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TheIndian EXPRESS
www.indianexpress.com

NEW DELHI l WEDNESDAY l JULY 25 l 2012

The Indian EXPRESS

BECAUSE THE TRUTH INVOLVES US ALL

ROM Nariman Point to Tirupur, from broking firms to ancillary industries as a two-part series in this newspaper has illustrated the economy is seeing a steady contraction in employment opportunities. The economic and social cost is sobering but the UPA should also worry about the political implications. Lakhs of jobs are being lost when India is heading for a general election that could be decided primarily by performance rather than sops, glad-handing, identity politics and ideological allegiance. As the economy has evolved, so have Indian voters. In many ways, they now resemble their peers in more advanced economies, where in hard times national elections may be largely decided by economic factors and job prospects. Employment statistics have been headline news in the US ever since the Wall Street melted down, for instance, and promise to remain a leading issue in the presidential election. Across classes, people are now ambitious and value prospects over the politics of feelgood and subsidies. Millions of families expected better from a UPA government led by a reformist prime minister. They educated their children for skilled jobs, which are being erased in a general slowdown that is visiting layoffs on almost all levels and across industries, from garments to mining, and even in information technology and the

UPA must act, if only because shrinking employment may take an irreversible political toll
services it powers. Only the construction sector shows growth in employment with grim implications for skill generation. In general, the electorate is having to settle for less. The effects of an indifferent monsoon wont make things look any happier. By its own estimation, the rural employment guarantee scheme is the silver bullet in the UPAs election belt, but the rest is just empty loops. The UPA is paying inadequate attention to the urban poor, though the big cities have backed it in two general elections. In the rural sector, NREGA only benefits the landless. The rise in agricultural wages that it has sparked off is hurting landed farmers. Lack of attention to irrigation, power, rural credit and agricultural markets could grow into a serious election issue. J. Jayalalithaa may be echoing a widely shared complaint when she accuses the UPA of ignoring the people while it deals with its domestic squabbles. Indeed, the alliance has suffered internal unrest and stumbled on core reform issues. It is about time it ignores the restiveness among its partners, which will increase as parties catch election fever, and concentrates on creating the vote-getters of a modern polity wealth and employment. That means economic reform, the only silver bullet the UPA can rely on if it wants to bag another term.

Jobs and votes

PRESSING question in Uttar Pradesh would be this one: where, precisely, does the Akhilesh government stand on the issue of FDI in retail and why? After all, only days ago, Mulayam Singh Yadav, along with leaders of Left parties and the JD (S), wrote a letter to the PM, opposing the further opening up of the retail sector to FDI. On Tuesday, at a function in Delhi, however, Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav seemed to temper Netajis position. It is also not clear just how much of the SPs stand has to do with its positioning vis-a-vis the Centre. More light is needed on this matter, but going by the SP governments list of priorities, that may have to wait. By all accounts, for the government, changing the names given to districts in the Mayawati regime gets top billing on Monday, the state cabinet decided to rename as many as eight. Surely, UPs government has other more urgent tasks to attend to. There is the chronic power shortage in the state, which forces UP to meet over 50 per cent of its summer demand by procuring power from outside. Then, the lumpenism of party cadres that

Surely Uttar Pradeshs chief minister has more urgent tasks than changing the names of districts
threatens to revive bad memories of the goonda raj in the previous SP regime. The government may well argue that the renaming of districts these were named after Dalit icons in the Mayawati regime is not an act of vendetta and that it is, in fact, restoring names that speak to the local contexts. To be sure, the naming of districts, apart from the installation of statues and parks, was used by Mayawati more to entrench a personality cult than to register a larger Dalit assertion. Yet, far from restoring the balance in a state that has been forced to helplessly oscillate between the SP and the BSP in crude ways, the governments move only threatens to once again stoke a political blood feud. The large mandate won by the SP in the last election has given Akhilesh Yadav room to be generous to his political opponent. It has also cast a huge burden on him he must address the aspirations of people across castes, and not just those of the SPs core base. He must urgently turn his attention to those hopes and ambitions instead of allowing himself to be diverted by this pointless scoresettling with the BSP.

