f

Salvatore Cosentino
ailed
it

Dara, the

Anastasiopolis

a the Byzantine
rtably testimony

IRANIAN CONTINGENTS IN BYZANTINE ARMY'*'

Persian territory,

new foundation
s

of the Persian

Probably many scholars would agree, today, that the "barbarization" of

Roman army
is

is

some

sort of

ambiguous and

elusive concept.

The

ambiguity,

city-citadel

is

rth-eastern
>

Iran,
if

of course, is not concerning the chronological development to which this definition refers, nor the different stages stressing such a development. The

I.

And
was

the

recruitment of barbarians

that

is

non-Roman

citizens

in the

Roman

e for an Achae)aras
also a

army was
view of

a very gradual process starting

from the 2nd century A.D., which

rapidly increased after the batde of Adrianople (378).

its

From

the point of

political nature,

it

began
at

to play a remarkable role only

by the

ice for the Perly,

:

but also his

it

promotion of barbarian leaders

units

the top of the palatinae and comitatenses

'

captured

in

i.D. 604, Parvlz

ice
's

11 (324-337). under the reign of Constantine the Great background in which this process developed seems quite

If the general
clear,

on the
it

and assured and and

in
it

contrary not few difficulties arise as soon as one

closer examination.

tries

to submit

to a

Christian celshrine
locality

1
:

:ance

known
site

to
.

modern historiography seems to maintain that "barbarization" chiefly means "germanization'VSuch is, for instance, the authoritative position held by A. H. M. Jones in his Later Roman Empire, which may have influenced many scholars. The special
Taken
as a whole,

iristian

shrine M>

emphasis on the

German element

is

a consequence of historiographical

imes the
?ry over

of

Achaeun-

interest being traditionally focused more on the West than on the eastern empire. However, since the fourth century the role played by the Arab

me manner
>st

troops in the Oriens, for example, seems not negligible, as

stressed

it

has been

the Batde of

During the fifth and the sixth century the must have been based more on Illyrians, Isaurians, 4 Arabs, Armenians, Caucasians, Turks, Iranians' than on Germans. Military

by

Irfan Shahid

(3)

recruitment in the East

'

*>

srsian King, Dara,

would

like to

thank Prof. W.E. Kaegi for helpful advice on

this paper.

the

Greek sigma.

> Cf.
<

Carrie 1995, p. 50.

2>

<3)

tes.
(4)

Jones 1964, II, p. 619. Shahid 1984, pp. 465-521.

Whitby 2000,

p.

301 speaks of a variety of sources, which ensured that no single

group could dominate*.

246

history too speaks in favour of a

in the pars Orientis.

non massive germanization of army

it

born

in a vilk

As

a matter of fact,

is

well

known

that in the

course of the Late Antiquity cavalry and archery came to acquire a more

presence of ge may have com

society

prominent

tactical role

than infantry; both cavalry and archery were two

by the
took

which the Germans did not excel according to the Strategicon by Maurice. The same notion of "German" has been undergone a deep revision since the sixties of the last century. The ethnic structures of the Germanic peoples in the age of the Volkerwanderungen were not at all cohesive in their identities'5 They were formed by groups of clans gathered around the families of their kings lacking of any form of ethnical homogeneity. Tribal confederations were based on linguistic and cultural affinities and on the capability of their leaders to attract under their rule other groups by means of military enterprises. Some
military specializations in
'.

this latter

lemics in Late
its

contents an

rusticity

of th
.

monks

<10)

On

the fashion of
as Ostrogothic

be very

sensitr

the privileges

tribes, as the

Sarmatians or the Alans, intermixed deeply with the Goths,

Even more
the broader so
in the passage

even though they spoke an Iranian idiom.

Also from a cultural viewpoint the concept of "barbarization" shows

M. Whitby has army were not less "civilised" (in a broader sense) than the majority of Romans coming from the less developed areas of the empire. Here the aspect of barbarization is not clearly distinguishable from the most general theme of
some degree of
ambiguity. In a recent contribution,
(6)

known, the pr
crucial worries

argued that the barbarians

who were

enrolled in the

experimented
militaris,
stipe)

also in this cai

the birth of a military culture in Late Antiquity. According to

J.

M.

whole body o
fourth century

Carrie the main feature of such a culture

by

a mentality being inclined to

way
case,
itary

of doing (7)

in opposition to

would have been represented emphasize a technocratic and active the ideals of "measure" and contemsenatorial nobility. If such
is

allowance of
(that
is

native

plative life carried

it

on by the Roman

the

must have rep

must be underlined that some elements of contrast between milsenatorial mentality take place since the third century

Roman admini
same importan
empire, probab
in the perspec

and

- and
army.

therefore, before the massive penetration of barbarians into

Roman

The

Historia Augusta sketches in a very ironical

manner the

personality

of Macrinus (217-218), a soldier of equestrian origins coming from the

century. Settinj

upper class, which was shaped on the stoic ideals of calm and impassibility, the emperor was used to speak in a so low voice during his public audiences that nobody was able to hear him. Herodianus qualified the emperor Maximinus the Thracian (235-238) as a ni2;o|3dQ|3aQoc; just because he was
Illyricum. In order to imitate the behaviour of the

was carried ou
ture of terribl

and Cassiodon manner by wl

<

9>
10)

<

(5) (6) (7)

Cf. Heather 1998; Pohl 2000, Whitby 1995, p. 104.

p. 4.
< <

RUGGINI 19 RUGGINI T
See Szidat

>

12 >

Carrie 1986,

p. 486.

For

a later period see also

Carile 1986.
<>

CTh VII
Cf. Cass.

