Disease Representations K

IMPACTSIMPERIALISM (2/2) ............................................................................................................................59 IMPACTS- GOVERNMENTAL DENIALISM (1/4).................................................................................................60 ***QUARANTINE*** ...............................................................................................................................................62 INDEX (1/2) 2NC MODULE (1/1)...................................................................................................................................................63 IMPACT Ext. (1/2)......................................................................................................................................................65 1NC SHELL (2/2)......................................................................................................................................................66 IMPACT Ext...................................................................................................................................................................4 1NC SHELL ..................................................................................................................................................................5 QUARANTINE BADSTIGMA (1/1)......................................................................................................................67 1NC SHELL ..................................................................................................................................................................6 QUARANTINE BADECONOMY (1/1).................................................................................................................68 1NC SHELL ..................................................................................................................................................................7 QUARANTINE BADRACISM (1/1)......................................................................................................................69 1NC SHELL ..................................................................................................................................................................8 QUARANTINEMORE DISEASE (1/1)..................................................................................................................70 ***LINKS*** ...............................................................................................................................................................9 ***STIGMA***..........................................................................................................................................................71 LINKAIDS (1/3)......................................................................................................................................................11 2NC MODULE (1/2)...................................................................................................................................................72 LINKAIDS (2/3)......................................................................................................................................................12 2NC Module (2/2) .......................................................................................................................................................74 LINKAIDS (3/3)......................................................................................................................................................13 Berube 97.................................................................................................................................................................74 IL AIDS I/L Stigma) (1/1) ........................................................................................... Error! Bookmark not defined. Ext. (Plan /=IMPACT (1/2).......................................................................................................................................75 IL LINKDISEASE (1/10) ............................................................................................................................................16 Ext. (Plan = Stigma) (2/2).......................................................................................................................................76 LINKDISEASE (2/10) ............................................................................................................................................17 IMPACT Ext. (STIGMA TURNS CASE) (1/1)..........................................................................................................77 LINKDISEASE STIGMA (1/1)..............................................................................................................................78 A2: REPS SOLVE (3/10) ............................................................................................................................................18 LINKDISEASE (4/10) ............................................................................................................................................19 ***ALTERNATIVE*** .............................................................................................................................................79 LINKDISEASE (1/2) ...........................................................................................................................................80 ALTSOLVENCY(5/10) ............................................................................................................................................20 LINKDISEASE (2/2) ...........................................................................................................................................81 ALTSOLVENCY(6/10) ............................................................................................................................................21 LINKDISEASE (7/10) ............................................................................................................................................22 ALTDISCOURSE SOLVENCY (1/1) ....................................................................................................................83 LINKDISEASE PLURALISM (1/2)....................................................................................................................84 ALTSOLVENCY(8/10) ............................................................................................................................................23 LINKDISEASE PLURALISM (2/2)....................................................................................................................85 ALTSOLVENCY(9/10) ............................................................................................................................................24 LINKDISEASE (10/10)...........................................................................................................................................25 REPS/REJ KEY (1/3)..................................................................................................................................................86 LINKSURVEILLANCE/RACISM (1/3) ................................................................................................................26 REPS/REJ KEY (2/3)..................................................................................................................................................87 LINKSURVEILLANCE/RACISM (2/3) ................................................................................................................27 REPS/REJ KEY (3/3)..................................................................................................................................................88 LINKSURVEILLANCE/RACISM (3/3) ................................................................................................................28 ***CASE STUFF***..................................................................................................................................................89 LINKMEDICINE (1/6) (1/1)................................................................................................................................90 IMPACTSSKEPTICISM...........................................................................................................................................29 LINKMEDICINE (2/6) ...........................................................................................................................................30 IMPACTSNUMBING (1/1) ....................................................................................................................................91 LINKMEDICINE (3/6) ...........................................................................................................................................31 ***Neg Answers***....................................................................................................................................................92 LINKMEDICINE (4/6) ...........................................................................................................................................32 AT PERM (1/3) ...........................................................................................................................................................93 LINKMEDICINE (5/6) ...........................................................................................................................................33 AT PERM (2/3) ...........................................................................................................................................................94 LINKMEDICINE (6/6) ...........................................................................................................................................34 AT PERM (3/3) ...........................................................................................................................................................95 LINKGENETICS (1/2)............................................................................................................................................35 *** AFF ***................................................................................................................................................................96 LINKGENETICS (2/2)............................................................................................................................................36 ALT FAILSK RE-ENTRENCHES (1/1).................................................................................................................97 LINKAFRO-PESSIMISM (1/4).............................................................................................................................98 PHOTOGRAPH ALT FAILS (1/1)..............................................................................................................................37 LINK/ IMPACTRACISM (2/4).............................................................................................................................99 PHOTOGRAPH ALT FAILS(1/1) ..............................................................................................................................38 ***IMPACTS***........................................................................................................................................................39 PHOTOGRAPH ALT FAILS (3/4)...........................................................................................................................100 IMPACTSDEHUMANIZATION ...........................................................................................................................40 PHOTOGRAPH ALT FAILS (3/4)...........................................................................................................................101 Berube 97.................................................................................................................................................................40 PERMSOLVENCY (1/3) ......................................................................................................................................102 IMPACTSGENOCIDE (1/4)...................................................................................................................................41 PERMSOLVENCY (2/3) ......................................................................................................................................103 IMPACTSGENOCIDE (2/4)...................................................................................................................................42 PERMSOLVENCY (3/3) ......................................................................................................................................104 IMPACTSGENOCIDE (3/4)...................................................................................................................................43 BIOPOWER GOOD (1/1) .........................................................................................................................................109 IMPACTSGENOCIDE (4/4)...................................................................................................................................44 BIOPOWER IMPACT (1/3) ..................................................................................................................................110 IMPACTSAFRO-PESSIMISM (1/2) ......................................................................................................................45 BIOPOWER IMPACT (2/3) ..................................................................................................................................111 IMPACTSAFRO-PESSIMISM (2/2) ......................................................................................................................46 BIOPOWER IMPACT (3/3) ..................................................................................................................................112 IMPACTSWAR (1/3)..............................................................................................................................................47 BIOPOLITICS = EMPOWERING/HEALTH (1/2)..................................................................................................113 IMPACTSWAR (2/3).............................................................................................................................................48 BIOPOLITICS = EMPOWERING/HEALTH (2/2)..................................................................................................114 IMPACTSWAR (3/3)..............................................................................................................................................49 AT: SECURITIZING DISEASE BAD (1/2).............................................................................................................116 IMPACTSBIOPOWER (1/4) BAD (2/2).............................................................................................................117 AT: SECURITIZING DISEASE..................................................................................................................................50 IMPACTSBIOPOWER (2/4) ..................................................................................................................................51 DISEASE NOT SOCIALLY CONSTRUCTED (1/1) ..............................................................................................119 IMPACTSBIOPOWER (3/4) ..................................................................................................................................52 CARE GOODBASIS FOR ETHICS (1/1) ............................................................................................................120 IMPACTSBIOPOWER (4/4) ..................................................................................................................................53 EXAGGERATION GOODSOLVES DISEASE (1/1) ..........................................................................................121 IMPACTSRACISM (1/3)........................................................................................................................................54 REPS SOLVEPOLITICAL COMMITMENT KEY(1/1)......................................................................................122 IMPACTSRACISM (2/3)........................................................................................................................................55 REPS SOLVE STIGMA (1/3)...................................................................................................................................123 IMPACTSRACISM (3/3)........................................................................................................................................56 REPS SOLVE STIGMA (2/3)...................................................................................................................................124 IMPACTSIMPERIALISM (1/2) ............................................................................................................................58 REPS SOLVE STIGMA (3/3)...................................................................................................................................125

REPS SOLVE DISEASE (1/1)..................................................................................................................................126 REPS SOLVEDELAY BAD (1/1) ........................................................................................................................127 QUARANTINE INFEASIBLE (1/2).........................................................................................................................128 QUARANTINE INFEASIBLE (2/2).........................................................................................................................129

Gonzaga Debate Institute 2007 Scholars Lab Disease Reps K 1NC SHELL 1NC SHELL
Disease rhetoric embodies the old imperialist nightmares of Africa, with the virus as a metaphor for the Other which must be kept at the gates. Only western medicine together <CONTINUES> Joshua Lederberg and conceptual of the population can protect humanity from with the proper managementoffers a control example of the same narrowed focus: "A few vermin aside, Homo sapiens has undisputed dominion [End Page 97] --and we could, where we choose, even eradicate rodent and insect pests" (although he allows extinction. that we might suffer a bit 97 (Heather, Outburst! A Chilling True Story about be eliminated, too--thus, "our only real Schell from the pesticides); "bacterial and protozoan parasites" will soon Emerging-Virus Narratives and Pandemic Social

competitors remain the - Volume 16 Lederberg has Winter 1997, Assistant Prof of from the global playing field. This like Change Configurations viruses." 5, Number 1, exterminated every single living threat Writing, Muse) Although I anticipates the eradicationHaraway's and Martin's analyses, anassuming that such eradication were a sensible goal--and entirely the implications of of all our pests more than prematurely--even examination of immune system discourses is elides the hazardwithout a complementary appraisal of the immune system's most formidable non-self: the incomplete that our species poses to itself. More ominously, notice how Lederberg has framed the relationship between humans and other organic beings to include only predator-prey of its last glitter ofanything that we virus. The self/non-self dichotomy has been so extensively explored by historians and mined interactions; insight cannot kill is that we mighta competitor. to dismiss its continued operation in our everyday lives as the tailings from an abandoned by theoreticians ipso facto easily be tempted excavation. Such dismissal would be a mistake. Society still deploys binarisms in blatant disregard of decades of sound, decisive scholarship. Debates about national and personal boundaries are unfolding within our anxious apprehensions of an approaching viral pandemic. The virus emerges as a dangerous foreign being: a fecund, primitive yet evolving, hungry, needy, African predator unleashed by modern travel from the last recesses of the wild. It wants to immigrate, with or without a visa. It demands attention in the form of resistance or capitulation. While ostensibly pondering the possible overthrow of the food chain, virus discourse imagines the overthrow of the social order. Viruses represent social change--frightening and enormous social change--and our drastic fear of viral epidemics is in part a reactionary response to the possibility of such change. Virus discourse has become a covert means of negotiating identity and contact in the increasing multiculturalism of the global village. Western ideas of the non-self, the external threat, have not kept pace with the postmodern flexible self. The Other is still that same, tired old Other, that dark, unknowable native lurking in that dark, unknowable continent, waiting to erode our identity and leave us degenerated or reborn. Marlow or Tarzan, the Westerner who makes contact with the indefinable essence of Africa has always emerged a transformed soul. The only postmodern element of virus discourse is that now the African transformative [End Page 96] being has become a global passenger with no need for a green card. Virus discourse is retelling old imperialist nightmares that, neutralized under cover of medical common sense, seem to justify exclusionary practices, surveillance, and general prejudice that we would otherwise find inexcusable as well as politically untenable. Like the Soviets in the 1980s, viruses in the 1990s have become almost reliable villains. Some now credit them as the cause of an impressive array of hitherto orphaned ailments, from cancer to dementia. 12 The most striking evidence of viruses' current sway over some people's imagination appears in the attenuation of the perceived menace from global warming, nuclear holocaust, starvation, disease, and so forth, and the growing perception of viral epidemics as the only source of danger.
This is a striking change from as recently as 1977, when officials in Close Encounters of the Third Kind, brainstorming for a convincing lie to frighten all the locals out of the Devil's Tower area, reject an apocryphal virus epidemic in favor of a chemical spill. Simultaneously, the field of potential victims shrinks to humanity alone. This frequently occurs in virology articles, at the levels of both syntax and concept. For the syntax, notice how Richard Krause, senior scientific advisor at the Fogarty International Center, NIH, slips between "viruses" and "microbes": "The light of science must be focused on those forces that propel the emergence

and migration of virus diseases. These events stem from attributes of microbes." 13 There are many types of microbes, of which viruses are only one. In the same essay, Krause uses the term emerging viruses interchangeably with epidemics and plagues, even though much of his discussion focuses on bacterial diseases. Stephen Morse makes the same shift: "Officials of all kinds . . . need to be aware of the infectious-disease implications of ecological and demographic changes. These are 'signals' for viral traffic." 14 Robert Shope and Alfred Evans, epidemiologists at Yale, similarly alternate in an unspecified manner between "host" and "human" in their discussion of viral evolution; at some points they are clearly discussing other animal hosts, but that use continually bleeds into a "host" that means only "human host." 15 <CONTINUES>

1NC SHELL
Disease securitization and governmental surveillance lead to Otherization, establishing a racist biopolitics of exclusionultimately enabling the government to eliminate those who constitute a threat to society. Elbe 05 (Stefan, AIDS, Security, Biopolitics, Special Issue on Health,
International Relations, Vol. 19, No. 4, 2005, pp. 403-419, Lecturer on International Relations) First, if HIV/AIDS is exclusively responded to in a security framework, there is, strictly speaking, nothing to preclude some governments from concluding that the most effective way of meeting this biopolitical objective of ridding their populations of the problem of HIV/AIDS is by simply letting the infected die, rather than by providing universal treatment for them in the way many of those securitizing HIV/AIDS would want. Although this is at present only a hypothetical possibility (there is no documented proof that such thinking is going on), there is certainly evidence that analysts and policymakers do not shy away from pondering whether simply letting those infected with HIV/AIDS die could also have beneficial social consequences for the surviving population. In 1999 one former UN Population Fund (UNFPA) official reportedly joked that AIDS would be one way of controlling population growth in Africa. Increased mortality, the official jibed, was one of three ways of controlling population growth, thereby implying that hypothetically letting those infected with HIV die could be beneficial for those surviving the pandemic.41 The initial reaction of one official at the National Intelligence Council in the mid-1990s, responding to an early demand for a project analysing the security implications of AIDS, was similarly: Oh, it will be good, because Africa is overpopulated anyway.42 These are not isolated incidents. In a report by the World Bank from 1992 one can read from an economic perspective that [i]f the only effect of the AIDS epidemic were to reduce the population growth rate, it would increase the growth rate of per capita income in any plausible economic model.43 More recently the president of Botswana also argued publicly that providing antiretrovirals (ARVs) to its citizens would have the undesirable effect of keeping persons living with HIV alive longer, thus increasing the chances of further transmission of the virus which was undesirable for the population as a whole.44 What is striking about such sentiments is not just the sobering cost-benefit analysis they bring to bear on human life, but more importantly the biopolitical racism they evince by pitting the interests of those living without HIV/AIDS against those affected by the illness through implying, however erroneously, that the healthy ones would be better off without the latter. To reiterate, these kinds of arguments appeal directly to the core principle of biopolitical racism, namely that the death of others makes one biologically stronger insofar as one is a member of a race or a population.45 Especially in a context of material scarcity and competing pressure for limited funds, there is a danger with the securitization of HIV/AIDS in that some political leaders might conclude that in the long run the health and security of their population may be best served by simply letting the infected die. Although diametrically opposed to the intended consequences of the securitization of HIV/AIDS, the fact that such a (hypothetical) outcome would nevertheless be consistent with a security approach to HIV/AIDS must surely give pause for thought in terms of framing the global response to HIV/AIDS exclusively in the language of security. Short of this more drastic outcome, the securitization of HIV/AIDS could also bring such biopolitical racism between the population and the infected into play in a second way by inadvertently justifying measures both to remove persons living with HIV/AIDS from the population, and by preventing new HIV-positive persons from other countries joining the population. Calls for quarantining people with HIV/AIDS because of their biological characteristics, subjecting them to various forms of violence, and attempting to bar such persons from serving in state institutions, are only a few of the examples in which persons living with HIV/AIDS have been ostracized and even persecuted by some states for their illness. These actions have all been justified, moreover, in the name of ensuring and enhancing the health of populations.

1NC SHELL
The impact makes life meaningless and mass extermination inevitable Michel Foucault, professor of philosophy at the college de france, The History Of Sexuality: An Introduction, Volume 1, 1978,
pg. 136-137 Since the classical age the West has undergone a very profound transformation of these mechanisms of power. Deduction has tended to be no longer the major form of power but merely one element among others, working to incite, reinforce, control, monitor, optimize, and organize the forces under it: a power bent on generating forces, making them grow, and ordering them, rather than one dedicated to impeding them, making them submit, or destroying them. There has been a parallel shift in the right of death, or at least a tendency to align itself with the exigencies of a life-administering power and to define itself accordingly. This death that was based on the right of the sovereign is now manifested as simply the reverse of the right of the social body to ensure, maintain, or develop its life. Yet wars were never as bloody as they have been since the nineteenth century, and all things being equal, never before did regimes visit such holocausts on their own populations. But this formidable power of deathand this is perhaps what accounts for part of its force and the cynicism with which it has so greatly expanded its limitsnow presents itself as the counterpart of a power that exerts a positive influence on life, that endeavors to administer, optimize, and multiply it, subjecting it to precise controls and comprehensive regulations. Wars are no longer waged in the name of a sovereign who must be defended; they are waged on behalf of the existence of everyone; entire populations are mobilized for the purpose of wholesale slaughter in the name of life necessity: massacres have become vital. It is as managers of life and survival, of bodies and the race, that so many regimes have been able to wage so many wars, causing so many men to be killed. And through a turn that closes the circle, as the technology of wars has caused them to tend increasingly toward all-out destruction, the decision that initiates them and the one that terminates them are in fact increasingly informed by the naked question of survival. The atomic situation is now at the end point of this process: the power to expose a whole population to death is the underside of the power to guarantee an individuals continued existence. The principle underlying the tactics of battle that one has to be capable of killing in order to go on livinghas become the principle that defines the strategy of states. But the existence in question is no longer the juridical existence of sovereignty; at stake is the biological existence of a population. If genocide is indeed the dream of modern powers, this is not because of a recent return of the ancient right to kill; it is because power is situated and exercised at the level of life, the species, the race, and the large-scale phenomena of population.

1NC SHELL Alternative: Reject the affirmative Opens space to transform discourse -- No other
solution escapes the political legacy of colonialism and representations of disease imposed on Africa. We solve the case best. Lund 2003 (Giuliana, University of Minnesota HEALING THE NATION: MEDICOLONIAL
DISCOURSE AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY FROM

From at least the nineteenth century onward, medicine has been seen in the West as one of the first duties of the state. This reasoning has been applied in South Africa as well, and the provision of medical care to local populations has often been used to legitimate colonization despite the fact that such provisions were spotty at best and hardly offset the increased mortality and morbidity among Africans brought on by the introduction of new diseases through European expansion as well as the more indirect but no less deadly spread of malnutrition and diseases of poverty. Moreover, what medicine was made available to (or sometimes imposed on) Africans was often tied to missionary activity aimed at gaining support for Christian methods of healing at the expense of local methods, using the technologies of civilization to undermine the authority of local rulers and healers (such as the sangoma). In the twentieth century, health care has also become one of the primary concessions used to co-opt the emerging black middle class (Marks and Andersson 1989, 524). In other words, medicine has often played the role in South Africa (as elsewhere) of handmaiden to colonialism and political palliative. Since the peaceful accession to power of the ANC in 1994, commentators have declared a new South Africa. Yet, while the change in leadership has enabled the nation to accomplish a relatively smooth transition to democracy, it would be overly hasty and optimistic to claim that the country has entirely reinvented itself. It is never so easy to shrug off centuries of oppressive doctrine. Transforming a society must take place on many planes, including the political, legal, material, social, and cultural. It is not enough in the long term to change the structures of government; there must also be a concurrent alteration in the language of government, as well as the language of everyday life. The history of the continent stands as a warning of the ongoing hold of cultural imperialism on independent Africa: the cultural legacy as well as the socioeconomic legacy of colonialism lives on. Moreover, the material and the cultural are inextricably intertwined, so that to truly reinvent the nation, the people must also reinvent the discourse of nation building.
APARTHEID TO TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION, Spring, 2003) Project Muse.

***LINKS***

Only rejection solves Retaining the imagery of the aff colonizes reality preventing viable solutions Escobar, 1995 (Arturo, associate professor of anthropology at University of Mass, Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World, p.53)
Even those who opposed the prevailing capitalist strategies were obliged to couch their critique in terms of the need for development, through concepts such as another development, participatory development, socialist development, and the like. In short, one could criticize a given approach and propose modifications or improvements accordingly, but the fact of development itself, and the need for it, could not be doubted. Development had achieved the status of a certainty in the social imaginary. Indeed, it seemed impossible to conceptualize social reality in other terms. Wherever one looked, one found the repetitive and omnipresent reality of development: governments designing and implementing ambitious development plans, institutions carrying out development programs in city and countryside alike, experts of all kinds studying underdevelopment and producing theories ad nauseam. The fact that most peoples conditions not only did not improve but deteriorated with the passing of time did not seem to bother most experts. Reality, in sum, had been colonized by the development discourse, and those who were dissatisfied with this state of affairs had to struggle for bits and pieces of freedom within it, in the hope that in the process a different reality could be constructed. More recently, however, the development of new tools of analysis, in gestation since the late 1960s but the application of which became widespread only during the 1980s, has made possible analyses of this type of colonization of reality which seek to account for this very fact: how certain representations become dominant and shape indelibly the ways in which reality is imagined and acted upon. Foucaults work on the dynamics of discourse and power in the representation of social reality, in particular, has been instrumental in unveiling the mechanisms by which a certain order of discourse produces permissible modes of being and thinking while disqualifying and even making others impossible.

LINK AIDS
The securitization of disease extends social and political control into the population, making increased monitoring and intervention necessary to prevent the spread of disease allowing the government to decide who will live and who will die. Elbe 05 (Stefan, AIDS, Security, Biopolitics,
Special Issue on Health, International Relations, Vol. 19, No. 4, 2005, pp. 403-419, Lecturer on International Relations) This biopolitical axis of biopower is extremely pertinent for understanding the deeper significance of the ongoing securitization of AIDS, for a crucial implication of the rise of European biopolitics was that henceforth disease would be rendered an important political and economic issue needing to be collectively resolved as a matter of overall policy.22 If one of the goals of biopolitics is to maximize the health of populations, then disease could no longer be left to the random fluctuations of nature, but would have to be brought under continuous political and social control, which, according to Foucault, is precisely what happened in eighteenth-century Europe. The eighteenth century, to be sure, did not invent health measures as such(there are many historical precedents for this), but it prescribed new rules and above all transposed the practice onto an explicit, concerted level of analysis such as had been previously unknown.23 From this time onwards, the social, economic, and political problems posed by disease have occupied an expanding place in European politics. Today such biopolitical impulses can also be found resonating beyond the borders of Europe through practices such as the securitization of HIV/AIDS. The latter, after all, marks nothing other than a powerful international intervention targeted directly at the level of population. With the arrival of HIV/AIDS on the international security agenda, security is no longer confined to defending sovereignty, territorial integrity and international law; but, as the unprecedented Security Council meeting demonstrates, population dynamics including levels ofdisease have now become strategically significant as well. International political actors securitizing HIV/AIDS are effectively calling upon governments around the world to make the health and longevity of their populations a matter of highest governmental priority echoing Foucaults earlier observation that in a biopolitical age [t]he population now appears more as the aim of government than the power of the ruler.24 The securitization of AIDS is also biopolitical, secondly, because of the manner in which international actors are trying to monitor and govern the health of populations. The detailed statistical monitoring of populations that formed such an integral component of eighteenth-century European biopolitics is today being replicated on a global level by international agencies eager to identify and forecast the population dynamics likely to be induced around the world by HIV/AIDS. The task of compiling these statistics has been assigned to the World Health Organization and the Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS). The latter prides itself on its efforts to provide strategic information about HIV/AIDS globally, as well as [t]racking, monitoring and evaluation of the epidemic and of responses to it.25 Indeed, it claims to be the worlds leading resource for epidemiological data on HIV/AIDS.26 To this end, UNAIDS also provides in a manner that recalls Englands nineteenth-century Blue Books annual updates on the global state of the AIDS pandemic, and endeavours to keep up-to-date information on HIV prevalence amongst adult populations for every country.27 Crucially, UNAIDS does not restrict itself to providing data for collective populations; its surveillance techniques penetrate further and also generate new sub-populations by singling out specific risk groups that need to be targeted another historical hallmark of biopolitics.28 The organization thus differentiates between adult and child populations and between urban and rural populations, and pays particularly close attention to sex workers and drug users. Where possible, UNAIDS even gathers data on sexual behaviour, such as the median age of first sexual intercourse and the rate of condom use, as well as a variety of other knowledge indicators. UNAIDS, in short, produces the vital knowledge about the biological characteristics of the worlds populations and sub-populations needed to rein in the pandemic.

LINKAIDS (1/4)
AIDS securitization allows medical intervention into the population in order to ensure the health and productivity of society. Elbe 04 (Stefan, The Futily Of Protest, Annual ISA Convention,
Lecturer in Intl Relations) The securitization of HIV/AIDS is biopolitical, firstly, in that it marks an international intervention targeted directly at the level of population. With the arrival of HIV/AIDS on the international security agenda, security is no longer confined to sovereignty and territorial integrity; population dynamics have now become strategically significant as well. By framing the AIDS pandemic not just as a health or development issue, international actors securitizing HIV/AIDS have effectively called upon governments around the world to make the health and longevity of their populations a matter of highest governmental priority echoing Foucault's earlier observation that in a biopolitical age 'Mlle population now appears more as the aim of government than the power of the ruler.'22 Surely the health of populations has not yet overtaken, much less matched, traditional security considerations at the international level, but they have now been placed firmly on the international security agenda in an explicit and deliberate manner. Nor was Foucault even trying to cast his argument in such drastic terms; in his course summary 'Security, Territory, and Population' he went to considerable lengths to emphasize that his analysis of biopolitics did not refer to a decisive transition from a 'territorial state' to a 'population state,' but rather to 'a shift of accent and the appearance of new objectives, and hence of new problems and new techniques.'23 The contemporary securitization of AIDS provides much evidence that such concerns about population dynamics, and hence such a shift of accent, is now also taking place at the level of international security. In many ways this augmentation in the international deployment of power mirrors the earlier shift in political power that occurred in eighteenth century Europe. Foucault had observed that prior to that century political power was exercised primarily for the purposes of defending the sovereign and ensuring his surviva1,24 to which end the sovereign possessed the 'the right to take life or let live'. 25 The wellbeing and biological characteristics of the population inhabiting his territory was not of primary concern to the sovereign during this period. During the eighteenth century, however, a combination of economic, demographic, and political changes in Europe meant that this sovereign's right to inflict death was gradually being complemented by 'the right of the social body to ensure, maintain, or develop its life.' 26 Sovereigns and states evolved to become more general managers of life, focusing their energies on shaping bodies and populations. The purpose of biopower was thus no longer to instil fear and repress populations, but on the contrary to stimulate their size, productivity and health, to actually 'invest life through and through.'27 This biopower has become of growing importance to Western societies over the past two centuries, but until recently has not been articulated at the level of international security. During the Cold War the international security agenda of states still largely conformed to the classical idea of sovereignty and power, albeit taken to its logical limit within the context of a nuclear balance of terror between the rival superpowers.28 The ongoing securitization of AIDS, by contrast, is evidence of how such biopolitical considerations are beginning to complement the classical conception of power even at the highest level of international security. Who is advocating this biopoliticisation of international security? Ironically, and despite the sharp divisions that have emerged between national and human security practitioners, both sides are increasingly agreed that HIV/AIDS is an important international security issue, albeit for very different reasons. Human security scholars point out that in Africa HIV/AIDS is already the single greatest cause of death, and also has a plethora of knock-on effects for economic, political, health, and food security. For them, HIV/AIDS is thus not merely one security issue amongst many in Africa; it is the single most important one. From a state-centric perspective, national security scholars too have pointed to the security dimensions of HIV/AIDS because of its disproportionately high impact on the armed forces which in some African militaries though to experience HIV prevalence rates in excess of thirty percent and because of the pandemic's anticipated destabilizing economic, political, and strategic impact in countries where prevalence rates are highest. Both human and national security practitioners thus converge on the necessity of taking the collective health of populations seriously within the context of international security, and are trying to compel states to optimize the health of its population through medical and political interventions. In this way both camps are also driving the ongoing biopoliticisation of international security steadily forward.

LINKAIDS (2/4)
How we construct AIDS determines how we describe the social context in which it occurs. Securitizing it creates areas that represent a threat to the international order, justifying intervention. Huber 98 (Jeffrey, Social Constructs and Disease, Library Trends,
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1387/is_2_47/ai_54050960/pg_1, Research Information Scientist, Research Assistant Professor) Social constructionists posit that reality is constructed through dynamic socialization and that the sociology of knowledge must examine the process in which this reality construction occurs (Berger & Luckmann, 1966, p. 1). Sociology of knowledge deals not only with empirical knowledge relative to various societies but also with the processes by which bodies of knowledge become established as social realities. In essence, reality evolves through continued socialization, yielding outcomes that result from social interactions, negotiations, and power. Where the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and the acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) are concerned, social construction of reality is grounded in the spatialization and politicization of the pathological. The body of knowledge associated with HIV/AIDS represents a complexity not present in any other disease. Furthermore; the epidemic has altered the model of information production and consumption and has spawned its own vernacular, one representative of a diverse population of information producers and consumers. Further compounding this complicated communication picture, the body of information surrounding HIV/AIDS continues to grow at an epidemic rate, often in tandem with the numbers of reported cases. Finally, HIV infection is not only an extremely complicated disease process, but it also transcends the boundaries of biomedicine. Various domains shape the construction of HIV/ AIDS as chronic disease, including the political, social, economic, legal, philosophical, psychological, religious, and spiritual ramifications associated with the illness. The societal construct within which the body of knowledge concerning HIV/AIDS exists mirrors the complexities of the malady and the various controversies associated with it. This diseased body of knowledge--a body of knowledge that breathes life into the pathological by providing it visibility--exists because of HIV/AIDS. Disease, and the respective body of knowledge, co-exist within a social reality, a social reality that binds and circumscribes. Consequently, the organizational schema of a controlled vocabulary designed to facilitate knowledge organization relative to HIV/AIDS must be broad in coverage yet specific in terminology so that the multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary nature of the epidemic is reflected. In representing the dynamic nosological record of HIV/AIDS, the controlled vocabulary captures the societal construct circumscribing the pathological.

AIDS representations become bio-political because governments frame them as a security issue. Elbe, 2004 [Dr. Stefan, Lecturer In International Relations, University of Essex;
http://www.stefanelbe.com/resources/ElbeISA2004Final.pdf, The Futility of Protest?-Biopower and Biopolitics in Securization of HIV/AIDS] The securitization of HIV/AIDS is biopolitical, firstly, in that it marks an international intervention targeted directly at the level of the population. With the arrival of HIV/AIDS on the international security agenda, security is no longer confined to sovereignty and territorial integrity; population dynamics have now become strategically significant as well. By framing the AIDS pandemic not just as a health or development issue, international actors securitizing HIV/AIDS have effectively called upon governments around the world to male health and longetivity of their populations a matter of highest governmental priority-echoing Foucaults earlier observation that in a biopolitical age [t]he population now appears more as the aim of the government then the power of the ruler.

LINKAIDS (3/4)
First world, third world and even scholars are seeing AIDS as a security issue. Elbe, 2004 [Dr. Stefan, Lecturer In International Relations, University of Essex;
http://www.stefanelbe.com/resources/ElbeISA2004Final.pdf, The Futility of Protest?-Biopower and Biopolitics in Securization of HIV/AIDS] Who is advocating this biopoliticisation of international security? Ironically, and despite the sharp divisions that have emerged between national and human security practitioners, both sides are increasingly agreed that HIV/AIDS is an important international security issue, albeit for very different reasons. Human security scholars point out that in Africa HIV/AIDS is already the single greatest cause of death, and also has a plethora of knock-on effects for economic, political, health, and food security. For them, HIV/AIDS is thus not merely one security issue amongst many in Africa; it is the single most important one. From a state-centric perspective, national security scholars too have pointed to the security dimensions of HIV/AIDS because of its disproportionately high impact on the armed forces-which in some African militaries through to experience HIV prevalence rate in excess of thirty percent-and because of the pandemics anticipated destabilizing economic, political, and strategic impact in countries where prevalence rates are highest.

LINKAIDS (4/4)
The Securitization of AIDS threatens to create a bio-politics of exclusion, enabling the government to decide who gets to live and who can be left to die. Elbe 05 (Stefan, AIDS,
Security, Biopolitics, Special Issue on Health, International Relations, Vol. 19, No. 4, 2005, pp. 403-419, Lecturer on International Relations) First, if HIV/AIDS is exclusively responded to in a security framework, there is, strictly speaking, nothing to preclude some governments from concluding that the most effective way of meeting this biopolitical objective of ridding their populations of the problem of HIV/AIDS is by simply letting the infected die, rather than by providing universal treatment for them in the way many of those securitizing HIV/AIDS would want. Although this is at present only a hypothetical possibility (there is no documented proof that such thinking is going on), there is certainly evidence that analysts and policymakers do not shy away from pondering whether simply letting those infected with HIV/AIDS die could also have beneficial social consequences for the surviving population. In 1999 one former UN Population Fund (UNFPA) official reportedly joked that AIDS would be one way of controlling population growth in Africa. Increased mortality, the official jibed, was one of three ways of controlling population growth, thereby implying that hypothetically letting those infected with HIV die could be beneficial for those surviving the pandemic.41 The initial reaction of one official at the National Intelligence Council in the mid-1990s, responding to an early demand for a project analysing the security implications of AIDS, was similarly: Oh, it will be good, because Africa is overpopulated anyway.42 These are not isolated incidents. In a report by the World Bank from 1992 one can read from an economic perspective that [i]f the only effect of the AIDS epidemic were to reduce the population growth rate, it would increase the growth rate of per capita income in any plausible economic model.43 More recently the president of Botswana also argued publicly that providing antiretrovirals (ARVs) to its citizens would have the undesirable effect of keeping persons living with HIV alive longer, thus increasing the chances of further transmission of the virus which was undesirable for the population as a whole.44 What is striking about such sentiments is not just the sobering cost-benefit analysis they bring to bear on human life, but more importantly the biopolitical racism they evince by pitting the interests of those living without HIV/AIDS against those affected by the illness through implying, however erroneously, that the healthy ones would be better off without the latter. To reiterate, these kinds of arguments appeal directly to the core principle of biopolitical racism, namely that the death of others makes one biologically stronger insofar as one is a member of a race or a population.45 Especially in a context of material scarcity and competing pressure for limited funds, there is a danger with the securitization of HIV/AIDS in that some political leaders might conclude that in the long run the health and security of their population may be best served by simply letting the infected die. Although diametrically opposed to the intended consequences of the securitization of HIV/AIDS, the fact that such a (hypothetical) outcome would nevertheless be consistent with a security approach to HIV/AIDS must surely give pause for thought in terms of framing the global response to HIV/AIDS exclusively in the language of security. Short of this more drastic outcome, the securitization of HIV/AIDS could also bring such biopolitical racism between the population and the infected into play in a second way by inadvertently justifying measures both to remove persons living with HIV/AIDS from the population, and by preventing new HIV-positive persons from other countries joining the population. Calls for quarantining people with HIV/AIDS because of their biological characteristics, subjecting them to various forms of violence, and attempting to bar such persons from serving in state institutions, are only a few of the examples in which persons living with HIV/AIDS have been ostracized and even persecuted by some states for their illness. These actions have all been justified, moreover, in the name of ensuring and enhancing the health of populations.

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The avian flu is just another example of a cultural politics of fear that makes violence against the other inevitable George et al in 2005 (LIANNE, MACLEANS, 10/3/2005, Vol. 118 Issue 40, p46-52)
FOR NOW, though,

it all remains hypothetical. In his new book, The Politics of Fear, U.K. sociologist Frank Furedi suggests that the more secure a society is in terms of health, wealth and political stability -the more likely it is to fixate on theoretical menaces. In turn, the more obsessed we become with keeping safe, "the more insecure we become," he says, "because safety becomes this elusive quest you never achieve. Even if you never leave the house, you can always slip in the bathtub." In life, there is much to fear (even fear itself!), and a certain amount of paranoia is necessary for survival since it compels us to implement reasonable precautions, like condoms and bicycle helmets. But what Furedi is describing is a culture plagued by free-floating anxiety, exacerbated by the dramatic and devastating news events of our time: tsunamis, hurricanes, 9/11. It's not that we're more afraid now than we used to be; it's that the things we fear are less tangible, and the fear itself more diffuse and promiscuous. It will affix itself to global terrorism or earthquakes one day, killer bees the next. And when people feel a sense of general insecurity, says York University sociology professor Donald Carveth, their natural response is to try to identify the source, to give the enemy a face and a name, and exert whatever measures of control they can over it. "To feel threatened by vague, abstract forces -- that's terrifying," he says. "When you've got an enemy, no matter how powerful he is, once he's been identified, you can get him in the sights of your guns." Hence avian flu -- the latest menace we can take precautions against in our efforts to feel protected.

