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forced resignation of public office holders. In

Latin America alone, themedia has in recent years played a

central role in exposing corruptionr esulting in the ousting of four national

leaders: President Bucaram of Ecuador, President Perez of Venezuela,

President Collor of Brazil, andPresiden t Fujimori of Peru (Sources:

Stapenhurst , The Media's Role inCurbing Corruption, 2000 &

Freedom House, Press Release, April 30,2001). In the

Philippines, meanwhile, the investigatio ns of journalistsi nto the

unexplained wealth of President Joseph Estrada played a crucialrole

in his eventual downfall (Source: Mller and Jackson, Journalistic

Legwork that Tumbled a President, 2002).Frequ ently, news reports can

prompt official investigatio ns or proceedingsi nto allegations

of public or private sector corruption, thus providing ani mp o r t a n t

i mp u l s e t o official bod i e s charged wi t h i nv e s t i ga t i n g

o r prosecut ing corrupt acts. Due to their importance to the public

interest,suc h investigatio ns themselves often become the

focus of subsequent newsreports . By reporting on such matters, the

media can serve to reinforcethe effectivenes s of formal proceedings by

championin g the commitment of those working in the public interest.

Alternativel y, when official pro ceedings are conducted in an inept or

obstructive manner, the mediac a n p us h f o r f ut ur e r e f or m by h i gh l i gh t i n

g l e ga l a nd i ns t i t u t i on a l inadequacie s.In addition to its direct role in

countering corruption, the very existenceof an independent media can

have an indirect impact on the instance of corruptio n in a particular

society. A tradition of hard-hitting investigativ e journalism may, for instance,

place an indirect check on corruption thatmight otherwise take place

in the absence of informed public debate. Inthe United

States, it is often argued that coverage of the Watergates candal

solidified the role of investigativ e reporting in uncovering political

misdeeds (Source: American Journalism Review, WatergateR evisited,

Aug.-Sept. 2004). Similarly, when the media fosters debate in

115

a way that encourages members of the public to become politically

active,it serves as an indirect counterweig ht to the lack of mass participatio

n in politics often associated with high levels of corruption. One of the

media's most significant indirect contribution s to the fightagainst

corruption is to be found in its symbiotic relationship with civilsociety.

Civil society is the realm in which citizens associate accordingto

their own interests, striving neither for political nor economic power.The

legitimacy of civil society lies in its pursuit of the common good and,as

such, it is uniquely placed to address corruption and maladminist

ration.I t s e f f e c t i ve n e ss in doing so, h o we ve r , d e p e n ds n ot on l y

upon t h e existenc e of reliable information upon which to base its actions, but

alsoon the availability of means to disseminate its views. Through the provisio

n of accurate, up-to-date information and a platform for the

freeexpressi on of opinion, an independent media can significantl y

contributeto effective civil society action in the anticorruption field.Li k e wi

se, the existence of an active civil s oc i e t y i s i nt e g r a l t o t h e mainten

ance of those conditions in which an independent media canthrive.

Without the constant vigilance and activism of civil societygrou

ps working towards social, political and economic justice,

specialinter ests may seek to encroach upon the media's ability to

report openlyand freely. Operating hand-inhand, the media and

civil society cant h e r e f o r e mu t u a l l y r e i nf or c e their r e s pe c t i v e

r ol e s i n c o u nt e r i n g c orruption.Fo r a more detailed analysis of the role of

the news media in counteringc orruption, as well as links to relevant

literature and good practice, pleasesee theTI AntiCorruption Handbook

pageon this topic.


Ethical Conduct
116

Journalism ethics and

standards comprise principles of ethicsand of good practi ce as

applicable to the specific challenges faced by professional journalists.

Historically and currently, this subset of media ethicsis widely

known to journalists as their professional "codeof ethics" or the"canons

of journalism".
[1]

The basic codes and canons commonly

appear instatements drafted by professional journalism associations and

individual p rint, broadca st, andonlinene ws organization s. Every

news organizatio n has only its credibility and reputation

torely on.While various existing codes have some differences,

most share commonele ments including the principles of truthfuln

ess,accuracy ,objectivity, impartiality, fairnessand public accountabili ty as

these apply to theacquisiti on of newsworthy information and its

subsequent disseminatio n tothe public.Like many broader ethical

systems, journalism ethics include the principleof "limitation of harm."

This often involves the withholding of certaindetai ls from reports such

as the names of minor children , crime victims'nam es or

information not materially related to particular news reportsrelea

se of which might, for example, harm someone's reputation.S ome

journalistic Codes of Ethics, notably the European ones,


[9]

alsoinclude a concern withdiscrimi natoryrefere nces in news based onrace,

religion,sex ual orientation, and physical or mentaldisabi lities.