(8)

Brown

1992, p. 881.

247

;ation

of army

born

vn that in the
icquire a

more

Doubdess, the increasing on the Thracian frontier presence of gentiles in the army from the fourth to the sixth century may have contributed to enlarge the influence exerted on the Roman
in a village
(9)
.

hery were two A according to

tan" has
ary.

society

by the

military mentality;

it

is

very questionable, however, that

this latter took rise only from the barbarization.

The

anti-barbarian po-

been
ethnic

The

lemics in Late Antiquity joined both pagans and Christian authors and the its contents are never the same. For the learned Eunapius of Sardi
rusticity

erwanderungen

of the barbarians was not less unbearable than that of the

.

ned by groups
tg

monks

(10)

On

the other hand, not

all

the soldiers were indifferent to

of any form

on

linguistic

ders to attract
srprises.
rith

Some

For instance Theoderic, that as Ostrogothic king was especially a military leader, showed himself to be very sensitive towards the classical legacy of Rome and respectful to the privileges of senate for the most part of his reign.
the fashion of the culture of
elites.

Roman

the Goths,

Even more inadequate

is

the concept of barbarization with regards to

ization"

shows
(6>

the broader socio-economical transformations of the Mediterranean world in the passage from the Late Antiquity to early Byzantium. As it is well

Whitby
'

has

known, the problem of how

crucial worries of the late

to supply the

were not less omans coming

pect of barbaleral

Roman

rulers, for the solution of

fiscal

army was one of the most which they

reform {annona

experimented several systems since the Diocletian's

militaris,

stipendia in

cash,

donativa,

coemptiones, military lands). But

theme of
J.

also in this case, the

main protagonist of these transformations was the

It
is

rding to

M.

whole body of the army, not the barbarians.

true that since the

en represented
itic
'

and active and contemsuch

is

fourth century they constituted the object of special measures, as the (11) or to the gentiles allowance of land to the laeti in Italy and Gaul
,

(that

is

natives)

along the African limes

{n)
.

These measures, however,

If
t

the
mil-

between

must have represented only a small part of the initiatives taken by the Roman administration for the solution of how to supply the army. The

century
)

- and
army,

same importance of the

hospitalitas system in the western part of the

Roman

the personality

empire, probably might turn out to be exaggerated by scholars if analysed in the perspective of long duree, that is from the fourth to the seventh

ning from the

:r
r,

which the emperor

class,

audiences that

emperor Maxecause he was

problem of the real means through which it was carried out, the sources do not seem to handle down to us a picture of terrible upheavals of contemporary Gaul and Italy. Ennodius and Cassiodorus (13) praise the praefectus praetorio Liberatus for the good manner by which he gave lands of Roman landowners to the Goths
century. Setting aside the

(9)

Ruggini 1984, Ruggini 1984,

p.

18.

(10)
<

p. 46.

>

See Szidat 1995.

<

12 >
13 >

CTh VII

15,

1.

<

Cf. Cass. Var. II, 16;

Enn. Epp. IX, 23.

 248
during the Odoacer's regime. If it is true that this evidence pervaded with a purpose of pro-Theoderic propaganda, it not
that the
ly
is

surely

cia,

Scythia,

Mi

less true

mentions the na
partially at leasl

accommodation of Germans

in the fifth century Italy

can hard-

have represented a dramatic event for its society. Otherwise, we could not explain why both Ennodius and Cassiodorus have chosen a similar

clibanarii Parthi,
et

secundi (two

argument
rial

for supporting Theoderic's rulership to the eyes of the senato'

magistri militum
latina

aristocracy.

under

th(

From
its

the brief considerations

made

above, the concept of "barba-

forces at the di

rization" of the

Roman

army emerges as a sort of distorting mirror for

seem
clear;

the legio sexta

qualified as psei

observer. Its general features

but every time one

tries to

penetrate into them, their implications with the social tissue of the world
of Late Antiquity are so close that they can barely be singled out as

merly limitanei,
ala
;

prima Parthi
{2i)
.

autonomous phenomena.

nae

In the ^

niores

and the

The

Iranian recruitment

giving to the adjective "Iranian" a basical-

the magister eqi

ly linguistic,

not political nor ethnical,

left

meaning -

into

Roman army

does

This does n

not seem having

century.

substantial traces in our sources before the third

(14)

nomenclature have been

improbable.
\

qi

By using

the detailed study of G. Forni

on the geographical

com
The
(

prosopography made by F. Devijver (15) on the equestrian officers, we do not find any name which can be traced to an Iranian onomastics. After conquering Ctesiphon in 197 or 198,
origins of the legionarii or the

Parthii. In this

of clibanarius (G

Septimius Severus

(AD

193-211), constituted three

I

new
left

legions, the in

I,

II

from
be,

a Persian

and

III Parthica,

of which the

and the

III

were

as presidium of the

new

province.

We know

tered at Singara;

maybe the

legio III at

Rhesaenae m

that the legio I

'.

Mesopotamia was quar-

the meaning of
the differen

The

existence of a

clibanarius

and
ii

cavalry squadron of Oshroeni quartered at

ry,

Apadana

in the third centu-

article written

depending from the

.

legio

I,

has been hypothesized on the basis of

convincingly,
fighters'
I

th

an inscription <17)

It

is

possible, therefore, in

view of the proximity of

attracted

26

'.

