslim Minorities as stated in Shariah (Egypt has a sizable population of Christians). Focus on implementing the countrys Economic policies on the principles of Islam and driving it to success and giving the world an alternative. THE COMPANION 5. Minimum dependence on any other country for any kind of help. 6. Initiating research work with the Quran and the Hadith as the source of knowledge to provide solutions to all problems of Mankind. 7. Take gradual steps to have a Constitution purely based on Shariah by taking the so called Liberals/Moderates etc into confidence. I am not sure if the same approach could be followed in India as we are Minorities here. Shaheen Kalokhe, Thane, Maharashtra. Well, before looking at what strategies Islamist parties should adopt to forge ahead, we first need to look at the reasons which pushed them to such a formidable position. And that are strong grass-root level work they did in past decades, being committed to their mission, vying for new ways against repression and strong social service network. In my view the Islamist parties, now being at the helm of affairs, should apart from the aforesaid areas work for: Being more inclusive. Means, to accommodate all good forces on commonalities. Zero or minimum conflict with all. Focus on the nation building programme, with a fair and less conflicting domestic and foreign policy. Work gradually for introducing the humane and everenriching policies of Islam, so that people can see from their own eyes, how Islam builds a prosperous welfare state. Work for greater co-operation with Eastern, Muslim and Latin American countries. The answer to the question that whether same models be applicable to India as well is No. And not only to India, but to any other country. The reason is that, each country has its own unique kind of situation, problems and conflicts. However Islamic parties can (rather should) take lessons from the success/failure strategies of other Islamic movements. Sadaqat Mulla, Karnataka. Islamist parties should opt a strategy of staging and provoking for piety with contextual references from Quran and Sunnah rather than imitating Western technique of democracy. Islam always promotes this kind of popular culture which can be with popular will in the name of Allah. This technique is very essential to popularise the popular in India with an Islamic flavour. Other techniques seem cashstrapped trick but meaningless in terms of future ilahiyati (God-related) prospects. In the Indian context also, we should think upon a change from below rather than a change from above. Saad Ahmed Farooqui, New Delhi. July 2012 28

2. 3.

4.

BURNING ISSUES

Cartoons contro ersy Cartoons and controversy

danger ers freedom speech The dangers to freedom of speech
SM Fasiullah
Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains, Rousseau said at a time when there was no democracy and people everywhere were ruled by absolute monarchs whose words were law. Thank God, now we are miles away even from the shadow of monarchy. In fact, we are fortunate to be citizens of a democratic nation. Our constitution gives us many rights, including right to freedom and education. Article 19 in Indian Constitution guarantees all citizens the freedom of speech. But recent cartoon controversy has initiated a debate on freedom of speech. In the past decade, there has been an increase in the numbers of instances when people claimed to have been offended. Almost every means of communication borne the brunt speeches, books, art, movies, paintings, and even facebook posts. And this offence-taking cuts across regions, religions, castes, and political affiliations. Muslims are against Rushdies verses, Christians do not like The Da Vinci Code, VHP and its sister-affiliates do not tolerate MF Hussains paintings. It appears that no group or community is immune from it. Lets understand why people are feeling offended and on what grounds. From time immemorial, human beings have aspired for freedom and fought numerous battles to achieve it. In doing so, they uprooted or overpowered the then exiting system and established the system they liked or designed. At last, people found a new form of government, democracy, which promises freedom and liberty, and empowers them to elect their representatives. Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the United Nations in 1948 states: Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. However, every society limits public speech and views. National security, racism, incitement, glorification of terrorism, racial hatred etc are all limits imposed on freedom of speech by western nations. On the other hand, Islam teaches to talk less and only speak truth. Prophet Mohammad (pbuh) said: Whosoever believes in Allah and the Last Day, then let him speak good (khair)
THE COMPANION