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metaphor for the Other which must be kept at the gates. Only western medicine together with the proper management and control of the population can protect humanity from extinction. Schell 97 (Heather, Outburst! A Chilling True Story about Emerging-Virus Narratives and Pandemic Social
Change Configurations - Volume 5, Number 1, Winter 1997, Assistant Prof of Writing, Muse) Although I like the implications of Haraway's and Martin's analyses, an examination of immune system discourses is incomplete without a complementary appraisal of the immune system's most formidable non-self: the virus. The self/non-self dichotomy has been so extensively explored by historians and mined of its last glitter of insight
by theoreticians that we might easily be tempted to dismiss its continued operation in our everyday lives as the tailings from an abandoned excavation. Such dismissal would be a mistake. Society still deploys binarisms in blatant disregard of decades of sound,

decisive scholarship. Debates about national and personal boundaries are unfolding within our anxious apprehensions of an approaching viral pandemic. The virus emerges as a dangerous foreign being: a fecund, primitive yet evolving, hungry, needy, African predator unleashed by modern travel from the last recesses of the wild. It wants to immigrate, with or without a visa. It demands attention in the form of resistance or capitulation. While ostensibly pondering the possible overthrow of the food chain, virus discourse imagines the overthrow of the social order. Viruses represent social change--frightening and enormous social change--and our drastic fear of viral epidemics is in part a reactionary response to the possibility of such change. Virus discourse has become a covert means of negotiating identity and contact in the increasing multiculturalism of the global village. Western ideas of the non-self, the external threat, have not kept pace with the postmodern flexible self. The Other is still that same, tired old Other, that dark, unknowable native lurking in that dark, unknowable continent, waiting to erode our identity and leave us degenerated or reborn. Marlow or Tarzan, the Westerner who makes contact with the indefinable essence of Africa has always emerged a transformed soul. The only postmodern element of virus discourse is that now the African transformative [End Page 96] being has become a global passenger with no need for a green card. Virus discourse is retelling old imperialist nightmares that, neutralized under cover of medical common sense, seem to justify exclusionary practices, surveillance, and general prejudice that we would otherwise find inexcusable as well as politically untenable. Like the Soviets in the 1980s, viruses in the 1990s have become almost reliable villains. Some now credit them as the cause of an impressive array of hitherto orphaned ailments, from cancer to dementia. 12 The most striking evidence of viruses' current sway over some people's imagination appears in the attenuation of the perceived menace from global warming, nuclear holocaust, starvation, disease, and so forth, and the growing perception of viral epidemics as the only source of danger.
This is a striking change from as recently as 1977, when officials in Close Encounters of the Third Kind, brainstorming for a convincing lie to frighten all the locals out of the Devil's Tower area, reject an apocryphal virus epidemic in favor of a chemical spill. Simultaneously, the field of potential victims shrinks to humanity alone. This frequently occurs in virology articles, at the levels of both syntax and concept. For the syntax, notice how Richard Krause, senior scientific advisor at the Fogarty International Center, NIH, slips between "viruses" and "microbes": "The light of science must be focused on those forces that propel the emergence

and migration of virus diseases. These events stem from attributes of microbes." 13 There are many types of microbes, of which viruses are only one. In the same essay, Krause uses the term emerging viruses interchangeably with epidemics and plagues, even though much of his discussion focuses on bacterial diseases. Stephen Morse makes the same shift: "Officials of all kinds . . . need to be aware of the infectious-disease implications of ecological and demographic changes. These are 'signals' for viral traffic." 14 Robert Shope and Alfred Evans, epidemiologists at Yale, similarly alternate in an unspecified manner between "host" and "human" in their discussion of viral evolution; at some points they are clearly discussing other animal hosts, but that use continually bleeds into a "host" that means only "human host." 15

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Joshua Lederberg offers a conceptual example of the same narrowed focus: "A few vermin aside, Homo sapiens has undisputed dominion [End Page 97] --and we could, where we choose, even eradicate rodent and insect pests" (although he allows that we might suffer a bit from the pesticides); "bacterial and protozoan parasites" will soon be eliminated, too--thus, "our only real competitors remain the viruses." 16 Lederberg has exterminated every single living threat from the global playing field. This anticipates the eradication of all our pests more than prematurely--even assuming that such eradication were a sensible goal-and entirely elides the hazard that our species poses to itself. More ominously, notice how Lederberg has framed the relationship between humans and other organic beings to include only predator-prey interactions; anything that we cannot kill is ipso facto a competitor.

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Representations of disease allow the government to exert imperialist and disciplinary power, using medicine as a means of manipulation of African people. Lund 2003 (Giuliana,
University of Minnesota HEALING THE NATION: MEDICOLONIAL DISCOURSE AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY FROM APARTHEID TO TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION, Spring, 2003) Project Muse. Africa has long been associated in the imperialist imagination with disease and death. In the nineteenth century, the continent was commonly referred to as the white mans grave. The civilizing mission was thus conceived, from the West, as a healing mission. Among the European explorers who laid the groundwork for imperialist expansion were numerous doctors, the most prominent of whom was Livingstone. As healers, missionaries in Africa viewed themselves as the harbingers not only of spiritual enlightenment, but also of material progress. Medicine was thought to serve both goals because in addition to saving lives and alleviating suffering it would attract followers to the missions and contribute to the prestige of Western culture at the expense of local culture. James Stewart, a typical disciple of Livingstone, used this union of medical and spiritual work to combat indigenous healing practice, one of the mightiest and most malignant of influences in Africa.1 Eventually, medicine became a means of controlling African bodies and minds and thus an instrument of imperialism (Comaroff 1993). With the advent of germ theory in the latter part of the nineteenth century, hygiene became a paramount public interest. Cleanliness of mind and body were increasingly inseparable in public discourse, and dirt of any kind was thought to be morally as well as physically corrupting. John Ross, the son of a Scottish missionary, exemplified the attitude that cleanliness was next to godliness when he wrote the following in a pamphlet of 1887: People must be taught that attention to public health is a moral duty, that cleanliness, avoidance of excess, and health preservation go hand in hand with mental and moral training, and that morality consists as much in a hearty submission to the precepts of health as to the observations of creed (Heyningen 1989, 457).

Disease securitization constructs the disruptive Other that threatens the stability of civilization. Only the careful surveillance of its spread and the proper management of the population can protect and make us safe.
Heather 97 (Schell, Outburst! A Chilling True Story about Emerging-Virus Narratives and Pandemic Social Change Configurations - Volume 5, Number 1, Winter 1997, Ph.D. Candidate in Modern Thought and Literature, Muse) Being immobile pathogens, viruses need a host to bring them inside. The hosts implicated in the virus texts I examine are invariably outsiders themselves, usually socially disruptive elements. Llewellyn Legters, who helped organize the "hypothetical global epidemic emergency" I mentioned earlier, creates one of the most suggestive images of a marginalized, infected traveler: " 'We' go there, 'they' come here, increasing the risk to United States citizens of exposure to tropical infectious diseases." 52 "We" and "they" carry strong (if unspecified) racial overtones in this instance; in other contexts they [End Page 106] suggest membership in sexual, gendered, economic, and most especially national categories. I will address these different implications as they rear their ugly little heads in my examples. In the meantime, the most important element of "us" and "them" lies in their flexible relationship, defined primarily by perceived hygiene and infection. "We" are, above all, the readers, the ones whose survival ultimately matters. "They" are the ones who probably will not survive, and whose infectious resistance to dying in anonymous isolation endangers the rest of us. 53 The film Outbreak offers a good example of the perceived cause of epidemics. No accident, the fictional Ebola epidemic was instigated by negligence, disobedience, and intentional irresponsibility, if not outright immorality. The infected monkey would have been detained at a quarantine facility had two employees not disobeyed regulations--in fact, the employee who first steals the monkey and later abandons it actually has difficulty convincing the monkey to leave its cage and flee. An anti-Ebola vaccine would have been available years before had it not been for the draconian covert decision of several military officials; the vaccine might still have been developed speedily had these officials not attempted to conceal their past wrongdoing. Conceivably, the virologist protagonists might have ended the epidemic sooner with teamwork, but this was hampered by their divorce. 54 Every stage of Ebola's spread entails deliberate human action.

LINKDISEASE (4/10)
Our knowledge of disease is intricately tied to the body of knowledge that contains it. That means that the body of knowledge is the target of the same medical intervention as the disease itself. Huber 98 (Jeffrey, Social Constructs and Disease, Library Trends,
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1387/is_2_47/ai_54050960/pg_1, Research Information Scientist, Research Assistant Professor) Bodies of knowledge are bound by societal norms, policies, and processes, and scientific discoveries, social interactions, and personal beliefs are recorded within the containers of information that support those bodies of knowledge. Information and society are indelibly linked, as are pathology-specific bodies of knowledge and the diseases they represent. There is an integral relationship between a disease and the body of knowledge concerning that disease. In reality, one does not occur without the other. In order for a body of knowledge about a pathological condition to develop, the disease must exist and have been discovered. The body of knowledge concerning a disease, then, is generated to define and describe the malady, classify the pathological, and provide discourse regarding affected individuals. In return, this pool of knowledge breathes life into the pathological, providing it visibility. Without a representative body of knowledge, the disease remains invisible. Information concerning a disease, however, is bound by the life of that pathological condition and is circumscribed by any stigma associated with that illness. The body of knowledge is riddled with the same complexities as the malady itself, yielding a diseased body of knowledge where HIV and AIDS are concerned. Mirroring the complex nature of the epidemic and the controversies associated with the disease, the body of knowledge regarding the pandemic is circumscribed by the same societal construct as the pathological itself (Huber, 1996, p. 33).

Public health care uses representations of disease and disciplinary power in order to enable the government to organize and manipulate bodies and minds in Africa ultimately hindering efforts to destroy epidemic and disease. Lund 2003 (Giuliana, University of Minnesota HEALING THE
NATION: MEDICOLONIAL DISCOURSE AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY FROM APARTHEID TO TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION, Spring, 2003) Project Muse. Epidemic outbreaks facilitate the extension of state powers into new realms by justifying intrusive regulations and policing of social boundaries. As Michel Foucault points out, the plague city, with its cordon sanitaire, its institutions for the care and disposal of bodies, its control over the movement of peoples and goods, and its seizure and destruction of property, becomes, paradoxically, the utopia of the perfectly governed city: This enclosed, segmented space, observed at every point, in which the individuals are inserted in a fixed place, in which the slightest movements are supervised, in which all events are recorded . . . constitutes a compact model of the disciplinary mechanism. . . . Against the plague, which is mixture, discipline brings into play its power . . . the penetration of regulation into even the smallest details of everyday life. . . . The plague as a form, at once real and imaginary, of disorder had its medical and political correlative discipline. (1979, 197) In South Africa, as in Europe, plague set a precedent for an expanded state with increased power over bodies and property, legitimated in the name of public welfare. However, while the state organized the fight against disease, it accepted no culpability for its initial appearance or spreadindeed, such an apportionment of blame might spark a revolution. The refusal to hold policy makers accountable hinders efforts to control epidemics. The consequences of eschewing communal responsibility are especially dire when plague is used as a metaphor for a crisis that is actually social rather than biological in nature.

LINKDISEASE (5/10)
Disease securitization constructs the disruptive Other that threatens the stability of civilization. Only the careful surveillance of its spread and the proper management of the population can protect and make us safe. Heather 97 (Schell, Outburst! A Chilling True Story about
Emerging-Virus Narratives and Pandemic Social Change Configurations -Volume 5, Number 1, Winter 1997, Ph.D. Candidate in Modern Thought and Literature, Muse) Being immobile pathogens, viruses need a host to bring them inside. The hosts implicated in the virus texts I examine are invariably outsiders themselves, usually socially disruptive elements. Llewellyn Legters, who helped organize the "hypothetical global epidemic emergency" I mentioned earlier, creates one of the most suggestive images of a marginalized, infected traveler: " 'We' go there, 'they' come here, increasing the risk to United States citizens of exposure to tropical infectious diseases." 52 "We" and "they" carry strong (if unspecified) racial overtones in this instance; in other contexts they [End Page 106] suggest membership in sexual, gendered, economic, and most especially national categories. I will address these different implications as they rear their ugly little heads in my examples. In the meantime, the most important element of "us" and "them" lies in their flexible relationship, defined primarily by perceived hygiene and infection. "We" are, above all, the readers, the ones whose survival ultimately matters. "They" are the ones who probably will not survive, and whose infectious resistance to dying in anonymous isolation endangers the rest of us. 53 The film Outbreak offers a good example of the perceived cause of epidemics. No accident, the fictional Ebola epidemic was instigated by negligence, disobedience, and intentional irresponsibility, if not outright immorality. The infected monkey would have been detained at a quarantine facility had two employees not disobeyed regulations--in fact, the employee who first steals the monkey and later abandons it actually has difficulty convincing the monkey to leave its cage and flee. An anti-Ebola vaccine would have been available years before had it not been for the draconian covert decision of several military officials; the vaccine might still have been developed speedily had these officials not attempted to conceal their past wrongdoing. Conceivably, the virologist protagonists might have ended the epidemic sooner with teamwork, but this was hampered by their divorce. 54 Every stage of Ebola's spread entails deliberate human action. A similar origin of intentional spread by renegade social elements appears in the film Twelve Monkeys, Robin Cook's novel Outbreak and the NBC film version, Robin Cook's "Virus," Octavia Butler's SF novel Clay's Ark, Greg Egan's SF story "The Moral Virologist," and Storm Constantine's SF Wraeththu series. 55 In Nicola Griffith's SF [End Page 107] novel Ammonite, we learn that the first colonists of the planet had been "adept bioengineers," which suggests that the lethal virus was possibly the product of genetic engineering. 56 The film Outbreak resolves with the couple reunited, one dishonest military official ousted, the other repentant, and all the disobedient employees and quarantine breakers dead. Our established protocols and science are effective, the film suggests, and viruses can contact us only if we break the rules--and even in this event, a return to the status quo restores our safety.

LINKDISEASE (6/10)
The term virus illustrates the way in which discourse has the potential to create the idea of the outsiderultimately allowing the government to exclude those who are infected by the virus. Schell, 97 [Heather, PhD, Stanford University, MA, Georgetown University, BSFS, Georgetown
University, Ph.D. in Modern Thought and Literature at Stanford University; She is currently teaching Women's Studies and English at Miami University. Outburst! A Chilling True Story about Emerging-Virus Narratives and Pandemic Social Change] The United States has become infected with virus metaphors. Authors compare destructive computer programs, non-normative sexual behaviors, illegal drug use, gangs, overpopulation, governmental economic intervention, 5 and even unequal personal relationships 6 to viruses to convey the idea of danger efficiently. Lethal new viruses have become a hot topic for science best-sellers, medical research, action movies, and science fiction. The recent slew of popular science writing on viruses includes Laurie Garrett's Coming Plague, Peter Radetsky's Invisible Invaders: Viruses and the Scientists Who Pursue Them, and Richard Preston's Hot Zone, as well as numerous articles in both natural science and general interest magazines. 7 Virology has been a medical subspecialty for half a century, but now "emerging" viruses have attained a certain chic among the medical set, meriting their own conferences and edited volumes in the years since the recognition of AIDS; in addition, articles by emerging-virus specialists appear in refereed, general science journals like Nature and Science. 8 On the big screen, virus thrillers like Outbreak and Twelve Monkeys [End Page 94] have attracted major stars and large audiences. 9 Should the choice of topic itself not imply sufficiently that viruses matter, the authors almost invariably assert the momentous relevance of viruses to the present time; as Ann Giudici Fettner assures us in Viruses: Agents of Change, "Today is the day of the virus." 10 I would like to examine the significance of our current fascination with viruses within the context of the work on immune system discourses by feminist science studies scholars Donna Haraway and Emily Martin. Both Haraway's "Biopolitics of Postmodern Bodies: Constitutions of Self in Immune System Discourse" and Martin's Flexible Bodies: Tracking Immunity in American Culture argue that immune system discourse reflects changing ideas about the qualities that comprise identity and selfhood. 11 In addition, they probe the depictions of the immune system's relationship with the non-self. Critical evaluations of the criteria for self and non-self have long been an important and necessary component of feminist analysis, not least because Western women were frequently shunted into that non-self category. The developing global consciousness of Western feminism in the past decades has also led feminist scholars increasingly to consider the status of others classified politically, socially, and even biologically as outsiders on the basis of race, ethnicity, sexual practice, class, and so forth. This growing awareness reflects not simply general humanitarian concerns but also the realization that our destinies are intertwined in a symbiotic manner, not in a free market structure where only the "fittest" survive. Applying natural selection to social groups turned out to be a trick to divide and conquer us, since the lucky few to succeed turned out to be even fewer than we had been promised. Many feminist scholars have also built on the poststructuralist insight that self/non-self distinctions are socially [End Page 95] constructed ways of making sense of the world; while such distinctions are therefore deeply permeated by existing power relations, they are also subject to change. Working from this historical position, Haraway and Martin carefully examine new discourses on identity to see who or what gets targeted as outsiders, non-selves. Though they both recognize potential danger in the practices of some scientists and journalists, whose use of military metaphors for understanding the immune system perpetuates outdated, aggressive, Cold War mindsets, these scholars see signs of hope in alternate interpretations of the immune system. Martin and Haraway offer examples of some scientists, SF writers, and nonexperts who have begun to perceive the immune system-and, by extension, our own interaction with the world--in ways that accommodate multiplicity, situated knowledges, and multivocal communication.

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The virus discourse represents how we think of the foreigner as dirty, primitive, and these assumptions make us more imperialist, elitist, and racist. Schell, 97 [Heather, PhD, Stanford
University, MA, Georgetown University, BSFS, Georgetown University, Ph.D. in Modern Thought and Literature at Stanford University; She is currently teaching Women's Studies and English at Miami University. Outburst! A Chilling True Story about Emerging-Virus Narratives and Pandemic Social Change] Although I like the implications of Haraway's and Martin's analyses, an examination of immune system discourses is incomplete without a complementary appraisal of the immune system's most formidable non-self: the virus. The self/non-self dichotomy has been so extensively explored by historians and mined of its last glitter of insight by theoreticians that we might easily be tempted to dismiss its continued operation in our everyday lives as the tailings from an abandoned excavation. Such dismissal would be a mistake. Society still deploys binarisms in blatant disregard of decades of sound, decisive scholarship. Debates about national and personal boundaries are unfolding within our anxious apprehensions of an approaching viral pandemic. The virus emerges as a dangerous foreign being: a fecund, primitive yet evolving, hungry, needy, African predator unleashed by modern travel from the last recesses of the wild. It wants to immigrate, with or without a visa. It demands attention in the form of resistance or capitulation. While ostensibly pondering the possible overthrow of the food chain, virus discourse imagines the overthrow of the social order. Viruses represent social change--frightening and enormous social change--and our drastic fear of viral epidemics is in part a reactionary response to the possibility of such change. Virus discourse has become a covert means of negotiating identity and contact in the increasing multiculturalism of the global village. Western ideas of the non-self, the external threat, have not kept pace with the postmodern flexible self. The Other is still that same, tired old Other, that dark, unknowable native lurking in that dark, unknowable continent, waiting to erode our identity and leave us degenerated or reborn. Marlow or Tarzan, the Westerner who makes contact with the indefinable essence of Africa has always emerged a transformed soul. The only postmodern element of virus discourse is that now the African transformative [End Page 96] being has become a global passenger with no need for a green card. Virus discourse is retelling old imperialist nightmares that, neutralized under cover of medical common sense, seem to justify exclusionary practices, surveillance, and general prejudice that we would otherwise find inexcusable as well as politically untenable.

The medical discourse of viruses also symbolizes our cruel otherization of GBLT. Schell, 97
[Heather, PhD, Stanford University, MA, Georgetown University, BSFS, Georgetown University, Ph.D. in Modern Thought and Literature at Stanford University; She is currently teaching Women's Studies and English at Miami University. Outburst! A Chilling True Story about Emerging-Virus Narratives and Pandemic Social Change] The metaphor of social marginalization as infection is apt in several ways, particularly for gay and lesbian communities. Homophobes have often voiced the fear that innocents will be "converted" by contact with gay men or lesbians. Their worst nightmares come true in Storm Constantine's Wraeththu series, where gay men metamorphose into powerful and somewhat vengeful hermaphrodites whose touch similarly transforms or kills all the heterosexual men whom they can catch. In addition, poverty and substandard health [End Page 124] care, not to mention the de facto segregation associated with social inequality, can localize epidemics in particular communities. The AIDS epidemic historically supports a
third, optimistic link between infection and community: by generating a powerful grassroots political movement among gay men and lesbians, the epidemic built a sense of cohesion and common purpose that cannot compensate for the tragedy but does help make it slightly more bearable.

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Debates about medical discourse are debates about human sociology and how we categorize and otherize one another. Schell, 97 [Heather, PhD, Stanford University, MA, Georgetown University, BSFS,
Georgetown University, Ph.D. in Modern Thought and Literature at Stanford University; She is currently teaching Women's Studies and English at Miami University. Outburst! A Chilling True Story about Emerging-Virus Narratives and Pandemic Social Change] Debates about viruses are debates about human society. When virologists discuss the dangers of "changed social conditions," they probably have specific dangerous changes in mind. The historical social changes responsible for triggering epidemics might at first seem too contradictory to justify my contention of bias. Krause, for example, fingers increasing urbanization (tuberculosis) as well as the move to suburbs (Lyme disease), good hygiene (polio) as well as bad hygiene (cholera), and women's use of moreabsorbent tampons for their role in facilitating infection. 60 None of this behavior appears linked to moral judgment. However, a clearer pattern of proscribed social behavior emerges when we consider the epidemic used as a model for all the epidemic predictions: AIDS. According to one science writer, "the AIDS epidemic says it all. An unknown virus gets an opportunity to infect previously unexposed human beings and takes it." 61 According to Kaplan, "AIDS would appear to be the most devastating result of this complex of circumstances [deforestation, increased urbanization, travel, and social change]." 62 Kaplan's AIDS epidemic apparently does not even require a pathogen! The pattern of blame in AIDS follows two distinct paths, one for Africa and another for the United States. The African narrative cites prostitution and increased travel within the continent for the spread of disease; the U.S. narrative is more familiar to us.

The negative connotations of viral discourse convinces us to resist change and identity transformations. Schell, 97 [Heather, PhD, Stanford University, MA, Georgetown University, BSFS, Georgetown University, Ph.D.
in Modern Thought and Literature at Stanford University; She is currently teaching Women's Studies and English at Miami University. Outburst! A Chilling True Story about Emerging-Virus Narratives and Pandemic Social Change] Other recent popular representations of viruses similarly

emphasize the careful passage from clean, uninfected space to dangerous, infectious space, as I mentioned earlier with Outbreak and Robin Cook's "Virus." If the popular science accounts tend to start with a view of Africa that leads to enclosed U.S. laboratories, the science fiction narratives often abandon small, contained spaces for a larger, contaminated world. Nonetheless, Ammonite's introduction strikingly parallels the entry into The Hot Zone. The narrative follows Marghe, the protagonist, on every step of her spaceship journey from sealed, protected Section A through multiple airlocks and corridors to contaminated Section D, where she removes her life-support suit. In this trip, she has crossed "the boundary between what was understood and controlled and what was dangerous." 75 The elaborate containment procedures were established to protect humanity from the deadly virus of the planet Jeep, which infects everyone exposed to it, killing all the men and 20 percent of the women; the experimental vaccine that Marghe is testing might or might not improve her odds. Marghe has embarked on a one-way journey--no one exposed to the virus is allowed back into "any other uncontaminated Company installation" without gruesome, life-threatening decontamination procedures. 76 This discourse of contamination and boundaries of course calls to mind Mary Douglas's seminal Purity and Danger, in which she argues that ideas of dirt spring from attempts to impose order and meaning on a disordered world: "When something is firmly classed as anomalous, the outline of the set in which it is not a member is clarified." 77 Disorder--whatever is left outside the boundaries of order--is [End Page 113] invested with unlimited, undefined power. Protecting oneself from the danger of this disorder demands careful attention to details of boundaries. The resultant "pollution-taboos" frequently work to enforce the moral code by providing an incentive for proper behavior in activities that cannot be monitored. This accords with the epidemic causes cited earlier: in Outbreak, for example, people who disobey rules will be sorry even if they do not get caught, because their misdeeds will trigger an epidemic that will kill them and possibly end human life as we know it. A crucial point is that disorder represents potential change. An elastic moment of disorder will not necessarily catapult us into a new era, but it might also snap us back into former shapes. Fears about an emerging viral menace thus actually offer a revamped justification for reasserting national, racial, and sexual categories, thereby averting any long-term transformation of our ideas about identity.

LINKDISEASE (9/10)
The negative connotations of viral discourse convinces us to resist change and identity transformations. Schell, 97 [Heather, PhD, Stanford University, MA, Georgetown University, BSFS, Georgetown University, Ph.D. in Modern Thought and
Literature at Stanford University; She is currently teaching Women's Studies and English at Miami University. Outburst! A Chilling True Story about Emerging-Viruspopular representations of viruses Other recent Narratives and Pandemic Social Change]

similarly emphasize the careful passage from clean, uninfected space to dangerous, infectious space, as I mentioned earlier with Outbreak and Robin Cook's "Virus." If the popular science accounts tend to start with a view of Africa that leads to enclosed U.S. laboratories, the science fiction narratives often abandon small, contained spaces for a larger, contaminated world. Nonetheless, Ammonite's introduction strikingly parallels the entry into The Hot Zone. The narrative follows Marghe, the protagonist, on every step of her spaceship journey from sealed, protected Section A through multiple airlocks and corridors to contaminated Section D, where she removes her lifesupport suit. In this trip, she has crossed "the boundary between what was understood and controlled and what was dangerous." 75 The elaborate containment procedures were established to protect humanity from the deadly virus of the planet Jeep, which infects everyone exposed to it, killing all the men and 20 percent of the women; the experimental vaccine that Marghe is testing might or might not improve her odds. Marghe has embarked on a one-way journey--no one exposed to the virus is allowed back into "any other uncontaminated Company installation" without gruesome, life-threatening decontamination procedures. 76 This discourse of contamination and boundaries of course calls to mind Mary Douglas's seminal Purity and Danger, in which she argues that ideas of dirt spring from attempts to impose order and meaning on a disordered world: "When something is firmly classed as anomalous, the outline of the set in which it is not a member is clarified." 77 Disorder--whatever is left outside the boundaries of order--is [End Page 113] invested with unlimited, undefined power. Protecting oneself from the danger of this disorder demands careful attention to details of boundaries. The resultant "pollution-taboos" frequently work to enforce the moral code by providing an incentive for proper behavior in activities that cannot be monitored. This accords with the epidemic causes cited earlier: in Outbreak, for example, people who disobey rules will be sorry even if they do not get caught, because their misdeeds will trigger an epidemic that will kill them and possibly end human life as we know it. A crucial point is that disorder represents potential change. An elastic moment of disorder will not necessarily catapult us into a new era, but it might also snap us back into former shapes. Fears about an emerging viral menace thus actually offer a revamped justification for reasserting national, racial, and sexual categories, thereby averting any long-term transformation of our ideas about identity.

LINKDISEASE (10/10)
Viruses, and thus foreigners are seen as the replicative pathogens. Schell, 97 [Heather, PhD, Stanford University, MA, Georgetown University, BSFS, Georgetown University,
Ph.D. in Modern Thought and Literature at Stanford University; She is currently teaching Women's Studies and English at Miami University. Outburst! A Chilling True Story about Emerging-Virus Narratives and Pandemic Social Change] As I have already discussed, our ideas about contamination are complexly mediated by medical as well as cultural discourse. Barrier nursing makes good medical sense with hemorrhagic fevers; this practical component is not enough, however, to account for the proliferation of depictions of barriers. Photos accompanying popular articles on viruses frequently portray biocontainment suits, images that graphically reiterate the need for protection. The inaccessibility of viruses to our senses might partially account for the proliferation of barrier images. Biocontainment suits compete only with esoteric electron microscope images as visual indicators of the presence of viruses, and a rent in such a suit offers one of the only ways to depict infection graphically. Almost invariably, barrier methods are represented as tenuous. The much-vaunted biocontainment capability of USAMRIID and the CDC offers scant guarantee to the researchers, whose protective gear is occasionally breached by animal teeth, scissors, or malfunction. 79 The precautions taken by virus hunters in the wild consist of elements even a layperson can recognize as vulnerable: paper masks, plastic garbage bags, and "sticky tape" provide a mere patchwork barrier between self and the "replicative Other." An Associated Press photo from the 1995 Ebola epidemic in Kitwit illustrates the ineffectual gestures of containment that Westerners tend [End Page 114] to expect in foreign lands: it shows two boys with T-shirts pulled over their mouths and noses in makeshift masks; the journalist describes their action (somewhat patronizingly) as motivated by the hope that "this would somehow protect them from the deadly virus." 80 Yet Preston's ubiquitous "sticky tape" seems less an effective, sophisticated Western barrier method than an apotropaic charm against infection.

The killer virus narrative reduces the body to an abject that is only properly situated against the normalized conception of the clean and proper body of the socialized individual DOUGHERTY IN 2001 (STEPHEN, assistant professor in English at Elizabethtown
Community College, The Biopolitics of the Killer Virus Novel, CULTURAL CRITIQUE, SPRING) As we discover, the body is subjected to so much violation in contemporary killer virus novels that it ceases to be a body, strictly speaking. Rather, it is what is left over from itself after the virus has had its way, the irreducible residue of its own organic functioning. One more revolting description will sufficiently prove the point. In The Blood Artists, Chuck Hogan describes a doomed victim whose skin "rot[s] off his body in a fetid stink, marble-sized boils and violet tumorous ulcerations marking the dark map of his flesh. It was less than flesh, a fungus that had grown up over a skeleton" (23). Flesh yet less than flesh, the body becomes alien to itself in Hogan's novel. In its viscous reduction to ungovernable flows and seepages, it is transformed in its totality into what Julia Kristeva calls the abject, those elements of the body that are susceptible in our culture to being symbolized as impure, and whose symbolic refusal helps to constitute "the clean and proper body" of the socialized individual. 8 But at the same time, the killer virus novel threatens to negate the logic of the abject, as well as the psychological register within which the abject functions, because there is no proper body for the social subject left to be split off from that which does not properly belong to it. [End Page 7] The body in the killer virus novel attests to its own permeability, a hallmark feature of literatures of bodily anxiety. But more rad-ically, the virally infected body attests to its susceptibility to total collapse into an "outside" that no longer functions to demarcate the condition of possibility for the "inside." The killer virus genre thus presents a world where the boundary between the human as a biological entity and what lies outside it is profoundly unstable, so that man as a subject threatens to fall back into the object world-- and more specifically, as we shall see, the animal world--that surrounds him.

LINKSURVEILLANCE/RACISM (1/3)
Medicine studies the body and creates norms of what society and the individual looks like. Increasing knowledge of the population allows us to identify groups that do not fit established medical norms. Thus, threats have become endemic to the population, which only proper management can protect us from. Feder 07 (Ellen, The Dangerous Individual(s) Mother, Hypatia v22 n2 Spring, Teacher of Philosophy at American
University) Biopower creates the distinctionsthe "biological" distinctionswithin the population that form the hierarchy whereby "certain races are described as good and . . . others, by contrast, are described as inferior" (255). This standard is that on which a new conception of "normalization," or what Foucault here called "regularization," is established. In this way, biopowerlike the disciplinary power from which it developedis founded upon a gathering of knowledge; it is a power that is grounded upon, made possible by, this knowledge; at the same time, this accumulated knowledge is made to count as knowledge, in virtue [End Page 63] of power. Among the generalized mechanisms of which the biopolitical state makes use is the measurement of biological processes of the populacerates of birth, death, and fertility. These are, Foucault said, biopolitics' "first objects of knowledge and the targets it seeks to control" through natalist policy, for example, but also through efforts to contain disease (243). The Middle Ages were centrally concerned with "epidemics," diseases that would wipe out a portion of the population and which required "disqualification, exile, rejection, deprivation, refusal, and incomprehensionthat is to say, an entire arsenal of negative concepts or mechanisms of exclusion" (Foucault 1999/2003, 44). Foucault believed that the morbidity problem starting in the mid-eighteenth century, however, was more precisely defined in terms of the "endemic" which may be managed by attending to "the form, nature, extension, duration and intensity of the illnesses prevalent in a population" (1997/2003, 243). Here Foucault extended his discussion from the Collge course of the previous year (Abnormal) of plague and the "positive technologies of power" that accompanied it. Foucault noted early in the course that there was a whole literature devoted to the "kind of orgiastic dream" of lawlessness permitted by the outbreak of plague. But, Foucault wrote, the onset of plague made possible "a marvelous moment when political power is exercised to the full. Plague is the moment when the spatial partitioning and subdivision (quadrillage) of a population is taken to its extreme point, where dangerous communications, disorderly communities, and forbidden contacts can no longer appear" (1999/2003, 47). According to Foucault, plague created the conditions that justified state regulation of the lives of its residents, "the capillary ramifications of which constantly reach[ed] into the grain of individuals themselves, their time, habitat, localization, and bodies" (1999/2003, 47). This is what Foucault termed the power of "normalization," an idea he drew from Georges Canguilhem's 1943 The Normal and Pathological (Canguilhem 1968/1989). Normalization refers to a variety of techniques that draw for their founding and legitimization on the concept of "the norm" (Foucault 1999/2003, 50). Beginning in the eighteenth century, normalization took as its privileged object the "dangerous" or "delinquent individual" (25). Foucault's aim in these lectures was to trace the genealogy of this power and the change that had occurred in the "medico-juridical body" such that its charge was no longer the "control of crime or illness" but rather the "control of the abnormal, of the abnormal individual" (42) who was, according to Foucault, "conceptualized in racist terms" (Foucault 1997/2003, 258). At the end of the twentieth century, "violence" was often framed in precisely the terms Foucault outlined. It is posed as an individual pathology that will be passed on, and necessitates the identification and elimination of "degeneracy" that will be regarded as "endemic": violence cannot be understood as a temporary danger but is a "permanent factor" that acts upon the population from [End Page 64] multiple directions.

<CONTINUES>

LINKSURVEILLANCE/RACISM (2/3)
<CONTINUES> The first identification of endemics, Foucault recounted, provoked the formation of public health programs that by the end of the eighteenth century culminated in the U.S. establishment of the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and Centers for Disease Control (CDC). In the late twentieth century, proponents of the federal Violence Initiative promised to do for the problem of violent crime what proponents of public health in the nineteenth century did for problems associated with poor hygiene. Increasing knowledge of the biochemical processes associated with violence would permit the identification of violence-prone youngsters, who would, in turn, provide increasing understanding of these processes. As in public hygiene programs, the "enemy" of the people is not a "foreign body," threatening the population from without but is located within the population itself, "in the biological threats," as Foucault put it, "posed by the other race" (1997/2003, 61).