The
l

the quartering areas to the Parthian (after Sasanian) territory, that during the third century these legions
cruits

may have

some Iranian

re-

from the head protected by a

Khurds or Persians). Herodianus states that in the Severus Alexandrer's campaign of 234-235 against the Germans there <18) In 337 were some oriental auxilia of Oshroeni, Armenians, Parthians
(Parthians,
.

horseman

riding

(19) <20)
'

See the enti

Not. dign.,
(

Constantine or Constantius
territory

II

is

said to have received in the

Roman
1
''

about 300.000 Sarmatians,

who were
see also

scattered

by him

in Thra-

(21)

Not. dign., Not. dign., Not.

dign.,

(22 >
(23)

<14) (15) (16)

See

Form

1953,

Appendix B and C;

Form

1992, pp. 64-141.

early imperial time,

(24)

Devijver 1986.

Not. dign.,

(
1

Form
Herod.

1953, p. 94;

Mann
1,

<

1983, p. 44; Isaac 1992, p. 360, nn. 169-170. Alex. Sev. 61, 8 and Max.

23

See Bivar

<17 >
<18)

Gnoli 2000, pp. 106-109.

6,

can be found.
2,
1;

7,

8;

7,

9 e

H. A.

vit.

11, 7;

both
;

(26)

Eadie 1967,

quoted by Gabba 1974,

p. 34, n. 83.

p. 28, n. 66.

 249
lence
t

is

surely

not

less true

[taly

can hard-

vise,

we

could

osen a similar
of the senato-

Macedonia and northern Italy <19) The Notitia dignitatum mentions the names of several reparts which might have been composed, partially at least, by Iranians. In the East we find a corps of equites clibanarii Parthi, composed by three squadrons, that is the equites primi et secundi (two vexillationes comitatenses under the command of the two magistri militum praesentales) {20) and the equites quarti (a vexillatio pa(2l) latina under the magister militum per Orientem) Always among the
cia,

Scythia,

:pt

of "barba-

forces at the disposal of the magister militum per Orientem are listed

ing mirror for

ie

the legio sexta Parthica and the legio Transtigritana

qualified as pseudocomitatenses
.

{22)
,

two formations
for-

one

tries to

This means that their soldiers were

of the world

merly limitanei,
ala

who

later
is

singled out as

prima Parthorum
.

had received the status of comitatenses. An assigned under the orders of the dux Osrhroese-

nae (2i)
niores
ian" a basical-

In the West the Notitia mentions the equites sagittarii Parthi

and the

equites sagittarii Parthi iuniores

among

the forces under

the magister equitum praesentalis {24 \

lan

army does

This does not mean, of course, that simply on the basis of the

fore the third

2

nomenclature quoted in the Notitia,

all

the above mentioned units must the contrary, this seems highly
is

geographical

have been composed by Iranians.

improbable.

On

Devijver (15) on

The

only possible exception

the one of the equites clibanarii

can be traced 197 or 198,

ions, the
I,

Parthii. In this case

we

are dealing with a very high technical term, that

it

of clihanarius (Greek >di|3avdcaoc;). Specialists have judged

as originating

II

Mesopotamia o I was quarexistence of a

s
i

from a Persian etymology, *grwpan that is, literally "neck-guard" with the meaning of "life-preserver" (i.e. the armour) <25) Whatever it may be, the difference existing in the military Roman vocabulary between clihanarius and cataphractus must be emphasized. In a well- documented
.

third centu-

article written in

1967 John
these

Eadie has demonstrated, in

refer

my

opinion
of

the basis of

convincingly,
fighters'
26
'.

that

two terms

to

two

different

figures

proximity of
ory,

The

first

one, the clihanarius, denotes a rider heavy armoured

that dur-

le Iranian re>

that in

the

from the head to the knees, mounting an horse which is, in its turn, protected by a mail; the second one, the cataphractus, describes a mailed horseman riding a horse without protection. Now, we very well know

rermans there

ms (18) In 337
.

<19) (20)
(21) (22)

See the entry "Sarmatae" in

Re

2.

R.,

by K. Kretschmer,
.

c.

2547.
'

the

Roman

Not. dign., Or. V, 40; Or. VI, 40.

him

in Thra-

Not. dign., Or. VII, 32. Not. dign., Or. VII, 55, 58. Not.
dign.,

(23)

Or.

XXXV,
Gabba
p.

30; an unit with the

same name

is

already mentioned in

141.

early imperial time, see

(24)

1974, p. 36, n. 90.

Not. dign., Occ. VI, 68, 73.

9-170.

(25)

See BrvAE 1972,

277, n. 28, where other etymologies on the term "clibanarius"

can be found.
Max. 11,
7;

both

(26)

Eadie 1967,

p.

170;

on

this point, quite skeptical

is

the opinon

by Gabba 1974,

p. 28, n. 66.

Jl

250

Achaemenian times, had developed a military tradition of an heavy armoured cavalry, deriving it from the Sarmatians. Plenty of evidence of that can be found in the repertory of images of horsemen depicted on reliefs, graffiti, coins, sculptures, luxury objects which has been analysed in 1972 by Bivar (27) As to the written
that the Iranian world, since the
.

appointed

pro

have become a

Hormizd from
an
elite unit,

fo

sources, Heliodorus in his Aethiopica give us a detailed description of the

Sasanian clibanarius

According to Eadie the mailed

Roman

cavalry,

on

the contrary, was never able to develop an armoured force comparable

by Roman genei been important and strategic pi were

similar to

one of the Parthians or the Sasanians. The famous companies of equites Dalmatae or the promoti created by Gallienus, for example, were un-armoured riders (29) In order to organize an efficacious squadron of
to the
.

beginning of se
prefer to achiev

needed to have first of all a special kind of extremely resistant horses, which had to be able to carry the weight of the horseman's armour and that of their own protections. Then, a strong military training for
clibanarii
it

orderly

approad
03 '.