or remain silent. At one more place the Prophet (pbuh) said: Whoever saw a munkar, let him change it by his hand and if he cannot then by his tongue and if he cannot then with his heart and that is the weakest of Imaan. American linguist Noam Chomsky has summed up the western concept of freedom of speech when he said: If you believe in freedom of speech, you believe in freedom of speech for views you dont like. Goebbels was in favour of freedom of speech for views he liked. So was Stalin.1Here the actual question would be: who has the right to define the limits of free speech? In a few such incidents in the past, liberal thinkers supported cartoonists, writers and painters saying that they have the right to free speech. In any liberal democracy, any dispute (or differences) must be settled by words, not wars. In the case of political personalities cartoons in NCERT textbook, some Dalit activists vandalised the office of Suhas Palshikar, the political scientist associated with the NCERT. This is condemnable. HRD Minister Kapil Sibal said: Any kind of violence in democracy is condemnable. Citizens of a democracy have two options when they feel offended by speech retort with more speech, or let courts adjudicate on the claim that that speech is offensive. In both the cases, it is words for words, not wars for words. For any democratic culture, satirical visual art is a key element and media uses it to tell a story, which in many cases much better than written text. And we all know that a picture (visual) is worth a thousand words. During their active political life, Nehru and Ambedkar were not offended when their cartoons were drawn. Sibals announcement to remove cartoons from NCERT textbooks will undo the hard-work and promotion of free speech. Because after months of debate on the concern that NCERT textbooks fail to stir students thinking ability, academicians who participated in the debate wanted the books to be interactive and selected cartoons as a tool. Removing cartoons from the textbooks will be a setback for NCERT and it will encourage elements that protest and create din at the slightest, and press governments to succumb to their pressure. 1. Noam Chomsky. Manufacturing Consent: Noam Chomsky and the Media. 1992
July 2012 29

BURNING ISSUES

Koodankulam
The Inside story by an Outsider by
Tariq Abdul Muhaimin
Can there not be a government in which the majorities do not virtually decide right and wrong, but conscience? In which majorities decide only those questions to which the rule of expediency is applicable? Must the citizen even for a moment, or in the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislator? Why has every man a conscience then? I think that we should be men first and subjects afterward. (Henry David Thoreau) he clouds were dark and the wind was cold with a feeling of dampness that reflected the high humidity common to areas close to the seashore. The road was bumpy and narrow, enough to only accommodate one bus at a time. The fields were filled with gigantic wind turbines, all adding to the beauty with their milky white coloured blades rotating at constant speed. As I reached Idinthikarai, the suns rays forced their way back through the clouds, and it was hot and humid by early noon, but no such weather variation was about to waver the spirit of the people agitating against nuclear energy at Koodankulam. The agitation which calls itself the Peoples Movement against Nuclear Energy (PMANE) is primarily centred in Idinthikarai at St. Lourdes church. A roof thatched with palm leaves has been constructed in the church assembly area, which extends into the ground within the church premises. The walls of the church and the path which leads to it have been covered with banners & a banner is full of handprints, or banners containing information about the hazards of Nuclear Energy Production. As I entered the church, a white board displayed two numbers 148 written on top & 211 written below which I later learnt as The number of days since the relay fasting began and The total number of days since the agitation began respectively. The relay fasting is still being observed till date. Each day the women and kids from approximately 100 households gather in the church premises from 10 AM to 4 PM and observe fast along with rolling beedis, which is the source of livelihood for Idinthikarai women. Mr. Raj Leon, Mr. Joseph and Mr. S. P. Fernando spoke to me regarding the movement, its basis and its functioning. They said that the harmful effects of the Nuclear power plant are far too many to count. The plant would contaminate the air, water and lands surrounding it through the process of Radiation and the discharge of water (used to cool the reactors) back into the sea. Why is the Government not giving guarantee as to what it will do with the nuclear waste? Where are you going to store it? asked Mr. Raj Leon. He also said that in the case of occurrence of a natural disaster like in Fukushima or an operating mistake like in Chernobyl, the plant becomes equivalent to an Atom bomb. The harmful radiation would spread very quickly as the area was extremely wind rich and was marked by the largest wind farm in the subcontinent. The entire area surrounding Idinthikarai and Koodankulam has more than 5000 wind turbines. The fishing ground surrounding Koodankulam, which is closed since the Nuclear Power Plant was constructed, is called the wedge bank and is one of the best fishing grounds in the world. There are 2007 types of fishes available in these waters. Many fishermen from other countries also come to fish in this region. If by chance the wind blows in the direction of the plant, the fisherman cannot control their boats and the boat will enter the prohibited zone, in which case he will be shot by the security from the watch tower. Thus it is not only a threat to our livelihood but is a threat to life itself, said Mr. Joseph. The plant is not functioning at present and the construction of the 2 nd unit is on hold. The IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency) rules have not been followed by the government in the construction of the plant. The first 1.6 km is the sterilised area where no one should stay but within the first half km there are 450 houses, which were constructed after the 2004 Tsunami under governments orders without taking under consideration the distance from the plant. Within 5km radius there should not be more than 10,000 people whereas we have more than 45,000 living in the towns of Idinthikarai, Vijayapathi, Thillai Nagar, Thillai vanan thoppu, Koodankulam, Vairavikinaru, Perumal, Erukkandurai and many more. Within 20 km radius there should not be any tourist center whereas Kanyakumari is located at 15 km radii distance and July 2012 30