Gonzaga Debate Institute 2007 Scholars Lab Disease Reps K LINKSURVEILLANCE/RACISM (3/3) LINKMEDICINE (1/6)
Modern Medicine to identify the heredity behind threats to society, justifying a racism Medicine allows usconstitutes the individual through scientific knowledge of the functions of the screens society becomes yet another site of control the norm. thatbody. The body for abnormality and deviance from for the ordering and calculation of populations. The power to let live and make die is instead the power to make live and let die. Feder 07 (Ellen, The Dangerous Individual(s) Mother, Hypatia v22 n2 Spring, Teacher of Philosophy at American
University)

Tierney 98 (Thomas, Anatomy and Governmentality, John Hopkins University Press, Associate Prof of Phil. And
Pol.The ill-fated announcement of the Violence Initiative marked aexamples which the specter of the Sci at Concord College, muse) Relying almost exclusively on period in "dangerous individual" came to occupy a prominent place in public discussion. Investigation of the medicine of the eighteenth century was overwhelmingly concerned with specifying and classifying from France, Foucault found that individuals' "violent tendencies" necessitated increasingly detailed attention to the This "nosological" medicine body and its disease. 7 operations. But families, genera, and species, resemble the detailed scrutiny Linnaeus, but Foucault emphasized that the cause organized disease by while this attention can rather like the botanical taxonomies of Foucault ascribed to the "disciplinary operation," this particular investigation of the body differs in important ways from that of of or source of the disease was not the foundation for this system of classification. Rather, the organizing principlethethis disciplinary gaze: the attention directed difference among visible symptomsthe disease; for "[t]he of an linguistic grid was the resemblance and at the violent body is aimed not at of "internalization" distance authoritative gaze by the individual him canherself, but rather, by the individualizing resemblance, . . . that separates one disease from another or be measured only at the degree of their of a group against whom the not defined needs protection. Rather than by formal gaze that "anyone" can employ, the authority vicinity is population by measurable distances but a diffused similarities." 8 The promise offered by the of the regulatory gazeconstruction of this the state's use.system was that itthat a government-funded careful and complete is consolidated for classificatory If it seems clear would reveal the nature of initiative that By payingpopulation of racially marked others who would be most "vulnerable" to violent disease itself. targets a close attention to the ordering of symptoms, doctors could hope to "communicate behaviors in an effort to protect those who would be, in turn,prior to all manifestation - the world of with the ontological order - which organizes from the inside, "vulnerable" to these individuals, would provoke public controversy, organized diseases according to expression of racism in the twentieth century (and disease." 9 Because this medicine it is because the specific formal similarities and evidently of the twenty-first, as well) of a disease in the old racism was not an essential century. In Abnormal, differences among symptoms, the manifestationdiffers from any particular body of the nineteenthelement in understanding that disease. In fact, Foucault claimed, the body posed "a subsidiary problem" 10 for early-modern much the prejudice or defense of Foucault characterized this new racism as one "whose function is not so medicine: For classificatory medicine, against in an organ is never absolutely necessary a define a disease: this disease may a one grouppresenceanother as the detection of all those withinto group who may be the carriers of travel from one it. It of localization to another, reach other bodily surfaces, while remaining identical society" danger topoint is an internal racism that permits the screening of every individual within a givenin nature. The space of 31617). Yet the space of the specific operation of [End Page 66] this power, we one (Foucault 1999/2003, the body and to understand thedisease possess enough latitude to slide away from must another. 11 The problem posed by the body, therefore, was of disciplinary poweris not the of any given remember that detailed attention to the individualthe objectthat the particular circumstancesfinal target. body might interfere with this time identification and mechanisms to get to what consequently The power that emerges atthe proper"uses" disciplinaryordering of symptoms, and Foucault loosely undermine the pursuit of the (313), a essence of the disease. "To the pure nosological essence," Foucault termed the "background-body"nature orbody "behind the abnormal body" that is responsible for the emphasized, " . .ofthe patient adds, in the form of so many disturbances, his predispositions, his age, his way of life, and a whole series of appearance . the delinquent or abnormal "condition" (312). Foucault asked, "What is this backgroundevents that, inbody behindessential nucleus, appear asIt is the parents'to know.the truth body pathological fact, the doctor must body, this relation to the the abnormal body? accidents. In order body . . the of the of the family, the body of abstract the patient." 12 Beyond its purely formal conception of disease and its abstraction from the body of the heredity" (313). patient, the most important feature of the classificatory medicine of early modernity was its traditional relation to death. As Foucault described this tradition: "An immemorial slope as old as men's fear turned the Through doctors towards the elimination of disease, towards cure, towardsare able to manage matter of statistical surveillance and monitoring, governments life: it could only be a the eyes of restoring it. Behind the doctor's back,name remained the great dark threat in which his knowledge health of entire populations in the death of securitizing Elbe, 2004 [Dr. Stefan, Lecturer In and skill Relations, University of Essex; International were abolished." 13 Although this description of medicine's relation to death sounds very much like the self-image portrayed by some contemporary medical organizations, such as the American Medical Association, in their hostile response to the http://www.stefanelbe.com/resources/ElbeISA2004Final.pdf, The is that this Protest?-Biopower and Biopolitics Futility of life-affirming, death-avoiding popular assertion of the right to physician assisted suicide, Foucault's claim in Securization of HIV/AIDS]medicine of the seventeenth andbiopolitical,centuries, but does notthe manner in The securitization of AIDS is eighteenth secondly, because of hold true for description applies to the which international actors are trying to manageearly modernity, death was indeed "the end of life and . . . also the end of modern medicine. For the classificatory medicine of the health of populations. The detailed statistical monitoring. .of populations that formed such an integral componentthingthememory." 14 All this would change in of of eighteenth century biopolitics in disease; . in death, disease reached the end of its course, fell silent, and became a Europe is today being replicated bywhen death was illuminated through the emergence of the uniquely the international agencies eager to identify and forecast the population the nineteenth century, however, dynamics likely to be induced pathological anatomy. Foucault identified the anatomical writingsthese statisticsindividual modern form of medicine, by HIV/AIDS in the years ahead. The task of compling of one particular has been assigned to the World Bichat - as the point at and themedicine shifted from a classificatory model, which turned Health Organization which Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS). Marie-Francois-Xavier The latter characteristicallybody, toitself in its efforts to provide strategic information about HIV/AIDS of away from death and the prides a more aggressive "medical gaze [that] pivots on itself and demands worldwide, as well asof life and disease." 15 Bichat encouraged physicians to abandon the gridof responses to it. Its web death an account [t]racking, monitoring, and evaluation of the epidemic and of pages even boast that UNAIDS concernedworlds mid-seventeenth century, when Sydenham first urged physicians to establish To symptoms with which they had been is, the since the leading resource for epidemiological data on HIV/AIDS. a this"'natural history of provides-in a16 Instead, that echoes Englands nineteenth century Blue Books-annual updates end UNAIDS every disease.'" manner Bichat claimed that physicians should focus on the body itself and the course which disease followed throughout it. the AIDS pandemic and endeavors to keep up-to-date and at last unquestionable foundation for the on the global states of For only the examination of corpses could provide "an objective, real,information of HIV-prevalence rate description of diseases." 17 Bichat admonished his colleagues as follows: amongst adult populations for every country. <CONTINUES>

Gonzaga Debate Institute 2007 Scholars Lab Disease Reps K LINKMEDICINE (2/6)
<CONTINUES>
'for twenty years, from morning to night, you have taken notes at patients' bedsides on affections of the heart, the lungs, and the gastric viscera, and all is confusion for you in the symptoms which refusing to yield up their meaning, offer you a succession of incoherent phenomena. Open up a few corpses: you will dissipate at once the darkness that observation alone could not dissipate.' 18 Of course, Bichat was not the first to advocate that dissections and the study of anatomy should play a central role in medical education. As we will see, dissections figured prominently in the education of physicians well before the nineteenth century. What Foucault stressed about Bichat's approach to anatomy was the epistemological difference that separated it from its predecessors. Prior to the

nineteenth century, anatomists such as Vesalius and Harvey had focused on the structure of the body and mapped out its various systems, as well as the location and relation of organs. Although one of Bichat's greatest contributions to anatomy was his identification of twenty-one basic tissues that comprised the systems and organs of the body, 19 in identifying these constitutive tissues Bichat's primary concern was not to provide a better explanation of how the body was organized. Rather, he was concerned with the manner in which disease affected these tissues and spread throughout the body by way of them.
What Bichat advocated, therefore, was not an improvement in Galenic, structural anatomy, but something altogether different, a pathological anatomy that studied the presence of disease in the body. And as Foucault emphasized, "[a]natomy could become pathological only insofar as the pathological spontaneously anatomizes." For Bichat, disease was not a linguistic model, but "an

autopsy in the darkness of the body, dissection alive." 20 In this pathological approach to medicine, the particular circumstances of the diseased body no longer posed an epistemological problem; on the contrary, the presence of disease in the body became the ultimate criterion of truth about disease, and the symptoms written on the surface of the body, which had been the basis for eighteenth-century nosologies, became a secondary phenomenon. Foucault emphasized the extent of this epistemological reevaluation of the body in the following description of the proof demanded by modern medicine: In other
words, medical experience will substitute the localization of the fixed point for the recording of frequencies. The symptoms of pulmonary phthisis include coughing, difficulty in breathing, marasmus, hectic fever, and sometimes purulent expectoration; but none of these visible modifications is absolutely indispensable . . . and the order of their appearance is not strict . . . . There is only one constant phenomenon, the necessary and sufficient condition for the presence of phthisis: lesion of the pulmonary parenchyma, which, at autopsy, 'is shown to be dotted to a greater or lesser extent with purulent areas ... .' 21 Beneath these changes in the conception of

disease and the status of the body lies the most important distinction of modern medicine - its revaluation of the status of life and death. While death had traditionally been the limit of medical knowledge, once physicians began routinely examining corpses to determine the cause and manner of death, it now became the point at which physicians would begin their pursuit of the truth. No longer the great dark other of medicine, death was instead "turned for the first time into a technical instrument that provides a grasp on the truth of life and the nature of its illness. Death is the great analyst that shows the connexions by unfolding them, and bursts open the wonders of genesis in the rigour of decomposition ... ." 22 Of course, this inversion of the status of death also involved a transformation in medicine's relation to life. As part of that "immemorial slope,"
classificatory medicine was based on life and living, but once pathological anatomy became the standard of medical education and explanation, life suddenly became an obstacle in the pursuit of the truth of disease. As long as a person was alive the claims of medicine were open to doubt; only a post-mortem examination of the body could provide certain knowledge about the disease in question. Although Foucault followed a fairly narrow historical path throughout most of The Birth of the Clinic, he used broad, sweeping terms to "That which hides and envelops, the curtain of night over truth, is, paradoxically, life; and death, on the describe this epistemological reversal:

contrary, opens up to the light of day the black coffer of the body: obscure life, limpid death, the oldest imaginary values of the Western world are crossed here in a strange misconstruction that is the very meaning of pathological anatomy ... ." 23 In the conclusion of The
Birth of the Clinic Foucault noted that the impact of this transformation of the role of death went well beyond the narrow confines of medical history. Indeed, Foucault claimed that the modern concept of individuality was grounded precisely in the

anatomically illuminated corpse: It will no doubt remain a decisive fact about our culture that its first scientific discourse concerning the individual had to pass through this stage of death. Western man could constitute himself in his own eyes as an object of science, he grasped himself within his language, and gave himself, in himself and by himself, a discursive existence, only in the opening created by his own elimination: . . . from the integration of death into medical thought is born a medicine that is given as a science of the individual. And, generally speaking, the experience of individuality in modern culture is bound up with that of death. 24 Because medicine provided the foundation for the objective, measurable, predictable identities of modern individuals, Foucault also recognized in this early text "the fundamental place of medicine in the over-all architecture of the human sciences . . . . [I]n this culture," Foucault claimed, "medical thought is fully engaged in the philosophical status of man." 25

LINKMEDICINE (3/6)
Medicine produces and regulates populations in order to optimize the health and productivity of society. Combined with this the racist problematization of individuals in order to protect the population. Ranibow and Rose 03 (Paul/Nikolas, Thoughts On The Concept of Biopower Today, The Molecular Science
Institute, Professor of Anthropology at University of Chicago, Professor of Sociology at James Martin White) It might be useful here to remind ourselves that when Foucault introduced the term in the last of his Collge de France lectures of 1975- 6, Society Must be Defended, he is precise about the historical phenomena which he is seeking to grasp (Foucault, 2003). He enumerates them there: issues of the birth rate, and the beginnings of policies to intervene upon it; issues of morbidity, not so much epidemics but the illnesses that are routinely prevalent in a particular population and sap its strength requiring interventions in the name of public hygiene and new measures to co-ordinate medical care; the problems of old age and accidents to be addressed through insurantial mechanisms; the problem of the race and the impact upon it of geographic, climatic and environmental conditions, notably in the town. The concept of biopower, then, is a crystallization after ten years of collective and individual research on the genealogy of disciplinary power in the eighteenth and nineteenth century.4 Foucault himself had lectured on the politics of health in the eighteenth century in Japan and in Brazil; his seminar members were producing detailed historical studies of the role of medicine, town planning, royal shipyards, and a host of other sites in which experiments about how to produce and regulate ways to maximise the capacities of both the population and the individual as a target of power are being carried out. As for discipline so for biopower: these concepts are not transhistorical or metaphoric, but are precisely grounded in historical, or genealogical, analysis. Whilst initially linking biopolitics to the regulatory endeavours of developing States (2003: 250) he recognises that the great overall regulations that proliferated throughout the nineteenth century are also found at the subState level, in a whole series of sub-State institutes such as medical institutions, welfare funds, insurance, and so on. (1003: 250). But this analysis in terms of biopower is not to be taken in any simple way, as a critique, if by critique one means the unveiling of hidden strategic modes of domination. It is true that in this lecture he suggests that it is the emergence of biopower that inscribes [racism] in the mechanisms of the State as the basic mechanism of power, as it is exercised in modern States. (2003: 254). This is a point to which we will return. But at the same time, this is the point at which Foucault begins to develop his concept of governmentality to encompass the variety of ways of problematizing and acting on individual and collective conduct in the name of certain objectives which do not have the State as their origin or point of reference. And as he develops this line of thought, he distances himself from the suggestion that this power over life is unambiguously nefarious. 5 This is also the turning point that leads him, in what turned out to be the last period of his life, to a fascination with ancient modes of subjectification and the possibilities of freedom. And it is worth remembering that medicine is perhaps the oldest site where one can observe the play of truth, power and ethics in multiple relations to the subject, to the household, to the city, to nature, and to the possibilities of a good, or as the Greeks would have it, a flourishing, life.

LINKMEDICINE (4/6)
Medicine constitutes the body as the subject of biopolitics and opens it as a new site for the management of the health of populations. Turner 06 (Bryan, Body, Theory, Culture & Society v23, Prof
of Sociology at National Univ of Singapore, Sage) In contemporary society, the body is in one sense disappearing; it is being converted into an information system whose genetic code can be manipulated and sold as a commercial product in the new biotech economy. In global terms, the disorders and diseases of the human body have become productive in a post-industrial economy. In terms of media debate, the new reproductive technologies, cloning and genetic screening are important illustrations of public concern about the social consequences of the new genetics. Improvements in scientific understanding of genetics have already had major consequences for the circumstances under which people reproduce, and genetic surveillance and forensic genetics may also transform criminal investigation and the policing of societies. The code of the body becomes a major tool of criminal investigations. These changes in biomedicine illustrate Foucaults perspective in terms of a division between the study of the individual body and the study of populations (Foucault, 1979). In the first distinction he referred to an anatomo-politics of the human body, consisting of disciplines of the body. In the second distinction, he discussed a bio-politics of the population, which are the regulatory controls over populations. Anatomo-politics constitute the micropolitics of identity. The clinical examination of individuals is part of the anatomo-politics of society. The bio-politics of populations used demography, epidemiology and public health sciences to examine and manage whole populations. The anatomo-politics of medicine involves the discipline of individuals; the bio-politics of society achieves a surveillance and regulation of populations. Foucaults study of the body was thus organized around the notions of discipline and regulatory controls or governmentality (Foucault, 1991). The new genetics provide enhanced opportunities for governmentality as a strategy of political surveillance and economic production. The government of the body, as a consequence, remains a critical issue in the management and regulation of individuals and populations in contemporary society.

Medicine establishes risk values for individuals subjecting bodies to surveillance and control. The creating of the body-at-risk opens the individual to medical and social intervention to maximize the health of the population. Wheatley 05 (Elizabeth, Disciplining Bodies at Risk, Journal of Sport and Social Issues v29, PhD Prof of
Sociology at Smith College, Sage) Indeed, under Surveillance Medicine, the body is construed as a constellation of predictive risk factors (Armstrong, 1995). Risk factors point to a probability of illness that can be calculated as future illness potential. Symptoms, signs, and diseases become an infinite chain of risks, and each risk can be read as a risk for something else. Risk discourse transforms the body into an object of practices for screening, predicting, and reducing risk and anticipating its future illness potential. Disease is identified in advance of bodily felt symptoms vis--vis technologies of risk detection. People are discursively constituted as bodies at risk, subjected to medical scrutiny, and objects of medical discipline, surveillance, and control. Our individual and collective at-risk status creates infinite possibilities for the expansion of medical categories and interventions.

LINKMEDICINE (5/6)
Medical examination exposes the body to disciplinary power that creates a hierarchy of deviance and allows for the management of life that holds individuals to the judgment of normality. Rendell 04 (Joanne, A Testimony to Muzil, Journal of Medical Humanities v25n1 March 2004)
Foucault argues that the introduction of pathological anatomy and the reorganization of the "clinic" into a place of observation and learning (as well as a place of healing) replaced classifactory medicine, and led to the ascendency and "sovereignty of the gaze" in modem medical experience (1972, p. 89). He is careful to clarify that this shift was not some sort of epiphany where doctors, "free at last of theories and chimeras, suddenly agreed "to approach the object of their experience with the purity of the unprejudiced gaze" (1972, p. 195). He argues instead, that the shift was "nothing more than a syntactical reorganization of disease in which the limits of the visible and the invisible follow a new pattern" (1972, p. 195).The medical gaze in this new "syntactical reorganization," according to Foucault, is understood to be "pure of all intervention" and is seen to generate "only the syntax of the language spoken by things themselves in an original silence" (1972, pp. 107-109). It is a gaze which, in this supposed "purity," can "bring truth" about the body "to light" (1972, p. xiii). Medical discourse is simply the description of what this "pure" gaze perceives in its observations of the body. Owing to this governance of the gaze, Foucault argues that the modem "clinical experience" increasingly becomes "a simple, unconceptualized confrontation of a gaze and a face, or a glance and a silent body; a sort of contact prior to all discourse, free of the burdens of language, by which two living individuals are 'trapped' in a common, but non-reciprocal situation" (1972, pp. xiv-xv). Under the scrutiny of the gaze, in other words, under the observation of the "eye that knows and decides," the "eye that governs" and the "eye" that dissects, "isolate[s]" and "classifies]", the patient Although Foucault hints that in the of knowledge (1972, p. 89). becomes the passive and silent object "interests of an open-market" modem "liberal medicine" is reviving "old rights of a clinic understood as a special contract, a tacit pact" made between doctor and patient (1972, p. xiv), Guibert's depictions of encounters with the medical gaze demonstrate that a subordinating, silencing and non-reciprocal gaze is still far from extinct. In The Compassion Protocol, for example, the narrator This episode depicts both the repressive power of the gaze and also its silencing power which not only renders the narrator mute during the procedure, but leaves him "speechless" after he leaves the hospital (CP, p. 48). This episode is an extreme example, but throughout all of Guibert's AIDS works there is a continual depiction of an intruding and disempowering medical gaze. The narrator of To a Friend, for example, when awaiting his test results, talks about his "blood" being "stripped naked and laid bare" (TF, p. 6). The narrator
of Cytomegalovirus feels his body is continually exposed when he realizes that the "window" between his hospital room and the corridor "permits permanent viewing" (C, p. 5). In Paradise, the narrator describes the horror of having to "crawl" through "sterile" and "isolating chambers" in order to have his brain scanned and gazed at by, what he depicts as, a monstrous and "famished" machine (P, p. 51). It is also no coincidence that not long after describing a rather grisly operation in which doctors remove part of a ganglion from his neck in order to have it observed under the microscope, the narrator of The Man in the Red Hat more than once describes the intrusive antics of the flies in Greece: "the probes of flies clinging to my skin to pump out its secretions tickled it disagreeably, they were exploring my nostrils, copulating with a great buzzing in my ears, trying to force their way between my eyelids to suck the jelly of my corneas" (RH, p. 47). This passage not only alludes to those doctors who "injected," "slit," and took samples from the narrator's throat in his earlier operation (RI-I, pp. 23-24); it also provides images of flies "copulating" and sucking "jelly" from the narrator's eyes, powerfully alluding to sexual assault. The passage, like the fibroscopy episode in The Compassion Protocol with its allusions to oral rape, hints at a notion of the medical gaze as not only intrusive and silencing but also as sexually violating.

In fact, these passages appear to hint at not only a sexually violating gaze but also a gaze which punishes and represses, paradoxically in a sexual way, the sexuality of Guibert's narrators who are all gay men with AIDS. <CONTINUED>

LINKMEDICINE (6/6)
<CONTINUED> Foucault's notion of the medical gaze is explicated and developed further amid his more general discussions in Discipline and Punish (1975/1991). This text, which has an overall aim to investigate the "scientifico-legal complex from which the power to punish derives its bases, justifications and rules," moves from an "archaeological" investigation of changes in penal practices, to a more general exploration of, what Foucault calls "disciplinary power" (199 1, p. 23). Focusing again on the end of the eighteenth century, Foucault argues that this period saw a rise in the productivity of power and, in particular, a rise in a particular kind of power exercised on bodies in "disciplines" such as the army, hospitals, schools and prisons (1991, p. 137). Replacing a model of "sovereign" power, this "new" disciplinary power, he argues, works at multiple sites and meticulously controls, invests in and subjects bodies through the techniques of surveillance, normalization and examination. The medical gaze becomes, in Discipline and Punish, a crucial instrument of this disciplinary power and a central feature in the "disciplinary society" (1991, p. 209). Like other surveillance techniques in respective disciplines, the medical gaze observes, normalizes, examines and ultimately makes "docile" the bodies in its sights/sites (1991, p. 138). Once again Guibert's depiction of the medical gaze echoes this more refined Foucauldian depiction. Early in To a Friend, for example, Guibert's narrator reflects on his doctor's repetitive way of examining him: "Dr. Chandi . . . performed the same procedures in the same order each time he examined me: after the usual taking of blood pressure, he would check the soles of my feet, the skin between my toes, delicately inspect the opening of the ever-so-sensitive urethra" (TF, pp. 10-11). The examination, according to Foucault is a key component of the gaze (and more widely of disciplinary power), as it "combines the techniques of an observing hierarchy and those of a normalizing judgment," and also "establishes over individuals a visibility through which one differentiates them and judges them" (Foucault, 1991, p. 184).

LINKGENETICS (1/2)
Genetics is the ultimate interrogation of the body. DNA analysis allows us to see where abnormalities and deficiencies exist in the human strain reinforcing bio-political racism and the maximization of the health of the population. Ranibow and Rose 03 (Paul/Nikolas, Thoughts
On The Concept of Biopower Today, The Molecular Science Institute, Professor of Anthropology at University of Chicago, Professor of Sociology at James Martin White) Race, together with health, and in variable relations with it, has been one of the central poles in the genealogy of biopower. We can enumerate some moments. The so-called war of nations in the eighteenth century (the topic of several lectures by Foucault in Society Must be Defended),. The massive biologization of race in the nineteenth century, linked to pre- and post- Darwinist evolutionary thinking and applied both within states and in their colonial dominations. The later nineteenth century obsession with degeneracy and race suicide and the strategies of eugenics that spread from the United States to Japan and elsewhere in the first half of the twentieth century. In all these instances and others, conceptions of race formed a prism not just for the imagination of the nation, but also for the political management of national health and vitality, and of international competitiveness. After the Second World War, official racialist discourses were discredited: by 1963, for example, the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination took as one of its premises that any doctrine of racial differentiation or superiority is scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust and dangerous, and that there is no justification for racial discrimination either in theory or in practice (United Nations 1963: Preamble). Of course, racialist practices hardly subsided, but a biological understanding of racial categories no longer was in the truth in political or policy discourse. In part due to the persistent interventions of radical critics, the link between biological understandings of distinctions amongst population groups and their socio-political implications seemed broken or at least de-naturalised. Of course, biologists still believed they encountered such differences, not least in examining the prevalence of particular diseases in different regions or the efficacy of medicines in different national populations. And some individuals and groups persisted in claiming a politically pertinent correlation between human qualities capacities and racially differentiated biological capacities in a whole number of controversies from education to criminality. Moreover, in the United States for example, race as a socio-economic category, a mark of discrimination and a mode of identification remained extremely salient socially and politically, from the allocation of federal funds to the manifestations of identity politics. Notably, although race functioned as a marker of belonging and the basis of a claim as to disadvantage, but even when groups or individuals sought to trace their roots, they seldom related this genealogy to a biological substrate. The same is true of the murderous racist wars that spread across Europe in the wake of the demise of the Soviet empire, from Armenia to the Balkans, and across Africa, notably in Rwanda and the Congo. Appeals to racial identities, here, needed no justification in the truth discourse of biology. At the turn of the new century, however, race is once again reentering the domain of biological truth. At a certain moment, when it became clear that humans shared over 98 percent of their genome with chimpanzees, and that inter-group variations in DNA sequences were greater than intra-group variations, it appeared that genomics itself would mark the terminal point of biological racism (perhaps even species-ism). But this humanitarian dream proved to be short-lived. A new molecular deployment of race has emerged seemingly almost inevitably out of genomic thinking. Critics denounced the model of a single genome that underpinned the Human Genome Project, fearing that it would establish a white male norm. The first move here was cast as ethical: as the initial proposer of this work, Luigi Cavalli-Sforza put it to explore the full range of genome diversity within the human family and to help combat the widespread popular fear and ignorance of human genetics and make a significant contribution to the elimination of racism (Mcharek 2000: 5-6). Despite the critics, this effort to ensure the recognition of diversity in the framing of scientific truth as an essential dimension of genomic

LINKGENETICS (2/2)
<CONTINUES> knowledge was later adopted by the Human Genome Project (HUGO) and funded by the European Community (from 1992) and later the United States Federal government National Institute for Health. And subsequently the NIH and the British philanthropic Wellcome Trust have given considerable funds to research into the establishment of genomic differences at the SNP level. This funding has been justified precisely in bio-political terms, as leading towards and ensuring the equal health of the population in all or some of its diversity. The science itself and the recognition of the variability of the human genome at the level of the single nucleotide SNP mapping immediately opened up and legitimated a new way of conceptualising racial difference at the molecular level. In addition to the ethical humanism of the state projects, additional pressure to proceed in this direction came in some areas from the demands of patient groups for genomic self-knowledge, and in others from the commercial aspirations of pharmaceutical companies and the biomedical industry for a genomic strategy for diagnosis, drug development and marketing. In the year 2003 multiple projects are underway to map diversity at the level of the SNP. The 0.1 percent of the three billion base pairs of the human genome seems to provide ample space for racial differentiations. This contemporary programme to identify biological differences is justified no in terms of national well-being but largely in the name of health, of differences in disease susceptibility and responses to therapeutic molecules. It would be tempting to say that this highly sophisticated genomics has produced new complexity into the figure of humanity. But it is striking and disturbing that the core racial typology of the nineteenth century -- white (Caucasian), black (African), yellow (Asian), red (Native American) -- still provide a dominant mould through which this new genetic knowledge of human difference is taking shape, as medical researches and gene mappers specify their populations and their samples in such terms, and drug companies seek to target specific pharmaceuticals to groups designated, for example, as African Americans. It is undoubtedly the case that SNP mapping will produce typologies of difference between population groups and almost inevitable that these population groups, in the name of health, will be coded in terms of broad cultural conceptions of race. In nations like the United States, and trans-national unities like the European Union especially as it enlarges from its initial heartland, and in organizations such as the WHO, where race is a central feature of political contestation, the interplay between political and genomic classifications of race, identity politics, racism, health inequities, and SNP mapping must take a prominent place on the agenda of critical thinking. To address this new formation requires us not to deny its validity in advance, nor to hold up dire warnings that it must lead to segregation, genocide and eugenics, but to be attentive to its specific complexities and contingencies. That is to say, one needs to try to identify the points and lines of tension where, because the future is not written, critical judgement, diagnosing specific new hopes and dangers, might play a part in the direction it takes.

LINKAFRO-PESSIMISM (1/1)
The way we represent disease is invariably tied to our perceptions of the people. Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland, author, Griffith University in Australia; Amy, Psychology Professor at Missouri
Southern State University, Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163] Portrayals of Africa epitomize how western media sources produce and reproduce stereotypes. Since the early years of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, western science and modern media have constructed a concept of African HIV/AIDS that is closely linked to the colonial heritage and its mystifications of Africa (see Watts and Boal, 1995: 105). Part of this Eurocentric perception is the tendency to view Africa as a homogenous continent seen through a prism of misery (Kean 1998: 2). The Kenyan author and playwright Binyavanga Wainaina (2006) writes of the western tendency to write as if Africa were on country, a place that is hot and dusty with rolling grasslands and huge herds of animals and tall, think people who are starving. Methods of photography that use standardized representational practices reinforce such colonial stereotypes, creating what David Campbell, in a series of innovative and convincing essays, calls an iconography of anonymous victimhood (see Campbell, 2003a: 69, 70-71, 84; 2003b: 67; 2004: 62, 69).

LINKRACISM (1/1)
The threat of the black plague is exemplary of the ways in which disease representations are used to justify racism and murder. This kind of discourse enables the duplication of epidemics by destroying accountability and institutionalizing segregation. Lund 2003
(Giuliana, University of Minnesota HEALING THE NATION: MEDICOLONIAL DISCOURSE AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY FROM APARTHEID TO TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION, Spring, 2003) Project Muse. The prominent role of plague in the European colonial imaginationand consequently in anti-imperialist rhetorichas filtered into the literary tradition, where it has made numerous appearances both in its literal incarnation as epidemic and in metaphoric abstractions that center around contagion and social disintegration. In sharp contrast to Afrikaner nationalists who founded apartheid under the influence of Nazi doctrines of racial purity, leftist writers in South Africa have drawn inspiration from existentialisms spirit of resistance. In The Wall of the Plague (1984), Andr Brink revisits the classic Western plague texts, but reverses the typical geographical hierarchy by using European suffering as a metaphor for apartheid. The novel weaves together historical accounts of the Black Death in France, the contemporary journey of a South African researcher to the eponymous plague wall in Provence, and her memories of life under apartheid. Brinks use of plague as a figure for totalitarianism draws direct inspiration from Albert Camuss The Plague (1948), an allegory for the Nazi occupation, published just as France was struggling to come to terms with collaboration and the competing urges to punish offenders and rehabilitate the nation. Whereas Dr. Rieux, the main protagonist, works tirelessly to save lives, he also precipitates the quarantining of the city and the concentration of the sick in a stadium where they await death and transportation by train for cremation outside the citythe virulence of the plague seems to allow the authorities no alternative. However reluctantly, Dr. Rieux advocates invasive state practices to combat the total threat of the Black Death, and thus suggests an unintentional rapprochement with the insidious totalitarian rhetoric of the Nazis (who used the threat of disease as justification for segregation, concentration, deportation, and murder). Set in North Africa by its Algerian-born author, The Plague follows the colonial tradition of depicting Africa as the exemplary site of death and disease. And yet, in the following years, the struggle by the French to possess this land brought on a state of emergency characterized by drastic police and military interventions, running the gamut from the cordoning off of the Arab quarter of Algiers and the institution of pass laws to the practice of torture. By depicting the evils of totalitarianism in terms of natural disaster, Camus obscures human responsibility, and thus, however unwittingly, participates in a sleight of hand by which the blame for violence and death falls on the land itself, rather than imperialist policy or individual agency. The universalizing discourse of the plague runs the risk of duplicating the destructive effects of actual epidemics, namely erasing difference, undermining agency, and making accountability impossible.

***IMPACTS***

The bubonic plague proves that disease discourse carries out metaphoric role of social control, establishing white race prejudice and racism. Lund 2003 (Giuliana, University of
Minnesota HEALING THE NATION: MEDICOLONIAL DISCOURSE AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY FROM APARTHEID TO TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION, Spring, 2003) Project Muse. The diagnosis of bubonic plague, which raised the specter of the Black Death, provided colonists with a specific rationale for segregation. African slums were sometimes razed within hours, despite the fact that they were not actually the source of the epidemic. Furthermore, as Swanson points out, It was the merest step of logic to proceed from the isolation of plague victims to the creation of a permanent location for the black labouring class (1977, 393). The expansion and development of such locations were authorized by public health laws, which thereby provided a legal as well as an imaginative foundation for apartheid. Over the course of the twentieth century, medicolonial discourse equating black settlements in South Africa with threats to public health and security, became fixed in the mind, buttressed a desire to achieve positive social controls, and confirmed or rationalized white race prejudice with a popular imagery of medical menace (410). In 1917, a typhus epidemic caused great alarm among the settler population and triggered state expansion [T]yphus was preeminently Wtted to play a metaphoric role because of its concentration amongst blacks from the reserves and the degree of social control which it enabled the state to exercise in the name of prevention. The fear that the disease would spread from the increasingly impoverished rural areas, both amongst mine workers and in the densely populated towns, led to drastic and highly discriminatory deverminisation procedures. (Marks and Andersson 1984, 33)

Dehumanization outweighs nuclear war, environmental destruction and genocide makes them all inevitable

IMPACTS DEHUMANIZATION

Berube 97 David, Comm@South Carolina, Nanotechnology Magazine, "Nanotechnological Prolongevity: The

Down Side," June/July http://www.cla.sc.edu/ENGL/faculty/berube/prolong.htm Assuming we are able to predict who or what are optimized humans, this entire resultant worldview smacks of eugenics and Nazi racial science. This would involve valuing people as means. Moreover, there would always be a superhuman more super than the current ones, humans would never be able to escape their treatment as means to an always further and distant end. This means-ends dispute is at the core of Montagu and Matson's treatise on the dehumanization of humanity. They warn: "its destructive toll is already greater than that of any war, plague, famine, or natural calamity on record -- and its potential danger to the quality of life and the fabric of civilized society is beyond calculation. For that reason this sickness of the soul might well be called the Fifth Horseman of the Apocalypse.... Behind the genocide of the holocaust lay a dehumanized thought; beneath the menticide of deviants and dissidents... in the cuckoo's next of America, lies a dehumanized image of man... (Montagu & Matson, 1983, p. xi-xii). While it may never be possible to quantify the impact dehumanizing ethics may have had on humanity, it is safe to conclude the foundations of humanness offer great opportunities which would be foregone. When we calculate the actual losses and the virtual benefits, we approach a nearly inestimable value greater than any tools which we can currently use to measure it. Dehumanization is nuclear war, environmental apocalypse, and international genocide. When people become things, they become dispensable. When people are dispensable, any and every atrocity can be justified. Once justified, they seem to be inevitable for every epoch has evil and dehumanization is evil's most powerful weapon.

IMPACTSGENOCIDE (1/4)
Biopolitics necessitates genocidal violence in the name of the population. Elden 02 (Prof Pol Sci at the University of Warwick) A break or cut (coupure) is fundamental to racism: a
division or incision between those who must live and those who must die. The "biological continuum of the human species" is fragmented by the apparition of races, which are seen as distinguished, hierarchized, qualified as good or inferior, and so forth. The species is subdivided into subgroups that are thought of as races. In a sense, then, just as the continuum of geometry becomes divisible in Descartes, 39 the human continuum is divided, that is, made calculable and orderable, two centuries later. As Anderson has persuasively argued, to suggest that racism has its roots in nationalism is a mistake. He suggests that "the dreams of racism actually have their origin in ideologies of class, rather than in those of nation: above all in claims to divinity among rulers and to blue' or white' blood and breeding among aristocracies." 40 As Stoler has noted, for Foucault, it is the other way around: "A discourse of class derives from an earlier discourse of races." 41 But it is a more subtle distinction than [End Page 147] that. What Foucault suggests is that discourses of class have their roots in the war of races, but so, too, does modern racism; what is different is the biological spin put on the concepts. 42 But as well as emphasizing the biological, modern racism puts this another way: to survive, to live, one must be prepared to massacre one's enemies, a relation of war. As a relation of war, this is no different from the earlier war of races that Foucault has spent so much of the course explaining. But when coupled with the mechanisms of mathematics and medicine in biopower, this can be conceived of in entirely different ways. Bio-power is able to establish, between my life and the death of the other, a relation that is not warlike or confrontational but biological: "The more inferior species tend to disappear, the more abnormal individuals can be eliminated, the less the species will be degenerated, the more Inot as an individual but as a specieswill live, will be strong, will be vigorous, will be able to proliferate." The death of the other does not just make me safer personally, but the death of the other, of the bad, inferior race or the degenerate or abnormal, makes life in general healthier and purer (FDS, 22728). "The existence in question is no longer of sovereignty, juridical; but that of the population, biological. If genocide is truly the dream of modern powers, this is not because of a return today of the ancient right to kill; it is because power is situated and exercised at the level of life, the species, the race, and the large-scale phenomena of population" (VS, 180; WK, 136). "If the power of normalization wishes to exercise the ancient sovereign right of killing, it must pass through racism. And if, inversely, a sovereign power, that is to say a power with the right of life and death, wishes to function with the instruments, mechanisms, and technology of normalization, it must also pass through racism" (FDS, 228). This holds for indirect deaththe exposure to deathas much as for direct killing. While not Darwinism, this biological sense of power is based on evolutionism and enables a thinking of colonial relations, the necessity of wars, criminality, phenomena of madness and mental illness, class divisions, and so forth. The link to colonialism is central: This form of modern state racism develops first with colonial genocide. The theme of the political enemy is extrapolated biologically. But what is important in the shift at the end of the nineteenth century is that war is no longer simply a way of securing one race by eliminating the other but of regenerating that race (FDS, 22830). As Foucault puts it in La volont de savoir: [End Page 148]

Wars are no longer waged in the name of a sovereign who must be defended; they are waged on behalf of the existence of all; entire populations are mobilized for the purpose of wholesale slaughter in the name of life necessity. Massacres have become vital [vitauxunderstood in a dual sense, both as essential and biological]. It is as managers of life and survival, of bodies and the race, that so many regimes have been able to wage so many wars, causing so many men to be killed. (VS, 180; WK, 136)

IMPACTSGENOCIDE (2/4)
Biopolitics normalizes people through the securitization of disease and lets the government choose who will live and who will die. Elbe, 2004 [Dr. Stefan, Lecturer In
International Relations, University of Essex; http://www.stefanelbe.com/resources/ElbeISA2004Final.pdf, The Futility of Protest?-Biopower and Biopolitics in Securization of HIV/AIDS] A second ethical drawback Foucault historically associated with the rise of biopolitical strategies in Europe is that they have had normalizing effects which stifle autonomy and creativity. Biopower, he pointed out, uses continously regulatory and corrective mechanisms to achieve its goals, and it achieves them not by threatening death, but by identifiying a norm and then measuring and appraising people in terms of the extent to which they deviate from this norm. For this reason Foucault famously argued that [a] normalizing society is the historical outcome of a technology of power centered on life. The securitization of AIDS, too, is replete with such normalizing practices, not least because it constitutes a way of prescribing norms of good governance for states by compelling them to strive towards having healthy populations. More specifically, however, such normalizing practices can also be found operating within states. In early days of AIDS, for example, for example, people were cautioned against that four abnormal Hs that were publicly presented as deviating from the preferred HIV-negative norm: homosexuals, hemophiliacs, heroin addicts and Haitians. Later this was expanded to African more generally (both domestically and internationally) and to sex workers. The securitization of AIDS adds further dimension to this strategy by identifying the armed forces as yet another subpopulation deviating from the healthy norm. Soldiers are now treated as a high risk group because they are thought to deviate from normal and stable sexual relationships, because they are mobile and stationed away from home for long periods of time, and because they have many opportunities for casual sexual relations. They have consequently been increasing targeted by international organizations, the media, and nongovernmental organizations in an effort to alter their behavior in a way that is closer to the desired norm, even though the epidemiological data in this regard is still not well corroborated. In this way, the problem of normalization undoubtably accompanies the ongoing securitization of AIDS and this, too, must give pause for thought.