Dennis)

This

Roman comman
the Roman's on<

the rider was needed, which had to be able to violendy charge the

Such a thing was not easy at all, especially because until the end of the sixth century the horsemen did not use stirrups. In short, one has to be a very skilful and well-equipped rider for fighting as a clibanarius. For such a reason, it does seem not
loosing his
stability.

enemy without

foundation of

it!

Because of
the

more

a conf

unreasonable to think that the units of equites clibanarii Parthi listed in the Notitia were recruited among individuals coming from Parthia, Armenia or Oshroene.

mence, the mor were increasing,

many

reasons:

fii

then, economical
ical survival, for

The

first

unquestionable mention of a Persian contingent serving in the

is
still

Roman army

found

in the Notitia dignitatum:

we
'.

are talking about

the equites Persae clibanarii, a vexillatio palatina under the the magister equitum praesentalis of Constantinople 00

command
fled

ing from the sec one hundred yea

find a major

of

The hypothesis can

from

pr

be made
Persia to

that this unit originally

was formed by the troops who

peculiar onomat<
individuals.

Roman

territory

with prince Hormizd, the abuhr IPs brother,

Betwi

I (324-337). Hormizd was used by the and Julian for challenging the political legitimacy of the "King of kings" and, by judging from the survived evidence, he is thought to be well integrated into Roman society 011 He accompanied

during the reign of Constantine

II

scutariorum tribu
capture the

emperors Constantius

Arm
t.

rank of magister

the catholic bish

Constantius II in

Rome

in the year 357; in

363 he took part in Julian's

left

383/384 we find
Narses <37) althougl
,

expedition against Persia, serving as leader of the

cavalry.

His son,

wing of the Roman Hormizd - he bore the same name of his father - was

408 and 410

is

qi

(32)

(27)

See supra,
Heliod.

n.

25.

On

the Sasanian cavalry see

Widengeen

1976, pp. 287-292. See

Plre
Maur.

I,

pp. 44

(33) (34)

also the article of

(28) (29)

9,

Garsoian 1992, pp. 385-395 and Schippmann 1990, pp. 104-105. 15 (ed. by A. Colonna, Torino 1987, pp. 506-507).
p.

Strut.

X
p.

On
Plre Plre Plre

the Sasanii
I,

Eadie 1967,
See Plre

(35 >
(36)

168.
<37)

See Plre
I, I,

(30)
(31)

Not. dign., Or. VI, 32.

I,

p. 803.

p. 443,

s.v.

Hormisdas

2.
(38)

pp. 61i

II,

pp.

1]

251
d developed a

g
te

it

from the

appointed proconsul Asiae in 379; under the reign of Theodosius I he may have become comes rei militarist. Doubdess, the men having followed

repertory of

Hormizd from
an
elite

his

country must have been enrolled into

Roman army

as

lptures, luxury

unit, for the reasons told above. Persian cavalry was appreciated

to the written
icription of the

lan cavalry, on
ce comparable
;

companies of example, were

squadron of

is

remely resistant
seman's armour
ry training for
tly

by Roman generals and its introduction into the Roman array would have been important in case of a clash on an open and flat ground. The tactical and strategic principles that distinguished the military Persian mentality were similar to the Romans' ones. In his Strategicon (end of sixth or beginning of seventh century) Maurice writes: for the most part they prefer to achieve their results by planning and generalship; they stress an orderly approach rather than a brave and impulsive one (transl. by Dennis) (33) This way of waging war could surely have been approved by
.

Roman commanders.
foundation of
its

It is also

meaningful that the Sasanian culture,

is

like

the Roman's one, developed a strategic thought on war which

34 literary production of military manuals'
'.

at the

charge the
all,

ot easy at

horsemen did
well-equipped

Because of a phenomenon well known in the whole ancient world, the more a conflict between two political powers was rising in its vehemence, the more the betrayals and flights from one side to another

does seem not

Parthi listed in

were

increasing.

To pass
of

to the enemy's

camp may have depended on

the case of Hormizd;

many

reasons:

first

all political dissatisfaction, as

from Parthia,
serving in the

then, economical convenience, as in the case of mercenary troops; physical survival, for prisoners

of war.

It is

not surprising, therefore,

if start-

ing from the second half of the fourth century

that

is,

after

e talking

about
of

command
fled

one hundred years of war between the find a major presence of Iranians in the Roman army. Owing

Romans and

the Sasanians

some of - we
to their

hypothesis can

who
is

from

hr lis brother,

peculiar onomatology, we can consider in such a way the following individuals. Between 374 and 377 Ammianus mentions a Barzimeres scutariorum tribunus, who have been sent by the emperor Valens to

used by the
legitimacy
is

itical

Grazianus in 378 appointed at the rank of magister militum Sapores, sending him to re-establish in their sees
(35) capture the Armenian king Papak
.

evidence, he
t

(36) the catholic bishops of Syria

he was

also

known by

Libanius. In

accompanied
of the
father

383/384 we find
Narses
(37)
,

in office in Britannia,

part in Julian's
;

although he might have been

is

also of

Gaul or Spain a comes called Armenian origins. Between

,

Roman
- was

408 and 410

<38) who, quoted in our sources the personality of Varanes

is

(32)

Plre
Maur.

I,

pp. 443-44,

s.v.

Hormisdas

3.

pp. 287-292. See

104-105.

(33) (34)
<

Strut.

XI
p.

1,

6-8 ed. Dennis (Wien 1981, Cfhb, 17).

3.