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BURNING ISSUES
within 30 km there should be less than 1 lakh people whereas there are 4.5 lakh, said Mr. Raj. When I asked them about the safety clearances given by Mr. Abdul Kalam and the AERB (Atomic Energy Regulatory Board), their frustration was evident. They said, Mr. Abdul Kalam arrived at the plant in an A/C car at 9 A.M. and left the plant at 2 P.M. How can he inspect the plant in 4 hours and sign the clearance report, especially since he is not even a Nuclear Scientist? If the scientists are truly that confident about the plants safety then let them come here and our women will ask questions. If they are able to satisfy us, we will stop our resistance. As I spoke with the men, the women along with their children lay on the ground in rows under the thatched roof. Their spirit burns as fire within a lamp, protected all round by an invisible glass shield the shield of hope and anticipation, the shield of love and care which makes them fight not for themselves but for the generations about to succeed them. Interestingly, the people also linked the Mullaiperiyar dam issue with this protest, claiming that the issue was raised by the government particularly at this time to divert the attention of the public from the Koodankulam project and also to prevent the participation of people from Kerala in this movement. They said that before the Mullaiperiyar issue was raised, at least 50 people from Kerala joined the protest each day. The extent to which this may be true can be questioned, but the overall ignorance of the government in understanding and addressing the will of the people is prominently visible. After a brisk 3 minute walk from the church, I reached the seashore. A small alley and a few houses separated the sandy shore and the church. An extension of rocks which goes into the sea for a distance of about 50 meters could be seen. As I reached the tip of that extension, I experienced my first sight of the nuclear plant. The waves were crashing against the rocks with great intensity and the water droplets scattered through the air, some cooling my face others cooling the rocks. The sight was paradoxical both beauty and danger lurking alongside. The sun had started its descent into the west; Dr. S. P. Udaykumar had come to the church where all the protestors, now alert and sitting, were waiting for him to address them. After reminding the protestors for 10 minutes as to why they were there and why they had to go on, Dr. Udaykumar spoke to me. He said, The very foundation of this movement is to protect the Right to Life and Right to Livelihood of the ordinary citizens of this country but obviously it also leads to the paradigm of development. What is development and do the people at the bottom of the pyramid matter when we consider development ? You see, everyone here is leading a Monastic life and those politicians sitting in their A/C rooms send out such THE COMPANION accusations against us. The fishermen donate 10% of their salary to the movement, and that is our only source of income. You can speak to our treasurer yourself and enquire. For two consecutive days after my departure i.e., March 15th and 16th, thousands of activists and others across the country answered the Koodankulam chalo call, and gathered in Idinthikarai. But this cannot be tolerated by the corrupt and autocratic government of our country and hence today we see the use of Iron Fists to silence the voice of the weak, oppressed and the underprivileged. Today, the government has reacted to the protests by deploying thousands of police and paramilitary forces in order to commission the reactor in a military style operation. Non-violent protesters are being intimidated, harassed, imprisoned, and falsely charged. From one police station alone, charges have been filed against more than 55,000 people including 6,500 for sedition and war against the state in the last eight months. The first reactor is scheduled to start its operation in august and the second in March next year. The villages around the plant are placed under a prohibitory order under Section 144 which means that they cannot even peacefully assemble. Today, we are facing a very grave crisis. Today, democracy has lost its essence. Today, freedom has lost its meaning. But it is Today; not Tomorrow, not day-after; but Today that the silence should be broken!!!