Re-naming game

HE procession of the Rain God of Nepal, Rato Machchindranath, is taken out in the month of Baisakh (April-May) in the Kathmandu valley. In May 2009, the chariot of the god toppled in Patan, one of the three major towns in the valley. Old timers said this was a bad sign. That year turned out to be full of misery for Nepal. The then prime minister Pushpa Kumar Dahal (Prachanda) sought to dismiss R. Katawal, the then army chief, but was forced to resign himself, setting the clock back by at least three years in Nepals quest to give itself a democratic constitution. This years chariot festival went off without any major mishap. But still there are many who wonder if the rain clouds hovering over Kathmandu signal something sinister. While the festival was on, the term of the Constituent Assembly (CA) expired, on May 28. With the supreme court refusing to countenance another extension of its term, the CA was dissolved automatically, without having completed the task for which it was set up drafting the constitution. The opposition called Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarais bid to hold fresh elections on November 22 undemocratic and unconstitutional. Bhattarai claims this was the sole option open to him, since it was the only course of action approved by the supreme court in its judgment of November 25, 2011. The prime minister had obviously calculated that his party could come back to power if fresh elections were held, enjoying as it did the support of the Janjatis and the Madhesis. However, his party, the United Nepal Communist Party-Maoist (UNCP-M), split on June 22 in a development that was not totally unexpected. A faction led by Mohan Baidya and C.P. Gajurel walked out of the parent party, alleging that the line followed by Prachanda and Bhattarai since 2005 was wrong. Both Baidya and Gajurel were in Indian jails back then and unable to take

Standstill in Kathmandu
With Nepals democratic experiment in peril, India mustnt misread the signals
HORMIS THARAKAN
part in the internal party discussions that led to the historic decision of the Maoists to revert to multi-party democracy. Ironically, one of the primary conditions reportedly laid down by Prachanda and Bhattarai for reconciliation with the democratic forces in Nepal in those days was that they help secure the release of Baidya and Gajurel. Not surprisingly, the Baidyaled breakaway party, which calls itself the Nepal Communist PartyMaoist, has been loud in its denunciation of India. It is against fresh elections, it does not see the need for a CA and would rather have a constitutional commission representing all parties that would sit around a table and draft a new sity of the Madhesi parties to keep splitting does not help the process of an alliance. The leadership of the UNCP-M faced a tough time at its plenum, which concluded on July 22. Ex-militant cadres of the party demanded action against excommanders who were alleged to have misappropriated funds meant for the former. Prachanda was criticised for moving into a posh residence, prompting him to announce that he would vacate it. However, Prachanda and Bhattarai continue to be well in control of the party. After the split in his party, the prime minister has declared that he does not rule out the revival of the CA. The election commission (EC) has pointed out that in order

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India might have failed to assess political personalities properly. Prachanda was perceived as anti-Indian. But recent events show that he stood with Baburam Bhattarai as a bulwark against anti-India forces in their party.
constitution. There have been suggestions that they have fallen into the trap of the royalists. The Nepal Congress and the Nepal Congress Party (Unified Marxist-Leninist) must be embarrassed to find themselves on the same side as the hardline faction of the Maoists on some of the contentious issues facing the nation. It is too early to assess the breakaway factions strength. Yet there is no doubt that the split will affect the UNCP-Ms prospects at the hustings. Chances are that the UNCP-M will still be the single largest party, but its ability to dictate terms in the new legislature would certainly be diminished. The party would be able to count on the support of the Madhesis and the Janjatis, but the propento overcome practical difficulties in conducting the parliamentary elections, amendments to the interim constitution (IC), the Election Commission Act and the Constituent Assembly Member Election Act are required. The EC had given the government time till July 22 to make clarifications on this, since amendments to the IC can only be effected by the CA, which stands dissolved. This is probably another reason why the prime minister has said that he is not totally averse to the revival of the CA. However, the UCPN-M and its allies want contentious issues involving the names, number and boundaries of the provinces to be resolved to their satisfaction as a precondition for the revival of the CA. Since these were the issues