On

the Sasanian tradition of military manuals see Christiansen 1944, p. 217.

I,

35 >

See Plre

148.

<

36

Plre Plre

I, I,

p. 803.

<

37)

pp. 616-17,

s.v.

Narses

3.
1.

(38)

Plre

II,

pp. 1149-50,

s.v.

Varanes

T
252
according to Libanius, was son of a famous person,
Persians

maybe one of

the

created in 541
like

Hormizd. In 408 he was appointed magister peditum in the West; in the next year he possibly became magister militum praesentalis in Constantinople, reaching in 410 the high dignity of consul in the pars Orientis. In the same 409 we find
into
service with

come

Roman

Artabazes

the Italian

war

turn Persoiustin

unit continued

militum in Constantinople another Iranian, Arsacius (39) Towards the middle of the fifth century in Egypt is mentioned Chosroes
as magister
.

war.

By

this tir

a local recruitn

in the

rank of comes

(et

dux Thebaidis)
(41)
,

Another comes who possibly

femia's epigrapl

had Iranian origins is Artacius cited in the Vita Auxentii in the period 450/457. During the reign of Leo I (457-474) the Leontoclibanarii (Aea)VToxA.i|3avdQioi), a cavalry unit, was created (42) that owing to its explicit military specialization, must have surely included some people of
,

Another mil is the one of t coming from

R
t

recruitment to

Persian origins. Also in the

civil administration we can observe an increased presence of Iranians starting from the second half of the fourth century. For example, Arsacius, keeper of the imperial lions around the

territory eastwai
political

influen

was incorporate
the rule of a
i

mid of
395/397
451
(46)

the fourth century (43)

(44)
;

Artabazaces praeses Lybiae superioris in

at

Artabas,

who
;

has been supposed to be cubicularius

the

inhabitants were

court of Theodosius II (45)

;

Artaxes, another cubicularius between 442 and

deep process of
relationships ke<

Hormisdas praefectus praetorio per Illyricum in 408 and then praefectus praetorio Orientis in 451 (47) One new unit which must have been composed of Persian soldiers was created under Justinian's reign: the numerus Persoiustiniani, quoted
.

fluence

is

evidei

menians of a
throughout the
army. Therefore,

'in
S.

a late sixth century Italian inscription

.

Eufemia in Grado (48) which it was recruited; it

We
is

coming from the church of do not know the precise background in

formed by using some

highly probable, however, that this unit was of the Persians contingents which surrendered to

be too much di the above shouted him by

cum

the Byzantines during the wars fighting between 530-531 or 540-561. Perhaps, this circumstance can be identified with the capture of the castle

near Faenza in
before the Tagin
in

of Sisauranon by Belisarius in 541, after which Procopius relates that its garrison was sent by Justinian to the West for being engaged against the

duel.

These

Goths m

If this

hypothesis

is

correct,

the equites Persoiustiniani were

"man again upon in plicidy said by 1

clash

dwells

<39) (40) (41)

(42)

Plre Plre Plre Plre Plre Plre Plre

II,

p.

152,

s.v.

Arsacius

3.
(50>

II,
II,

p. 293. p.

154.
(51)

See COSENTIN' See Tjader I

See Grosse 1920, p. 279 and Diethart-Dintsis 1984.

I, I,

(43)
(44)

p.

110,
154. 154.

s.v.

Arsacius

Parsoarminiorum
1.

who
t

natium
(52) (53)

p. p.
p.

six onciae of

(45) (46) (47) (48) (49)

II,

See Yuzbashu

II, II,

154.
(54)

Armenia

havii

Plre

p. 571.
II,

Arsacid dinasty.
p.

See Cosentino

159,

s.v.

Iohannes 114

On

Anzalas

s<

(55)

Proc. Bell. Goth. Ill 3, 11.

Christiansen

253

created in 541.

Some

of the Persians formerly serving in Sisauranon,

be one of the

like

Artabazes or Bleschames, are expressly mentioned by Procopius in

8 he was ape possibly belching in 410

e

the Italian

war

theatre <50)

The

inscription mentioning the

numerus

equi-

tum Persoiustiniani, which is dated around 579, demonstrates that the unit continued to be quartered in Italy still after the end of the Gothic
war.

409 we find
<39)
.

By

this time,

however,

its

ranks must have been enlanged through

rsacius

To-

a local recruitment, since the soldier

femia's epigraph bears the Latin

who

is

remembered

in the S.

Eu-

>ned Chosroes

name

of Iohannes.

who

possibly
is

Another military company of Justinianic time related to our subject

the one of the numerus felicum Persoarmeniorum, cited in a papyrus
<51)
.

Hi in the peri-

.eontoclibanarii

coming from Ravenna dating around 591

The name
falling

in itself links
is

its

owing to

its

recruitment to the area of the so-called Persoarmenia, that

territory eastwards of the Upper Euphrates
political

roughly the
Sasanian

ame people of
jbserve an in-

down under

influence after the

Roman -Persian

treaty of 390.

