1 THE LORE AND LURE OF THE MAKING OF KALAMELUTTU IN KERALA: TOWARDS AN HISTORIOGRAPHICAL CRITIQUE

Shibi K.
Research Scholar Department of History SSUS, Kalady (Not to be cited or quoted without the prior permission of the author)
The transactions and transformations of the various forms of ritual in the changing world of religion and material culture in pre-modern Kerala constitute an almost unexplored field of historical research. Though there is general agreement among scholars about the multiple and complex nature of the world of rituals in pre-modern Kerala, the changing lives and layers of rituals remain almost unexplored and therefore less understood. The following historiographical survey of the transactions and transformations of Kalameluttu, a very important form of ritual/ritual-art which has been performed necessarily outside the temple-complex and context by almost all the social categories who were part of the temple-oriented society throughout the known medieval and pre-modern history of Kerala, brings out 1) the changing lives of Kalameluttu in the world of the rituals of pre-modern Kerala, and 2) the way academics anthropologists, folklorists, artists, and the very few students of history who ventured into itapproached the ritual and art of Kalameluttu over the years.
INTRODUCTION I. RECEIVED AND REIGNING NOTIONS ON KALAMELUTTU II. INDIGENOUS, NATIVE, AND DRAVIDIAN: THE LORE AND LURE OF THE MAKING OF KALAMELUTTU IN 20th CENTURY KERALA II.a. COLONIAL RECORDS II.a.1. TALASSERI REKHAKAL II.a. 2.KAVALAPPARA PAPERS II.a. 3.GUNDERTS MALAYALAM-ENGLISH DICTIONARY II.a. 4.MALABAR MANUAL II.a. 5.ETHNOGRAPHIC AND ANTHROPOLOGICAL STUDIES II.b. FOLKLORE STUDIES III. FROM TIMELESSNESS TO TIME AND FRAME: HISTORICISNG KALAMELUTTU III.a. KALAM IN SANGAM TEXTS III.b. LORE OF KALAM IN THE MEDIEVAL GRANTHAVARIS III.b.1. TOWARDS SYMBOLIC FIGURES IN THE GRANTHAVARIS Astadalam Svastikam Sulam Pampu III.b. 2.TOWARDS ANTHROPOMORPHIC FIGURES Putam Makali Bhagavatiyum Nrttagopalanum Vettakkorumakan III.b.3.TOWARDS RITUAL CONTEXTS IN GRANTAVARIS III.b.4.TOWARDS PROFESSIONALS IN KALAM III.c. MANDALAMS AND YANTRAMS IN TANTRAMS III.d. KALAM IN THE MANUSCRIPTS OF AN EXORCISED EXORCIST TRADITIONS III.d.1. THE GEOMETRICAL/SYMBOLIC REPRESENTATION III.d.2. THE ANTHROPOMORPHIC REPRESENTATION

IV.

THE WORLD OF HEIRARCHY AND SANSKRIT IN THE REALM OF KALAMELUTTU IV.a. A WORLD OF HIERARCHY IN KALAM IN THE GRANTHAVARIS IV.b. A WORLD OF HIERARCHY AND SANSKRIT IN THE REALM OF KALAMELUTTU CONCLUSION

2 INTRODUCTION The extant anthropological, folkloristic, and art-historical studies on Kalameluttu are, one way or other, highly dependent on contemporary sources of data and evidence and almost exclusively concentrate on the colour-pattern, or the craft and design, or the ritual practices of the Kalameluttu in a macro analytical way. Some studies seem to imagine and locate the ethnic composition of the performers of Kalameluttu. Kalameluttu has been imagined and interpreted as involving a highly developed sense of abstract design and craftsmanship and as showcasing the artistic skills of individual artists and as manifestations of individual pursuit of art. Studies of this kind, peripheral and illogical, have rejected the historicity of the art form and its religious roots. The Folkloristic ways of analysis and interpretation of Kalameluttu largely ensure the perpetuation of the colonial perceptions of society and the pre-modern social relations of Kerala. The present article tries to situate Kalameluttu in an historical perspective and attempts to reconstruct the complex process that went into the making of Kalameluttu. It argues that there had taken place considerable transactions and transformations in the performance and the frames of Kalameluttu over the years. On the basis of ancient, medieval, and early modern texts and documents that are explored for this purpose for the first time, it is argued that this ritual and art form has a long history of evolution starting from the early historic period onwards through the medieval ages and down to the contemporary period. It goes on to argue that the world of Kalameluttu is not an egalitarian and timeless expression of abstractions of art and ritual of a pristine past of a people but a very much changing form of ritual, with multi-layered notions of social hierarchy and variously edited prescriptions that were very much entrenched in a temple-oriented society. Kalameluttu is the most prolific and popular ritual form of worship in the pre-modern religious praxis of Hinduism in Kerala. It is a genre of religious ritual and a prominent art form in the present Kerala society, and this has been performed by almost all castes and communities among the Hindus today. It encapsulates in itself varied forms of myths, religious beliefs, art and symbolism, and music. An essential element of Kalameluttu is the drawing of certain geometrical/symbolic and anthropomorphic figures of deities, using powders of certain specific colours. A pantal or shed for the performance of Kalameluttu is presently erected in front of the Kavus as well as temples or houses and is decorated with plantain trees, flower festoons and red cloth. The ground within the shed is cleaned and smeared with cow-dung. Then the figures will be drawn on
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the floor to be followed by chanting mantrams or songs set to musical tunes. Astadalam, Svastikam, Sulam, Sricakram, Navakam, Nagakkalam and so on are some of the important symbolic figures in the Kalam. Bhadrakali, Ayyappan, Vettakkorumakan, Vairajatan, Kalaratri, Gulikan, Gandharvan, Bhagavati, etc. are prominent anthropomorphic representations in the Kalam. Charcoal powder for black colour, raw rice powder for white, the leaves of manjati, vaka tree and ittilkkanni for green, turmeric powder for yellow and a mixture of turmeric and lime for red are generally used for the purpose of depiction of the Kalam. I.
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RECEIVED AND REIGNING NOTIONS ON KALAMELUTTU The century old discourse on Kalameluttu has produced certain notions, partly stereotyped but some of which are still very much influential, in the field of this practicing ritual/art form in modern Kerala. The influence of many of these received notions that reign over the world of Kalameluttu is such that even academics who take up the study of this art form/ritual tend to ignore or gloss over the way this art form has been undergoing transformation even in the recent decades. Given below are some leading notions that have percolated the entire spectrum of the extant studies on Kalameluttu: Kalameluttu manifests differently in the different layers of the society. These are Tantrika patmam, Rupakkalam/Devataradhanakkalam, Nagakkalam and Mantravadakkalam/Mantrikacakram. The Tantrika patmam is being performed within the ritual world of the temple and the houses of Namputiri Brahmins,