Letters sent to The Companion should be precise and to the point. Senders name and city/ state should also be mentioned, otherwise letters would not be entertained. Letters could be sent at editorcompanion@gmail.com. Short comments up to 150 characters can also be SMSed. For that type LTE [your letter] Name City/State and send it to 09990367817. Your opinion is your responsibility and our privilege!
July 2012 31

CAMPUS

Befor you step ore colleg campus... Before you step into the college campus...
Osama Ahmad
t is May again as a lot of parents look forward to admitting their wards into engineering, medicine or other professional institutes. It also reminds me of how three years back I myself got into the college life and found a totally different world awaiting. Being a student myself, I know that the present day challenges for us students are many. And if you are a Muslim, things can only get tougher for you. Three years down the line, today, I can only thank Allah for what He has bestowed on me and choosing what I believe can only be the best for my present and my future. When I find Muslims in professional colleges as the one I hail from, I am excited and happy because it reminds me of the awakening in our community towards education. We might have been late in realising it but we havent failed in understanding that if there is anything that can change the scenario of the Muslim ummah, it has to be higher education. Only through education can we put a full stop to the constant under-estimation and mockery and derision with which we are looked at. Islam is strict is dealing with the illiterates and rebukes all those who live in ignorance. And there are among them illiterates, who know not the Book, but (see therein their own) desires, and they do nothing but conjecture. (Al-Baqara: 78) I remember a mathematics teacher way back in my school days who used to say something that I have always loved. He would say that there is difference between being literate and being educated. While a literate man can simply read and write and might not necessarily possess qualities that make him adorable, an educated man has got the gentlemanly behaviour with him, qualities that make him complete, that of politeness, humility and willingness to help others around him. It is exactly this education that we Muslims need to attain rather than gaining a degree that is only a step ahead in being more literate. When I find Muslim students afflicted with those same maladies that affect the non Muslims, it becomes a deeply unsettling prospect. From the past experiences in the college campus, it is disheartening when I come across any Muslim who eats the wrong food, goes to the wrong place, speaks the wrong words and hangs out with the wrong people. What do all these signify? Why have we become so ignorant or worse, hypocrites? What is so ill about the college campus that wreaks havoc on ones character? Let us analyse some of the factors that play down upon an individual once he lands in the institutes. THE COMPANION