This region
to
its

of the fourth ns around the

?

was

incorporated into the Sasanian

the rule of a

kingdom after 428 and submitted <52) Even if marzpan appointed by the Persian shah
.

superioris
at

in

inhabitants were not Persians, since the ancient times they underwent a

zularius

the

ween 442 and

and then praeersian soldiers
Hniani,

deep process of linguistic and cultural Iranization due to the very close <53) Such an inrelationships keeping up between Parthia and Armenia among the Arfluence is evident in the military field by the existence
.

menians of
quoted

strong tradition of an armoured cavalry force, which

throughout the Late Antiquity served both the Roman and the Persian army. Therefore, the way in which the Persoarmenias fought should not

the church of

aackground in
1

this unit

was

surrendered to

540-561. Perof the castle

be too much different from that of the Persians. In the helium Gothicum the above mentioned Artabazes, for instance, accepts the challenge shouted him by the Goth Walaris when the two armies were fronting (54) made the same exploit near Faenza in 542. The Armenian Anzalas before the Taginae battle (552, July), when he killed the Goth Kokkas
in

relates that its

;ed against the

''ustiniani

These episodes reflected the Persian attitude for the physical (55) on which Procopius often clash "man against man" ("mard u mard") of the Persoarmenias are exdwells upon in his historical work. Some
duel.

were

plicidy said

by him to have deserted the Sasanians

for the Byzantines,

<50) (51)

See Cosentino See TjAder

II,

Parsoarminiorum

who

pp. 180-81 (Artabazes); p. 238 (Bleschames). pap. 37; this document is concerning Tzittas miles numeri felicum allows his wife Rusticiana to sell to Iohannes adorator felicum RavenI,

natium
(52)
(53)

six onciae of the

fundus Genicianus.

See Yuzbashian 1996, p. 153.

Armenia having been ruled from 63

AD

to about

390 by

a cadet

branch of the

Arsacid dinasty.
(54)

On

Anzalas see Cosentino

I,

p.

169.

(35)

Christiansen 1944, p. 216.

Jl

254

the extent to
.

as the brothers Aratios, Isaakes

and Narses, who maybe stemmed from

the noble family of the Kamsarakan <56)

Many

of the deserters reached

in the Byzantin<

the high rank of magister militum. At the beginning of the seventh century a certain vir gloriosus Tzittanus mentioned in a Ravenna's papyrus
is

ninth century n

ment

in the

im

qualified as maior of the former exarch Iohannes <57)

It is

worth not-

or the Khurran
individuals bear

ing another

phenomenon

related to us

by the same Procopius: the high

presence of Iranians, Persarmenians, Armenians, Caucasians, Massagetae

or

Huns among

the soldiers forming the personal retinue of important

mid powerful oaxeW

sources of

generals like Belisarius or Narses. This fact can only partially

depend on

who

is

mentior

the shifting from the

West

to the East, during the fifth-sixth century, of

century.

But
as a

it

the most favourite recruiting areas of the empire. I think that the primary

origins, since th

explanation

lies

in the peculiar military skills of the "oriental"

recruits.

period

syn

In Procopius the soldiers serving as bodyguards of generals are called

In any case

two non-technical terms, which have not been be the equivalent of the Latin buccellarii. Doubdess, they pointed out figures of fighters characterized by a high military preparation and by peculiar relationships with their leaders. On the whole, they can be surely considered as elite troops. For this reason, it is a bit astonishing that Germans were not much mentioned among them. This circumstance has been rightly explained by stressing the importance of archery in the sixth century <58) Iranians, Pesarmenians, Armenians, Turks, Caucasians, were skilful riders, who were able to use on horse both the spears and the bow. By the
Soou^opoi or
vjtaojTtoTai,
far.

names
dignity,

are

docu
is

fully

explained so

Usually, they are thought to

euro lOTdxcov an<

which

tion of dux;

th

Greek

translatic
<

of the Iranian

Persarmenians.
of middle-Byzai
the subject of a

Saborios (67)

(2<xf

contrast, according to Procopius, the Ostrogothic cavalrymen

have not
.

667/668 unsucc

experience in fighting with bows, and they only employ spear and sword <59)

been Persoarme
tells

Maurice's Strategicon confirms the ability of Persians horsemen in using

us that

am
the

bows, although he remarks that even

eOvti the

if

they were careful shooters, their

.

army led by
is

weapons' shot was not particularly powerful <60)

"blond peoples", that
is

For Maurice the |av0d

the Latin for

the Germans, liked better fighting on

bard king Grim

in a

foot than

on horse (61>

Greek

seal
eigl
/

The

fall

of the Sasanian empire under the Arab power unfortunately

ning of the

collides with a drastic decrease of the available written evidence

on Byz-

Under the
narrates
a

antine side. This lacking of documentation prevents us from verifying

man

(62'

On
Plre

Stephan
n.

(56)

On

them see Cosentino

I,

p.

172 (Aratios); Cosentino

II,

pp. 226-27 (Isaakes),

(63
(64:

PmbZ, PmbZ, PmbZ, PmbZ,

44
p.

2 pp. 417-18 (Narses ).

III,

See Cosentino 1990, p. 289 (Tzittas2 ).

BrvAR 1972, p. 286. Bivar 1972, p. 286.

(65
(66:

n.

64
19

(58) (59)

Dedeyan
n.

(67

64

(60) (61)

Maur.

Strut.

XI

1,

15-17. 11-12.

(68;
(69:

Paul. Diac.
n.