Attempts to maximize the health of populations results in the extermination of those who are deemed unhealthy. Elbe 05 (Stefan, AIDS, Security, Biopolitics, Special Issue on Health, International
Relations, Vol. 19, No. 4, 2005, pp. 403-419, Lecturer on International Relations) One of these dangers is that the biopolitical imperative of optimizing the health of populations effectively constitutes disease and by extension the diseased as a social and political problem that needs to be addressed, but without specifying exactly how this problem should be dealt with. Unfortunately the creation of universal healthcare programmes to treat the ill is just as compatible with a biopolitical logic as is the purging of populations of the diseased by more sinister means, such as killing them or letting them gradually die. As counterintuitive and ironic as it may seem, a biopolitical society based on the enhancement of life and health can still sanction and justify instances of mass death. The European era of biopower, after all, coincided with twentieth-century political projects demanding the deaths of millions. Foucault later came to understand this bizarre confluence only on the basis of a new racism that biopolitical orders can give rise to.36 Racism, he contended from a biopolitical perspective, is primarily a way of introducing a break into the domain of life that is under powers control: the break between what must live and what must die.37 The reason biopolitical orders can still sanction mass death is because they can generate a powerful new form of racism that pits the healthy members of the population against the unhealthy who are deemed to sap the strength and vitality of the population as a whole. The underlying principle of this new biopolitical racism is thus not the primacy of cultural difference, as with many more traditional forms of racism, but rather the more subtle idea that the death of others makes one biologically stronger insofar as one is a member of a race or a population.38 The insistence on maximizing the health of populations can thus be dangerous for those who are deemed to be unhealthy.

IMPACTSGENOCIDE (3/4)
The inevitable outcome of the intersection of medicine and biopolitics is thanatopoliticsa politics of death that is best exemplified by the Holocaust Enoch 2004 (Simon, Ryerson university. http://www.foucault-studies.com/no1/enoch.pdf)
Finally, what is perhaps the most disconcerting and destabilizing aspect of Foucaults conception of thanato-politics is his insistence that this murderous potential always remains latent within the management and regulation of life processes that constitute modern bio-politics. Thus, to dismiss the actions of Nazi doctors as an aberration or as a lethal outbreak of anachronistic barbarism, is to view these events as a singular anomaly in the otherwise progressive trajectory of modernity, rather than a potential inherent within modernity itself.80 However, Foucaults analysis cautions against such an interpretation. The surfacing of a thanato-politics from a regime of bio-politics should not be construed as uniquely peculiar to Nazism, rather it should be viewed as a potential latent in any bio-political regime, regardless of its outward political appearance.81 Thanato-politics is the counterpart of a power that exerts a positive influence on life, that endeavors to administer, optimize, and multiply it, subjecting it to precise controls and comprehensive regulations.82 While Nazism perhaps represents the most grotesque manifestation of the thanato-politics latent within the regulatory and disciplinary techniques of modern bio-power, Foucault reminds us that; They used and extended mechanisms already present in most other societies. More than that: in spite of their own internal madness, they used to a largeextent the ideas and devices of our political rationality.83 Similarly, Nazi medicine should not be viewed as a perversion of mainstream scientific canons, but as extending the underlying rationality of modern science itself. As Mario Biagioli observes, much of the scholarship on Nazi medicine tends to present Nazi scientific practices as a major anomaly in the history of science or as a deviation from proper medical practice.84 However, Biagioli argues that such a view constitutes a dangerous naivety that prevents us from viewing normal medical science as implicated in the Final Solution.85 Indeed, as Lerner has shown, The biologizing of prejudice, discrimination, and ultimately the call for genocide was invented and promoted by normal scientists, and indeed by leaders within their professions. Not only can these scientists, in hindsight, be regarded as among the top professionals in their fields at the time of their work: they also saw themselves with some justification as having the same status as such people as Pasteur, Koch, and Lister.86 Similarly, Liftons interviews with the assistants of Dr. Josef Mengele illustrates the degree to which practices that we now consider irrational were once regarded as scientifically legitimate. As Lifton explains, Mengeles assistant considered the scientific method employed at the camps, [M]ore or less standard for the time, the norm for anthropological work. She recognized it as the same approach she had been trained in at her Polish university under a distinguished anthropologist with German, pre-Nazi academic connections.87 Furthermore, as Milchman and Rosenberg demonstrate, the myth of modern medicine with its utopian designs towards the engineering of the healthy society through the eradication of disease and death pervades the Nazi bio- medical vision.88 Rather than constituting a radical break with the modern tenets of medical science, Nazi medicine extended the same methods and rationality of mainstream medicine, albeit to a terrifying degree. To label such practices as bad science, fraudulent, or methodologically incompetent in hindsight is to disregard Foucaults emphasis on the historically contingent nature of all forms of knowledge, medical science included. Indeed, that such practices were viewed as rational and legitimate at the time, employed by eminent scientific professionals, calls into question the very legitimacy and rationality of scientific practices conducted in our own present. Thus, Foucault exposes what Milchman and Rosenberg deem the dark side of modernity, revealing the potential for genocidal practices not as a result of deviations from the values of reason and rationality that constitute modernity, but inherent within modernity itself. Foucault thereby alerts us to the dangers within the purported rational and progressive practices and techniques that characterize modernity.89 While the surfacing of this murderous potential ensconced within modernity is neither inevitable or inescapable, Foucaults insistence that we recognize and interrogate this potential forces us to realize that modernity is not a one-way trip to freedom, and that we must maintain a vigilant pessimism in regards to the truth claims of modernity in order to forestall potential future holocausts.

IMPACTSGENOCIDE (4/4)
Biopolitics normalizes people, shun creativity, and lets the government choose who will live and who will die. Elbe, 2004 [Dr. Stefan, Lecturer In International Relations, University of Essex;
http://www.stefanelbe.com/resources/ElbeISA2004Final.pdf, The Futility of Protest?-Biopower and Biopolitics in Securization of HIV/AIDS] A second ethical drawback Foucault historically associated with the rise of biopolitical strategies in Europe is that they have had normalizing effects which stifle autonomy and creativity. Biopower, he pointed out, uses continously regulatory and corrective mechanisms to achieve its goals, and it achieves them not by threatening death, but by identifiying a norm and then measuring and appraising people in terms of the extent to which they deviate from this norm. For this reason Foucault famously argued that [a] normalizing society is the historical outcome of a technology of power centered on life. The securitization of AIDS, too, is replete with such normalizing practices, not least because it constitutes a way of prescribing norms of good governance for states by compelling them to strive towards having healthy populations. More specifically, however, such normalizing practices can also be found operating within states. In early days of AIDS, for example, for example, people were cautioned against that four abnormal Hs that were publicly presented as deviating from the preferred HIV-negative norm: homosexuals, hemophiliacs, heroin addicts and Haitians. Later this was expanded to African more generally (both domestically and internationally) and to sex workers. The securitization of AIDS adds further dimension to this strategy by identifying the armed forces as yet another subpopulation deviating from the healthy norm. Soldiers are now treated as a high risk group because they are thought to deviate from normal and stable sexual relationships, because they are mobile and stationed away from home for long periods of time, and because they have many opportunities for casual sexual relations. They have consequently been increasing targeted by international organizations, the media, and nongovernmental organizations in an effort to alter their behavior in a way that is closer to the desired norm, even though the epidemiological data in this regard is still not well corroborated. In this way, the problem of normalization undoubtably accompanies the ongoing securitization of AIDS and this, too, must give pause for thought.

Biopolitical governments hold a disregard for human life, resulting in mass killings Caduff, 2007 [Carlo, doctoral candidate in the Department of Anthropology at U.C. Berkeley. He graduated
from the University of Zurich in 2002, http://anthropos-lab.net/bpc/2007/01/life/] In his chapter on The Right of Death and the Power over Life, Foucault argues that power is now situated and exercised at the level of life. However, there seems to be a certain ambiguity in Foucaults use of the category of life. In his chapter, Foucault seems to mean by life primarily human life. Concepts such as anatomo-politics of the human body and biopolitics of the population as well as the power to foster life and to disallow it to the point of death all refer to human life. Conversely, however, the force of biopower is clearly based on a certain disregard for the distinction between human life and other forms of life. Biopower implies the envisioning of human life primarily in terms of its vital aspects. It seems to be clear what this means for human life, and almost all work on biopower and biopolitics has focused on this and led to insights of fundamental importance. Assuming that the distinction between human life and other forms of life is more in question today than ever, we might ask: What does this mean for the concept of biopower? My sense is that we need to focus on the other side of the equation. Hannah Landecker points into this direction when she writes: Biological matter derived from human bodies is a subset of all the biological matter that is out there in the world it is, in the logic of the life sciences, not endowed with any particularly special qualities other than the usual species variations. Thus the more we develop ways to use insects, the more we develop approaches to human materiality that are continuous with the way we use insects, and this goes for all kinds of obscure organisms: when we change insects, we change what it is to be biological. I remember a veterinarian who once told me that now with the increasing attention to zoonotic diseases veterinarian practice is increasingly seen as a contribution to public health. Animals have become model organisms of a new sort. Mapping what life means today in contrast to what life meant for nineteenth century biology seems key to me if we want to re-invent the concept of biopower.

IMPACTSAFRO-PESSIMISM (1/2)
The impact of disease representation combined with afro-pessimism is the total lack of ability to actually solve for diseases. Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland, author, Griffith University in
Australia; Amy, Psychology Professor at Missouri Southern State University, Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163] The result is a fatalistic apathy in the western viewer, leading to the impression that whatever crisis occurs is simply part of a pattern of misery and gloom that is so deeply entrenched that it cannot possibly be reversed. Cindy Patton (1990: 83) points out how images of Africans suffering and dying from HIV/AIDS-related illnesses perfectly fit into such stereotypical images of a wasting continent peopled by victim-bodies of illness, poverty, famine. Patton stresses how this pre-conceived image neglects to recognize the many instances where development has actually taken place: moments, for instance, when local communities managed to thrive, when personal and societal achievements prevailed over doom and gloom.

Another impact to disease representation is that it actually causes afro-pessimism, and creates/increases stigmatization not only towards individuals, but toward entire reigions and governments. Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland, author, Griffith University in Australia; Amy, Psychology
Professor at Missouri Southern State University, Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163] Stereotypical portrayals of Africa are epitomized by assumptions surrounding the sexual transmission of HIV/AIDS. Rather than relying on scientific data or pragmatic policy deliberations, western perceptions of HIV/AIDS in Africa have been dominated by moral judgments and prejudices (see Sabatier, 1988:1). This is, as Susan Sontag (1988: 27) stresses, not necessarily new or surprising. She points out that many diseases that are said to be linked to sexual fault (such as syphilis) which tend to inspire fears of easy contagion and bizarre fantasies of transmission by non-venereal means in public places. But such tendencies have been particularly pronounced with regard to representations of HIV/AIDS in Africa. Sexual practices have been moralized and demonized by western doctors and other experts. As with previous epidemics, such as cholera, the disease is being interpreted as a sign of moral laxity or political decline (Sontag, 1988: 142). Representative of this practice is an American doctor, who stressed in a press interview that there is a profound promiscuity in Uganda, and a virus which takes advantage of it (cited in Hooper 1990: 28). The ensuing HIV/AIDS discourse mingles medical and moral assumptions, making it difficult to prevent the production and diffusion of stigmatizing ideas (Patton 1990: 105). The result is a public discourse based on an entrenched suspicion about the disease and, more importantly, about the people who are infected with it.

IMPACTSAFRO-PESSIMISM (2/2)
Western, afro-pessimist representations of Africa allow the government to take complete control and authority over infected people. Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland, author, Griffith
University in Australia; Amy, Psychology Professor at Missouri Southern State University, Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163] Practices of representation are among the most influential elements in encounters between the North and the South (see Doty, 1996: 2). This is particularly the case with western representations of Africa, which correspond to what Edward Said (1979: 2-3) termed orientalism: a style of thought and a corresponding mode of governance that draws clear value distinctions between the orient and the occident. These distinctions are characterized by the juxtaposition of fundamental opposites, which are presented as essential cultural traits. The West is characterized by values such as reason, progress, activity, optimism and order, while Africa is associated with emotion, stagnation, passivity, pessimism and chaos (see Mitchell, 1998: 293; Bancroft, 2001: 96). The practices of authority and domination that issue from such representations have insinuated themselves into all domains of life, from philosophy, science, history and tourism to governmental regulations, economic structures, artistic traditions and scientific methods. Early practices of photography are as much part of these colonial power relations (see Higgins: 2001: 22-36) as are contemporary perceptions of HIV/AIDS. Representations of HIV/AIDS do, indeed, fit into established patterns of orientalism. Consider, for instance, how some of the first media accounts of HIV/AIDS revolved around theories that traced the origin of the disease in Africa. One particular theory was based on the assumption that the HIV virus had actually been present in Africans for years but simply remained undiagnosed. That is, until they passed it out to the world as civilization reached them (Hilts 1988: 2). Another theory stipulated that HIV evolved from a parent virus discovered in wild African green monkeys. The disease was then said to have crossed species barriers and found a human host in Africans, who later passed it on to the rest of the unknowing world. Although debated by the medical community (see Bancroft, 2001: 92-4; McNeill, 1998: 11-17, Smith, 2001: 330-333), theories based on the origins of HIV/AIDS can often lead to a problematic practices of blaming others and generating racist stereotypes (Sabatier, 1988). In this particular case, HIV/AIDS is represented as emerging in far away places, from bodies of others that then contaminate the rest of the world. The result is an emphasis on questions of possible origins, rather than an engagement with the underlying causes of infection. It would be far more productive to emphasize how certain behaviors and practices put all people at increased risk for HIV infection. Equally important are efforts to understand factors that contribute to a persons vulnerability, such as power relations and societal norms that limit womens choices to protect themselves against infection (see DeSantis, 2003, Roudi-Fahimi 2003, Sarin, 2002 and UNIFEM 2005).

IMPACTSWAR (1/3)
Their representations of disease mobilize populations for war. Eugene Thacker, March 2005[ 'Nomos, Nosos and Bios' ;Assistant Professor in the School of Literature,
Communication, and Culture at the Georgia Institute of Technology; author of two books: Biomedia and The Global Genome] In programs such as these, we see several themes coming together which characterize the post9-11 era of national and homeland security. One of these is the emphasis on bioscience research, especially in the areas of genetic engineering, immunology, and the possible linkages to the emerging fields of genomics, proteomics, and genetic diagnostics.3 The ability to sequence the genomes of pathogens is seen by many scientists as the important first step to understanding how those pathogens are able to mutate and infect healthy cells. But alongside this there is also an equal emphasis on the technological infrastructure that enables federal, state, and local health officials to communicate and make decisions in response to possible health crises (U.S. DHS, 2004). This infrastructure includes computer databases and networks (e.g. hospital informatics, up-to-date diagnostic technologies, emergency communications systems), as well as drug production and distribution systems, and the training of health care personnel. In the broadest sense, information plays a key role in enabling the communication of health-related data, be it via teleconferencing, via patient-specific data being uploaded to a server, or via the rapid distribution of drugs from the U.S. Strategic National Pharmaceutical Stockpile. Yet, from the U.S. perspective, an emphasis on biology and information is only part of the equation. At all levels, the ability of government to respond to an emergency is crucial for the biological and informatic components of biodefense to operate in an effective manner. This is where the particular philosophy of war adopted by the U.S. has come into play, and it is a philosophy in the sense that, at the same time that familiar Cold War concepts are deployed (a pharmaceutical stockpile or scenarios involving a dirty bomb), U.S. policy has ontologically redefined war along the lines of terrorism; that is, terrorism as precisely a series of non-catastrophic but highly threatening events. In this sense not only is all terrorism bioterrorism, but we may be witnessing a new definition of life itself in which terror exists virtually in relation to life. What might this mean, for terror to exist virtually in relation to life? For one thing, it means that the use of the metaphor of war to talk about disease has ceased to be a metaphor, and that the biological affair of intentionally causing or of fighting disease is literally, in bioterrorism, a form of war. A 2003 NIAID progress report outlines some of the results of its research, which has had an added benefit for diseases not related to bioterrorism. It notes that the increased breadth and depth of biodefense research not only is helping us become better prepared to protect citizens against a deliberately introduced pathogen, it also is helping us tackle the continuous tide of naturally occurring emerging infections such as SARS and West Nile virus (U.S. NIAID, 2003)

IMPACTSWAR (2/3)
Disease representation leads to perpetual warfare against all and any form of humanity. Eugene Thacker, March 2005[ 'Nomos, Nosos and Bios' ;Assistant Professor in the School of Literature,
Communication, and Culture at the Georgia Institute of Technology; author of two books: Biomedia and The Global Genome] No one will deny the real threats posed by emerging infectious disease, and the limited but demonstrated effectiveness of bioterrorism; that is, obviously, not what is at issue here. What is at stake is the manner in which U.S. biodefense policy has created an atmosphere in which it is impossible to distinguish national security from public health, war from medicine, terror from biological life. The inordinate amount of funding and emphasis given to biodefense nearly suggests that public health can only be improved through the condition of permanent exception that is war, that the health of the population can only be improved by continually targeting the population as biologically vulnerable. In the case of U.S. biodefense policy, the perspective of necrology shows us that the current biopolitical state of emergency is maintained by constantly producing the virtual dissolution of the body politic. Here, security, defense, and medicine fold in to a single problem: how to identify any and all threats to the life of the population, such that prevention and preemption will coincide perfectly. The threat to the body politic is also the threat to the collective body natural, and thus the threat to life itself is also life itself; the threat to the medico-political conception of the state is, at some basic level, biology. The very concept of biological warfare implies this biology is the weapon, the means, and the target all at once. U.S. biodefense policy is actually a philosophical, even existential statement: that, be it an intentional bioterrorist attack or an unintentional epidemic, the common threat to the population is life itself. By definition, this undeclared war on biology is without end, precisely because life itself is constantly threatened with its own end.

Biopolitics makes it impossible to distinguish war from epidemic: both are legitimate reasons to engage in wholesale monitoring of the population because of supposed threats to life itself Thacker in 2005 ( Eugene, Assistant Professor in the School of Literature, Communication, and Culture at the Georgia Institute of Technology , Nomos, nosos and bios in the body politic, http://culturemachine.tees.ac.uk/Articles/thacker.htm)
No one will deny the real threats posed by emerging infectious disease, and the limited but demonstrated effectiveness of bioterrorism; that is, obviously, not what is at issue here. What is at stake is the manner in which U.S. biodefense policy has created an atmosphere in which it is impossible to distinguish national security from public health, war from medicine, terror from biological life. The inordinate amount of funding and emphasis given to biodefense nearly suggests that public health can only be improved through the condition of permanent exception that is war, that the health of the population can only be improved by continually targeting the population as biologically vulnerable. In the case of U.S. biodefense policy, the perspective of necrology shows us that the current biopolitical state of emergency is maintained by constantly producing the virtual dissolution of the body politic. Here, security, defense, and medicine fold in to a single problem: how to identify any and all threats to the life of the population, such that prevention and preemption will coincide perfectly. The threat to the body politic is also the threat to the collective body natural, and thus the threat to life itself is also life itself; the threat to the medicopolitical conception of the state is, at some basic level, biology. The very concept of biological warfare implies this biology is the weapon, the means, and the target all at once. U.S. biodefense policy is actually a philosophical, even existential statement: that, be it an intentional bioterrorist attack or an unintentional epidemic, the common threat to the population is life itself. By definition, this undeclared war on biology is without end, precisely because life itself is constantly threatened with its own end.

IMPACTSWAR (3/3)
Health discourse allows contemporary governmental biopolitical control to deploy mechanisms of intervention, waging wars in an attempt to normalize society. Bell in 2005(colleen, Biopolitical Strategies of Security:Considerations on Canadas New National Security
Policy, http://www.yorku.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP34-Bell.pdf) Contemporary biopolitics, in contrast to biopolitics in the first half of the twentieth century, is also instructive in its sensitivity to liberalist conceptions of multiculturalism and notions of citizen responsibility. The notion of society as composed of a single national culture, with a specific national destiny tied to a national territory, argues Rose, has entered a crisis which has seen the pluralizing of culture to cultures, and community to communities. Not only is this crisis reflected in Canadas multicultural policy 102 generally, but it has informed the creation of the Cross-Cultural Roundtable on Security to supplement the development of the national security policy. Rose argues that, among other transformations, this crisis has led to a responsiblization of citizens. In the quest for health, citizens are encouraged to become active partners who are accountable for securing their own well-being. The enterprises involved in this will 103 to health involve wide ranging aspirations for health in which the conduct of individuals is governed at a distance, by shaping the ways in which they understand and enact their own freedom. The invitation 104 for diverse communities to participate in Canadas national security endeavours is such a case in point. Technological innovations in surveillance as seen in the new security policy enable security measures to be cast as a will to health as national security does not only involve prohibitive or coercive mechanisms imposed against the will of its targets. Rather, it may also operate as a productive power that produces the wills of individuals, particularly through discourses of rights and responsibilities in a political context that is increasingly characterized by a range of calculated risks. The normalization of elaborate security operations can be seen by how increasingly, notes Rose, surveillance is designed in to the flows ofeveryday existence. As Lyon notes, the post September 11 panic regime shows that anxious publics 105 that are willing to put up with many more intrusions, interceptions, delays, and questions than was the case before September 11. The deployment of mechanisms of state intervention to securitize biological, economic 106 and social processes that concern a population, in conjunction with rationalities of responsibilizaton that treat constituents as facilitators of security, posits security as a condition of liberty. This is a process of 107 subjectification, which Michael Dillon defines as, [A]n order of knowledgeable practices, norms of conduct, and elaborate protocols of behavior. Its object is to produce calculable subjects operating in calculable spaces, formidably empowered by their very subscription to, indeed inscription into force by, technologies of calculation. The defining and distinguishing paradox of power/knowledge is therefore that it is that very subjectification to power that is empowering. 108 Consequently, risk as a category of existence rationalizes freedom not as constrained by mechanisms of security, but as protected by them. In a society of security, such forms of regularized freedom are normalized into the paradoxical and everyday conditions of freedom and subjection. In short, security tells people how 109 to be good citizens.

IMPACTSBIOPOWER (1/4)
Biopolitics is predicated upon the calculation of the health of the population Bell in 2005(colleen, Biopolitical Strategies of Security: Considerations on Canadas New National Security Policy, http://www.yorku.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP34-Bell.pdf)
While not replacing, but rather penetrating and operating alongside sovereign power, biopower characterizes liberal practices of government. According to Foucault, the era of biopower gave rise to the practice of government in which the disciplines of the body and the regulations of the population constituted the two poles around which the organization of power over life was deployed. Indeed, notes Colin Gordon, 16 Foucault saw it as a characteristic (and troubling) property of the development of the practice of government in Western societies to tend towards a form of political sovereignty which would be a government of all and each, and whose concerns would be at once to totalize and to individualize. The individualizing aspect of biopower, signifies disciplinary techniques of power first developed and institutionalized in the seventeenth century, and theorized by Foucault in relation to the prison, the asylum, and the clinic. Disciplinary techniques focus at the level of individual bodies and often involve panoptic forms of institutional surveillance. The totalizing character of biopolitics, on the other hand, involves calculations from which the wealth, health, or illness of the population (of a state) can be measured by addressing human beings as a global mass.

Disease representation makes sovereigns wage wars for, with and against entire populations. Eugene Thacker, March 2005[ 'Nomos, Nosos and Bios' ;Assistant Professor in the School of Literature,
Communication, and Culture at the Georgia Institute of Technology; author of two books: Biomedia and The Global Genome] But it is in this last element that Foucaults points about biopolitics have the most resonance for our current context of bioterrorism and emerging infectious disease. In his Collge lectures, Foucault says more about the governmentality specific to biopolitics. He asks, How can a power such as this kill, if it is true that its basic function is to improve life, to prolong its duration, to improve its chances, to avoid accidents, and to compensate for failings? (2003: 254). In other words, what is the relation between older forms of sovereignty and the emerging, modern biopolitical practices of public health policy, hospital reform, the professionalization of medicine, and the methods of statistics and demographics? Foucault offers one response, which is that the acquisition of power over man insofar as man is a living being, that the biological came under State control, that there was at least a certain tendency that leads to what might be termed State control of the biological (2003: 239-40). But how is the exceptional character of sovereign power instantiated in such decentralized systems, in which the bureaucratic management of numbers and bodies takes hold? There must be some set of principles for allowing, in exceptional circumstances, the introduction of sovereign power. In other words, there must be some set of conditions that can be identified as a threat, such that a corresponding state of emergency can be claimed, in which the formerly decentralized apparatus of biopolitics suddenly constricts into the exception of sovereignty. It is at this moment that racism is inscribed as the basic mechanism of power, as it is exercised in modern States (2003: 254). But I would argue that Foucault means racism here in a specific, medical and biological sense. Racism in this sense is a biologically-inflected political relation in which war is rendered as fundamentally biological: Wars are no longer waged in the name of a sovereign who must be defended; they are waged on behalf of the existence of everyone; entire populations are mobilized for the purpose of wholesale slaughter in the name of life necessity: massacres have become vital the existence in question is no longer the juridical existence of sovereignty; at stake is the biological existence of a population. (1978: 137) In a curious turn of phrase, Foucault later calls this a democratization of sovereignty, a condition in which the sovereign state of emergency emerges through a widespread and generalized threat to the population (2003: 37). In such conditions, both a medical-biological view of the population, and a statisticalinformatic means of accounting for the population, converge in the identification of potential threats and possible measures of security. In a sense, it is war that acts as the hinge between population and information, but a war that always puts at stake the biological existence of the population (and thus nation). The body natural, even as it serves as an analogy for the body politic, is always what is fundamentally at stake in the body politic.

IMPACTSBIOPOWER (2/4)
Health care enables contemporary politics to govern every aspect of individual conduct in society. Bell in 2005(colleen, Biopolitical Strategies of Security:Considerations on Canadas New National Security
Policy, http://www.yorku.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP34-Bell.pdf) Contemporary biopolitics, in contrast to biopolitics in the first half of the twentieth century, is also instructive in its sensitivity to liberalist conceptions of multiculturalism and notions of citizen responsibility. The notion of society as composed of a single national culture, with a specific national destiny tied to a national territory, argues Rose, has entered a crisis which has seen the pluralizing of culture to cultures, and community to communities. Not only is this crisis reflected in Canadas multicultural policy 102 generally, but it has informed the creation of the Cross-Cultural Roundtable on Security to supplement the development of the national security policy. Rose argues that, among other transformations, this crisis has led to a responsiblization of citizens. In the quest for health, citizens are encouraged to become active partners who are accountable for securing their own well-being. The enterprises involved in this will 103 to health involve wide ranging aspirations for health in which the conduct of individuals is governed at a distance, by shaping the ways in which they understand and enact their own freedom. The invitation 104 for diverse communities to participate in Canadas national security endeavours is such a case in point. Technological innovations in surveillance as seen in the new security policy enable security measures to be cast as a will to health as national security does not only involve prohibitive or coercive mechanisms imposed against the will of its targets. Rather, it may also operate as a productive power that produces the wills of individuals, particularly through discourses of rights and responsibilities in a political context that is increasingly characterized by a range of calculated risks. The normalization of elaborate security operations can be seen by how increasingly, notes Rose, surveillance is designed in to the flows ofeveryday existence. As Lyon notes, the post September 11 panic regime shows that anxious publics 105 that are willing to put up with many more intrusions, interceptions, delays, and questions than was the case before September 11. The deployment of mechanisms of state intervention to securitize biological, economic 106 and social processes that concern a population, in conjunction with rationalities of responsibilizaton that treat constituents as facilitators of security, posits security as a condition of liberty. This is a process of 107 subjectification, which Michael Dillon defines as, [A]n order of knowledgeable practices, norms of conduct, and elaborate protocols of behavior. Its object is to produce calculable subjects operating in calculable spaces, formidably empowered by their very subscription to, indeed inscription into force by, technologies of calculation. The defining and distinguishing paradox of power/knowledge is therefore that it is that very subjectification to power that is empowering. 108 Consequently, risk as a category of existence rationalizes freedom not as constrained by mechanisms of security, but as protected by them. In a society of security, such forms of regularized freedom are normalized into the paradoxical and everyday conditions of freedom and subjection. In short, security tells people how 109 to be good citizens.

IMPACTSBIOPOWER (3/4)
Biopolitics necessitates genocidal slaughters of entire groups of people in the name of the survival of humanity writ-large Rey Chow, Professor of the Humanities at Brown, 2002, The Protestant
Ethnic and the Spirit of Capitalism, p. 9 Let me attempt to reformulate Foucaults argument in a somewhat different manner. When life becomes the overarching imperative, his argument implies, all social relations become subordinate to the discursive network that has been generated to keep it going, so much so that even a negative, discriminatory fact such as racism is legitimated in the name of the living. Rather than straightforwardly assuming the form of a callous willingness to kill, therefore, racist genocide partakes of the organization, calculation, control, and surveillance characteristic of powerin other words, of all the civil or civilized procedures that are in place primarily to ensure the continuance of life. Killing off certain groups of people en masse is now transformed (by the process of epistemic abstraction) into a productive, generative activity undertaken for the life of the entire human species. Massacres are, literally, vital events.6 If Foucault thereby shows how murder (a negative act) can be legitimated by a valorization of life (a positive idea), his logic may, I think, also be turned around to demonstrate that the valorization of life itself, by the necessity of practice, can give rise to processes of discrimination, hatred, and, in some extreme cases, extermination. In other words, if the notion of legitimation shows how murder can, indeed, make sense as part of a positive idea, the reversal of Foucaults logic shows that the material process of enforcing a positive idea inevitably derails it into something destructive and unjust. It is, of course, always possible to explain this derailment economically: since an infinite valorization of life cannot possibly be sustained on the basis of finite resources, various forms of disciplinary and regulatory controls must be introduced in order to handle population increases, thereby resulting in a hierarchical situation in which resources are assigned to the privileged few rather than distributed equally among all, etc. Yet this type of explanationwhich sees unequal economic distribution as the primary source of social injusticedoes not seem adequate to account for the persistence of racism, especially in places where there is actually sufficient wealth, where the democratization of resources seems to some degree to have been achieved. How, in other words, is one to account for an environment in which one may be allowed to stay alive, may be told that all is equal, may be given access to many things, only then to realize that an insidious pattern of discrimination continues systematically to reduce one to a marginal position vis--vis mainstream society? Such an environment, which is characterized by a schism between the positively proclaimed values of life, on the one hand, and an affective dis-ease felt by those who sense they are nonetheless the targets of discrimination, on the other, cannot be addressed purely on economic grounds. The schism in question is not simply a matter of lies versus truths, or false ideology versus lived reality. It is rather, if we follow Foucaults thinking, symptomatic of the generative functioning of biopower itself. To illustrate this, some examples may be useful.

IMPACTSBIOPOWER (4/4)
The ability to administer life also allows the government to control individuals continued existence. James Bernauer, Professor of Philosophy, Boston College, Michel Foucaults Force of Flight, 1990,
p. 141-142 This capacity of power to conceal itself cannot cloak the tragedy of the implications contained in Foucault's examination of its functioning. While liberals have fought to extend rights and Marxists have denounced the injustice of capitalism, a political technology, acting in the interests of a better administration of life, has produced a politics that places man's existence as a living being in question. The very period that proclaimed pride in having overthrown the tyranny of monarchy, that engaged in an endless clamor for reform, that is confident in the virtues of its humanistic faith-this period's politics created a landscape dominated by history's bloodiest wars. What comparison is possible between a sovereign's authority to take a life and a power that, in the interest of protecting a society's quality of life, can plan, as well as develop the means for its implementation, a policy of mutually assured destruction? Such a policy is neither an aberration of the fundamental principles of modern politics nor an abandonment of our age's humanism in favor of a more primitive right to kill; it is but the other side of a Power that is "situated and exercised at the level of life, the species, the race, and the large-scale phenomena of population." The bio-political project of administering and optimizing life closes its circle with the production of the Bomb. "The atomic situation is now at the end point of this process: the power to expose a whole population to death is the underside of a power to guarantee an individual's continued existence." The solace that might have been expected from being able to gaze at scaffolds empty of the victims of a tyrant's vengeance has been stolen from us by the noose that has tightened around each of our own necks.

( ) Biopolitics causes the creation of super-viruses that cause extinction Michel Foucault , Society Must Be Defended: Lectures at the College De France 1975-1976,2003, p. 253-4 We
are, then, in a power that has taken control of both the body and life or that has, if you like, taken control of life in general~with the body as one pole and the population as the other. We can therefore immediately identify the paradoxes that appear at the points where the exercise of this biopower reaches its limits. The paradoxes become apparent if we look, on the one hand, at atomic power, which is not simply the power to kill, in accordance with the rights that are granted to any sovereign, millions and hundreds of millions of people (after all, that is traditional). The workings of contemporary political power are such that atomic power represents a paradox that is difficult, if not impossible, to get around. The power to manufacture and use the atom bomb represents the deployment of a sovereign power that kills, but it is also the power to kill life itself. So the power that is being exercised in this atomic power is exercised in such a way that it is capable of suppressing life itself. And, therefore, to suppress itself insofar as it is the power that guarantees life. Either it is sovereign and uses the atom bomb, and therefore cannot be power, biopower, or the power to guarantee life, as it has been ever since the nineteenth century. Or, at the opposite extreme, you no longer have a sovereign right that is in excess of biopower, but a biopower that is in excess of sovereign right. This excess of biopower appears when it becomes technologically and politically possible for man not only to manage life but to make it proliferate, to create living matter, to build the monster, and, ultimately, to build viruses that cannot be controlled and that are universally destructive. This formidable extension of biopower, unlike what I was just saying about atomic power, will put it beyond all human sovereignty.

IMPACTSRACISM (1/3)
Fascination with epidemics is due to our own anxieties about our increasingly complex worldthese tropes are more often than not used to bolster racist prejudices Schell in 1997
(Heather, phd candidate, literature, Stanford, Outburst! A Chilling True Story about EmergingVirus Narratives and Pandemic Social Change Configurations 5.1, p. 93-133) Our current fascination with viruses springs from our worries about the future. Ultimately, the the triumph of multiculturalism and the global community; the ecosystem's anger at and vengeance for our meddling; the loss of [End Page 131] the unknown; or the escape of the unknown into our society, where everything familiar will be destroyed in its path. We might indeed be coming to see the world as an integrated system, but such integration jeopardizes boundaries many had believed to be real. Viral discourse raises the possibility of a type of global busing, bringing the foreign into our neighborhoods through infection. At the same time, fear of such change (especially change conceptualized as disease) could successfully stall it. Boundary thinking might seem stale to theorists, but it is not static. People who crave boundaries can make boundaries real. Therefore, we must not rely on the current cultural vulnerability to questions of identity as the onset of some automatic process that will ultimately dismantle traditional inequities. An epidemic future might mean that we have to pay attention to peoples, cultures, economies, and ecologies outside our own national borders. Unfortunately, an insistence on perceiving international relationships in terms of infiltrating viral infections limits the effectiveness of our response. D. A. Henderson of Johns Hopkins has recommended the development of a "network of international centers to detect the emergence of dangerous diseases and, if possible, to contain them." 144 Morse further suggests that "development agencies should be educated to include emerging-virus considerations when evaluating major changes in land use or when making decisions that will alter ecological equilibria or population densities. It may even be possible to develop regular 'viral impact assessments.'" 145 While this proposal has some value, it targets only one factor of our experience of disease. According to the World Health Organization, "it becomes more and more clear that morbidity and mortality due to these infectious diseases are as much a function of the state of human development than they are of the virulence of the microorganisms which are their biological cause"; populations living in poverty suffer from a disproportionate share of epidemic diseases. 146 Insisting on some [End Page 132] inherently foreign viral geography might serve to prod us out of our myopic nationalism, but it can also be too easily marshaled as spurious proof to bolster preexisting prejudices. Disease surveillance thus offers only a partial, problematic solution to a quandary that will remain unresolved until we are ready to perceive our complex engagement with the world through a different metaphor.