that led to the impasse in the first place, it remains to be seen whether any early solution will be possible. The alliance has also put set the obvious condition that the supreme court must approve of the revival of the CA. July 22 has come and gone, and the government has not been able to give the clarifications. The EC might give it some more time but since the political parties are no closer to an agreement than they were when the CA was dissolved, the dates for the elections are almost certain to be postponed. In a bizarre turn of events, a certain Gyanendra Shah has let it be known that he does not mind getting his old job back. Since the job in question is that of constitutional monarch, the major political parties were quick to close ranks against him. It would be amusing, although good for Nepal, if the former king managed, by raising the spectre of a royal return, to bring all the feuding political parties together. Political parties in Nepal have shown in the past that they are capable of overcoming impossible roadblocks. As they seek a way out of the deadlock, we in India need to analyse recent events. Most importantly, we need to examine whether we failed at crucial junctures to assess political personalities properly. There was a time when Prachanda was perceived as anti-Indian. But recent events show that he stood firmly with Baburam Bhattarai as a bulwark against anti-India forces in their party. As chairman of UCPN-M, Prachanda was even willing to face the threat of a split in the party rather than give up a line criticised as pro-India. This does not mean that Bhattarai and Prachanda are votaries of India, but it is important that we do not allow traditional mindsets to cloud our judgement as the prophets of doom hasten to write off the democratic experiment in Nepal. The writer is a former chief of the Research and Analysis Wing
express@expressindia.com

EDITOR
Industry woes
alert (IE, July 23) should prompt the CII to press the government to amend the archaic Industrial Disputes Act of 1947. The savage attack at the Maruti plant is one of a series of incidents in the NCRs industrial belt. We should not underrate the impact of such confrontations on relations between workers and managers. As the owner-manager of a smallscale unit in Ghaziabad, I have first-hand knowledge of the effect the ghastly murder of a manager in a unit at Sahibabad had on my staff. B.N. Sinha Allahabad
IT IS sad news that Captain Lakshmi Sehgal, who once led the Rani of Jhansi regiment of Netaji Subhas Chandra Boses Indian National Army, has passed away at the age of 97. The youth of todays India is familiar with only a few names from the Independence movement. It is to be hoped that Sehgals name will not be forgotten. The heroic freedom fighter was also a doctor and a social worker; her contribution to the country cannot be erased. We of independent India have enjoyed the fruits of freedom, but many of our freedom fighters have been forgotten. It is our duty to commemorate them and mourn our loss. Bidyut K. Chatterjee Faridabad THE editorial Manesar red

Letters to the

Freedom song

SATYA NARAYANA SAHU

N THE 60th anniversary of Parliament, Pranab Mukherjee assumes office as the 13th president of the Republic. The Indian term for president who, as head of the state, occupies an exalted place in the constitutional scheme of governance is rashtrapati. The word has an interesting genesis in the Indian political context. During the freedom movement, the president of the Indian National Congress was respectfully addressed as rashtrapati. Mahatma Gandhi, in many of his writings, refers to the communication he received from the rashtrapati, meaning the president of the Congress party. In the Constituent Assembly, the Union Constitution Committee submitted a report that had a draft article which stated that the Head of the Federation shall be the President (Rashtrapati). The report was partially adopted by the assembly. However, later, the draft article was changed by deleting the word rashtrapati, and the amended article read, There shall be a President of India. On December 10, 1948, H.V. Kamath, a member of the Constituent Assembly, asked B.R. Ambedkar why the word rashtrapati was deleted. He wondered if it was removed to ensure that it would be exclusively used by the president of the Congress. Ambedkar explained that rashtrapati was not used in the Eng-