Maur. Stmt. XI

3,

10

255

stemmed from
erters

reached

the extent to which the Iranian recruitment continued to play some role in the Byzantine army. One source of recruiting from the seventh to the

e seventh cen;nna's papyrus

is

ninth century must have been represented, as we will see, by the settlement in the imperial territory of eastern populations, like the Mardaites

worth notthe high

>pius:
is,
:

Massagetae

or the Khurramites, which probably spoke an Iranian idiom. Sometimes individuals bearing the nickname of "the Persian" (6 neoaris) appear in 621 the sources of middle Byzantine period, as for instance Stephanos'
,

of important

powerful aaKeXkaQioc, of Justinian

II or the

onaQaQouaybibaxoc, Leon (63)

illy

depend on
the primary
recruits,

rth century, of
iat

who is mentioned on a seal dating back to the eight or to the ninth century. But it is hard to maintain that they were surely of Iranian origins, since the term "Persian" is often used in Byzantine texts of this
period as a synonymous with "Arab". In any case, in the seventh century some people bearing Iranian (64) names are documented. Two seals hand down the memory of Chosroes
goto imdtcov
dignity,

aital"
rals

are called

have not been

the equivalent
res of fighters
ir

and of Sabur. (Sapotio) (65) The former bears a middle rank

.

which

is

often associated in other sources with the military func-

relationships

considered as

tion of dux; the latter bears not tide, but undoubtedly his name is a Greek translation of the Persian "Sabuhr". Of course, we are not sure

Germans were s been rightly

xth century (58)
:
.

of the Iranian origins of either of them, because they could have been Persarmenians. The increasing role played by the Armenians in the army of middle-Byzantine period
is,

indeed, very well known, and has been

skilful riders,

the subject of a long article by Gerard

Dedeyan some

years ago

(66)
.

Also
in

bow. By the
not
',

Saborios (67) (2a(36oiog

< Sabuhr")

the oxQaxt]ybq tu>v 'Aquevkxxcdv

who

men have
:

and sword 159

667/668 unsuccessfully tried to usurp Constans IPs throne, might have been Persoarmenian, at least judging by his function. Paul the Diacon
the optimates forming the staff officer of the Italian army led by the same Constans II there was another Sabuhr - Saburrus of the Lomis the Latin form - who was defeated by Romualdus son <69) (68) A certain Chosroes Jtatpbaog is mentioned bard king Grimoaldus
tells

emen

in using

us that

among

shooters, their

ice the |av6d

:er

fighting

on

in a

Greek

seal

dating between the end of the seventh and the begin-

ning of the eighth century.

unfortunately

dence on Byz-

Under the
narrates

AM

6224 (= 731/732) the Chronographia by Theophanes

expedition led against the Italian coasts by the

from verifying

a maritime

(62)

On

Stephanos see PmbZ,

n. 4401.
III,

n.

6931.

226-27 (Isaakes),

<

63 >

PmbZ,

(64 >
<

Plre
PmbZ, PmbZ,

p. 308.

65)

n.

6477.

<

66 >
67

DfiDEYAN 1987.
n. 6476.

<

(68)

Paul. Diac. Hist. Lang. V, 10; see also PmbZ, n. 6478.

PmbZ,

n.

1075.

256
(7O) otQaxTiYog xtov Kv|3v0ai<yxcov

which Leo III gave orders for doing it is not clear; Ottorino Bertolini supposed the Byzantine navy to be directed against Ravenna (71) Anyhow, the expedition failed because the Byzantine fleet was destroyed by a storm. Its leader was called Manes (M<xvt]s < Mani). It is tempting to suppose that he
.

The purpose

for

able to say

contingent
Byzantines

al

Caliph

the Zagros

Al-M h

may have been one

Justinian II in 686.

of the Mardai'tes settled down in the empire by These Mardai'tes are something of mysterious for scholars; since the middle of the seventh century groups of them plundered and robbed both Arab Syria and Byzantine Cilicia coming from

received with be converted

Christian

nan
Tl

Theophilus (79)
cavalry (soi
.

on Mount Amanus (72) (between Syria and Cilicia). In the course of the time, after some of them migrated southwards to Mount Lebanon, they became more and more dangerous for the Catheir strongholds
liphate. Therefore, during the treaty established in

however, pre
(Pontos), in

686 between

Justini-

majority havi r

emperor agreed to withdraw somewhat as 20.000 Mardai'tes from the caliphate and to resettle them along the
II

an

and

Abd

al-Malik, the

then to Sino but in 839 tl

their leader,

Here they constituted the backbone of the future theme of the Cybirraeots serving in it as oarsmen. I am not competent to deal with the problem of the Mardai'tes'
.

Anatolian coast near the modern Antalya (73)

empire

in gra

identity; I limit

myself to stress that

there
is

among

the hypotheses having been

It

is

time
thirc

done on

this

topic,

also that of a

Kurdish origin <74)

Another

from the
to

Byzantine general bearing the name Manes is the 0x001x^765 xcov BoweaAccqlcov holding his office in 766 (75) Unfortunately the source quoting him, still again Theophanes, does not give any information on the
.

the structi

investigation
especially in

possible derivation of his name. Very probably he

tolia,

came from East Ana-

armoured
late

cav*

because Theophanes describes him as an intimate friend of the emperor Constantine V whose family was coming from Germanikeia

than other pe
antique B
the end of th

(modern Marda). Other individual

Iranian

cited in Byzantine source having an

name

are Artaser (76) ('Aoxaario)

seal

and Sahperosan (77) (Saxxeooodv):

the

first is

mentioned on a
seal

with the rank of JtoooxoajTaedoioc;; the

more by Irania Even more im

for categorizin

second on a

without any

tide.
tell

Several sources of middle Byzantine period

about a corps of

The
a

increasing

soldiers called "the Persians" (01 IleQom). Fortunately, this time

we

are

was performed
uniform pre
out as in
the

connected to
(70) (71) (72) (73) (74) (75) <76) (77)

Theoph. Chronogr.,

p.

410

ed.

De

Boor.

come

See Bertolini 1967, pp. 15-49.

Treadgold 1997, Treadgold 1997,

Theoph. Chron., PmbZ, n. 645.
PmbZ,
n.

p. 327. p. 332.
II,

going from
1297 (by
A. Hollingsworth).
,78) (79)

See the entries in El and in the Odb

p.

p.