IMPACTSRACISM (2/3)
The killer virus narrative reinforces racist/colonial notions of otherness DOUGHERTY IN 2001 (STEPHEN, assistant professor in English at Elizabethtown Community College, The Biopolitics of the
Killer Virus Novel, CULTURAL CRITIQUE, SPRING) Maryk's dilemma, his capture by the double bind wherein his ministrations on behalf of man assure the destruction of the environment that sustains man, is the dilemma of The Blood Artists. Indeed, as I shall consider in conclusion, it is a defining contradiction in the killer virus novel more broadly. At the same time that killer virus texts pay homage to a progressive, environmentalist agenda, and at the same time that they tacitly acknowledge the fragmentation and multiplicities of a postmodern selfhood that is commensurate with the environmentalist ethos, they reinforce an integral and paranoid model of subjectivity that harkens back to the high era of Western imperialism. Out of a kind of historical necessity, they also reinscribe the complex of racist attitudes that nurtured this paranoid subjectivity. In terms of political imagination, then, the great failure of the killer virus texts is that the only alternative to the posthuman condition they are capable of imagining is a return to man on the imperial model--the white man hellbent on subjugating both "nature" and other peoples whose less technologically advanced social conditions threaten his fantasy of human dominion over nature. Like medical/cultural discourse in the colonial era, contemporary killer virus novels represent brutal aggression against nonwhites as epidemiological 19 defense in the name of an endangered humanity. Indeed, just as Donna Haraway warns that "[t]he residue of the history of colonial tropical medicine and natural history in late twentieth century immune discourse should not be underestimated" (223), neither can the lingering presence of colonial racist discourse in killer virus texts (the trade paperback version of immune discourse) be underestimated or written off as a merely unfortunate generic idiosyncrasy. As with Zero's lesson, we can avail ourselves of the unpleasant lessons that this racist presence speaks, but only if we confront it head on.

Governmentalism denialism of AIDS leads to false beliefs of inherent racial traits. Mbali, 2004 [Mandisa, majored in History and English in undergrad. degree at the University of KwaZuluNatal, has an Honors and Masters degrees in History. AIDS Discourses and the South African State: Government denialism and post-apartheid AIDS policy-making]
It is this central, yet largely unresolved, question that this article will attempt to answer. The central claim of this paper is that government AIDS denialism is a response to a history of racist understandings of African sexuality as inherently pathological in AIDS science and linked discriminatory public health policy responses to the epidemic by the last apartheid government and internationally. As will be demonstrated later in this article, unlike AIDS dissidence internationally, the South African version of denialism espoused by Mbeki and other high profile government officials has been obsessed with colonial and late apartheid discourses of race, sexuality and disease in Africa.

IMPACTSIMPERIALISM (1/3) Bacteriology serves imperialist ideology DOUGHERTY IMPACTSRACISM (3/3) IN 2001 (STEPHEN, assistant professor in English at Elizabethtown Community College, The notion that Africans carry HIV/AIDS enables discrimination and justifies racism against The Biopolitics of MandisaVirus Novel, CULTURAL in History and English incasualness with which the those infected. the Killer Mbali, 2004 [majored CRITIQUE, SPRING) The undergrad. degree at Preston registers his nostalgia for the colonialist past and with which he expresses colonialist/imperialist University of KwaZulu-Natal, has an Honors and Masters degrees in History. AIDS Discourses and assumptions about, for example, the relative desirability of the English way and the hierarchical relation between the province and the State: Government denialism and post-apartheid AIDS policy-making]the image the South African metropole, is striking. But it is not uncommon in the killer virus genre. Indeed,
that Preston conjures of the hot-waxed British Empire rolling into the twenty-first century on automatic pilot serves as an appropriate figure for how our "postcolonial" moment is perceived, and valued, in the genre per se. Real killer virus novels ignore that we have emerged from the colonial era in Europe and America in the In effect,discrimination against Africans and those of African descent did arise and that the developing world 1980s out of the notion that Africans were from the old imperial Africans and those of African a is politically (if not economically) independentAIDS carriers/victims. metropoles. We witness insteaddescent, especially Haitians were turned it, "[b]acteriology serve[s] . . to have AIDS tests before The accepted situation wherein, as Laura Otis puts down for apartments, forced . imperialist ideology" (5).beingAmerican for certain academic scholarships and people with HIV or AIDS were not allowed entrance into America scientists cum adventure heroes who boldly go forth to do battle with evil viruses are the late twentieth(Chirimuuta of Chirimuuta 1989:71-134). This formed part of a Page battery of proposed century version andthe "microbe-hunters," the epidemiologists,[End larger19] bacteriologists, and related discriminatory measures in the West in the 1980s against gays, blacks, prostitutes, drug users medical personnel who, Otis explains,Of contracting HIV) in nineteenth-century imperial expansion (5). 20 (people deemed to be at .high risk. were instrumental and HIV positive people. In America, They stand as ready reminders of the West's continued positive people on thealso help their HIV status, and institutionalized and legal discrimination against HIV hegemony, and they basis of to cultivate a properly fascinated loathing of the Southern Hemisphere and its dispensable, disease-prone peoples. The virtuous Dr. .high risk. groups became common in the 1980s (Brandt 1987:192). Prejudice and discrimination also Pearse, ever obsessed with health and cleanliness, explains to South Africa in the 1980s. In South Africa of the informed early policy responses to AIDS in late apartheid a group of international reporters that One lessons of whatwere proposed to"antibiotic era" of the previous have HIV tests and deport them if they were regulations we now call the force foreign mine workers to century was that as weaker microbes fall away, more resilient ones(Jochelson 2001). Government denialism a vengeance. We will never local response to or found positive survive and emerge, and sometimes with can therefore be read as a eradicate viruses the bacteria from the earth, nor should we.prejudice as a peoplediscourses around to control viruses. (59) In the history of local and international What we and racist must do is to seek AIDS policy-making. context of the anti-discrimination has been an important principle in AIDS policy-making circlesitinternationally However, genocidal events that immediately precede Pearse's lecture to the press, however, is not clear whether the doctortime now. Jonathan Mann.s assertion, as head suffer World Healththe pain and the suffering for quite some is referring to the dark, infected people who of the the brunt of Organisation.s Global in the novel's representational world or if at the same time he is referring to thandeadly microbes themselves. Programme on AIDS, that AIDS policy internationally must protect rather the infringe the rights of HIV "America isindividuals,the world's that rights-based notions of AIDS a British reporter; "it is its doctor" (59). positive no longer has meant policeman," Pearse concurs with policy have had international currency for Butquiteasome line indeed between a good doctor and a bad cop67). Various agents in South Africa inof the it's fine time (Schneider and Stein 2001:10; Garrett 1995: in The Blood Artists. At the beginning the novel, Pearse and Maryk are directedto forceCDC to in the way that AIDS and family planning policy would 1980s and early 1990s managed by the a shift investigate a mysterious viral outbreak in central Africa. What they discover when they get there is a womb-like cave that "is simply tooto form a legitimate part of be framed: coercive practices outside a human rights framework ceased hot to preserve" (42). Therefore both the cave and its surrounding ecological system must be destroyed. They also findago in the countrypeople discourse produced by government, medical and public health quite some time indigenous tribal (Mbali who, infected andrenders denialism historically obsolete. the sake of a greater, white humanity. "If we don't stop 2001), which uninfected alike, must be sacrificed for it here, cauterize it, now," Maryk explains, "it's going to slip out of the jungle and march across the continent and the planet" (43). But Pearse's kindness to a young African girl whom he allows to escape subverts Maryk's brutal vigilance. The specter of pandemic disease that killer virus novels conjure as their stock-in-trade is certainly horrifying. But what is equally horrifying is their recuperation of an imperialist model of Western selfhood in response to the dehumanizing threat of the virus. In The Blood Artists, for example, Peter Maryk is the fantasy of the imperial self as a defended "Christian" stronghold. Due to his [End Page 20] enhanced immune system, or what Pearse dubiously refers to as "the monstrous aberrance of [his] genetic superiority" (49), Maryk is incapable of even catching a cold, let alone an exotic viral disease. In the body of Peter Maryk, or "Dr. Peter Christian," the pseudonym he uses in an article that he and Pearse coauthor about his strange immunity, self versus non-self recognition is perfect; the white Christian warrior is impregnable.

IMPACTSIMPERIALISM (1/2)
The discourse of disease marks bodies as dysfunctional to prop up imperial tropes of masculinity and racism Kirsten Osther in 2002 (rreceived her Ph.D. in American Civilization at Brown University, Contagion and the Boundaries of the Visible: The Cinema of World Health Camera Obscura 17.2 (2002) 1-38) Within the audiovisual discourse of world health, the racial and sexual features of these
transparently legible bodies perform the crucial function of linking bodily otherness with implied contaminations that are nationally specific in origin. In the postwar period, racial difference is collapsed onto national difference, and the threat of physical and geopolitical "penetration" by invisible contagions is conceived as a sexualized attack. The films that utilize marked bodies as vectors of contagion emphatically draw attention to the infectious difference between the diseased bodies and their imperial others (often distinguished by their whiteness, masculinity, and wealth). The body captured on film is essentially coextensive with the profilmic body; image and object are indistinguishable in their materiality. Thus these films partake of a Bazinian conception of realism, in which "the photographic image is the object itself, the object freed from the conditions of time and space that govern it." 5 While this passage [End Page 3] focuses explicitly on the indexical quality of mechanical reproduction through photography, it also implicitly claims that, within photographic representation, the relationship between signifier and signified is fundamentally unambiguous. It is precisely through their reliance on this form of indexical realism that the public health films that conflate bodily difference with disease assert their own objectivity. By maintaining that racial and sexual difference transparently correlate to contagion, these films establish their own ideological structures of signification as universal truths and, thus, as authentic documents of realism.

IMPACTSIMPERIALISM (2/2)
Killer virus narratives stabilize the western conception of the self by juxtaposing it off of colonialist stereotypes of the unclean, disease-ridden other Schell in 1997 (Heather, phd
candidate, literature, Stanford, Outburst! A Chilling True Story about EmergingVirus Narratives and Pandemic Social Change Configurations 5.1, p. 93-133) The virus narratives react to the suddenly friable self with several different strategies. They frequently fantasize about the supposedly clear-cut days of high imperialism. Occasionally, they panic about the lived death of the subject. More rarely, they dream about a world of achieved, utopian multiculturalism. The first and last response are relatively incompatible; however, some notion of the primitive is common to all. As the ultimate non-self, the primitive plays a powerful role in virus narratives. Marianna Torgovnick dissects the concept in a very useful way in Gone Primitive: Savage Intellects, Modern Lives. The primitive as Other helps ground "the Western sense of self"; it is usually defined "as different from (usually opposite to) the present. After that, reactions to the present take over." 81 Whatever "primitive" means in different contexts, it says much more about Westerners and the Western world than about any other people or place. For virus writers, the primitive represents the last bastion of the biological unknown, where iconoclastic viruses practice on local populations in preparation for pandemics. Viruses living there are unhampered by our human rights regulations. The primitive thus functions as the location of what Douglas calls "disorder," because creatures and possibilities develop there in a way that the virus writers see as impossible back home. Those writers who seek solutions or at least comfort in colonial fantasies have chosen the one era when the West felt it had attained some authority in the world of the primitive. White men were confident then, at least through the tinge of nostalgia. They strode alone, confidently, through the bush, bagging man-eaters that had been terrorizing villages, earning the perpetual gratitude of the natives with gifts of Christianity, hygiene, and lighters. They knew who was who. Though they might venture into regions of ambiguity, ambiguity stayed put when they went home. Disorder did not travel in those days. [End Page 115] Popular science texts on viruses particularly seem to treasure imperialist imagery and forget its metaphoric origins. 82 The virus experts in their writing are coded as the 1990s, postcolonial equivalent of big-game hunters. Rob Webster, for example, "has been tracking flu viruses" for half a century; "he hopes to catch a pandemic flu in the act of emerging." 83 This phrase nicely captures the predatory connotations of "emerging," the newly coined expression for recently discovered viruses. 84 Dennis Burkitt, a Scottish surgeon in Uganda who ultimately discovers a viral cause for a particular type of lymphoma, undertakes "the Long Safari" to perform his "geographical biopsy." 85 Preston frequently refers to "virus hunters"--virile, driven Western men who are nearly indistinguishable from the fictional characters in several centuries of colonial fantasy. Consider this portrayal: [Gene Johnson] spent years traveling across central Africa in search of the reservoirs of Ebola and Marburg viruses. He had virtually ransacked Africa looking for these life forms, but despite his searches he had never found them in their natural hiding places. No one knew where any of the filoviruses came from; no one knew where they lived in nature. . . . To find the hidden reservoir of Ebola was one of Johnson's great ambitions.
86

This imagery employs the tropes of exploration, adventure, and treasure hunting. By playing on these

tropes, the author encourages readers to imagine viruses as they would an elephant graveyard or the source of the Nile. Hunting metaphors associate virology and virus hunting with manly political activity on the world sphere, instead of high-tech but possibly nerdy fussing with electron microscopes and computer analysis.

IMPACTS- GOVERNMENTAL DENIALISM (1/2)

Governmental denailism of AIDS leads to racism, perpetuating the disease, increases poverty, and ineffective use of the foreign aid. Mbali, 2004 [Mandisa, majored in History and English in undergrad. degree at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, has an Honors and Masters degrees in History. AIDS Discourses and the South African State: Government denialism and post-apartheid AIDS policy-making]
This paper argues that AIDS denialism can be understood as driven by five main factors: . The medical findings of certain dissident scientists, which have been appropriated by government officials in South Africa; The extent of the crisis brought about by the epidemic, which has prompted denialism because government cannot deal with it; As a strategy to avoid conflict over intellectual property rights of essential medicines;. The impact of poverty on the course of the epidemic, which has led to government denialists positing poverty as a counter explanation to the virological cause of AIDS. Simultaneously, denialism may be a smokescreen for the government.s adoption of poverty sustaining neoliberal economic policies, which may be blocking further public spending on AIDS; and. The history of constructions of .the African. as the inherently diseased racial and sexual other in both colonial and postcolonial times.

The affs representation of disease leads to AIDS denialism Mbali, 2004 [Mandisa, majored in History and English in undergrad. degree at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, has an
Honors and Masters degrees in History. AIDS Discourses and the South African State: Government denialism and postapartheid AIDS policy-making] The epidemic patterns of AIDS demonstrate the influence of poverty and inequality.

There is a further development of arguments linking AIDS and poverty that denialism neatly complements the government.s adoption of poverty-entrenching neoliberal economic policies. It can, therefore, be seen as, in some senses, a position produced by government economic policy. According to such a position government denialism can be said to be a convenient clause to avoid the drastic increases in public spending that would be required to roll out combination HIV treatment. The governments adoption of policies of fiscal discipline and neoliberal macro-economics, evinced in the Growth Employment and Redistribution strategy (GEAR) (Bond 2001) also indirectly affects the formulation of AIDS policy in the following ways: privatising essential basic and social services; reducing social spending (including spending on health); and liberalising trade relations, thus making developing countries. economies attractive to foreign investment. These policies have hindered the formulation of macroeconomic policy more favourable to addressing poverty and inequality in the country (Bond 2001; Habib and Padayachee 2000:3). This means that they can be said to have affected the shape of the impact of the AIDS epidemic in ways suggested by the links between poverty and the epidemic suggested above.

AIDS denial allows governments to continue neoliberal economic policies Mbali, 2004 [Mandisa, majored in History and English in undergrad. degree at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, has an
Honors and Masters degrees in History. AIDS Discourses and the South African State: Government denialism and postapartheid AIDS policy-making] Government AIDS denialism can be powerfully explained in terms of its being

haunted by the ghosts of colonial medicine and Western culture, and their characterisation of Africans as diseased. I will now turn to this largely extinct racist discourse itself , which has influenced government denialism. Colonial medical discourse around Africans was highly sexualised, perhaps, nowhere more so than when it was attached to STD management programmes. African sexuality was constructed in colonial medical discourse as primitive, uncontrolled and excessive, and as representative of AIDS Discourses and the South African State the darkness of the continent itself (Vaughan 1991:129). On the other hand, other colonial actors saw colonisation.s social and economic transformations as causing the .degeneration. of an .innocent. African sexuality (Vaughan 1991:129). The influence of both of these views is traceable in government denialism. In so far as it posits that the Western biomedicine attached to AIDS aims to stigmatise African sexuality and in its frequent appeals to unspecified .African. solutions to the problem, it relies on an imagined, pristine and essentialised notion of African culture. Controversially enough for African feminists, .African. solutions to AIDS proposed by government officials have included virginity testing for adolescent girls, and in Swaziland the mandatory wearing of tassels by adolescents and teenagers to indicate virginity.7

IMPACTS- GOVERNMENTAL DENIALISM (2/2)

Governmental denialism stigmatizes individuals. Mandisa Mbali, 2004 [majored in History and English in undergrad. degree at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, has an Honors and Masters degrees in History. AIDS Discourses and the South African State: Government denialism and post-apartheid AIDS policy-making]
Government AIDS denialism can be powerfully explained in terms of its being haunted by the ghosts of colonial medicine and Western culture, and their characterisation of Africans as diseased. I will now turn to this largely extinct racist discourse itself , which has influenced government denialism. Colonial medical discourse around Africans was highly sexualised, perhaps, nowhere more so than when it was attached to STD management programmes. African sexuality was constructed in colonial medical discourse as primitive, uncontrolled and excessive, and as representative of AIDS Discourses and the South African State the darkness of the continent itself (Vaughan 1991:129). On the other hand, other colonial actors saw colonisation.s social and economic transformations as causing the .degeneration. of an .innocent. African sexuality (Vaughan 1991:129). The influence of both of these views is traceable in government denialism. In so far as it posits that the Western biomedicine attached to AIDS aims to stigmatise African sexuality and in its frequent appeals to unspecified .African. solutions to the problem, it relies on an imagined, pristine and essentialised notion of African culture. Controversially enough for African feminists, .African. solutions to AIDS proposed by government officials have included virginity testing for adolescent girls, and in Swaziland the mandatory wearing of tassels by adolescents and teenagers to indicate virginity.7 This tends to point to an ahistorical .Merrie Africa vision of Africas past, where there were no promiscuous, corrupted, Westernised African women, and all African women avoided sex before marriage and did not spread STDs and AIDS.

***QUARANTINE***

2NC MODULE (1/1) I/L Ext. (1/1)

The unreasonable fear The biopolitical control of public health leads to quarantine. A) INTERNAL LINK: that emerges from the representation of disease leads to stigma and quarantine. Moy, 20032003 [Paul and Nikolas, THOUGHTS ON THEof disease at risk; More thanpage 19-21,survey Rabinow and Rose, Jan [Patsy, Sars stigma puts control CONCEPT OF BIOPOWER TODAY, half of http://www.molsci.org/research/publications_pdf/Rose_Rabinow_Biopower_Today.pdf] The first biopolitical strategies, in the respondents say they are scared of recovered patients and many want them quarantined; South eighteenth century, concerned the management of illness patients should remain inmoment, these issues have China Morning Post] One in three people believe Sars and health, and from that quarantine for up to four

been repeatedly problematized and intervened upon by ex-patients, according to a survey by theaChinese months after recovery, and half admit that they fear a whole range of authorities. They have peculiar saliency in liberal societies because Opportunitieslinks among and between multiple levels of society, from the University. Doctors and the Equal they establish Commission said misunderstandings about the disease aspiration of thehamper infection control the encouraging sufferers to conceal theirpopulationto avoid social could seriously individual to be cured, to by management of the health status of the infection as a whole. The issue of The survey of course, also been the exemplary field for a whole series of otherex-Sars of individual and stigma. illness has, showed 51.3 per cent of respondents said they remained scared of modes patients. Fortycollective problematizations operating in terms of the divisionface masks in public places and 32.7 per cent said one per cent said ex-Sars patients should continue wearing of the normal and the pathological. Several decades of scholarship has made this much self-evident. Understood in this sense, it is clear that the poles of this they should remain quarantined for between 15 and 120 days, with about two-thirds of those saying the bio-politicalshould last at least 30management of collective health by means of pure psychiatry professor at the quarantine field extend from the days. Lee Sing, head of the research team and a water, to annual health check-ups and insurance, through preventive medicine that operates in from domains between collectivities and Chinese University, said such "unnecessary fears" mainly stemmed large ignorance. Dr Lee said the social individuals, to the field of clinical was similar toonto the body of the sick person Aids or leprosy."The findings stigma attached to Sars patients interventions that suffered by patients with in the name of health. And, as many have of leprosy patients andthe collective pole has been the main motor of increases people during ancient remind me pointed out, action on their families who were rejected and stoned by healthy in longevity and quality of life. Variations in the applications said there was an urgent need for accurate medicalcollective pole times," Dr Lee said. The psychiatry professor and financing of the technologies applied to this knowledge are the keyin the community. Histhe scandalous variations in life expectancy and life chances that we can about Sars factors determining view was shared by colleague Paul Chan Kay-sheung, a microbiologist, who observeex-patients had thefar been foundvast majority of these instances, the causes patients who were are said no today around so globe. In the to have infected other people. Dr Chan said and the remedies known, and require no further scientific advance or technological masks and stay atpolitical will. Even in discharged from hospital were nevertheless advised to keep wearing innovation only home, mainly to avoid apparently novel disorders, such as SARS, whose outbreak rapidly called forth the between 15 and of modern being infected with diseases themselves. The telephone poll of 1,023 people, aged whole panoply 65, was biological medicine July 3 andthe One-sixth of peopleand sequencing of theypathogen, the preventive modes of carried out between including 8. rapid identification interviewed said the would distance themselves from intervention required were archaic. They were basically those of family members had contracted Sars. More colleagues who lived in previously infected buildings or whose quarantine first applied to epidemic outbreaks such as(27 per cent) said they would avoid meeting friends whose family members had contracted than one-quarter plague at least since medieval times, merely updated to take account of contemporary mechanisms of mobility and communication. And they proved highly effective without any significant Sars. Anna Wu Hung-yuk, the outspoken chairwoman of the Equal Opportunities Commission, said: "A new contribution from reappear in two months. The community clear that our more rational to whether or not a new Sars outbreak may genomic medicine. It will have become should hold a diagnosis as attitude and avoid regime of biopower will take shape that is to say,hamper infection-control measures by making people unnecessary panic. Unreasonable fears would only will pass a qualitative new configuration of knowledge, power and subjectivity - depends on manythat infection control could suffer as aon contingencies, others reluctant to report cases." Dr Lee agreed factors. Many of these factors depend result of such depend upon the The findings showed 71.3 per cent of people said we write, in August 2003, the most central misconceptions. uncertain outcome of genomic research itself. As their anxiety mainly stemmed from unknown is information about Sars from the government, while 68.9 biology in general, and toprofessionals for insufficient whether the new forms of knowledge liked to molecular per cent blamed medical genomics in particular, can actually generate about the disease, such and therapeutic tools that its advocates hope for.Nearly frequently changing their views the kinds of diagnostic as infection periods and routes of transmission. The stakes here are high, economically, medically and ethically. They lie in the presumed capacity of genomics to half said the government's guidelines on Sars for employers and their workers were unclear. Since the end of identify precisely some central processes involved in illness that control the manufacture of proteins, and in doing March the Equal Opportunities Commission has received 79 Sars -related complaints, including at least 13 from so, open these to precise intervention in order to produce therapeutic effect. residents of Amoy Gardens, the estate worst hit by the outbreak. Of the complaints, 55 were related to employment. They included those from workers who were fired after catching Sars, or because they lived in infected buildings or had infected family members.

B) IMPACTFALSE SENSE OF SECURITY Testing and subsequent segregation leads to a false sense of security, false negatives lessen incentives to be precautious, turning case. Field 90
University School of Law, American Journal of Law & Medicine, 16 Am. J. L. and Med. 34) LexisNexis Chicago, Boston (Martha, Professor of Law, Harvard Law School; B.A. 1965, Radcliffe College; J.D. 1968, University of Dangerous reactions

to testing can occur in some people who test negative as well as some who test positive. Clinical experience reveals that persons who test negative often experience a false sense of security and a sense of invulnerability. Especially if they have engaged in risky behavior in the past, they are less likely to use precautions than if they had never been tested. 118 To the extent that such a response exists, it detracts from the utility of testing. Some of those who test negative will be false negatives and will spread the disease if they do not use precautions; some who were truly negative will become infected because the high risk behavior that did not infect them in the past will do so in the future .Even if the result of testing were not to be limited to informing the person tested of his status, the false sense of security and reduced precautions that testing can breed pose a serious difficulty with a testing program. Even under a system of universal testing and segregation of all who test positive, false negatives would remain in the general population -- both those due to test error and also those who were in their latency period when the testing occurred. Among those who tested negative, it seems likely that the sense that the infected had been removed from their midst would lessen incentives to use precautions, by the false negative persons and by others, and the infection would continue to spread in the general population.

IMPACT Ext. (1/2)

Universal testing drains resources and personnel, it requires large administrative costs. Additionally, false negatives mean it would be counter-productive in containing AIDS. Field 90
(Martha, Professor of Law, Harvard Law School; B.A. 1965, Radcliffe College; J.D. 1968, University of Chicago, Boston University School of Law, American Journal of Law & Medicine, 16 Am. J. L. and Med. 34) LexisNexis Even if universal testing could be carried out, it could not contain the AIDS virus. False negatives would not be detected, and persons still in the latency period when testing was performed also would go undetected. Repeat testing would be necessary to remedy those errors, and in the meantime the carriers in the "uninfected" population might continue to spread the disease. One danger is that the "uninfected" population would feel a sense of security, and not pursue precautions against infection, even though that population could not be entirely secure from infectious persons. Despite these problems, an enthusiast for quarantine might argue that the number of seropositive persons in the general population would be drastically reduced by generalized testing, repeated at six [*55] month intervals, with the resulting segregation of those who tested seropositive; the fact that it does not work perfectly is not a reason to reject the proposal if it substantially reduces the risks. But even if one were willing to follow that course, a universal or widespread testing program does not represent a practicable approach to the AIDS crisis, because of the costs it would entail. 92 The costs include the use of vast amounts of vital health care resources, such as trained personnel to administer the test, laboratory equipment and technicians to process results and professionals to provide health care information and counseling. 93 Such programs would also involve large administrative costs in establishing testing facilities and then taking responsibility for maintaining test results. 94

False testing leads to a false sense of security since antibodies develop slowly, false negatives make transmission inevitable. Oberman 96 (Michelle, Associate Professor at DePaul University College
of Law, Genetics and the Law: The Ethical, Legal, and Social Implications of Genetic Technology and Biomedical Ethics: Test Wars: Mandatory HIV Testing, Women, and Their Children, University of Chicago, The University of Chicago Law School Roundtable 3 U Chi L Sch Roundtable 615 The anti-coercionary coalition countered the test zealots with a variety of arguments. First, there were arguments based upon the validity of the HIV test itself. Even assuming that every individual could be tested--an assumption that is wholly untenable given that public health workers have never achieved universal compliance when testing for any disease--even when they had free treatment rather than stigma to offer those who were infected 6 --it was far from obvious that the public would be fully protected by the dissemination of these test results. The nature of an antibody test was to identify those who had been exposed to the virus at some time in the past, and whose bodies had developed antibodies against the virus. Because antibodies develop slowly, 7 some individuals who test negative for HIV antibodies are in fact infected with, and capable of transmitting, the virus. Moreover, the validity of even a truly negative HIV test is of limited duration, because an individual who tests negative for HIV but continues to engage in any of the behaviors associated with transmission (such as sexual intercourse) might subsequently acquire the virus at any time. Finally, the HIV antibody test's accuracy, particularly in populations otherwise at low-risk for HIV, is problematic at the opposite end of the spectrum in that it yields a disturbing number of false positive results. 8 Thus, any form of mandatory testing risks conveying a false sense of security, while at the same time stigmatizing perfectly healthy members of the public.

IMPACT Ext. (2/2)

Turns case-- False negatives are destructivepeople assume they have a free license for unsafe sex. Field 90 (Martha, Professor of Law, Harvard Law School; B.A. 1965, Radcliffe College; J.D. 1968,
University of Chicago, Boston University School of Law, American Journal of Law & Medicine, 16 Am. J. L. and Med. 34) LexisNexis The rate of false positives and false negatives in a testing program depends not only on the quality of the test in terms of sensitivity and specificity but also on the particular population being tested. For example, a low risk population will show a higher proportion of false positives than a high risk population, even if the same lab performs the exact same test procedure on both populations. This seems paradoxical, but some extreme examples help clarify the point. Suppose that Population X consists entirely of people uninfected with HIV. Some of their test results will nonetheless be positive (false positives), because the test is not 100% specific (that is, it always returns some false positives). In this population, there will be few positives but all will be false positives because by hypothesis no one is actually infected. Even if the specificity of the test is quite high, a small imperfection (for example, the difference between 99.8% and 100%) is magnified when applied to a sample with so many people who are actually uninfected and so few (here, none) who are infected. Now imagine Population Y in which everyone is actually infected. All of the positive test results are true positives, so the false positive rate, which was 100% of positive test results in the above example, is now zero. Although the identical test was performed on Populations X and Y, the false positive rates are entirely different. A similar effect occurs with false negative results. All of the negatives in Population X are true, because no one in that population is infected, yielding a false negative rate of zero. In Population Y, some results will be negative, but these negatives are necessarily false because everyone in the population is by hypothesis actually infected and the test is not 100% sensitive. Therefore, the false negative rate in Population Y is 100% of negative test results. Of course, in reality most large populations are neither entirely infected nor entirely uninfected. However, the variations in prevalence of HIV infection can be quite extreme, from a small fraction of 1% to 50%. 21 Just as in the hypothetical examples above, false positive rates [*41] are much greater in low risk, or low prevalence, populations. 22 To the extent that a testing program produces either true negatives or false results, the funds devoted to testing would be better spent on AIDS education, prevention or treatment. The value of an expensive testing program is much more obvious when it produces a substantial number of "true positive" results. Testing a low prevalence population is economically wasteful because money is spent producing so many negative results in relation to positive ones. 23 It is also destructive. Needless anguish, disruption and discrimination are caused when false positive results are transmitted to people who have been tested, 24 and low prevalence populations have high false positive rates. 25 Negative test results -- both false and true -- can have their dangers as well. Some people, for example, may foolishly assume that a negative test result is a license for unsafe sex, especially if that had been their practice before and they have emerged uninfected. 26

QUARANTINE BADSTIGMA (1/1)

Quarantine leads to segregation, isolation, stigma and powerlessness amongst those affected. Ries 95 (Nola M, Quarantine and Law: The 2003 SARS experience in Canada (A New Disease
Calls on Old Public Health Tools, The Alberta Law Review, 43 Alberta L. Rev. 529, October) Lexis-Nexis. In regard to the specific impact of quarantine, an editorial in a Canadian nursing journal comments: The procedure of quarantine, from its beginnings, seems to have been imposed from the outside, as a law or interdict, and resulted in, or at the very least represented, segregation, social and psychological isolation, stigma, reduced social status, and the potential powerlessness of those affected. 59One nurse expresses her views as follows: "I am ordered into quarantine and feel as though such a restriction could apply only to some plague-threatened inhabitant of the Middle Ages." 60Health care workers in quarantine reported feeling disconnected and at a disadvantage when they returned to work because they were not up to date on key information, including the latest infection control protocols. This reaction demonstrates the need for ongoing communication with workers who are in quarantine so that if they do not become ill, they can return to work feeling ready to do so. 61 Physicians in quarantine who were interviewed at the height of the outbreak "described anxiety about the wellbeing of ill colleagues and their frustration in not being able to elicit details about their condition." 62 While patient confidentiality must be respected, health care facilities ought to be aware that "for those quarantined, knowledge of how their colleagues were faring may have alleviated some of their stress." 63

QUARANTINE BADECONOMY (1/1)

Quarantines hurt the economy, they take away thousands of jobs. Ries 95 (Nola M, Quarantine and Law: The 2003 SARS experience in Canada (A New Disease Calls on Old
Public Health Tools, The Alberta Law Review, 43 Alberta L. Rev. 529, October) Lexis-Nexis. In addition to its impact in the health care system, quarantine had significant economic consequences. Thousands of employees lost income while they stayed home to observe quarantine or provide care for others who were quarantined. It has been argued that the ethical value of reciprocity demands that the state compensate those whom it asks to stay home from work to comply with quarantine. 69 Expressed in practical terms: [*541] [A] person potentially missing a mortgage or car payment may face a strong temptation to break quarantine in order not to lose earnings. By promising compensation, the government creates incentives to stay home, and thereby limits the risk that SARS may spread, thus reducing the economic dislocation caused by the disease. 70Some people had to use vacation time or take unpaid leave in order to observe quarantine. It has been observed that "the initial refusal of governments to recognize the lack of an income cushion for Torontonians obeying quarantine orders clearly contributed to reluctance of some to stay away from work, further spreading SARS." 71 This view is echoed by legal counsel for the City of Toronto who was involved in drafting mandatory quarantine orders when individuals failed to accede to voluntary requests: People were cooperative, but among other things, the voluntary isolation presented financial hardships for families with one income earner who was suddenly placed under home isolation. The situation became extraordinarily difficult, and public health authorities found that a few circumstances required legal intervention. 72

QUARANTINE BADRACISM (1/1)

Quarantines, as instruments of public health regulation, lead to exclusion and racism. Ries 95 (Nola M, Quarantine and Law: The 2003 SARS experience in Canada (A New Disease Calls on Old Public
Health Tools, The Alberta Law Review, 43 Alberta L. Rev. 529, October) Lexis-Nexis. The application of quarantine to prostitutes illustrates how quarantine can be used to harass, isolate and exclude socially disfavored groups. 103 This use --or misuse --of quarantine is significant, not only because the quarantine power is so broad, but also because fear often brings out the worst in a community. During World War II, the federal government, claiming to face "the gravest imminent danger to the public safety," 104 evacuated all Japanese-Americans on the west coast to relocation camps. That wartime quarantine is now generally recognized as unnecessary and grounded in racial hatred. 105 Disease is similar to war, in that it often exacerbates latent [*70] prejudices and hostilities. 106 Thus, the state of Louisiana, in a time of epidemic, used its quarantine power to exclude all Southern European and West 108 At the turn of the century, however, at least one federal court did so. In Wong Wai v. Williamson, 109 the Indian immigrants. 107The courts have seldom explicitly addressed the discriminatory potential of court invalidated a quarantine ordinance under the equal protection clause of the fourteenth amendment. The quarantine. plaintiff was a Chinese resident of San Francisco who challenged a city ordinance that required all Chinese residents of the city to be innoculated against bubonic plague prior to leaving the city. 110 The innoculation, which could cause death, was justified by the city on the grounds that there was plague in the city and Asians as a race were highly susceptible to the disease. The court, however, noted that the regulation discriminated against Asians and could not be justified since the evidence did not support the city's claims. 111 Moreover, the ordinance could not accomplish its stated purpose because the innoculation was only effective if given prior to exposure. 112 The innoculation, in this case, was only administered to Chinese or Asian individuals leaving the city and, therefore, could not possibly stop the spread of disease. The court struck down the regulation, reminding the city that even the police power is subordinate to the Constitution. 1 The city of San Francisco responded to the decision in Wong Wai by passing a resolution stating that nine people in the city had died from bubonic plague, and quarantining the area in the city [*71] where most of the Asian community lived. 114 The resolution further exempted from the quarantine certain specific houses within the quarantine area that belonged to non-Asians. 115 In Jew Ho v. Williamson, 116 the court, obviously angered by the city's actions, found the quarantine completely unjustified. 117 The court found that the evidence failed to support the city's claim that the bubonic plague had caused deaths 118 and that no sound rationale existed for the quarantine. The court noted that because people could circulate freely within the large area quarantined, any plague that existed could still be spread. 119 Moreover, the exemptions for non-Asians suggested that the ordinance was merely a subterfuge for discrimination. 120 The court, therefore, invalidated the quarantine, but held that the city could order a limited quarantine if bubonic plague were shown to exist. 121 In order to avoid discriminatory administration by the city, the court ordered that physicians for the Chinese association could attend the autopsy of any Chinese resident suspected of dying from the plague. 122Jew Ho illustrates how quarantine can become the tool of racism and discrimination, and how courts can protect against that abuse by applying a strict review under the equal protection clause. 123 It is a precedent that should not be forgotten if quarantine is once again used as an instrument of public health regulation.