His role in protecting citizens well-being hasnt received due attention

lish text of the Constitution as the Hindi and Hindustani versions of it were being prepared separately. The term rashtrapati therefore draws much from the position enjoyed by the president of the Indian National Congress in the country during the freedom struggle. It commanded unequivocal honour and respect and was almost synonymous with the term head of the nation. With India becoming a republic and the assumption of the office of the president by Rajendra Prasad, a new era was heralded. The occupant of the highest office of the land is also the custodian of the Constitution. The and promote the well-being of the people of India has not received much attention. Granville Austin, an American historian who is an expert on the Indian Constitution, described it first and foremost as a social and economic document. In preserving and protecting it, the president has to protect the wellbeing of people that is central to the working of the Constitution. It was former president K.R. Narayanan who said that he had carefully read the oath taken by him and understood that it provided a wider scope to play the role of a working president, functioning within the boundaries of the Constitution, as opposed to an he can play it successfully only if he is, his ideas and his nature of functioning are seen by the public in tune with their standards... there must be some equation between the people and the president. The first president, Rajendra Prasad, understood that the people would expect a lot from an elected president. Therefore, he wrote with insight: Whatever the strictly correct legal and constitutional position may be, there is no doubt that in the case of an elected president people do look upon him also as a person having some authority in the governance of the country, and he can justify his position only by tendering such advice and giving such suggestions as he considers necessary to the cabinet before it takes any decision. Once a decision has been taken, whether with or without his suggestions or even against his suggestions, he has to act according to that decision. In the era of coalition politics and government, the role of the president is of critical significance. The provisions of the Constitution coupled with the precedents set by the successive presidents constitute the source of inspiration and guidance to the future presidents of our country. The writer, joint secretary in the Rajya Sabha secretariat, was OSD to President Narayanan
express@expressindia.com

President for the people

Crying foul

P.A. SANGMA has not taken

Fomer president K.R. Narayanan said he had carefully read the oath taken by him and it provided a wide scope to play the role of a working president.
oath administered to the president-elect is therefore quite different from that administered to the prime minister, chief ministers and the ministers of the Union and states. While they owe their allegiance to the Constitution, the president takes the oath to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution. The president also promises to dedicate himself/ herself to the service and wellbeing of the people. While the presidents function as the protector and defender of the Constitution has been adequately highlighted, the role played by the president to serve executive president. Observing that the office of the president gave little direct power or influence to the incumbent to interfere in matters or to affect the course of events, he added, There is a subtle influence of the office of the president on the executive and the other arms of the government and on the public as a whole. It is a position which has to be used with a philosophy of indirect approach. There are one or two things which you can directly do in very critical times. But, otherwise, this indirect influence that you can exercise on the affairs of the state is the most important role he can play. And,

his defeat in the presidential elections well, alleging foul play and the use of inducement packages by the Congress (Sangma congratulates Mukherjee, does not rule out moving court, IE, July 22). It is true that when the campaigning for the elections started, both Sangma and Pranab Mukherjee seemed to have an even chance of winning. However, the Congress seems to have brooked little opposition and managed to get most political parties across the spectrum to support its candidate. V.M. Swaraj Chennai

Play by the rules

FREEZE FRAME

THE violation of rules and

norms has reached new heights in the Indian pharmaceutical sector (500% profit margins on drugs: Study, IE, July 22). Given the poor health standards and rising inflation, overpriced drugs are a huge drain on the common mans pocket. Moreover, the tepid response of the concerned authorities makes matters worse. Such sensitive issues must be addressed properly in a timebound manner. Taneema Srinagar

The ITU should not be used to serve political and commercial agendas
tionality of the internet than about redividing the spoils and limiting the Webs power to disrupt established regimes. There also seems to be some geopolitical score-settling, as countries in the developing world seek to reduce what they see as the United States disproportionate influence over the internet. Those forces, however, have different interests from the public, which has been well served by a free internet whose technical issues have been left to nongovernmental groups to manage. The secretive ITU is the wrong place to address the complaints of governments and industries that see an open internet as a threat, not an opportunity. From a leader in the Los Angeles Times

Secrets and spies

Flat wrong

THIS refers to the article

USHED by various countries and interest groups, the International Telecommunications Union an obscure United Nations agency that develops voluntary standards for international phone networks and communications satellites is mulling whether to adopt new rules that could have a profound and detrimental effect on the internet. Although the ITUs negotiations are secret, its clear that some telecommunications companies are trying to persuade the agency to let them extract a larger share of the revenue generated online. And some governments are calling for regulations that would make it easier to identify and monitor their opponents. The ITU shouldnt serve any such agendas... In short, whats happening at the ITU seems less about assuring the func-

PRINTLINE

Ashok Chavan got three flats for in-laws for clearing Adarsh (IE, July 23). If such practices are rife, it is no wonder that politicians assets increase every year while the aam aadmi keeps floundering in poverty. Babus and ministers allegedly involved in the Adarsh scam have been rewarded flats illegally. Citizens are eagerly waiting for justice to be done. Deepak Chikramane Mumbai