[10] [ 11][12] [ 13]

TheEuropea n Councilappr oved in 1993 Resolution

1003 on the Ethics of Journalis m which recommends journalists to respect

yet the presump tion of innocence, in particular in cases that

are stillsub judice


.

CODE OF PRACTICE
117

While journalists in theUnited StatesandEur opean countriesha ve led in

formulation and adoption of these standards, such codes can be

found innews reporting organization s in most countries withfreedo

m of the press.The written codes and practical standards vary

somewhat from country tocountry and organization to

organization , but there is a substantial overlapa mo ng ma i ns t r e a m p ubl i c a t i on

s and s oc i e t i e s . Th e Internati onal Federat ion of Journalistsl aunched a

global Ethical Journalism Initiative[6]i n 2008 aimed at strengtheni

ng awareness of these issues within profe ssional bodies.One

of the l e a di ng v oi c e s i n t h e U.S.on the subject of Journalistic

Standards andEthicsi s t h e Society of Professional Journalists . The

Preamble to its Code of Ethics states:. . . p u b lic enlightenm ent is the

forerunner of justice and t h e foundati on of democracy. The duty of

the journalist is to further thos e ends by seeking truth and

providing a fair and comprehens iveaccount of events and issues. Conscientio

us journalists from allmedia and specialties strive to

serve the public with thoroughnes sa n d h on e s t y. Pr o f e s s i on a l i n t e gr i t y

i s t he c o r ne r s t o n e of a journalist' s credibility.T he Radio-

Television News Directors Association , an organizatio nexclusivel

y centered on electronic journalism, maintains a code of ethicscenter

ing on public trust, truthfulness , fairness, integrity, independenc eand

accountabili ty.
[15]

RTDNA publishes a pocket guide to

t h e s e standa rds.
ACCURAC Y AND STANDAR DS FOR FACTUAL

REPORTIN G
118

Reporters are expected to

be as accurate as possible given the timeallotted to story preparation

and the space available, and to seek reliabl e sources.

Events with a single eyewitness are reported with attribution.

Events with two or more independent eyewitnesse s may be reportedas fact.

Controversi al facts are reported with of the publisher isdesirable

Corrections are published when errors are discovered

Defendants at trial are treated only as having "allegedly" committedcr imes, until

conviction, when their crimes are generally reported asfact (unless,

that is, there is serious controversy aboutwrong ful convictio n).

Op i n i o n s u r v e ys a nd statistical i nf or ma t i on deserve s pe c i a l treat ment to

communicat e in precise terms any conclusions , toc o n t e x t u a lize the

results, and t o s pe c i f y a c c ur a c y, i nc l u d i ng es timated error and methodologi

cal criticism or flaws.


SLANDER AND LIBEL CONSIDER ATIONS

Reporting the truth is almost never libel, which makes

accuracyver y important. Private persons have privacy rights that

must be balanced againstthe public interest in reporting information

about them. Publicfigure s have fewer privacy rights in U.S. law,

where reporters areimmune from a civil case if they have reported

without malice. InCanada, there is no such immunity; reports on

public figures must be backed by facts. Publishers vigorously

defend libel lawsuits filed against their report ers, usually covered by

libel insurance.
Harm limitation principle 119

an increasing number of subscribers in the form of readers, newspapers

clearly reflect the individualit y of a reader and the country as well.