QUARANTINEMORE DISEASE (1/1)

Managing the health of the population always results in cleansing of impurity and the exclusion of segments of the population Bell in 2005(colleen, Biopolitical Strategies of Security: Considerations on Canadas New National Security Policy, http://www.yorku.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP34-Bell.pdf)
This coincides with both Giorgio Agamben's and Zygmut Baumans argument that the project of biopolitics contains a form of thanatopolitics of population purification because to manage the health of the body politic inescapably requires the control and elimination of foreign bodies. The biopolitical 35 strategies intended to manage the political problem of the population, to protect the inside from internal discord or disunity, intersect with various forms of national policy/power that present the collusion of modern power with sovereign and juridical power, and population with territory. Indeed, the problem of 36 the population was first signified by a shift in focus from epidemics characterized by fleeting disasters causing mass death, to endemics involving difficult to eradicate and often permanent illnesses rife in a population that led to the introduction of national standards and centralized institutions for the management of the health of the population. Canadas national security policy is designed to respond to fleeting natural 37 or technological disasters, as well as long-term pandemic disease outbreaks and terrorism as objects of security. As a thanopolitical governmental tactic, however, the policy does not merely encapsulate issues from disease to terrorism, but functions as a cleansing strategy that constitutes these issues as indeterminate security risks that require continual monitoring and intervention. As Foucault contended that since the eighteenth century rationalities of government have been filtered through security, modern society, he concluded, is a society of security. 38

Quarantines contribute to the highest HIV infection rate in the world. Lund 2003 (Giuliana, University of Minnesota HEALING THE NATION: MEDICOLONIAL DISCOURSE
AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY FROM APARTHEID TO TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION, Spring, 2003) Project Muse. Compulsory disinfection and quarantine continued into the 1930s, despite repeated protests from workers unions. Such discriminatory practices, focused though they were on black workers, did little to improve the health of that population: draconian measures were often unsuccessful (not least because they encouraged evasion); moreover, they ignored all problems remote from white health and labor concerns. The prejudicial medical policies of the South African state have therefore encouraged chronic outbreaks of polio, cholera, and typhoid in rural areas (Marks and Andersson 1989). In tandem with the migrant labor system, they have also contributed to a raging tuberculosis epidemic (Packard 1990) and, more recently, an HIV infection rate among the highest in the world (Schoofs 2000). Epidemic outbreaks facilitate the extension of state powers into new realms by justifying intrusive regulations and policing of social boundaries. As Michel Foucault points out, the plague city, with its cordon sanitaire, its institutions for the care and disposal of bodies, its control over the movement of peoples and goods, and its seizure and destruction of property, becomes, paradoxically, the utopia of the perfectly governed city:

***STIGMA***

2NC MODULE(2/2) 2NC Module (1/2)

A) Disease discourseoutweighs nuclear war, environmental stigma C) Dehumanization inspires fears and prejudices, causing destruction and genocide Bleikerthem Kay, 2007 [Roland, author, Griffith University in Australia; Amy, Psychology Professor at Missouri Southern State University, makes and all inevitable
Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163]

HIV/AIDS. Rather than relying on Carolina, Nanotechnology Magazine, "Nanotechnological perceptions Berube 97 (David, Comm@Southscientific data or pragmatic policy deliberations, western Prolongevity:

Stereotypical portrayals of Africa are epitomized by assumptions surrounding the sexual transmission of

Theof HIV/AIDS June/July have been dominated by moral judgments and prejudices (see Sabatier, 1988:1). Down Side," in Africa http://www.cla.sc.edu/ENGL/faculty/berube/prolong.htm) Assuming we are able to Thiswhoas Susan are optimized humans, this entire resultant worldview smacks She points out that many predict is, or what Sontag (1988: 27) stresses, not necessarily new or surprising. of eugenics and Nazi racial diseases that are involve linked to sexual as means. Moreover, there tend always be fears of easy science. This wouldsaid to be valuing people fault (such as syphilis) which wouldto inspire a superhuman more contagion current ones, humans of transmission by to escape their treatment as means to an always further super than the and bizarre fantasies would never be ablenon-venereal means in public places. But such andtendencies have been particularly pronounced with regard to representations of HIV/AIDS in Africa. distant end. Sexual practices have been at the core demonized by western doctors and other experts. As with previous This means-ends dispute ismoralized andof Montagu and Matson's treatise on the dehumanization of epidemics, such as cholera, destructive toll is already greater than moral laxity or political decline humanity. They warn: "its the disease is being interpreted as a sign of that of any war, plague, famine, (Sontag, calamity on record -- and this practice danger to the quality of stressed in a press or natural 1988: 142). Representative ofits potential is an American doctor, wholife and the fabric of interview that there is a profound promiscuity in Uganda, and a virus which takes advantage of it civilized in Hooper 1990: 28).calculation. HIV/AIDS discourse mingles medical and moral assumptions,called society is beyond The ensuing For that reason this sickness of the soul might well be (cited themaking it difficult to prevent the production and diffusion of stigmatizing ideas (Patton 1990: 105). The Fifth Horseman of the Apocalypse.... Behind the genocide of the holocaust lay a dehumanized thought; is a public discourse based on an entrenched suspicion about thenext of America, lies a dehumanized result beneath the menticide of deviants and dissidents... in the cuckoo's disease and, more importantly, image of man... (Montagu are infected withp. xi-xii). While it may never be possible to quantify the impact about the people who & Matson, 1983, it. dehumanizing ethics may have had on humanity, it is safe to conclude the foundations of humanness offer great opportunities which would beby causing When we calculate the actual losses and the virtual benefits, we approach a B) Stigma turns the case foregone. a false sense of security amongst stigmatizers and a dehumanizing nearly inestimable valuethose stigmatized sense of isolation in greater than any tools which we can currently use to measure it. Dehumanization is

nuclear war, environmental apocalypse, and international genocide. When people become things, Rankin 5 (William, Global When people are PhD, http://www.thegaia.org/resources/combined_stigma.pdf) they become dispensable.AIDS Interfaith Alliance,dispensable, any and every atrocity can be justified. Stigma is of urgent concern be inevitable for every epoch has of secrecy and denial, which in turn Once justified, they seem to because it is both the cause and effect evil and dehumanization is evil's most are the primary powerful weapon.preconditions for rapid HIV transmission. Moreover, it adversely affects care for people
living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA), who frequently become isolated in their communities. Stigma is emblematic of, and reinforces, attitudes and social structures that set people against each other and so undermines social cohesion. The un-stigmatized or not-yet-stigmatized believe themselves to be superior to the people who are targeted. Stigmatizers blame victims for their behavior, and so may feel reassured about their own invulnerability to disease, due to their righteous attitudes or behaviors. An interesting illustration of stigma is the ominous associations we can have with the word nyambizi (submarine,) a term used in Tanzania to refer to a person living with HIV. 4 In this usage, the PLWHA is stealthy, menacing, deadly. The rest of us, the putatively innocent, are advised to be wary. The impact of stigma upon the targeted individual is particularly debilitating. Even without stigma an enormous and painful struggle may already be taking place within someone who is seriously ill, and it is important to pause a moment to acknowledge this. The harm of internalized stigma (selfstigmatization) adds further misery to a difficult struggle.5 Even without externally enacted stigma against a person who is ill, the onset of serious illness means essential identity can come under serious attack. A person may cease to be who one was, instead becoming a person-with-an-illness, or more devastatingly, an ill-person, a thing in which personhood and illness have fused at the most basic human level and the self is profoundly changed. The French philosopher Simone Weil characterized the assault of illness upon the self in terms of the classical Greek notion of the soul.6 Terrible self-loathing (she used the term malheur) may seep into the depths of someone living with serious illness. Deep disgust may be felt against ourselves as ill people and this can destroy our very souls or we might say destroy the humane and humanizing self that we believe ourselves most essentially to be. It is upon this already serious oppression that illness-related stigma adds its heavy burden. When a person is targeted by stigma, then perceives it, feels it, and finally internalizes it, self-stigma is the result. The individuals outward behaviors may project a debased inner frame of mind. She or he may isolate or quarantine her/himself and altogether give up hope. This is a condition of terrible emotional oppression. The loss to society is considerable. By immobilizing the very people who could credibly speak out and educate for HIV prevention and who could care for other PLWHA, stigma strengthens the likelihood that HIV incidence will increase and that many more people will die in despair and as outcasts.

IL Ext. (Plan = Stigma) (1/2)

The plan leads to stigma Cox, April 2003 [CHRISTOPHER; Deadly secrets; Hub group helps African immigrants with HIV-AIDS overcome bias, fear, ARTS & LIFE; Pg. 041; the Boston Herald] "Most people think
AIDS is for others, not for them," said Illuminata, who learned of her HIV-positive status 18 months ago. "That is the biggest problem affecting sub-Saharan Africans here. As long as they don't know their status, it has nothing to do with them. . . They don't even want to talk about it. To them (treatment) is for somebody who has already started showing the signs."That reluctance worries McGuire: "By and large, people were coming into care very late in the course of their disease, so their prognoses were very bad." Women are more open to testing, said Serwanga, but HIV-positive women will be far more ostracized than infected men, who are often considered unwitting victims. "There are women who are positive, but men are never positive," Illuminata related. "Once you get a boyfriend, people will run to the boyfriend and say, 'That girl? She's positive.' But they will never say, 'You have that boy? He's positive.' Fingers are mostly pointed toward the women." A positive test may provoke a backlash among friends or housemates, said Agnes, 37, an HIV-positive widow who has overstayed her visa because the medications she requires to keep the AIDS virus in check aren't available in her native Uganda. "It's difficult to share (an apartment) with someone and you have all those pills," Agnes said. "You don't want someone else to know. She may not like it. . . You can be thrown out of the house." Many African immigrants worry that a positive HIV test would invite government retribution, including deportation. "People don't want to be identified," said Serwanga, who learned her younger brother had died of AIDS in Uganda the day she began work for MAC. "They don't want to use any services that are governmentrelated." Suspicion of the health-care system runs deep. A Ugandan woman who works as office coordinator for Cambridge Cares About AIDS said many HIV-positive Ugandans never return to the agency once they pick up her accent. They know I'm from Uganda," she said. "They don't come back because they're worried I might disclose their status to others."The cultural diversity of sub-Saharan Africa - the region encompasses more than 50 countries, each with an array of distinct tribal groups - and the immigrants' dispersal throughout the Boston Their can hinder outreach efforts by health workers. region reps promote stigma Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland, author, Griffith University in Australia; Amy, Psychology Professor at Missouri Southern State University, Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163] In the twenty years since the recognition of HIV/AIDS as an epidemic, the disease has become a global challenge. This challenge is not only of a medical nature, but also involves various political, social and psychological factors. The lives of those who are infected or affected by HIV/AIDS have come to be decisively shaped by how we represent what it means to live with the disease. This is particularly the case in acutely affected African communities, where HIV/AIDS has taken its greatest toll. More so perhaps than in any other part of the world, people here live with an illness that is shrouded in silence, taboos and stigma. The resulting practices of representation not only marginalize and oppress people affected, but also fuel the spread of the disease. In this essay we have examined how photographic representations either contribute to or break with stereotypical portrayals of HIV/AIDS. We began by discussing realist positions, which view photographs as authentic representations of external realities. Various problems emerge from such assumptions. When photographs are accepted as unquestioned factual representations, then our eyes become passive instruments, rather than tools for broadening vision and understanding. We forget that the photograph was framed by a particular person, who made a range of aesthetic and inherently subjective choices in this process. We have thus explored two approaches that use photography as an active catalyst for social change. Both approaches acknowledge that photographs cannot portray the world as it is, that they always involve both facts and feelings. Humanist engagements seek to employ iconic photographs as a way of visualizing the terrifying aspects that can be a part of the reality of HIV/AIDS, hoping that the so generated sentiments in western viewers would serve as a catalyst for social and political change. Pluralist photography, by contrast, is more concerned with finding ways through which people can express the multiple and often local manifestations of what it means to live with HIV/AIDS. Such forms of representation can open up possibilities for a democratic and constructive public dialogue.

IL Ext. (Plan = Stigma) (2/2)

The viral metaphor leads us to connect medical pathogens with cultural stigma. Schell, 97 [Heather, PhD, Stanford University, MA, Georgetown University, BSFS, Georgetown University,
Ph.D. in Modern Thought and Literature at Stanford University; She is currently teaching Women's Studies and English at Miami University. Outburst! A Chilling True Story about Emerging-Virus Narratives and Pandemic Social Change] Viral metaphors garner their power and persuasive force by complementing our understanding of viral truth. As anthropologist Mary Douglas aptly noted, Western definitions of dirt and contagion are now mediated by hygiene: "It is difficult to think of dirt except in the context of pathogenicity." 42 The cultural meaning behind our ideas of contagion can easily be dismissed by reference to the medical aim. In the context of this essay, I want to emphasize that the conception of viral contagion as traffic is only one of the available metaphors based on the common scientific understanding of epidemics. For example, some recent explanations of the origin of AIDS suggest the importation of African monkeys into the United States for medical research concurrent with vaccination programs in Africa as the means by which it spread so rapidly to both continents. 43 Hemorrhagic fevers have historically gained epidemic strength only when amplified by hospital practices. Medical staff frequently misdiagnose hemorrhagic fevers, which at first resemble more innocuous, endemic fevers like malaria; the lack of barrier techniques and the reuse of needles and bedding that these rural hospitals' poverty requires [End Page 104] quickly transmit this blood-borne illness to the staff as well as other patients. 44 The outbreak of a hemorrhagic fever in Marburg, Germany, took place in a laboratory experimenting on infected monkeys. 45 Therefore, one could argue that Western medicine is one of the social practices most likely to cause epidemics. Viral injection might just as well have been the term chosen to express the introduction of viruses into new populations.

IMPACT Ext. (STIGMA TURNS CASE) (1/1)

Stigma stops effective response. It needs to be solved first. Lisa Forman, 2004 [ Doctoral Candidate, University of Toronto, Faculty of Law; Both Medium and Message: HIV/AIDS, Information and Communication in Africa; Journal of Law and Policy for the Information Society]
Nonetheless, significant obstacles to effectiveness remain: limited resources, stigmatization and discrimination of PLWHA, a lack of information to enable appropriate behavioral changes and to counter the dangerous social consequences of misinformation and myths about the disease, and continuing social and political silence and denial about the disease. There are also continuing political and legal battles over the ability of developing countries to take all measures necessary to procure and provide essential HIV/AIDS medicines.

A2: REPS SOLVE STIGMA (1/1)

Communication does nothing to stop the stigma of AIDS. Lisa Forman, 2004 [ Doctoral Candidate, University of Toronto, Faculty of Law; Both Medium and Message: HIV/AIDS, Information and Communication in Africa; Journal of Law and Policy for the Information Society] In all regions and at all times, HIV/AIDS has been
characterized by pervasive prejudice and stigma. People infected - or thought to be so - have routinely experienced social and political isolation and marginalization, and have often been abandoned and expelled by families and communities, or subjected to intimidation and violence. This prejudice has been a direct cause of pervasive human rights violations against PLWHA, particularly in the form of systemic discrimination and breaches of privacy rights. Although some countries now provide explicit legal protection for PLWHA, 36 there is ongoing discrimination against PLWHA, including in health care and employment. 37 This stigma and discrimination has complex and multiple causes. UNAIDS reports that the stigma is: triggered by many forces, including lack of understanding of the disease, myths about how HIV is transmitted, prejudice, lack of treatment, irresponsible media reporting on the epidemic, the fact [*181] that AIDS is incurable, social fears about sexuality, fears relating to illness and death, and fears about illicit drugs and injecting drug use. 38 The stigma attached to the disease, and the direct negative consequences attached to being HIV positive, perpetuate a persistent social and often political silence about and denial of HIV/AIDS. In high-prevalence developing countries, silence and denial are deepened by the fear of being ill without accessible and effective health care. In this atmosphere, people are unlikely to be receptive to prevention messages, and have little incentive to be tested. Silence and denial considerably limit effective availability of communication and information about the disease amongst the individuals and communities most at risk. This is exacerbated when national, community, and religious leaders and policy- makers collude with social silence and denial, and deny both the existence of the problem and the fact that it requires urgent action. 39 The silencing effect is such that those infected "feel guilty and ashamed, unable to express their views[,] and fearful that they will not be taken seriously." 40 Fear of being openly HIV positive is particularly damaging to efforts to normalize the consequences of infection, and significantly limits the participation of PLWHA in AIDS programs. In these and other ways, silence and denial pose tremendous obstacles to mounting an effective response to the epidemic by limiting prevention, treatment, and impact alleviation, and increasing vulnerability to infection. In addition to legal protections and strong leadership, the free flow of information and communication is critical to overcoming the constrictive vise which silence, denial, and discrimination place on appropriate responses to the epidemic.

***ALTERNATIVE***

ALTSOLVENCY (1/2)
An alteration in the discourse of medicine and nation-building is a pre-requisite to solving for diseasethere is no other way to escape the socioeconomic legacy that colonialism and representations of disease imposed on Africa. Lund 2003 (Giuliana, University of Minnesota
HEALING THE NATION: MEDICOLONIAL DISCOURSE AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY FROM APARTHEID TO TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION, Spring, 2003) Project Muse. From at least the nineteenth century onward, medicine has been seen in the West as one of the first duties of the state. This reasoning has been applied in South Africa as well, and the provision of medical care to local populations has often been used to legitimate colonization despite the fact that such provisions were spotty at best and hardly offset the increased mortality and morbidity among Africans brought on by the introduction of new diseases through European expansion as well as the more indirect but no less deadly spread of malnutrition and diseases of poverty. Moreover, what medicine was made available to (or sometimes imposed on) Africans was often tied to missionary activity aimed at gaining support for Christian methods of healing at the expense of local methods, using the technologies of civilization to undermine the authority of local rulers and healers (such as the sangoma). In the twentieth century, health care has also become one of the primary concessions used to coopt the emerging black middle class (Marks and Andersson 1989, 524). In other words, medicine has often played the role in South Africa (as elsewhere) of handmaiden to colonialism and political palliative. Since the peaceful accession to power of the ANC in 1994, commentators have declared a new South Africa. Yet, while the change in leadership has enabled the nation to accomplish a relatively smooth transition to democracy, it would be overly hasty and optimistic to claim that the country has entirely reinvented itself. It is never so easy to shrug off centuries of oppressive doctrine. Transforming a society must take place on many planes, including the political, legal, material, social, and cultural. It is not enough in the long term to change the structures of government; there must also be a concurrent alteration in the language of government, as well as the language of everyday life. The history of the continent stands as a warning of the ongoing hold of cultural imperialism on independent Africa: the cultural legacy as well as the socioeconomic legacy of colonialism lives on. Moreover, the material and the cultural are inextricably intertwined, so that to truly reinvent the nation, the people must also reinvent the discourse of nation building

ALTSOLVENCY (2/2)
Processes of de-contextualized representation are used as shocking, mobilizing tools recognizing that representation uses added baggage leads to better, more truthful representations. Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland, author, Griffith University in Australia; Amy,
Psychology Professor at Missouri Southern State University, Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163] In these photographs, Tenanesh seeks to capture the agonizing nature of living with HIV/AIDS. To do so she engages in a process of abstraction, just as humanist photography does. But the nature of Tenaneshs abstraction is fundamentally different form that of Hoopers. The humanist photographs of the latter contained elements of realism insofar as they sought to capture an authentic external reality: the real face HIV/AIDS as epitomized by a representative single person living with HIV/AIDS. A very particular image is frozen to then produce generalities from it. The process of representation and abstraction is masked by the shocking reality of the image. Tenaneshs portrayal of suffering, by contrast, makes representation its central theme. She does not try to produce a photograph that resembles some authentic external image of suffering. Her photographs are much more metaphorical. She seeks to capture the emotional dimensions of living with HIV/AIDS. And she does so by explicitly recognizing that photographs can never give us an authentic representation of the realities she lives in. We, as viewers of the photograph, are confronted with the process of representation as well: we are asked to imagine what it means for her to face HIV/AIDS. As a result, representation becomes a site of politics, open to interpretation and debate. The second type of photograph that Tenanesh took is illustrated in figures 4 to 6. Here her task was not directed towards representing suffering, but towards placing her existence in a larger personal and social context. As opposed to the Hooper photograph, these pictures do not portray a decontextualized world of darkness and gloom. Instead, Tenanesh wants to capture the dailyness of her life, its ups and downs, her determination to lead a relatively normal childhood. Perhaps she does so precisely because she was confined by her disease, unable to attend school or go outside for long. We cannot know that from the photographs alone. But we see a certain defiance, a playful defiance, and a way of demonstrating that she has not lost her agency. Tenanesh is not a passive victim in the way Hooper portrays Florence and Ssengabi. She has control of the camera, and with it she show that she has some control over her surroundings too. As opposed to Florence and Ssengabi, Tenaneshs identity is not reduced to that of a sufferer. She is also a child, a Christian, a member of a family, part of a social community. We are inevitably confronted with the fate of a single person, rather than an abstract image of a disease.

ALTSOLVENCY
Our alternative opens a discussion that solves imperialism and colonialism. Dillon 05 (Michael,
Cared to Death, Foucault Studies v2, http://www.foucault-studies.com/no2/dillon.pdf, prof. of politics at Lancaster University) Contra Ojakangas, then, biopolitics does reclaim the death function, for a number of reasons and in a variety of changing ways. It must do so. Reclaiming the death function is integral to its logic. It also reflects the changing operational dynamics of biopolitics. In relation to biopolitical logic: In the biopower system killing, or the imperative to kill, is acceptable only if it results not in a victory over political adversaries, but in the elimination of the biological threat to and the improvement of the species or race.18 It is acceptable and biopolitically necessary to kill, if not necessarily in the nomological sense of being exposed to death formulated in Agambens thesis of bare life. In relation to the operationalisation of biopolitics: if biopolitics is to promote, protect and invest life, it must engage in a continuous assay of life. This continuous biopolitical assaying of life proceeds through the epistemically driven and continuously changing interrogation of the worth and eligibility of the living across a terrain of value that is constantly changing. It is changing now, for example, in response to what the life sciences are teaching about what it is to be a living thing. It is changing as biopolitical investment analysts (politicians, risk analysts, governmental technologisers) also interrogate where the best returns on life investment happen to be located in the manifold circulation and transformation of life locally and globally. Life itself mutates in and through these very circuits, not least in relation to molecular biology and electronic communication. We can broadly interpret life science now to range from molecularised biology, through digitalization, to the new social and managerial sciences of development now prominent in the fields of global governmentality, global development policies, human security and even military strategic discourse including, for example, Operations Other than War.19 One might say in Heideggerian fashion that life is the stuff of biopolitics. In the process of reducing life to stuff, biopolitics must determine the quality of the stuff so that investment in its extraction, promotion and refinement may itself be continuously assessed. It follows that some life will be found to be worth investment, some life less worth investment, while other life may prove intractable to the powers of investment and the demands it makes on life. Here, assaying morphs into evaluating the eligibility and not simply the expected utility of life forms. Ultimately, some life may turn out to be positively inimical to the circulation of life in which this investment driven process of biopolitics continuously trades, and have to be removed from life if its antipathy to biopoliticised life cannot otherwise be adapted, correctedor contained. Behind the life-charged rhetoric of biopolitics, lies the biologisation of life to which biopolitics is committed, the violence of that biologisation and the reduction of the classical political question concerning the good life (and the good death) to that of the endlessly extendable, fit and adaptable life.20 The good life Agamben refigures in terms of the pure he also says profane but note that there is no profanity without sanctity immanence of happy life.21

ALTDISCOURSE SOLVENCY (1/1)

Changing discourse about disease solves for the criticism. Mbali, 2004 [Mandisa, majored in History and English in undergrad. degree at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, has Honors and Masters degrees in History. AIDS Discourses and the South African State: Government denialism and post-apartheid AIDS policy-making]
If Western nationhood in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was defined in Europe, against the negative of .native. sexuality and its diseased-ness, should we see Mbeki.s misguided attempt to rehabilitate African sexuality as an attempt to redefine South Africa nationhood and the body politic, in terms of his misty concept of the .African Renaissance? Can government denialism.s attempt to re-mould images of African sexuality, by denying the veracity of mainstream Western biomedicines model of AIDS, be seen as a nationalistic one to defend the nation against ideas that it is degenerate? Certainly metaphors and technologies of power based around notions of contaminated/pure blood, protecting the health of the racially-defined nations children formed part of the legitimisation of institutionalised control of sexuality by the power/knowledge regime, both in colonies and the metropole and in late apartheid South Africa (Jochelson 2001). Government AIDS denialists have reverted to the past to argue against discourse, which for the most part had been massively surpassed in the .AIDS world. by rights-based, anti-discrimination discourse and a shift to a medical, technical, non-.moralistic./stigmatising approach. The key question is whether key governmental actors, who still appear influenced by AIDS denialism, such as the Health Minister will be able to get out of the constraints of discourse defined by the boundaries of nationalism and colonialism?

ALTSOLVENCY PLURALISM (1/2)

The alternatives pluralistic nature empowers people living with disease, allowing affected people themselves to change the global image of AIDS. Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland, author,
Griffith University in Australia; Amy, Psychology Professor at Missouri Southern State University, Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163] There are alternatives to iconic humanist photography. These alternatives are of a more pluralist nature, consisting of attempts to open up spaces for people living with HIV/AIDS to decide for themselves how they would like to be represented, and how these representations should be employed. Trying to understand the potential and limits of such approaches, we have examined Eric Gottesmans collaborative approach with HIV/AIDS-affected children in a community of Addis Ababa. Here we see very different images of what it means to live with HIV/AIDS. We do not see victims stripped of voice and representational authority. Instead, each child finds her or his own way of representing life with a stigmatized disease. In the photographs we analyzed, for instance, we saw a twelve year old girl, Tenanesh, trying to capture her unique struggle and her normal daily routine of living with HIV/AIDS. The Addis Ababa project alone will not change the global image of HIV/AIDS, but it has empowered those who participated in it, giving them the opportunity to express their own visions of what HIV/AIDS means, using collaborative and dialogical means to do so. And, perhaps more importantly, it is part of a broader, long-term and much needed process of finding more diverse and appropriate ways of representing what it means to live with HIV/AIDS.

ALTSOLVENCY PLURALISM (2/2)

The alternative is a pre-requisite to the affirmative - it can disrupt hierarchies and power relations by allowing those who are affected to decide how they wish to represent themselves this would open spaces for people to directly confront the problems that affect them. Lund 2003
(Giuliana, University of Minnesota HEALING THE NATION: MEDICOLONIAL DISCOURSE AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY FROM APARTHEID TO TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION, Spring, 2003) Project Muse. To scrutinize this potential we now examine what we call pluralist photography. Just as humanist approaches do, pluralist ones oppose the realist belief that photographs are authentic and value-free representations of the world. Photography is seen in the context of socio-political practices. And it is endowed with the explicit mission to actively shape these practices. But as opposed to humanist photography, pluralist approaches do not aim to capture a generic and universal notion of suffering. Photography is, instead, seen as a method to validate multiple local knowledges and practices, thereby disrupting existing hierarchies and power relationships as for instance the ability of western photographers and media representations to frame the suffering of others. The basic idea behind this approach is to provide people affected by HIV/AIDS with the power to decide for themselves what kind of information and representation is most appropriate to capture the social, political, ethics and psychological challenges they face. The ideal result of this practice is a form of dialogue that opens up spaces for communities to work through the problems that confront them. Photography would then facilitate what Francois Debrix and Cynthia Weber (Debrisx, 2003: ix) called a ritual of pluralization: a practice of mediation whereby the represented person takes an active role in the process of inscribing social meaning, but does so without attaching to it an exclusive claim that silences other positions and experiences.

Refusing to universalize stigmas associated with disease opens the possibility to gain better political attitudes and practices, solving the HIV/AIDS impact. Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland,
author, Griffith University in Australia; Amy, Psychology Professor at Missouri Southern State University, Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163] Pluralist approaches offer a viable alternative to realist and humanist photography. This is not to say that they are without problems. As any other form of photographic engagement, pluralist approaches too are always open to political interpretation and appropriation, for better or worse. But because pluralist photography refuses to universalize suffering it is less likely to lead to stereotypical representations. Particularly when embedded in community projects that promote dialogue, pluralist photography more so than any other photographic practice has the potential to challenge some of the deeply entrenched and highly problematic taboos and stigmas that are associated with HIV/AIDS. Or so suggests the type of interpretative research and analysis we have conducted for this essay. Whether or not our results can be confirmed by empirical evidence remains to be seen. Doing so is no easy task, for, as Stanley Cohen and Bruna Seu (2002: 188) stress, far more is known about the space between the pristine object the tortured body, the massacred corpses, the homeless refugee- and its public representation that the space between the resultant image and its public perception. The exact impact of pluralist photography on sociopolitical discourses remains to be investigated, and it can be done only through carefully designed empirical case studies. But such studies are only possible once we have more systematic insight into the representative practices that characterize our knowledge of and political attitudes towards HIV/AIDS. Contributing to this process has been the main objective of our paper, and we hope that by doing so we have taken a modest step towards dismantling some of the stigma and discrimination that continue to shape the impact of HIV/AIDS.

REPS/REJ KEY (1/3)

Discourse empowered development from mere theory; we must challenge it Escobar, 1995
(Arturo, associate professor of anthropology at University of Mass, Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World, p.53) It has often been said that classical political economy was the rationalization of certain hegemonic class interests: those of a capitalist world economy centered in England and its bourgeoisie. The same can be said of development economics in relation to the project of capitalist modernization launched by the core nations after the Second World War. Indeed, the set of imperatives the United States faced after the warthe five imperatives mentioned earlier: to consolidate the core, find higher rates of profit abroad, secure control of raw materials, expand overseas markets for American products, and deploy a system of military tutelage-shaped the constitution of development economics. Yet development economics should not be seen as the ideological or superstructural reflection of this set of imperatives. This interpretation would only relate a certain descriptive discourse (a set of assertions about a given economy: the five imperatives) to another discourse enunciated in the form of theoretical propositions (namely, development economics). That is, one should avoid falling back into the division between the "ideal" (the theory) and the "real" (the economy); instead one should investigate the epistemological and cultural conditions of the production of discourses that command the power of truth, and the specific mode of articulation of these discourses upon a given historical situation. From this perspective, the emergence of development economics was not due to theoretical, institutional, or methodological advances. It was due to the fact that a certain historical conjuncture transformed the mode of existence of economic discourse, thus making possible the elaboration of new objects, concepts, and methodologies. Economics was called upon to reform societies perceived as underdeveloped, based on a new grid for theoretical interpretation (Keynesian and growth economics) and new technologies for social management (planning and programming). Said differently, the fact that the economic, political, and institutional changes of the period shaped the consciousness and perceptions of the economists was true in a number of ways-for instance, the need for economic expansion influenced the (continued) economists' concern with growth; the rising tide of multinational corporations influenced the economists' attention to capital accumulation via industrialization; and so on. Those changes, however, exerted their effect on economic discourse through other mechanisms as well: by opening new fields for the construction of economic objects; by conferring a new status on economists and their science; and by multiplying the sites from which the discourse could be produced and from which its associated practices could be set into motion.

REPS/REJ KEY (2/3)

Their attempt to represent has ideological implicationscentralized organizations are always biased in relation to those in power. The winners write the histories. Escobar, 1995
(Arturo, associate professor of anthropology at University of Mass, Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World, p.53) Because often decisions are made by centralized organizations headed by representatives of ruling groups, the whole work of organizations is biased in relation to those in power. Our relation to others in our society and beyond is mediated by the social organization of its ruling. Our knowledge is thus ideological in the sense that this social organization preserves conceptions and means of description which represent the world as it is for those who rule it, rather than as it is for those who are ruled. (Smith 1974, 267) This has far-reaching consequences, because we are constantly implicated and active in this process. But how does the institutional production of social reality work? A basic feature of this operation is its reliance on textual and documentary forms as a means of representing and preserving a given reality. Inevitably, texts are detached from the local historical context of the reality that they supposedly represent. For bureaucracy is par excellence that mode of governing that separates the performance of ruling from particular individuals, and makes organization independent of particular persons and local settings Today, large-scale organization inscribes its processes into documentary modes as a continuous feature of its functioning This [produces] a form of social consciousness that is the property of organizations rather than of the meeting of individuals in local historical settings. (Smith 1984, 62)

REPS/REJ KEY (3/3)

Representing or rescuing the voices of others is conceited; the discourse in the affirmative produces such images for the purposes of symbolic cannibalism Escobar, 1995 (Arturo, associate professor of anthropology at University of Mass, Encountering Development:
The Making and Unmaking of the Third World, p.53) As Michael Taussig (1987, 135) said, From the represented shall come that which overturns the representation. He continues, commenting on the absence of the narratives of South American indigenous peoples from most representations about them, It is the ultimate anthropological conceit, anthropology in its highest, indeed redemptive, moment, rescuing the voice of the Indian from the obscurity of pain and time (135).This is to say that as much as the plain exclusion of the peasants voice in rural development discourse, this conceit to speak for the others, perhaps even to rescuer their voice, as Taussig says, must be avoided. The fact that violence is a cultural manifestation of hunger applies not only to hungers physical aspects but to the violence of representation. The development discourse has turned its representations of hunger into an act of consumption of images and feelings by the well nourished, an act of cannibalism, as Cinema Novo artists would have it. This consumption is a feature of modernity, we are reminded by Foucault (1975, 84) (It is just that the illness of some should be transformed into the experience of others). But the regimes of representation that produce this violence are not easily neutralized, as the next chapter will show.

Rhetoric is key to the critique: the affs representation of the West and its others is key to its hegemonic success Escobar, 1995 (Arturo, associate professor of anthropology at University of Mass, Encountering Development:
The Making and Unmaking of the Third World, p.53) The coherence of effects that the development discourse achieved is the key to its success as a hegemonic form of representation: the construction of the poor and underdeveloped as universal, preconstituted subjects, based on the privilege of the representers; the exercise of power over the Third World made possible by this discursive homogenization (which entails the erasure of the complexity and diversity of Third World peoples, so that a squatter in Mexico City, a Nepalese peasant, and a Tuareg nomad become equivalent to each other as poor and underdeveloped); and the colonization and domination of the natural and human ecologies and economies of the Third World.

***CASE STUFF***

IMPACTSSKEPTICISM (1/1)
To Africa, disease language is a means of expanding racism and imperialism. Extending health care to nations is perceived as an imposition of the true science. The rhetoric in the affirmative only serves to engender disease skepticism within African governments which turns the aff Lund 2003 (Giuliana, University of Minnesota HEALING THE NATION:
MEDICOLONIAL DISCOURSE AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY FROM APARTHEID TO TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION, Spring, 2003) Project Muse. Unfortunately, the predominant language of plague persists seemingly regardless of actual medical crises and does not appear to contribute positively to combating illness. Instead of laying the preoccupation with plague to rest, the fall of apartheid has only brought the fear of contagion back to center stage as populations begin to mingle freely again and the nation as a whole pays an increasing price for years of poor conditions and medical neglect of the majority, factors that have encouraged the spread of contagious diseases like tuberculosis and AIDS, which have reached epidemic proportions in South Africa. 13 Moreover, the history of medicine in Africa and its association with brutally exploitative colonial expansion has made many black Africans skeptical of its value. Unallayed, such skepticism can have disastrous effects. The policy decision of President Thabo Mbeki and his health ministry not to supply AZT to pregnant women infected with HIV has caused and international scandal, as has his willingness to listen to so-called AIDS dissidents who maintain, against vast scientific evidence to the contrary, that HIV is not the cause of AIDS. With approximately sixty thousand babies born infected each year in South Africa, Mbeki has been accused of irresponsibility that borders on criminality (Schoofs 2000). While the stakes are very high indeed, the controversy itself is counterproductive, escalating in tone while the parties continue to overlook [the] cultural and economic/political differences behind it (James 2000). Accusing Mbeki of practicing voodoo science relegates the black man once again to the position of an ignorant tribesman steeped in magical traditions and paints the West as the bearer of rationality and enlightenment: true science. Such loaded language is unlikely to prevail on Mbeki to change his policy; more likely, it will confirm to him the racism of the West and provide him with an excuse for further skepticism and tragic inaction.

IMPACTSNUMBING (1/1)
Their representations cause numbing which prevents solvency Escobar, 1995, (Arturo, Associate professor of Anthropology at University of Mass, Encountering
Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World, p.85 To be blunt, one could say that the body of the malnourished- the starving African portrayed on so many covers of Western magazines, or the lethargic South American child to be adopted for $16 a month portrayed in the advertisements of the same magazines- is the most striking symbol of the power of the First World over the Third. A whole economy of discourse and unequal power relations is encoded in that body. We may say, following Teresa de Lauretis (1987), that there is a violence of representation at play here. This violence, moreover, is extreme; scientific representations of hunger and overpopulation (they often go together) are most dehumanizing and objectifying. After all, what we are talking about when we refer to hunger or overpopulation is people, human life itself; but it all becomes, for Western science and media, helpless and formless (dark) masses, items to be counted and measured by demographers and nutritionists, or systems with feedback mechanisms in the model of the body espoused by physiologists and biochemists. The language of hunger and the hunger of language join forces not only to maintain a certain social order but to exert a kind of symbolic violence that sanitizes the discussion of the hungry and the malnourished. It is thus that we come to consume hunger in the West; in the process our sensitivity to suffering and pain becomes numbed by the distancing effect that the language of academics and experts achieved. To restore vividness and political efficacy to the language becomes almost an impossible task (Scheper-Hughes 1992).