P.

440, 25-28; see also PmbZ, n. 4691.

the same person quoted in another eighth century

Treadgolu
PmbZ,
n.

6483;

maybe

(80)

seal,

see
(81)

See Tkeadc

PmbZ,

n.

6506 (Saperozan).

Treadgold

T
257
Leo
tie

III

gave

able to say something

more on

this

expression.

It

refers

to

huge

2d the Byzan-

expedition
Its

(about 14.000 men) who fled to the about 834, in the occasion of the attack launched by the Byzantines

contingent of Khurramites

rm.

leader

Caliph Al-Mutasim against the members of

(78) the Zagros Mountains
.

this

Iranic sect settled in

Dpose that he
be empire by
nysterious for
af

The

refugees, led

by

their leader Nasr,

were

received with open arms by the emperor Theophilus after accepting to be converted to the Christian faith. Their chief Nasr received the new
Christian

them pluncoming from

In

name
(79)
;
.

of
his

Theophobus and married one

of the wife's sisters of

elite

Theophilus
cavalry
(80)

men were

enrolled in a

new

corps, a tagma of

id Cilicia).

The

faithfulness

showed by them

to

their

new

sovereign,

:outhwards to
3

for the Ca-

:tween Justini-

however, proved to be very tepid during the battle of Dazimon (Pontos), in 838, when only few of them stayed with the emperor, the majority having fled from the battlefield. They took shelter to Amaseia,
then to Sinope, where they proclaimed emperor Theophobus - Nasr, but in 839 they came to terms with the emperor. After the death of
their leader, the

somewhat

as

sm along
in
it

the

onstituted the
as oars-

empire
It

in

Khurrammites were spread among the themes of the (81) groups of two thousand for each district
.

be
s

Mardaites'
is

having been
(74)
.

time to

come

to

some conclusions. The Iranian recruitment

in

Another

from the
to

third to the ninth century

made

a not negligible contribution

CQarriyoc;
e

twv

the structure of the Roman-Byzantine army, which deserves

source quot-

investigation

by the

scholars.

It

was favoured by the imperial

more power

nation

on the

especially in those fields of high technical military specialization, as the

om

East Ana-

armoured cavalry and the

archery,

where the Iranians were more expert

friend of the

Germanikeia
rce having an

than other peoples. The idea of a very strong "Germanization" of the late antique Roman army has to be reconsidered, because starting by
the end of the fourth century the
elite

troops seem to be composed

(Saxteooodv):
fjtaSdoiog; the

more by Iranians, Armenians, Caucasians, Arabs, Turks than by Germans. Even more inadequate it turns out to be the concept of "barbarization"
for categorizing the transformations

undergone

in the late

Roman

army.

at
s

corps of

time

we

are

The increasing penetration of non-Romans in the military structures was performed throughout a too long diachrony for being considered as a uniform process. Many aspects of this barbarization are so closely
connected to the socio-economical transformations of Late Antiquity to come out as impossible to be considered in their self. In the long period
going from the third to the seventh century the feeling of self-identity

gsworth).
(78) (79) (80)

Treadgold 1988,
PmbZ,
n.

p.

282.

8237.

century

seal,

see
(81)

See Treadgold 1988, pp. 282-283 and Haldon 1984, pp. 251-252. Treadgold 1988, pp. 301, 314.

258

changed and the opposition romanitas I barbaritas was characterized by different connotations. Of course, the interaction of the "barbarians" with Roman society and their integration into it was not without problems. I have not consciously dealt with this topic, because it would have deserved another paper. Military Byzantine culture was a quite refined one but in no military
treatises, to

Bertolini 1967

my

knowledge, there

is

any express advice of avoiding non-

Greek
rules

recruitment. Late antique history

had made the generals accustomed

Bivak 1972

to deal with foreign peoples in their armies. In the taktika there are for dealing with the

renegades; rules

on how

to

array foreign

contingents in the batdefield, but no express prohibitions on their use.

Brown

pushed on by the material need of men and a repulsion based on the traditional mentality must have been not easy. Obviously, as long as the Romania was working out the feeling of its cultural self-identity, the ways in which its intellectuals
integration

The equilibrium between an

Carile 1986

looked

at

the

"other"

inclined to prejudice.

Foreign populations were

Carrie 1995

judged then not for

how

they were or for what kind of social functionality

they exerted for the empire, but for what they represented in the
birth of a Byzantine identity.

paradigmatic case

is

given to us by

what happened to the Khurammites. Their flight from the battlefield of Dazimon opened the way to the Muslim army for sacking Ancyra. When the walls of the city were rebuilt, in 859, an inscription put on them by the ajra8aQoxav6i6aToc; Basil for commemorating the event seems to bring back the reader at the time of Sharbaraz's campaigns. Here is the text: since a long time destroyed by sorrow and brought to your knees by the bloody hands of the Persians (i.e. the Muslims), wake up now you (i.e. Ancyra), being revived from evils and get rid of any doleful ugliness (82) This is a splendid example for studying Byzantine self-identity and how they read their past; but we would like to know also what was the fate of the some thousands of Khurrammites scattered by Theophilus among the themes for the defence of the
.

Christiansen 1944

Cosentino

Cosentino 1990

Cracco Ruggini

19

Dedeyan 1987

empire.
Diethart
-

Dintsis

Eadie

Ei

Form
(82)

1953

This inscription has been published by Gregoire 1927-1928, p. 439, footnote n.

2.

 259
s
tie
is

characterized

"barbarians"

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t

in

no

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:rals

accustomed

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le

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