Peer Pressure: The most serious problem amongst the students that cause them to go astray is that they give in to the peer pressure at some or the other point of the college life. A boy X smokes cigarette and is a close friend of a boy Y who doesnt smoke. In more cases than not, Y simply gives in to smoking when X persuades him to do so. I have been very keenly observant of this phenomenon and have seen so many of my friends falling in the trap that it becomes oddly humorous. A bunch of students smoking in the first year had polluted the entire lot by the time the batch passed out. Lack of motivation: Yet another problem with the student community today is the lack of determination to excel, to go that extra mile in order to achieve more. Nothing comes without toil and sweat. While in the college campus, miles away from the vigilance of ones parents, if there is anything that can drive you towards excellence, it has to be the inner-self. A suitable example I intend to present here is that of numerous batch mates and juniors complaining to me that they find themselves incapable of learning text by heart. I have always responded back to such complains with the same reply, that the person complaining was not probably making a dedicated effort. The Almighty has given every person a decent power of remembrance. If then someone is not able to remember the texts, it is simply because of his unwillingness to work hard. And no one can deny the fact that unlike mathematics that mostly requires logic, to remember things by heart requires a considerable amount of effort. Company: Those who surround us for most parts of the day also cast a deep impact on our lives. It is of paramount importance therefore to ensure that we must be very cautious in selecting friends. For Muslims, the task is never easy. It reminds me of one of my close friends who was a practicing Muslim in the first year of his college life. Often while praying in congregation at the college, he would lead the prayers. Towards the mid of the second year I could see gradual changes in him that made him more unpunctual in his prayers. I could find him becoming lethargic towards work and sleeping for long hours. It was only at the beginning of the third year when we got to hear from him and it was absolutely shocking. He said he no longer believed in a Creator and came up with numerous false logics when we tried to pacify him. It did not take long for us to recognise that he had begun keeping bad company of late-students who were typical back benchers. (continued on p. 12) July 2012 32

THE COMPANION

July 2012 33

LAST WORD

We Palestinians are reclaiming our destiny

As a new spirit of unity sweeps the Arab world, Palestine must also speak with one voice
ome people think that the truth can be hid den with a little cover-up and decoration. But as time goes by, what is true is revealed, and what is fake fades away. This is what is happening in the Middle East today. Political reality returns, and all that is contingent all that is not rooted in the history of the regions people whose civilisation dates back thousands of years falls away. As Palestinian Arabs inhabiting these ancient lands, our destiny dictated that we should become like a fruit overhanging a garden fence: each passerby would try to pluck us, while we struggled to cling to the vine. But our right to our land and our nation is not a matter of discussion or debate: it is an inalienable right guaranteed by all norms and laws. The Palestinian problem has many dimensions, but at its root is Israels occupation, which denies this inalienable right, and attempts to look for so-called solutions within its framework. Unfortunately, some of the major world powers provide it with political cover. We as a people want to live in our homeland, the land of our ancestors, in freedom, dignity and democracy, and with a just peace that restores our rights. We do not want to attack anyone and do not accept anyone attacking us. As we have said on more than one occasion, the key to security is the end of occupation. As a people we have been historically wronged and subjected to dozens of massacres; tens of thousands of us have lost our children for no other reason than that we demand our rights as clearly stipulated under international laws. I would like to reiterate on behalf of my people our sincere desire to live in security and stability, without wars and bloodshed; we hope that the world will help us in this venture. We extend our hand to all those who seek a just peace to work seriously to end the occupation and help us establish our state, which the world has already recognised. We recognise that this requires a Palestinian unity that we seek to achieve. But external pressure has stood in the way, obstructing the path to political
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equality and n a t i o n a l reconciliation. We believe that the absence of international recognition of the Palestinian democratic election of 2006, won by Hamas, has contributed to Ismail Haniyeh the current state of division, and to the creation of a weak Palestinian side that has fallen prey to accepting concessions on the rights of its people. But today we stand again as a Palestinian people. Although under siege in the Gaza Strip, we have endured war and aggression, and withstood attempts to wipe us out without fading away. We are working hard in order to be able to address the world with one voice that represents the will of all our people, with an emphasis on the desire to live a free, decent and secure life. We hope that this time we will be able to pass through the neck of the bottle and move on towards a genuine national reconciliation based on the formation of a coalition government that could prepare for free and transparent elections. And then the world must recognise the results of Palestinian democracy particularly now, when the countries of the Arab spring are experiencing democratic transition, and a return to a lost authenticity that will not tear the region apart, but bring it together. We do not want more blood. We want help in achieving justice for our people who lost their land and freedom decades ago, and in providing security for a region that has long endured oppression and suffering. This is a responsibility no one should evade. (From: The Guardian, 8 June 2012)
July 2012 34