***Neg Answers***

AT PERM (1/3)
The aff cant access the alternative biopower is totalizing. Bell in 2005(colleen, Biopolitical Strategies of Security: Considerations on Canadas New National Security Policy, http://www.yorku.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP34-Bell.pdf)
This coincides with both Giorgio Agamben's and Zygmut Baumans argument that the project of biopolitics contains a form of thanatopolitics of population purification because to manage the health of the body politic inescapably requires the control and elimination of foreign bodies. The biopolitical 35 strategies intended to manage the political problem of the population, to protect the inside from internal discord or disunity, intersect with various forms of national policy/power that present the collusion of modern power with sovereign and juridical power, and population with territory. Indeed, the problem of 36 the population was first signified by a shift in focus from epidemics characterized by fleeting disasters causing mass death, to endemics involving difficult to eradicate and often permanent illnesses rife in a population that led to the introduction of national standards and centralized institutions for the management of the health of the population. Canadas national security policy is designed to respond to fleeting natural 37 or technological disasters, as well as long-term pandemic disease outbreaks and terrorism as objects of security. As a thanopolitical governmental tactic, however, the policy does not merely encapsulate issues from disease to terrorism, but functions as a cleansing strategy that constitutes these issues as indeterminate security risks that require continual monitoring and intervention. As Foucault contended that since the eighteenth century rationalities of government have been filtered through security, modern society, he concluded, is a society of security. 38

Using the government makes is impossible to question notions of power theyre mutually exclusive. Mitchell Dean, Professor, Sociology, Macquarie University, GOVERNMENTALITY: POWER
AND RULE IN MODERN SOCIETY, London: Sage, 1999, p. 47. The elaboration of a notion of government marks the definitive rejection of a certain type of radical declamatory rhetoric of power and the beginning of a project to think about the problem of regulation outside earlier models of power. The focus on government seeks to displace both the notion of power as repression or interdiction that Foucault had traced to the `juridical-political theory of sovereignty' and his own earlier attempts to rethink power in terms of `the discourse of war and domination'. `Power is less a confrontation between two adversaries or the linking of one to the other than a question of government . . . [which] did not refer only to political structures or to the management of states; rather it designated the way in which the con-duct of individuals or groups might be directed' (Foucault, 1982: 221). Importantly, then, the notion of government stands as an attempt to pose the question of the epistemological and technical conditions of existence of the political, to analyse the historical a priori by which we construct politics as a domain of thought and action, and to analyse the instrumentation, vocabulary and forms of reason by which this is done. If, for Kant, `critique' is the study of the conditions of true knowledge, the study of governmentality is a kind of critique of political reason, in as much as it seeks to investigate some of the hitherto silent conditions under which we can think and act politically. Perhaps, as we have suggested before, given the association of critique with the universal foundations of truth and right, it is better to refer to Foucault's task as a criticism of political reason, as he does in the English title of his lectures at Stanford (Foucault, 1981).

AT PERM (2/3)
Using the state perpetuates the logic that continues oppression at the basic level.
Michel Foucault, philosopher, On Popular Justice, POWER KNOWLEDGE: SELECTED INTERVIEWS AND OTHER WRITINGS 1972-1977, 1980, ed. C. Gordon p. 26-27 FOUCAULT: Fine. But you will grant me that what is thought by the mass of the French proletariat is not the thought of Mao Tse-Tung and it is not necessarily a revolutionary ideology. Moreover, you say that there must be a revolutionary state apparatus in order to regulate this new unity between the proletariat and the marginalised people. Agreed, but you will also grant me that the forms of state apparatus which we inherit from the bourgeois apparatus cannot in any way serve as a model for the new forms of organisation. The court, dragging along with it the ideology of bourgeois justice and those forms of relations between judge and judged, between judge and the parties to the action, between judge and litigant, which typify bourgeois justice, seems to me to have played a very significant role in the domination of the bourgeoisie. When we talk about courts we're talking about a place where the struggle between the contending forces is willy-nilly suspended: where in every case the decision arrived at is not the outcome of this struggle but of the intervention of an authority which necessarily stands above and is foreign to the contending forces, an authority which is in a position of neutrality between them and consequently can and must.in every case decide which party to the dispute has justice on its side. The court implies, therefore, that there are categories which are common to the parties present (penal categories such as theft, fraud; moral categories such as honesty and dishonesty) and that the parties to the dispute agree to submit to them. Now, it is all this that the bourgeoisie wants to have believed in relation to justice, to its justice. All these ideas are weapons which the bourgeoisie has put to use in its exercise of power. This is why I find the idea of a people's court difficult to accept, especially if intellectuals must play the roles of prosecutor or judge in it, because it is precisely the intellectuals who have been the intermediaries in the bourgeoisie's spreading and imposing of the ideological themes that I'm talking about.

The representations of the affirmative are part of the authoritative and biopolitical forms of governmental power. Mitchell Dean, Professor, Sociology, Macquarie University,
GOVERNMENTALITY: POWER AND RULE IN MODERN SOCIETY, London: Sage, 1999, p. 204. It would be a mistake to think that liberal forms of rule are succeeded in the twentieth century by social forms on the one hand, and authoritarian governmentality on the other. Since the liberal art of government concerns the constant struggle to achieve an equilibrium between economic government and a government of the processes of life, between a political economy and a biopolitics of the population, it must situate itself in relation to knowledges of the social, biological, economic and cultural processes found within populations. As a critique of `too much government' which is at the same time compelled to govern on behalf of the welfare of the population, liberalism's processes of self-review invariably entail a dialogical relation with a knowledge of life, of health and of the relations between humans as individuals and groups. The social may not be reducible to liberal arts of government, but is one possible structure in which the liberal ethos of review can be brought into a dialogue with the various forms of knowledge of those processes that are external and necessary to the exercise of formal political authority. Moreover, the development of the social as a domain of struggle and contestation is fostered by the emergence of liberal democratic forms of sovereignty with their civil and political freedoms and representative institutions.

AT PERM (3/3)
Using the state to reject representations allows disciplinary power to go unnoticed.
John S. Ransom, Associate Professor, Political Science, Dickinson College FOUCAULTS DISCIPLINE: THE POLITICS OF SUBJECTIVITY, 1997, p. 118-119. Foucault characterizes the exercise of power associated with discipline as dangerous. One sources of this danger is that in comparison with the operations of sovereignty, their operations are much more dispersed and anonymous. In the classic juridical theory, power is taken to be a right, which one is able to possess like a commodity, and which one can in consequence transfer or alienate, either wholly or partially. The theory concentrates on that concrete power which every individual holds and whose partial or total cession enables political power or sovereignty to be established. The functioning of power in the sovereignty model is relatively clear and simple. The functioning of disciplinary power, on the other hand, is notoriously difficult to follow. For instance, to extract labor power of increasing value from the human body, the body is subjected to a political technology, really abroad grid of disciplinary powers. This technology is diffuse, rarely formulated in continuous, systematic discourse; it is often made up of bits and pieces; it implements a disparate set of tools or methods. In spite of the coherence of its results, it is generally no more than a multiform instrumentation. Moreover, it cannot be localized in a particular type of institution or state apparatus In its mechanisms and its effects, it is situated at a quite different level. What the apparatuses and institutions operate is, in a sense, between these great functionings and the bodies themselves with their materiality and their forces. Difficult to localize, hard to formulate, and pulled together from diverse bits and pieces, such exercises of power are, as a result, resistant to analysis and focused opposition. This very difficulty we have in conceiving the exercise of power in terms other than those of the sovereignty model allows the exercise of disciplinary power to go undetected.

*** AFF ***

ALT FAILSK RE-ENTRENCHES (1/1)

Even critiques of disease representations fail to escape the medical metaphors used to prop up the same scientific establishment they attempt to get rid of. Lund 2003 (Giuliana, University of
Minnesota HEALING THE NATION: MEDICOLONIAL DISCOURSE AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY FROM APARTHEID TO TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION, Spring, 2003) Project Muse. In contrast to Camus, liberal South African fiction eliminates heroic medicine altogether. Where doctors do appear, they are implicated in the apartheid system, a reflection of class divisions and of the connections between medicine and imperialism in the region. In J. M. Coetzees Waiting for the Barbarians (1980), an indigene seeking medical aid encounters instead the devices of the empires doctor of interrogation and dies in custody. In Age of Iron, doctors are likened to policemen and hospitals to prisons (1990, 67, 70). In Brinks The Wall of the Plague ([1984] 1995), as in Nadine Gordimers short story City Lovers (1982), the primary function of South African doctors is to perform forced gynecological examinations to detect miscegenation. The doctor forcing his speculum into the body of the prone woman in Gordimers story offers a striking image of the collusion of medicine with state power in the name of physical purity and moral cleanliness. However, even when writers like Brink, Coetzee, and Gordimer critique the medical establishment for propping up the institutions of apartheid, their reliance on medical metaphors may inadvertently shore up the scientific authority and practices of that same establishment.

Photographs are subject to the details that the author CHOOSES to include or not include, and thus this form of representation is not better than the current form of representation. Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland and Amy, Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163] Realist
approaches portray photographs as neutral and value free, as reflecting an objective reality captured through the lens (see Hall, 1997: 98). Realism here does not refer to the complex theoretical approach that has shaped foreign policy and international relations theory (see Williams, 2005. We employ the term more as it is used in everyday language. It refers to the idea that photographs have a truth value, allowing the viewer realistic and authentic insight into the events and people they depict. In its pure form such a position is, we believe, not tenable. Photographs cannot portray the world as it is. A photograph is no different from any other form of representation, even though the seemingly realistic reproduction of external realities may deceive us initially. A photograph is taken at a certain time of the day, with a certain focus and from a certain angle. These choices make up the very essence of the photograph: its aesthetic quality. But they result from artistic and inevitably subjective decisions taken by the photographer - decisions that have nothing to do with the actual object that is photographed.

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Photography as a means of representation shows colonial influence and perpetrates the stigma that is attached to HIV/AIDS.

Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland and Amy, Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163] Humanist photography is the first of two non-realist approaches we examine in detail. We do so by focusing on a meanwhile iconic HIV/AIDS photograph taken by photojournalist Ed Hooper. It depicts a Ugandan mother and her baby, both in the last stages of fatal, AIDS related illness. We examine the Hooper photograph as a type of image that symbolizes broader western practices of representing HIV/AIDS in Africa. Taken in 1986, during the relatively early years of western recognition of the HIV/AIDS epidemic as a major crisis, the Hooper photograph reveals how HIV/AIDS was first visualized in the press, and how such early visualizations of suffering and victimization have had implications that still shape the HIV/AIDS discourse today (Bhattacharya et. al, 2005: 8). It also symbolizes how very specific, humanist forms of representations continue to influence our understanding of HIV/AIDS in Africa (for a recent example see Annan, Gordimer and Kennedy, 2003). The political assumption behind such humanist approaches is that images of suffering can invoke compassion in viewers, and that this compassion can become a catalyst for positive change. Although accepting the basic premise underlying this position, we inquire further into the values involved in these practices, and the type of change that issues from them. We show that humanist photographic engagements, well meant as they are, contain residues of colonial values. They are more likely to invoke pity, rather than compassion. They reflect how western and thus very often universalized - accounts of HIV/AIDS in Africa are based on very specific assumptions, even stigma, revolving around the portrayal of people affected by HIV/AIDS as passive victims removed from the everyday realities of the western world.

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Photographs are not a better representation of reality than our disease representation. They are less open to contestation Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland and Amy, Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163]
Photographs deceive. They seem to give us a glimpse of the real. They provide us with the seductive belief that what we see in a photograph is an authentic representation of the world: a slice of life that reveals exactly what was happening at a particular moment. This is the case because a photograph is, as Roland Barthes (1977: 17) stresses, a message without a code. As opposed to a linguistic representation, for instance, or a painting, a photograph is a perfect analogon. Indeed, its very nature, as Barthes continues, is defined by this analogical perfection. In the realm of documentary photography, for instance, it was for long commonly assumed that a photographer, observing the world from a distance, is an objective witness to political phenomena, providing authentic representations of, say, war or poverty (see Strauss, 2003: 45). Theoretically such realist positions hinge on the belief that a photograph can represent its object in a neutral and valuefree way, transferring meaning from one site to another without affecting the objects nature and signification in the process. Debrix (2003, xxiv, xxvii-xxx) stresses that this belief is part of a long western search for transcendental knowledge, be it of a spiritual or secular nature. While most scholars who work on photography acknowledge that photographs mimic vision in one way or another, few if any claim that such representations, even if they are pictorial simulacra, are authentic representations of the world as it is (see Friday, 2000: 356-75). We agree. But rather than critiquing realist understandings of photography in detail we find it more productive to explore how alternative approaches recognize that photographs are practices of representations and thus of an inherently political nature. Two aspects make such alternatives to realism convincing. First, and as already mentioned: a photographic representation reflects certain aesthetic choices. It cannot be neutral because it always is an image chosen and composed by a particular person. It is taken form a particular angle, and then produced and reproduced in for itself. manner, to be viewed and a range Second, and more importantly: a photograph cannot speak a certain It needs thereby excluding interpreted. This is why Barthes (1977: 17-19) stresses that instance, always 2003: 46, Barthes, 1977: 19). of alternative ways of capturing the object in question (see, for there areSontag, two aspects to a photograph. There is the denoted message, which is the above-mentioned analogically perfect representation of a visual image. But there is also a conoted message, which includes how a photograph is read and interpreted, how it fits into existing practices of knowledge and communication. Some refer to this process more specifically as secondary image construction, which takes place when photographs are selected out from their original ordering and narrative context, to be placed alongside textual information and reports in a publication (Hall 1997: 86). It is not our intention to engage this complex and rather diverse literature on photography, except to stress that there is wide-spread scholarly agreement that a conoted message cannot take the form of an unmediated representation of reality. John Berger (1980: 55), for instance, points out that photographs only preserve instant appearances. When we look at a photograph we never just look at a photograph alone. We actually look at a complex relationship between a photograph and ourselves (Berger, 1977: 9). Our viewing experience is thus intertwined not only with previous experiences, such as our memory of other photographs we have seen in the past, but also with the values and visual traditions that are accepted as common sense by established societal norms. Guy Debord (1992: 4), likewise, stresses how everything directly lived becomes distanced through representation. It becomes part of a spectacle, which he defines as social relationship between people that is mediated by images. For David Levi Strauss (2003: 45) the important aspect of this process is that there are always relations of power at stake, that there is always an attempt to tell a story, and that this story is always told form a particular, politically charged angle.

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Photographs give the false sense of reality, and that means that photographs in the media are politically charged, and not an effective means of neutral representation. Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland and Amy, Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local
Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163] What makes photographs unusually powerful and at times problematic - is that their analogically perfect representation of a visual image masks the political values that such representations embody. The assumption that photographs are neutral, value free and evidential, is reinforced because photography captures memorable faces and events. We forget, as photojournalist David Pearlmutter (1998: 28) puts it, that the lens is focused by a hand directed by a human eye. Add to this that the public rarely sees the news media as purveyors of commercially profitable stories and images. Instead, the news is perceived as a reflection of the actual, as a neutral mediator between a subject and, in the case of most international news, an object usually located in another part of the world.

Photographs are more susceptible to exaggeration and make our current views about HIV/AIDS fixed, making stigma more unchangeable Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland and Amy,
Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163] The fusion of information and entertainment, and the commercial need for recognizable headlines and simple stories, inevitably favors stereotypical representations over more complex ways of representing socio-political issues, such as HIV/AIDS. Barthes (1977: 22) even goes as far as arguing that a photograph only achieves meaning because of the existence of a store of stereotyped attitudes which form ready-made elements of signification. This tendency is exacerbated when a news item refers to events in the developing world. In such cases western media sources tend to fall back on the scripts of global news agencies circulated in wire services. Once the parameters of a news story have been set, coverage can lapse into a standard formula. Photography can thus give a pandemic such as HIV/AIDS the meaning of familiar crisis by cueing an audience to formulaic events via particular images. Such practices can, for instance, revolve around a micrograph picture of the virus or an image of a person dying of AIDS-related illnesses. They reinforce static pictures of HIV/AIDS and make it difficult to generate change (Watney, 1990). Photographs can thus strengthen the perception that the disease is not part of daily life, but a more remote death event (Wyschogrod 1973), to be feared by the public and managed by a mix of medicine and fate. By viewing a such pictures we strengthen a preconceived perspective, but fail to recognize the actual context and the complex social forces that helped create the event portrayed in the image (Strauss 2003: 169).

Photographs are political tools. Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland and Amy, Representing HIV/AIDS
in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163] Humanist photography has a mission: it aims to employ photography in the service of a human cause. Such photographic engagements emerged as a direct reaction against early realist tendencies to consider photographs as pieces of evidence, as authentic records that reflected a true image of the world. Humanist approaches, by contrast, stress that documentary photography can provide access to both facts and feelings. Lewis Hine, one of the early proponents of this position, stressed that he wanted to show things that had to be corrected (quoted in Stott 1973: 21). Photography can thus be used as a specific political tool, as a way of rallying public opinion in favor of a particular issue. We term this approach humanist because it contains key traits associated with humanism as it is broadly understood: a modern attempt to replace God with man, that is, to reject the notion of a divine will in favor of a world where people take charge (Caroll, 1993: 2). But humanism also created a specific understanding of agency and order, one that revolves around the search for certitude, one that sees humanity in absolute and often universal terms (see Edkins, 2005: 379; Doty, 1996: 24, 125)

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Photographs clash with cultural values and re-entrench the problems the aff tries to solve Also, countries shut themselves off to western media, forcing the media to regurgitate the false views of Africans Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland and Amy, Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and
Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163 The reaction of some local African governments to the crisis often exacerbated the effect of the stereotypical images that prevail in the western public discourse. Particularly fateful, Treichler (1999: 109) believes, is the combination of doomsday predictions by the western media and official denials by Third World governments. The latter not only increases fear, stigmatization and the spread of the disease, but paradoxically reinforces stereotypes. When western reporters seek to deal with HIV/AIDS in Africa their representations often clash with the institutionalization of silence imposed by local public policies. As a result, African ministries have often banned researchers and physicians from talking to the press. Various arguments are presented for such silencing, including fears that representations of HIV/AIDS could damage thriving industries, such as tourism, on which many African countries depend (Sabatier, 1988: 96 and Fleury, 2004: 1). The result is an entrenchment of the problematic practices described above: foreign reporters rely more heavily on available foreign sources, thus reinforcing pre-existing narratives of Africa and silencing the far more complex and intertwined local stories that characterize the epidemics spread and socio-political consequences. The so-produced dehumanizing images of Africa are not just reflective of media representations, but permeate most western engagements with the continent. Raymond Apthorpe (2001: 112), drawing on decades of experience with humanitarian work, emphasizes the deeply entrenched tendency of western development workers and aid agencies to rely on stereotypical, reproducible, recognizable and self-affirming views of Africa, thus reproducing a virtual reality that contains only token roots in the actual, domestic reality of the land beneath.

Photographs re-entrench the power relations between the photographer and the subject, further regulating the representation of true disease. Bleiker and Kay, 2007 [Roland and
Amy, Representing HIV/AIDS in Africa: Pluralist Photography and Local Empowerment; International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139163] One of the most obvious problems associated with the Hooper photograph is the unequal power relationship between the photographer and his object. Any western photographer, no matter how well meant and sensitive his or her artistic and political engagement are, operates at a certain distance from poverty, conflict and disaster. And there is, of course, an even greater distance between the viewers of the photographs and the content they convey. Hoopers subsequent reflections reveal that he was aware of this dilemma, oscillating between his humanist desire to draw attention to the AIDS crisis and an acute awareness of the privileged positions he occupied as a western photographer:

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Disease representations empower an all-encompassing security state. Eugene Thacker, March 2005[ 'Nomos, Nosos and Bios' ;Assistant Professor in the School of Literature,
Communication, and Culture at the Georgia Institute of Technology; author of two books: Biomedia and The Global Genome] But it is in this last element that Foucaults points about biopolitics have the most resonance for our current context of bioterrorism and emerging infectious disease. In his Collge lectures, Foucault says more about the governmentality specific to biopolitics. He asks, How can a power such as this kill, if it is true that its basic function is to improve life, to prolong its duration, to improve its chances, to avoid accidents, and to compensate for failings? (2003: 254). In other words, what is the relation between older forms of sovereignty and the emerging, modern biopolitical practices of public health policy, hospital reform, the professionalization of medicine, and the methods of statistics and demographics? Foucault offers one response, which is that the acquisition of power over man insofar as man is a living being, that the biological came under State control, that there was at least a certain tendency that leads to what might be termed State control of the biological (2003: 239-40). But how is the exceptional character of sovereign power instantiated in such decentralized systems, in which the bureaucratic management of numbers and bodies takes hold? There must be some set of principles for allowing, in exceptional circumstances, the introduction of sovereign power. In other words, there must be some set of conditions that can be identified as a threat, such that a corresponding state of emergency can be claimed, in which the formerly decentralized apparatus of biopolitics suddenly constricts into the exception of sovereignty. It is at this moment that racism is inscribed as the basic mechanism of power, as it is exercised in modern States (2003: 254). But I would argue that Foucault means racism here in a specific, medical and biological sense. Racism in this sense is a biologically-inflected political relation in which war is rendered as fundamentally biological: Wars are no longer waged in the name of a sovereign who must be defended; they are waged on behalf of the existence of everyone; entire populations are mobilized for the purpose of wholesale slaughter in the name of life necessity: massacres have become vital the existence in question is no longer the juridical existence of sovereignty; at stake is the biological existence of a population. (1978: 137) In a curious turn of phrase, Foucault later calls this a democratization of sovereignty, a condition in which the sovereign state of emergency emerges through a widespread and generalized threat to the population (2003: 37). In such conditions, both a medical-biological view of the population, and a statistical-informatic means of accounting for the population, converge in the identification of potential threats and possible measures of security. In a sense, it is war that acts as the hinge between population and information, but a war that always puts at stake the biological existence of the population (and thus nation). The body natural, even as it serves as an analogy for the body politic, is always what is fundamentally at stake in the body politic.

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Solely focusing on the negative aspects of medicine and disease representations does nothing. Concentrating on the positive aspects of development is essential to critical historical analysis without it, the alternative fails. Lund 2003 (Giuliana, University of Minnesota HEALING
THE NATION: MEDICOLONIAL DISCOURSE AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY FROM APARTHEID TO TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION, Spring, 2003) Project Muse. In the quest for cultural growth, it is important to recognize that the language of liberalism is implicated in the conceptual framework that enabled apartheidthe rhetoric of healing, the desire for separate development, and the implementation of segregation were not purely right-wing or Afrikaner affairs. Quite to the contrary, segregation was often supported by British liberals who felt that by separating Africans from those of European descent they could protect the Africans from the destructive influences of urban life. In this respect, political debates over segregation paralleled the ideological confrontation around imperialism: racism and the idea of separate development were not solely the ideological terrain of enthusiastic imperialists, but also of paternalistic liberals who veiled their economic interests and disease with the African environment and peoples as concern for the welfare of the downtrodden. Whether the goal was healing, evangelizing, or civilizing, the result was decidedly prejudicial to the well-being of the colonized. This does not mean that all Western medicine, religion, and culture should be dispensed with wholesale, but rather that the ways in which fields like medicine are manipulated by different political ideologies must be taken into consideration. The tremendous moral and scientific authority of medicine makes the necessity for critical historical analysis all the more essential. If the focus here is on the negative aspects of biological analogies rather than their positive contributions to development, that is because this work is intended as a corrective to the pervasive romanticization of medical discourse that has prevailed for so long in South Africa.

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Permutation is the best vehicle for solvency disease discourse should be open to critical reflection in order to avoid the negative aspects of biomedical rhetoric while simultaneously embracing the beneficial, non-inflated representations through a revision of rhetoric in order to counter oppressive ideologies. Lund 2003 (Giuliana, University of Minnesota HEALING THE NATION: MEDICOLONIAL DISCOURSE
AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY FROM APARTHEID TO TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION, Spring, 2003) Project Muse. In light of the central place of plague in the imaginary of colonial and apartheid South Africa, it is crucial to appraise the ongoing discourse of healing in the region in order to evaluate its degree of continuity with or disjunction from earlier forms of biomedical rhetoric. Medical discourses must be opened up to critical reflection so that informed decisions can be reached about which ideas and words to embrace and which to avoid due to a historical baggage that outweighs their potential benefits. The key question that remains to be answered is to what extent the language of healing in South Africa is still mired in a medicolonial discourse associated with evangelism, imperialist expansion, uneven development, and apartheid. The flip side of this query is how successful South Africa will be in revising the rhetoric of plague so as to counter its political pitfalls and take into account indigenous conceptions of communal suffering and well-being.

PERM- SOLVENCY
Solely focusing on the negative aspects of medicine and disease representations does nothing. Concentrating on the positive aspects of development is essential to critical historical analysis without it, the alternative fails. Lund 2003 (Giuliana, University of Minnesota HEALING
THE NATION: MEDICOLONIAL DISCOURSE AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY FROM APARTHEID TO TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION, Spring, 2003) Project Muse. In the quest for cultural growth, it is important to recognize that the language of liberalism is implicated in the conceptual framework that enabled apartheidthe rhetoric of healing, the desire for separate development, and the implementation of segregation were not purely right-wing or Afrikaner affairs. Quite to the contrary, segregation was often supported by British liberals who felt that by separating Africans from those of European descent they could protect the Africans from the destructive influences of urban life. In this respect, political debates over segregation paralleled the ideological confrontation around imperialism: racism and the idea of separate development were not solely the ideological terrain of enthusiastic imperialists, but also of paternalistic liberals who veiled their economic interests and disease with the African environment and peoples as concern for the welfare of the downtrodden. Whether the goal was healing, evangelizing, or civilizing, the result was decidedly prejudicial to the well-being of the colonized. This does not mean that all Western medicine, religion, and culture should be dispensed with wholesale, but rather that the ways in which fields like medicine are manipulated by different political ideologies must be taken into consideration. The tremendous moral and scientific authority of medicine makes the necessity for critical historical analysis all the more essential. If the focus here is on the negative aspects of biological analogies rather than their positive contributions to development, that is because this work is intended as a corrective to the pervasive romanticization of medical discourse that has prevailed for so long in South Africa.

Permutation is the best vehicle for solvency disease discourse should be open to critical reflection in order to avoid the negative aspects of biomedical rhetoric while simultaneously embracing the beneficial, non-inflated representations through a revision of rhetoric in order to counter oppressive ideologies. Lund 2003 (Giuliana, University of Minnesota HEALING THE NATION:
MEDICOLONIAL DISCOURSE AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY FROM APARTHEID TO TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION, Spring, 2003) Project Muse. In light of the central place of plague in the imaginary of colonial and apartheid South Africa, it is crucial to appraise the ongoing discourse of healing in the region in order to evaluate its degree of continuity with or disjunction from earlier forms of biomedical rhetoric. Medical discourses must be opened up to critical reflection so that informed decisions can be reached about which ideas and words to embrace and which to avoid due to a historical baggage that outweighs their potential benefits. The key question that remains to be answered is to what extent the language of healing in South Africa is still mired in a medicolonial discourse associated with evangelism, imperialist expansion, uneven development, and apartheid. The flip side of this query is how successful South Africa will be in revising the rhetoric of plague so as to counter its political pitfalls and take into account indigenous conceptions of communal suffering and well-being.

sector and elites in terms of access to treatment, - SOLVENCY PERM and makes it more difficult to simply write off the lives of ordinary civilians living with HIV/AIDS. This outcome could also be achieved, secondly, not just by using a national security framework when securitizing AIDS, but by complementing such an analysis with a human The securitization of disease opens it has shortcomings of its against such forms of framework is by security framework as well. Although spaces for resistance own, the human security bio-politics by exposing more comprehensive present in Africa. to capture the importance case and thethe illness for nature us to the conflicts and better equipped The perm solves both of addressing alternative. Elbe 05 (Stefan, AIDS, individuals, and makes a stronger claim for addressing theRelations,the latterNo. 4, the lives of ordinary Security, Biopolitics, Special Issue on Health, International needs of Vol. 19, than just letting them perish. Thirdly, the danger of racism could also be minimized by insisting that policy responses within the civilian and security sectors not 2005, pp. 403-419, Lecturer on International Relations) violate human rights, and by framing the issue of HIV/AIDS as an important international security issue, or as an international issue with a security dimension, rather than really always relies security threat. In so doing, the normative benefits instance, accrue from Resistance as an overwhelming upon the situation against which it struggles. For that couldin the gay adopting a security framework, such as increasing the was aof attention and available resources for addressing community the medical definition of homosexuality level very important tool against the oppression of HIV/AIDS, wouldthe last part of the nineteenth century and thethe early twentieth century. This homosexuality in not necessarily have to be sacrificed, while in less threatening language used would result in a lower risk of those living of oppression, has always been a to harsh measures in the namesince medicalization, which was a means with HIV/AIDS being subjected means of resistance as well of security. The normalizing dangers accompanying the securitization of AIDS, in turn,And so best be you could say, 'If we are sick, then why do you condemn us, why do you despise us?' might on.' Of addressed by insistingnow sounds rather AIDS to us, but at the time it was very important.96 The course, this discourse that international nave policies do not privilege prevention and the prescription of specific norms AIDS may be a similar case in point. treatment. Averting by virtue implications of securitization ofof sexual behaviour at the expense of It is something which the securityof its biopolitical HIV/AIDS is partially oppressive the undesirable, but scaling up treatment programmes, which are dimensions can only be achieved in and long run by alsoit also forms a source of resistance that might beless concerned with how with HIV/AIDS. If HIV/AIDS with helping those already infected survive. useful to those living persons became infected than is a security issue, then it becomes possible for activists International and are you not doing more to launched through the securitization making more resources to argue, well why bi-lateral AIDS initiativesaddress this issue, and why are you notof HIV/AIDS thus need to be less moralistic and judgmental in wish to address thefocus more on providingof a biopolitical context, available? Ideally, of course, one would tone, and need to AIDS pandemic outside treatment to those who want it. In this way addressing the pandemic would not necessarily urgent and necessary first step in if this were even possible. But the securitization of AIDS may be an have to involve heavily prescriptive practices aboutaway and when peoplestate of domination and into the realm of power relations where moving Africa how from its current should engage in sexual behaviour, but could focus instead on procuring medicines and enhancing the infrastructure for their effective dispersal.then perhaps one day more meaningful forms resistance to biopower could be subsequently articulated; Even if these precautions are taken,AIDS too maysecuritization of HIV/AIDS nevertheless remains in the endpolitical the securitization of however, the appear nave in retrospect. In either case, Foucault's own a risky gamble on the ability of those presenting HIV/AIDS as a always issue to maintain the present the uses to engagements certainly mirror such pragmatism in that he securitytried to respond to control overmoment with which this language will available to him within that has perhaps become necessary due to the In the end, whatever resources were be put albeit a gamblethe context of specific political confrontations.particular vicissitudes of Foucauldian world resistance if it once insisted that the ethico-political choice we have then, perhaps acontemporaryform ofpolitics. Foucault is possible to speak of such a thing might not consist to make every day is to determine which is the main danger.60 In the case of the securitization of HIV/AIDS, of an outright rejection of the securitization of AIDS; it might well consist instead of an attempt to use the this means deciding whether the for resisting the global marginalization of HIV/AIDS. For Foucault there political opportunities it offers potential dangers that derive from its biopolitical nature outweigh the dangerswere instances where whatever discursive and material resources are available today for addressing clearly of not drawing upon the dangers of 'torture and execution which preclude any resistance' outweigh the global AIDS pandemicnormalization.97dangerous language ofof persons are not being tortured or executed the dangers of racism and including the Every day thousands security. because of HIV/AIDS, but they are nevertheless being allowed to die despite the availability of lifeprolonging medicines which is a situation not so different from the one described by Foucault. Hence, if we ask today, what is more dangerous securitizing or not securitizing AIDS the case for the latter can be made in light of the immense daily death toll caused by AIDS-related illnesses and because of the state of domination that Africans in particular are experiencing in this regard. This, of course, is precisely how biopower spreads by appealing to life and health but it is arguably nonetheless the lesser of two evils; for in order to resist, one has to first of all be alive. Whereas the first question about the biopolitical nature of the ongoing securitization of AIDS could thus be answered in the affirmative, the second question regarding the necessity of resisting and rejecting such biopolitical activity cannot. It does not follow from the fact that the securitization of AIDS is biopolitical that such a strategy is futile and must be resisted at all costs by grass-roots activists and critical scholars.

Perm solves back all their securitization and racism claims pragmatic and policyoriented goals are key to spur initiatives that solely focus on the overall betterment of people. The perm is the only shot at actually solving the affirmative while avoiding the representations they critique. Elbe 05 (Stefan, AIDS, Security, Biopolitics, Special Issue on Health, International Relations, Vol. 19, No. 4,
2005, pp. 403-419, Lecturer on International Relations) How can these dangers of racism and normalization inherent in the securitization of HIV/AIDS be minimized? The racist danger can be mediated in at least three ways. First, those presenting the AIDS pandemic as a security issue could ensure that they insist that it is not exclusively a security issue, but rather a security issue in addition to being a health issue, a development issue, an economic issue, a social issue, a political issue, a human rights issue, a gender issue, etc. In this way, highlighting the security implications of HIV/AIDS does not unreflectively reify the privileged status of the security

BIOPOWER GOOD
Biopolitics doesnt culminate in the thantapolitical slaughter of the holocaust, but is an ethic of care best embodied by the current welfare state. Its goal is to maximize the health of each individual. Ojakangas 05 (Mika, Impossible Dialogue on Biopower, Foucault Studies, Doctorate in Social Science) For
all these reasons, Agambens thesis, according to which the concentration camp is the fundamental biopolitical paradigm of the West, has to be corrected.113 The bio-political paradigm of the West is not the concentration camp, but, rather, the presentday welfare society and, instead of homo sacer, the paradigmatic figure of the biopolitical society can be seen, for example, in the middleclass Swedish socialdemocrat. Although this figure is an object and a product of the huge biopolitical machinery, it does not mean that he is permitted to kill without committing homicide. Actually, the fact that he eventually dies, seems to be his greatest crime against the machinery. (In biopolitical societies, death is not only something to be hidden away, but, also, as Foucault stresses, the most shameful thing of all.114) Therefore, he is not exposed to an unconditional threat of death, but rather to an unconditional retreat of all dying. In fact, the biopolitical machinery does not want to threaten him, but to encourage him, with all its material and spiritual capacities, to live healthily, to live long and to live happily even when, in biological terms, he should have been dead long ago.115 This is because biopower is not bloody power over bare life for its own sake but pure power over all life for the sake of the living. It is not power but the living, the condition of all life individual as well as collective that is the measure of the success of biopower.