Thegrowth in the circulation of newspapers in the country

results in theoverall economic prosperity of the country, elevating it

to higher levels.An Indian daily newspaper strikingly plays a

significant role in thestructura l shaping of the countrys economical

developmen t. In fact, thenewspap er industry of any country for that matter

spreads knowledge andawarene ss amongst the people by propagating

itself as a medium for awide area of topics such as politics, sports,

social issues, medicine,en tertainment, advertising and marketing

and so on. These factions gel between each other on paper to rope in

prosperity for a country by cashingin economic prosperity.T he role of

the media in shaping public perceptions and opinions aboutsignifi

cant political and social issues has long been the subject of

bothspecula tion and research. It is widely accepted that what we know

about,think and believe about what happens in the world, outside of personalfirs

t-hand experience, is shaped, and some would say orchestrated , by

howthese events are reported in newspapers and communicat ed through

themedium of radio and television. This paper explores how the topic

of school discipline is covered by Australias major newspapers. Newspaper r

eports on discipline and related topics such as behaviour managemen

t,disruptive and antisocial behaviour in schools were examined

for the period 2000 2004. The analysis focused on the types of

topics covered,evi dence of bias and the message conveyed in the reports

about thisimporta nt and highly contentious subject. The paper

concludes with acommentar y the relationship between how

discipline is reported on in themedia and what actually happens in schools and

how educational decisionsan d policy might be influenced by such

reports.The role of the media in shaping public perceptions and

opinions aboutsignifi cant political and social issues has long been

the subject of much


250

speculation and debate. It is widely accepted

that what we know about,think about and believe about what happens in

the world, outside of p e r s o n a l first-hand experience, is shaped, and some

would s a y or c h e s t r a t e d, by how these e ve n t s a r e r e p or t e d i n n e ws pa pe r s

a nd commun icated through the medium of radio and television.F ew people

experience first-hand a terrorist attack, most dont know whatit is like to be

held in a foreign prison while undergoing a trial for suspect

ed drug trafficking. Thankfully, relatively few of us are thevictims

of a violent crime or are close to those who are the victims or even the

perpetrators of such acts. The reality of those events and our respons

es to them are experienced vicariously through the word picturescrea

ted by journalists and the visual and auditory realism of televisionre

ports. The mass media brings simulated reality into our lives and wefind

ourselves relying on those sources to provide a conceptuali zed imageof

the real world.This view of the influence of the media is elaborated on in what

is calledCulti vation Theory. Cultivation Theory holds that

the popular media,such as television, has the power to influence

our view of the world and itis primarily responsible for our perceptions

of day-today norms andreality (Infante, Rancer & Womack, 1997, p.

383). Television, in particular , is our major source of information

today and has become a partof us and part of our family life. George Gerbner

likened it to a keymember of the family, the one who tells the

most stories most of the time(Gerbn er et al 1980, p. 14). Research

has taken this one step further.Acc ording to Severin & Tankard

(1997) heavy television viewers are morelikely to perceive the world as

it is portrayed on the television screen.The limitations of such a

world view are strikingly portrayed by thecharacter Chance in

the movie Being There, the story of a gardener whoh a d s pe n t h i s

e nt i r e l i f e in the h ous e o f a n o l d ma n a nd wh os e o nl y knowle dge of the

world outside the house was through television. When


251

the man dies, Chance is put out on the street with no knowledge

of theworld except what he had learned from television. Cultivation

Theory is not without its critics, particularly those whoa r g u e that the

capacity of t h e ma s s me d i a t o s ha p e ou r t h i nk i n g i s exaggerat ed. Another

explanation of the influence of the media, AgendaSetting Theory ,

places somewhat less emphasis on the impact of themedia on

public opinion and more emphasis on what issues are actuallycov

ered in the media (Dearing & Rogers, 1996). Bernard Cohen was

oneof the earliest authorities to pick up on this in respect of the print

mediawhen he stated the press may not be successful much of the time

intelling people what to think, but it is stunningly successful in telling

itsreaders what to think about.It is likely that both theories or

explanation s of the medias influencede scribe, to some extent, what

actually happens. The media can and oftendoes decide what is reported,

and these stories, in whole or in part, areassimilat ed and accommoda

ted into the emotional fabric and cognitivestr uctures of individual readers and

viewers. How the media chooses toreport and to comment on those

events and issues will also have an impacttoo and will inevitably influence

the thinking of many. THE MEDIA AND EDUCATIO N

unlike many world events, when it comes to education and schools,

almostevery one has first-hand experience of the teachinglearning

process.for most, that has entailed six years of primary and six years of secondar

y education - a very long exposure indeed to the workings

of the classroom, school curricula and the dynamics of school

life. parents relive that experience from another perspective when

their c h i l d r en go to school. many in the community would

r e g a r d them selves as knowledgea ble about the education

process and some


252

would regard themselves as experts

onevery school educationre lated topic or issue.One could expect that

with this level of experiential background on thesubject of

education, the public would be well informed and far lesss us c e p t

i bl e t o distorted, bi a s e d , or i n a ny wa y ma n i p u l a t e d me d i a cover

age of the education enterprise. This is not the view taken byeducation

al researchers and commentato rs David Berliner and

BruceBiddl e. In their controversia l book The Manufactur ed Crisis they

providea sharp critique of U.S. media coverage of school reform

initiatives andstudent achievemen t data. They claim the public is being

manipulated into believing that the schools, particularly public

schools in the UnitedState s, are failing in their responsibili

ties to students and the community( Berliner & Biddle, 1995).

253
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