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The endpoint of biopower is not the creation of bare-life but the fostering and production of forms-of-life. Biopower seeks to optimize the individual and produce extra-life. Ojakangas 05 (Mika, Impossible Dialogue on Biopower, Foucault Studies, Doctorate in Social Science)
Moreover, life as the object and the subject of biopower given that life is everywhere, it becomes everywhere is in no way bare, but is as the synthetic notion of life implies, the multiplicity of the forms of life, from the nutritive life to the intellectual life, from the biological levels of life to the political existence of man.43 Instead of bare life, the life of biopower is a plenitude of life, as Foucault puts it.44 Agamben is certainly right in saying that the production of bare life is, and has been since Aristotle, a main strategy of the sovereign power to establish itself to the same degree that sovereignty has been the main fiction of juridicoinstitutional thinking from Jean Bodin to Carl Schmitt. The sovereign power is, indeed, based on bare life because it is capable of confronting life merely when stripped off and isolated from all forms of life, when the entire existence of a man is reduced to a bare life and exposed to an unconditional threat of death. Life is undoubtedly sacred for the sovereign power in the sense that Agamben defines it. It can be taken away without a homicide being committed. In the case of biopower, however, this does not hold true. In order to function properly, biopower cannot reduce life to the level of bare life, because bare life is life that can only be taken away or allowed to persist which also makes understandable the vast critique of sovereignty in the era of biopower. Biopower needs a notion of life that corresponds to its aims. What then is the aim of biopower? Its aim is not to produce bare life but, as Foucault emphasizes, to multiply life,45 to produce extralife.46 Biopower needs, in other words, a notion of life which enables it to accomplish this task. The modern synthetic notion of life endows it with such a notion. It enables biopower to invest life through and through, to optimize forces, aptitudes, and life in general without at the same time making them more difficult to govern. It could be argued, of course, that instead of bare life (zoe) the form of life (bios) functions as the foundation of biopower. However, there is no room either for a bios in the modern biopolitical order because every bios has always been, as Agamben emphasizes, the result of the exclusion of zoe from the political realm. The modern biopolitical order does not exclude anything not even in the form of inclusive exclusion. As a matter of fact, in the era of biopolitics, life is already a bios that is only its own zoe. It has already moved into the site that Agamben suggests as the remedy of the political pathologies of modernity, that is to say, into the site where politics is freed from every ban and a form of life is wholly exhausted in bare life.48 At the end of Homo Sacer, Agamben gives this life the name formoflife, signifying always and above all possibilities of life, always and above all power, understood as potentiality (potenza).49 According to Agamben, there would be no power that could have any hold over mens existence if life were understood as a formoflife. However, it is precisely this life, life as untamed power and potentiality, that biopower invests and optimizes. If biopower multiplies and optimizes life, it does so, above all, by multiplying and optimizing potentialities of life, by fostering and generating formsoflife.50

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Totalitarianism and Ethnic Racism caused the Holocaust, NOT biopolitics. Dickinson 04
(Edward, Biopolitics, Facism, Democracy, Central European History v37 n1, Ass. Prof. Hist. at University of Cincinnati) In an important programmatic statement of 1996 Geoff Eley celebrated the fact that Foucaults ideas have fundamentally directed attention away from institutionally centered conceptions of government and the state . . . and toward a dispersed and decentered notion of power and its microphysics.48 The broader, deeper, and less visible ideological consensus on technocratic reason and the ethical unboundedness of science was the focus of his interest.49 But the power-producing effects in Foucaults microphysical sense (Eley) of the construction of social bureaucracies and social knowledge, of an entire institutional apparatus and system of practice ( Jean Quataert), simply do not explain Nazi policy.50 The destructive dynamic of Nazism was a product not so much of a particular modern set of ideas as of a particular modern political structure, one that could realize the disastrous potential of those ideas. What was critical was not the expansion of the instruments and disciplines of biopolitics, which occurred everywhere in Europe. Instead, it was the principles that guided how those instruments and disciplines were organized and used, and the external constraints on them. In National Socialism, biopolitics was shaped by a totalitarian conception of social management focused on the power and ubiquity of the vlkisch state. In democratic societies, biopolitics has historically been constrained by a rights-based strategy of social management. This is a point to which I will return shortly. For now, the point is that what was decisive was actually politics at the level of the state. A comparative framework can help us to clarify this point. Other states passed compulsory sterilization laws in the 1930s indeed, individual states in the United States had already begun doing so in 1907. Yet they did not proceed to the next steps adopted by National Socialism mass sterilization, mass eugenic abortion and murder of the defective. Individual . gures in, for example, the U.S. did make such suggestions. But neither the political structures of democratic states nor their legal and political principles permitted such policies actually being enacted. Nor did the scale of forcible sterilization in other countries match that of the Nazi program. I do not mean to suggest that such programs were not horrible; but in a democratic political context they did not develop the dynamic of constant radicalization and escalation that characterized Nazi policies. The radicalizing dynamic of the Nazi regime was determined, however, not only by its structure but also by its ideology. The attentive reader will have noticed a degree of conceptual slippage in many of the quotations used in the foregoing pages between ethnic racialism and eugenics, between eugenic murder and the Final Solution. This slippage between racialism and racism is not entirely justified. After the rigors of the Goldhagen debate, it takes some sangfroid to address the topic of anti-Semitism in Germany at all.But it appears from the current literature that there was no direct connection between anti- Semitism and eugenic ideas. Some German eugenicists were explicitly racist; some of those racist eugenicists were anti-Semites; but anti-Semitism was not an essential part of eugenic thought. As Peter Fritzsche among many others has pointed out, racism really is at the heart of the Nazi discourse of segregation, and the fantastic vision of all-out racial war that motivated the Nazis is not explained merely by the logic of enlightened rationalism, technocracy, and scientism.51 Eugenics did not pave the way for the murder of millions of Jews. Ethnic racism and particularly anti-Semitism did.

BIOPOWER IMPACT (2/3)

The final solution was the byproduct of a unique understanding of the relationship between Jews and Germans. Biopolitics does NOT necessitate extermination of the Other. Dickinson 04
(Edward, Biopolitics, Facism, Democracy, Central European History v37 n1, Ass. Prof. Hist. at University of Cincinnati) And yet, it is clear that anti-Semitism and eugenics did not imply, presuppose, or necessitate each other. The Nazi variant of biopolitical modernity was in fact quite idiosyncratic. It is very difficult to assess the place of explicitly ethnic racist thinking in the development of eugenics; but despite a resurgence of interest in the differing character and fate of ethnic groups after about 1927, on the whole ethnic racism appears to have become gradually less interesting to eugenicists from the late imperial period forward. The Nazis shifted the balance quite suddenly and forcibly in favor of ethnic racial thought after 1933. It may be that the growing in uence of eugenics made National Socialist thinking more plausible for many people in the early 1930s; but it seems equally likely that the moderation of eugenics in the 1920s may have increased the appeal of the Social Democratic Party (as the strongest advocate, among the non-Nazi political parties, of eugenic policies) while actually discrediting the Nazis more dated ideas.53 In fact, it may be useful to consider not only what eugenic ideas and euthanasia policy contributed to the implementation of the Final Solution, but also how momentum toward the Final Solution shaped Nazi eugenics. The context for Nazi eugenic policies was shaped fundamentally by the Nazis sense that Germany was in a permanent racial war with the Jews (or communists and democrats, which in the Nazi worldview amounted to the same thing). The urgency of Nazi eugenic policy the scope of forcible sterilization, the murder of tens of thousands of defective people derived not just from the normal fear of degeneration typical of eugenics since its inception, but also from a quite extraordinary understanding of the immediacy of racial confrontation.

BIOPOWER IMPACT (3/3)

The holocaust was the result of a series of unique conditions, not the endpoint of all biopolitical regimes. Ranibow and Rose 03 (Paul/Nikolas, Thoughts On The Concept of Biopower Today, The Molecular Science
Institute, Professor of Anthropology at University of Chicago, Professor of Sociology at James Martin White) Holocaust is undoubtedly one configuration that modern biopower can take. This, as we have already implied, was also Foucaults view in 1976: racisms allows power to sub-divide a population into subspecies known as races, to fragment it, and to allow a relationship in which the death of the other, of the inferior race, can be seen as something that will make life in general healthier and purer: racism justifies the deathfunction in the economy of biopower by appealing to the principle that the death of others makes one biologically stronger insofar as ones is a member of a race or a population (2003: 258). The Nazi regime was, however, exceptional a paroxysmal development: We have, then, in Nazi society something that is really quite extraordinary: this is a society which has generalized biopower in an absolute sense, but which has also generalized the sovereign right to kill to kill anyone, meaning not only other people but also its own people a coincidence between a generalized biopower and a dictatorship that was at once absolute and retransmitted throughout the entire social body (2003: 260). Schmitt argued, erroneously in our view, that the state of exception was the guarantee of modern constitutional power. But the articulation of biopower in the form it took under National Socialism was dependent upon a host of other historical, moral, political and technical conditions. Holocaust is neither exemplary of thanatopolitics, nor is it in some way the hidden dark truth of biopower.

BIOPOLITICS = EMPOWERING/HEALTH (1/2)

The Nazis were a uniquely violent variation of biopolitics. Biopower generally seeks to create a healthy, pluralistic society, not the totalitarian state. Dickinson 04 (Edward, Biopolitics,
Facism, Democracy, Central European History v37 n1, Ass. Prof. Hist. at University of Cincinnati) Why was Europes twentieth century, in addition to being the age of biopolitics and totalitarianism, also the age of biopolitics and democracy? How should we theorize this relationship? I would like to offer . ve propositions as food for thought. First, again, the concept of the essential legitimacy and social value of individual needs, and hence the imperative of individual rights as the political mechanism for getting them met, has historically been a cornerstone of some strategies of social management. To borrow a phrase from Detlev Peukert, this does not mean that democracy was the absolutely inevitable outcome of the development of biopolitics; but it does mean that it was one among other possible outcomes of the crisis of modern civilization.112 Second, I would argue that there is also a causal fit between cultures of expertise, or scientism, and democracy. Of course, scientism subverted the real, historical ideological underpinnings of authoritarian polities in Europe in the nineteenth century. It also in a sense replaced them. Democratic citizens have the freedom to ask why; and in a democratic system there is therefore a bias toward pragmatic, objective or naturalized answers since values are often regarded as matters of opinion, with which any citizen has a right to differ. Scientific fact is democracys substitute for revealed truth, expertise its substitute for authority. The age of democracy is the age of professionalization, of technocracy; there is a deeper connection between the two, this is not merely a matter of historical coincidence. Third, the vulnerability of explicitly moral values in democratic societies creates a problem of legitimation. Of course there are moral values that all democratic societies must in some degree uphold (individual autonomy and freedom, human dignity, fairness, the rule of law), and those values are part of their strength. But as peoples states, democratic social and political orders are also implicitly and often explicitly expected to do something positive and tangible to enhance the well-being of their citizens. One of those things, of course, is simply to provide a rising standard of living; and the visible and astonishing success of that project has been crucial to all Western democracies since 1945. Another is the provision of a rising standard of health; and here again, the democratic welfare state has delivered the goods in concrete, measurable, and extraordinary ways. In this sense, it may not be so simpleminded, after all, to insist on considering the fact that modern biopolitics has worked phenomenally well. Fourth, it was precisely the democratizing dynamic of modern societies that made the question of the quality of the mass of the population seem and not only in the eyes of the dominant classes increasingly important. Again, in the course of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the expected level of the average citizens active participation in European political, social, cultural, and economic life rose steadily, as did the expected level of her effective influence in all these spheres. This made it a matter of increasing importance whether the average person was more or less educated and informed, more or less moral and selfdisciplined,more or less healthy and physically capable,more or less socially competent. And modern social reform biopolitics defined very broadlyseemed to offer the possibility of creating the human foundation for a society ordered by autonomous participation, rather than by obedience. This too was part of the Machbarkeitswahn of modernity; but this was potentially a democratic Wahn, not only an authoritarian one. Fifth, historically there has been a clear connection between the concept of political citizenship and the idea of moral autonomy. The political subject (or citizen as opposed to the political subject,who is an object of state action) is also a moral subject. The citizens capacity for moral reasoning is the legitimating postulate of all democratic politics. The regulation of sexual and reproductive life has long been understood in European societies to be among the most fundamental issues of morality. There is, therefore, a connection between political citizenship on the one hand, and the sexual and reproductive autonomy implied in the individual control that is a central element of the modern biopolitical complex, on the other.

<CONTINUES>

BIOPOLITICS = EMPOWERING/HEALTH (2/2)

<CONTINUES> The association in the minds of conservatives in the late imperial period between democracy and declining fertility was not a panicky delusion; panicky it certainly was, but it was also a genuine insight into a deeper ideological connection.113 Perhaps it should not be surprising, therefore, that the first great homeland of eugenic legislation was the United States the first great homeland of modern democracy. In fact the United States served both as a kind of promised land for racial and eugenic progressives in Germany, and as a worst-case scenario of regression into barbarism for those opposed to coercive eugenic measures. 114 Nor should it be surprising that, apart from Nazi Germany, the other great land of eugenic sterilization in Europe in the 1930s was Scandinavia, where democratic governments heavily in uenced by social democratic parties were busily constructing the most ambitious and extensive welfare states in the world.115 The lesson is not that modern democracy is dangerous or destructive, much less that it is crypto-fascist that, as Jacques Donzelot put it, the 1930s was the age of social fascism and our own age that of social sector fascism. 116 The relevant message is, rather, that it is time to place the less familiar history of modern democratic biopolitics alongside the more familiar history of modern totalitarian biopolitics. The dream of perfectibility Machbarkeitswahn is central to modernity. But social engineering, the management of society, can be organized in different ways. Historically, totalitarian biopolitics was a self-destructive failure. Democratic biopolitics has, in contrast, been not in any moral sense, but politically a howling success. For the historian interested in modernity, that story is no less interesting or important than the story of the implosion of the Nazi racial state.

AT: SECURITIZING DISEASE BAD (1/2)

Broadening the concept of security to include health concerns transforms security, allowing for the recognition that we are all vulnerable ANASTASION, Population Action International, IN 2004 (SAIS Review 24.2 (2004) 175179)
Health threats defy the political boundaries that have historically defined national security pursuits. In order to adequately address the increasingly complex security challenges presented by health risks, security must acquire a broader meaning beyond the defense of national borders. To this end, the concept of "human security" was first advanced in the 1990s as an alternative to the narrowly defined, traditional notion of national security. Human [End Page 175] security is rooted in the idea that the insecurities experienced by all people, including the world's marginalized poor, are universally threatening in an increasingly interconnected world.

The concept of human security has valueit creates the conditions that ameliorate the worst problems of globalization CARMODY IN 2005 (Africa Today 52.1 (2005) 97-120)
It is at the level of legitimation that the internationalization of the United States is at its weakest. Humanity faces multiple interlinked threats of hunger, disease, terrorism, and war. These all result from power asymmetries and contestation over these (Sen 1999; on AIDS and power, see Campbell 2003). The cardinal "problem for the future might be said to involve the creation of a peaceful and tolerant" state of coexistence among the world's cultures, "in ways that provide material and political conditions of high quality" (Gill 2003:142). This solution can be achieved through the "operationalization" of human security, which the United Nations Development Program defines as referring "to two mutually reinforcing concepts: (i) safety from such chronic threats as hunger, disease and repression, and (ii) protection from sudden and hurtful disruptions in the patterns of daily life" (Salih 2001:68). There is thus a need for a new holistic international-security regime to rebalance the different "legs" of globalization. The transformations needed in U.S. relations with Africa depend on a reconceptualization of power to achieve human security, which "becomes possible if its four pillarsorder, justice, peace and economicscoexist in a condition of dynamic equilibrium" (Zacarias 2003:43).

Securitizing the discourse of disease mobilizes global support for health issues ANASTASION, Population Action International, IN 2004 (SAIS Review 24.2 (2004) 175179)
While policy prescriptions are scattered and often buried throughout the 300-page volume, many of the essays do offer some practical guidance. In the final section, Mely Caballero-Anthony writes that the human security discourse risks losing its relevance unless it is translated into action; she then suggests that generating a constituency for health in the security community could help mobilize political and financial support for global health efforts. While the twin goals of human security and global health may be worldwide in scope, the authors understand that the incentive must be driven ultimately by self-interest. As Simon Szreter points out, "when the public health movement is able to ally its arguments with profound concerns for national security, great progress can be made in mobilizing resources and creating new institutions to promote health and human security."14 Despite its shortcomings, this volume ultimately succeeds in laying the groundwork for such an alliance.

AT: SECURITIZING DISEASE BAD (2/2)

Proponents of a broader definition of security do not have to endorse traditional, violent, state-centric models of security Dabelko and Simmons in 1997 (sais review 17.1 (1997) 127146)
Proponents linking environmental problems to non-traditional security concerns tend to reject the statecentric and militarized definitions of security that dominated security studies during the Cold War. They support more holistic or "redefined" conceptions of security that extend beyond protecting the state from external aggression and argue that global, regional, and local environmental problems seriously threaten the 5 health and well-being of individuals or the economic security of countries. According to this view, it is in the common interest of all actors, not just states, to guard against environmental degradation for the same reason they guard against organized violence. Both kinds of threats have the potential to harm human, 6 material, and natural resources on a large and disruptive scale. Proponents argue, for example, that ozone layer depletion will lead to a marked increase in the occurrence of certain types of cancer as a result of increased exposure to ultraviolet radiation. Similarly, global warming may create conditions more [End Page 7 129] conducive to the spread of infectious diseases. As temperatures and weather patterns change, certain species that carry disease may multiply or migrate-spreading tropical diseases like dengue fever and malaria to currently unaffected areas. Similarly, local environmental problems, such as the scarcity of arable land or fresh water, the destruction of forests, and the spread of pollution, can lead to higher incidences of sickness, 8 malnutrition, and mortality. Even the loss of biological diversity is cited as a threat that will gradually erode the health and well-being of individuals and national economies. As the world loses species, it also loses part of the important genetic library available for scientific research, which in turn precludes potential discoveries of lifesaving drugs, new agricultural crops, and antidotes for human-induced ecological changes.

AT STIGMA
NU Stigma high now. Dr. Gregory Herek, Dec 2006 [Fight AIDS, not people with AIDS; Professor of
Psychology at the University of California at Davis (UCD). He received his Ph.D. in social psychology from UCD in 1983, then was a postdoctoral fellow at Yale University] AIDS-related stigma (or, more simply, AIDS stigma) refers to prejudice, discounting, discrediting, and discrimination directed at people perceived to have AIDS or HIV, and the individuals, groups, and communities with which they are associated. AIDS stigma is expressed around the world in a variety of ways, including: ostracism, rejection, and avoidance of people with AIDS (PWAs) discrimination against PWAs compulsory HIV testing without prior consent or protection of confidentiality violence against persons who are perceived to have AIDS or to be infected with HIV quarantine of persons with HIV. AIDS stigma is effectively universal, but its form varies from one country to another, and the specific groups targeted for AIDS stigma vary considerably. Whatever its form, AIDS stigma inflicts suffering on people and interferes with attempts to fight the AIDS epidemic. Indeed, a 1988 Institute of Medicine panel observed that "the fear of discrimination is a major constraint to the wide acceptance of many potentially effective public health measures" in the United States.

DISEASE NOT SOCIALLY CONSTRUCTED (1/1)

Despite cultural reactions to disease being socially constructed, it does exist, and should be addressed HUMPHREYS, DUKE PUBLIC HEALTH, IN 2002 (American Literary History 14.4 (2002) 845-857)
A further point about the reality of these epidemics needs to be made. Yellow fever, anthrax, smallpox, leprosy, or malaria are not bogeymen useful for scaring the naive but in reality not all that bad. Fear of acquiring such afflictions is rational, for the pain and suffering they engender is all too real. The diseases may take on meanings for individuals (such as Gregory Tomso finds for leprosy and homosexuality) or cultures (i.e., yellow fever and malaria as a punishment for the evil of slavery), but their underlying physicality will evoke somewhat similar responses across culture and time. Consider, for example, the following account of tending a yellow fever victim: "The poor girl's screams might be heard for half a square and at times I had to exert my utmost strength to hold her in bed. Jaundice was marked, the skin being a bright yellow hue: tongue and lips dark, cracked and blood oozing from the mouth and nose." These symptoms were ugly enough, but then the terrible "black vomit" followed: "By Tuesday evening it was as black as ink and would be ejected with terrific force. I had my face and hands spattered with it but had to stand by and hold her. Well it is too terrible to write any more about it." 1 Such symptoms were specific to the particular organism that caused yellow fever and created an unavoidable set of responsesdisgust, fear, horror, and perhaps compassion. There was a time when one had to defend talking about malaria as a specific entity to an audience so imbued with the social construction of disease that specific syndromes caused by specific pathogens had lost meaning as real entities. The pendulum has swung back, however, if I read the field correctly. We have come to agree that the basic biology of specific diseases offers an underlying reality to the historical experience of them, while at the same time understanding that different cultures attach different meanings to epidemic outbreaks.

CARE GOODBASIS FOR ETHICS (1/1)

THE NOTION OF CARE IS CENTRAL TO ANY ETHICAL THEORY OF ACTION. REICH, GEORGETOWN BIOETHICS, IN 2001 (The American Journal of Bioethics 1.1 (2001) 64-74)
The Nazi tragedy of care can generate the conviction that we need to give more attention to care as the originary element of all ethics. Because radical human apathy negates morality, it is important to pay 17 philosophical attention to the antithesis of apathy, which is concern or care (Sorge) (May 1969, 288). Care is the starting point for morality in the moral-psychological sense that if we do not care about others (and ourselves), or about human tasks or human ideals and goals, we are incapable of any moral knowledge, judgment, or action. One [End Page 70] pays moral-philosophical attention to care in this sense by responding to the question: What person, what thing, what value do I care about? If neither sickness nor suffering matters to anyoneif people don't have a worried care, i.e., a concern (the Latin cura; the German Sorge) about people and their needsthen no moral principles, like beneficence or mercy or justice or autonomy will make any difference. The moral force of principles relies on the prior reality of care in this sense.

EXAGGERATION GOODSOLVES DISEASE (1/1)

Exagerration is good solves diseases and diseases are bad Hamburg, M.D., October 17. 2001 [Margaret A. Vice President of Biological Programs, Nuclear Threat Initiative; Senate Committee on
Governmental Affairs, Subcommittee of International Security, Proliferation and Federal Services] In this time of heightened anxiety and concern, our nation has a real opportunityand obligationto make sure that we have in place the programs and policies necessary to better protect ourselves against this threat, and perhaps to prevent such an attack from occurring in the first place. While there are many challenges before us, we do know a great deal about what needs to be done and how to do it. I will address these issues in more detail later in my testimony, but I want to emphasize at the outset that improving the national response to bioterrorism must include several broad elements, such as: Prevention. Every effort must be made to reduce the likelihood that dangerous pathogens will be acquired or used by those that want to do harm. This must include improving intelligence, limiting inappropriate access to certain biological agents and efforts to establish standards that will help prevent the development and spread of biological agents as weapons; Strengthening public health. Rapid detection and response will depend on a well-trained cadre of trained public health professionals to enhance disease surveillance and outbreak investigation, educated and alert health care providers, upgraded laboratories to support diagnosis, and improved communications across all levels of government, across agencies and across the public and private sector. Enhancing medical care capacity. We must improve treatment for victims of an attack by enhancing local and federal emergency medical response teams, training health professionals to diagnose and treat these diseases, developing strategies to improve the ability of hospitals to rapidly increase emergency capacity, and providing necessary drugs or vaccines where they are needed through a national pharmaceutical stockpile. Research. A comprehensive research agenda will serve as the foundation of future preparedness. Perhaps most urgently, we need improved detectors/diagnostics, along with better vaccines and new medications. Some of these activities are already underway, but need to be strengthened and extended; other programs and policies still need to be developed and implemented. This hearing represents an important forum to better define the agenda we must pursue to be a nation prepared.

Political leadership and the media is key to solving HIV/AIDS. Tomes 2002 [Nancy, Epidemic Entertainments: Disease and Popular Culture in Early Twentieth-Century America; American Literary History - Volume 14, Number 4, Winter 2002, pp. 625-652] A large measure of Senegals success is attributable to strong political leadership and the
countrys high level of social cohesion. The government worked quickly with civil society and the religious structures to address HIV/AIDS from the mid-1980s onward. Further, a long tradition of community involvement in health and development issues was mobilized around AIDS prevention issues. The emphasis on treating sexually transmitted diseases also contributed to the success of the Senegalese campaign. In essence, Senegal has managed to contain HIV/AIDS to incredibly low levels, despite high poverty levels, as a result of an organized and committed response by all sectors of society to the issue.

REPS SOLVEPOLITICAL COMMITMENT KEY(1/1)

Political commitment is necessary to solve Tomes, 2002 [Nancy, Epidemic Entertainments: Disease
and Popular Culture in Early-Twentieth-Century America; American Literary History - Volume 14, Number 4, Winter 2002, pp. 625-652] Lessons from successful responses to HIV/AIDS like those in Senegal and Uganda include the need to (1) mobilize widespread community support in the fight against HIV/AIDS; (2) overcome stigma, denial, and silence to make progress; (3) change sexual behavior to embrace safer-sex practices; (4) showcase examples of sustained actions at the national level; (5) develop committed leadership at all levels; (6) develop partnerships at different levels; (7) mobilize resources, set priorities, and adequately finance initiatives; and (8) use local institutions, communities, and the public and private sectors efficiently. There is no quick, easy, straightforward answer to overcoming the HIV/AIDS epidemic in sub-Saharan Africa. Senegal and Uganda have been successful in reducing prevalence rates mainly by changing individual behavior. To what extent the political process and politicians achieved this is debatable. However, it is clear that without top-level political commitment and the mobilization of resources, HIV prevalence will not decline. Political will is a necessary condition for the epidemics growth to be capped or, better still, reversed.

REPS SOLVE STIGMA (1/3)

Political representation of AIDS is key to stopping denial and stigma. Tomes 2002 [Nancy,
Epidemic Entertainments: Disease and Popular Culture in Early-Twentieth-Century America; American Literary History - Volume 14, Number 4, Winter 2002, pp. 625-652] Denial, stigma, and discrimination lie behind African political leaders silence. This is still the norm in the majority of African countries. As long as HIV is not discussed openly, denial will continue to exist. It is critically important for leaders to overcome silence and stigma in addressingHIV.Without political dialogue, the problems that arise from HIV and AIDS will continue to be surrounded by ignorance, myths, and, of course, denial that the epidemic exists in the first place.

Clear representation solves stigma Forman, 2004 [ Lisa, Doctoral Candidate, University of Toronto, Faculty of Law; Both Medium and
Message: HIV/AIDS, Information and Communication in Africa; Journal of Law and Policy for the Information Society] There is now considerable consensus that an effective response to the epidemic should be a comprehensive one, requiring prevention, treatment, and the protection of human rights. These elements are part of a continuum, with prevention enhanced by the availability of treatment, which in turn reduces the stigma of an illness perceived to be a death sentence. Effective prevention also relies on the reduction of vulnerability to infection, in high-risk groups like women and youth, through the protection of human rights and other means. Information and communication are central threads running [*173] throughout this response, providing both form and content to prevention, treatment, and vulnerability reduction. While resource limitations and infrastructural gaps hamper both extensive ICT connectivity and significant scaling up of a comprehensive response to HIV/AIDS, the African continent is rich in the human resources and initiative necessary to enable an effective response to HIV/AIDS. This is evidenced by successes in countries with falling infection rates like Uganda, Senegal, and Zambia, and in the multitude of civil society and community projects that are having tremendous local impact throughout the continent. These examples illustrate that in countries with massive infection rates and limited financial resources, strong leadership and the participation and involvement of all social and economic sectors - especially affected communities - are critical elements of an effective response to HIV/AIDS. This participation is largely dependent on the free flow of information and communication.

REPS SOLVE STIGMA (2/3)

Communication through the media is key to avoiding AIDS stigma. Forman, 2004 [ Lisa, Doctoral Candidate, University of Toronto, Faculty of Law; Both Medium and Message: HIV/AIDS, Information and Communication in Africa; Journal of Law and Policy for the Information Society]
The African AIDS epidemic continues to pose severe public health and developmental problems for many African nations. A primary impediment in the fight against AIDS is a lack of information and communication about the disease. Information and communication, as well as information and communication technologies (ICT) hold vast potential to hinder the spread of the disease, as key elements of all aspects of HIV/AIDS strategies, including prevention, treatment and care and protection of human rights. They offer potential solutions to misinformation and myths, silence and denial, and stigma and discrimination against people living with HIV and AIDS (PLWHA). They are also key to a civil society response to the epidemic, enabling advocacy, mobilization, empowerment, participation and facilitating greater accountability. The non-technological and human enablers of communication and information offer comparatively abundant resources, and the participation of PLWHA and communities are critical to the success of AIDS strategies, depending on effective information and communication. This paper broadly examines the role of information and communication in the fight against AIDS on the African continent. Part One describes the nature and scale of, and responses to, the AIDS epidemic. Part Two describes the current status of ICT across the continent. Part Three explores the use of information and communication in the fight against HIV/AIDS, describes both national and international HIV/AIDS and ICT initiatives being conducted in various African countries, and identifies challenges and opportunities for civil society. Finally, the paper identifies guiding principles and recommendations for the future.

Representations make collaboration and mobilization possible which are critical to solutions to AIDS and stigma. Forman, 2004 [ Lisa, Doctoral Candidate, University of Toronto,
Faculty of Law; Both Medium and Message: HIV/AIDS, Information and Communication in Africa; Journal of Law and Policy for the Information Society] During the eighties, American AIDS advocates co-opted the phrase "silence equals death" from the environmental movement to describe the danger of a lack of information and communication around HIV/AIDS. On a continent where generalized epidemics are the norm and infection rates continue to climb, the African AIDS epidemic embodies and amplifies the continuing truth of this statement. Here, a lack of information and a lack of voice continue to be primary causes of infection among the worst affected groups of women and youth. More effective communication about the disease and greater flow of information are central to the success of AIDS strategies and to reducing vulnerability to HIV infection. Information and communication are sources of power in an epidemic characterized by a lack thereof: they confer the power to protect against infection, to influence decision makers, and to live lives of dignity and equality once infected. In a region often characterized by resource limitations and fragmented infrastructures, information and communication are two of the most critical and abundant resources available in the fight against HIV/AIDS. They are both the prerequisites and enablers of an effective response.

REPS SOLVE STIGMA (3/3)

Communication solves stigma and discrimination. Forman, 2004 [Lisa, Doctoral Candidate,
University of Toronto, Faculty of Law; Both Medium and Message: HIV/AIDS, Information and Communication in Africa; Journal of Law and Policy for the Information Society]

Effective communication of valid and appropriate information is the specific remedy for infection rates attributable to a lack of information, and for many of the social ills associated with misinformation and myths about the epidemic. 82 Information can confer the capacity to act appropriately, whether by protecting oneself from infection or taking steps to influence decision makers. Information is the source of considerable personal and social power, with the capacity to shift some of the power differentials at the heart of the epidemic. This brings to mind Marshall McLuhan's famous observation in relation to mass media, that "the medium is the message." 83 McLuhan suggested that use of new technologies to disseminate information (the message) could lead to social change, and that we should also see the medium (mass media) as a force capable of exerting social change irrespective of its content. 84 While communication is the medium for conveying important HIV/AIDS-related information, as an activity that negates the silence that surrounds HIV/AIDS, it is also the message itself. Information and communication, technologically-enabled or not, are clearly at the heart of effective AIDS programs. While information is the basic component of safer sex messages, effective prevention relies critically on overcoming obstacles posed by: misinformation and myths about the disease, silence and denial, stigma and discrimination, and limited knowledge about HIV/AIDS prevention services, including voluntary counseling and testing (VCT) and measures to prevent mother to child transmission of HIV (PMTCT). Information and communication facilitate the empowerment and reduction of vulnerability of PLWHA, women, and other susceptible groups that form fundamental parts of the fight against AIDS. Reducing vulnerability includes providing an enabling and protective legal environment, which protects people's (and especially women's) rights to equality and non-discrimination.

Imagery solves for stigma from AIDS Frank Beadle de Palomo, 2006 [Confronting HIV/AIDS Stigma: A Q &A With Frank Beadle de Palomo; Academy for Educational Development; senior vice president and director of the AED Center on AIDS & Community Health, is an expert on HIV/AIDS prevention, treatment, and the social stigma associated with the virus.]
Another approach has been to create very visible imagery and commentary of people living with HIV/AIDSshowing them as who they are: everyday people doing everything things with families, without families, at work, in social situation. This helps to normalize the fact that PLWHA are just like everyone else. Moreover, it also helps demonstrate that if we can increase access for treatments, PLWHA can live healthy and productive lives. I think that is a strong message: you diminish the stigma of HIV/AIDS and raise the real understanding of what it is by making PLWHA more visible. This has to be done through social marketing and communications programs, behavior change, changing policy, and all kinds of visibility activities.

REPS SOLVE DISEASE (1/1)

Representation of disease is critical to the mass mobilization of resources necessary to solve Dr. Anthony S. Fauci, Director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, 2000 [An Electronic Journal of the U.S. Department of State - July 2000 Volume 5, Number 2; AIDS, The threat to world security]
AIDS has become the number one killer in Africa, taking more lives10 times morethan the wars on that continent in 1998. Since the pandemic began, more than 16 million people have died worldwide and 13.7 million of them have been Africans, according to a global survey on the disease conducted by UNAIDS and the World Health Organization (WHO) at the end of 1999. These staggering statistics mean that AIDS stands to reverse the developmental progress Africans have made over the last two decades in health care, education, life expectancy, economic growth, and human security. AIDS in Africa has become a full-blown development catastrophe. The facts emerged starkly from a survey conducted by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in late 1999. African nations suffered downward changes this year in the Human Development Index, a ranking based on levels of health, wealth, and education. Almost all of the major changes in rank could be attributed to declining life expectancy as a result of AIDS: Average life expectancy at birth in southern Africa, which climbed from 44 in the early 1950s to 59 in the early 1990s, is expected to drop back to 45 sometime between 2005 and 2010. The United Nations Development Program estimates that fewer than 50 percent of South Africans currently alive can expect to reach the age of 60, compared with an average of 70 percent for all developing countries and 90 percent for industrialized countries. Yet even amidst these grim figures I am optimistic. I believe we are now at a turning point in the 20-year history of the AIDS epidemic in Africa. Everywhere I go, I hear top African leaders speaking out about AIDS as the major threat to the continents development. In Ghana two months ago, for example, First Lady Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings participated in the launch of a new female condom program, calling th introduction of these prophylactics a long-awaited global dream come true for Ghanaians.I believe an historic line has been crossed in our battle against this disease as political leaders speak out and new domestic resources are directed to prevention and care programs and new international resources are being mobilized. When governments begin to focus on AIDS as a national priority, tough decisions can be made to create more favorable conditions for those affected by the epidemic, and establish better protections for the poorest and the most vulnerable.

REPS SOLVEDELAY BAD (1/1)

Only clear representations of the disease threat can prevent the kind of over-reaction they say turns the case Delay makes it worse Margaret A. Hamburg, M.D., October 17. 2001 [Vice President of Biological Programs, Nuclear Threat Initiative; Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs, Subcommittee of International Security, Proliferation and Federal Services] Anyone who has ever dealt with disaster response knows that how the needs of the public are
handled from the very beginning is critical to the overall response. In the context of a biological event, this will no doubt be even more crucial. Managing the worried well may interfere with the ability to manage those truly sick or exposed. In fact, implementation of disease control measures may well depend on the constructive recruitment of the public to behave in certain ways, such as avoiding congregate settings or following isolation orders. In the final analysis, clear communication and appropriate engagement of the public will be the key to preventing mass chaos and enabling disease control as well as critical infrastructure operations to move forward. Correspondingly, the needs and concerns of response personnel, including health care workers, must also be addressed. Again, prior experience with serious infectious disease outbreaks tells us that when this does not occur, essential frontline responders and key workers are just as likely as the public to panic, if not flee. The mass exodus of health care workers following onset of the Ebola epidemic in Kikwit, Zaire in the mid 1990s serves witness to this point.

QUARANTINE INFEASIBLE (1/2)

A quarantine would not happen its too expensive. Field 90 (Martha, Professor of Law, Harvard Law School; B.A. 1965, Radcliffe College; J.D. 1968, University of
Chicago, Boston University School of Law, American Journal of Law & Medicine, 16 Am. J. L. and Med. 34) LexisNexis This fact militates against screening in the health care setting and supports the necessity for universal precautions. 119 Even in the general population, it would be desirable for all to practice precautions (such as not sharing needles, avoiding anal intercourse, using reliable condoms and not sharing blood or other bodily fluids). If all did practice precautions, testing and segregation would not be necessary. In sum, universal mandatory testing does not seem a feasible [*61] or a wise one to pursue, partly because it is not clear that its results could be put to any good use and partly because its costs would be prohibitive. The funds that widespread mandatory testing would consume could be put to much better use by educating people generally to modify their behavior in ways that will guard against the spread of AIDS.

Quarantine over AIDS wont happen although modern doctors advocate it as an option, it is not under the quarantinable communicable diseases. Fallone 88 (Edward A, Trustees of Boston
University 1988, Boston University Law Review, March, 68 B.U.L. Rev. 441) Under current law in most states, health authorities have statutory authority to maintain a list of communicable diseases and to implement a quarantine should a patient with a listed disease threaten the public health. 95 Typically, the department cannot order a quarantine unless the disease in question is on the official list. 96 The length of any quarantine is discretionary, [*462] but it cannot last longer than necessary to prevent the spread of the disease. 97 So long as reasonable grounds exist to believe that the quarantined individual presents a danger to the community, health officials may issue consecutive quarantine orders. 98Despite medical advances such as the development of vaccines and antibodies, medical experts still consider quarantine an option in certain instances. 99 In recent decades, however, states have rarely used their quarantine powers and some commentators argue that modern medical science has rendered quarantine obsolete. 100 Although no state has added AIDS to the list of quarantinable communicable diseases, quarantine should remain an option available to the individual states to curtail the spread of the disease until medical researchers develop a vaccine for the AIDS virus. 101

Quarantine is extremely unlikelythere is a strict distinction between quarantine and isolation. Grey and Spaeth 2006 (Michael and Kenneth, The Bioterrorism Sourcebook, McGraw-Hill

Publication) Quarantine and isolation are used loosely and interchangeably, but this is inappropriate. Clinicians should be clear on the distinction between the two. Quarantine refers to compulsory physical separation of nonsick individuals who have been exposed to a contagious disease. The term itself comes from the Latin quarante denoting the forty days used traditionally by medieval Italian port cities to keep trading ships anchored in the harbor to prevent the spread of bubonic plague. Isolation, in contrast, refers to the separation or confinement of individuals who are known to be infectedor presumed to be infectedin order to protect those not yet infected. Quarantine, a highly restrictive public health measure, is rarely imposed; whereas isolation is an infection control practice familiar to clinicians and implemented commonly in hospitals. In the setting of an imposed quarantine, however, sick individuals may be isolated from the rest of the quarantined population. Further, public health measures short of quarantine may include such things as bidirectional travel restrictions (no one comes in and no one leaves) as well as restrictions on public.