3 Mussats, Pitarars etc. Tantrika patmam is a particular form of Kalam which is drawn by Namputiris and Mussats, during the Tantrikapujas. In the Patmams, the concept of devatas is represented in Patmams. Straight lines, circles, triangles, quadrilaterals, etc. bestow shape to Patmams. Almost all Patmams start depiction from its centre. The following are the important Patmams drawn by the Brahmins according to the tantric prescriptions:
3 10 4 11 5 12 6 7 8 9

Sricakram, Bhadrakam, Sarvatobhadraka, Parvatikanta, Svastikabja, Svastikabhadrakam, Cakrambujam, Astadalam, Saktidandam., andSatdalamandalam While drawing Patmams, a base outline will be drawn
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using white powder and is perfected later using various coloured powders. Rupakkalams/Devataradhanakkalams constitute a method of worship by the depiction of particular figures of deities such as Ayyappan, Bhadrakali, Nagam etc. It is usually drawn on a floor in the surroundings
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of a temple or a house. It is said that this method of worship is to invoke the deities whose figures are drawn and whose praises are sung in the mantrams/songs. The ritual of Rupakkalams/Devataradhanakkalams is usually performed in the houses of Namputiris, Nayars, Kavus/temples. In case a deity is to be invoked in a house, a shed or pantal for the purpose is erected in front of the house and will be decorated with plantain trees, flower festoons and red cloth. The ground within the shed is cleaned and smeared with cow-dung. The outer side of a structural temple is known as pattupura or pattumandapam. When the Kalam is ready, Kalampattu or ritual song for the figures will be sung. The song is called torrampattu. In Malabar, after the Kalam is depicted, the Kalampuja is done by Tantri according to the tantric prescriptions. After the Kalamapuja, Kuruppu comes to the Kalam wearing a traditional dress and begins to sing torramppattu. The Ampalavasis such as Teyyampati Kuruppus, Puspakar, Teyyampati Nampiars, Tiyyattunnis, Varanattu
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Kuruppus etc. have specific traditions of performing Rupakkalams in Kerala. Nagakkalam is another prevalent form of Kalameluttu that is found in several villages of Kerala. The Pulluvan performs this as a form of worship in front of the houses of the people who are seeking the blessings of the snake on women. The Pulluvan priest depicts the figure of a snake using coloured powders. Then he plays pulluva vina and his female companion, the Pulluvatti, plays the Pulluvakkutam and sings songs
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praising snakes. Mantravadakkalam is another kind of Kalam prevalent in Kerala. The following communities viz., Malayan, Vannan, Velan, Tiyyan, Kaniyan, Panan, Pulayan, Parayan, Vettuvan, etc. have specific traditions of performing Mantravadakkalam. The exorcism such as Paksipitha, Akanalnikku and Garbhabali

4 (Kentronpattu) of Vannans, Pulayans, Malayan, Kaniyans etc. belong to this category. The Bhasmakkalam and the portrait of Gulikan are drawn in Akanalnikku, which are being performed in the houses, where some
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unnatural death has taken place. Garbhabali (Kentronpattu) is prevalent in northern Kerala. The Vannans perform Kentronpattu (Garbhabali) for safe pregnancy, and for enhancing productivity and sexual pleasure. The Kaniyans perform the Garbhabalikkalam of Vimanagandharvan, Bhairavan etc. in north Kerala. Yet, the Kentronpattu involves drawing of certain particular deities, chanting particular mantras, offering sacrifices,
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performing Kolamkettiyatal etc. for the well-being of pregnant women. The abovementioned categories of Kalam are partly creations by the recent studies by folklorists and these also conceptualize feudal and colonial ideas. The present paper tries to trace out the historical transformation of Kalam, from the Sangam period through the medieval feudal stratified society to the present Kerala. For making the present historical analysis, data for further exploration are drawn from Akananuru, Purananuru, Patirruppattu, Kuruntokai, Pattupattu, Kalittokai, Tirukkural, Cilappatikaram, and Manimekhalai of the early Tamilakam; and Kolikkotan, Vanneri and Kutali Granthavaris of Medieval Kerala; and Kavalappara Papers, Talasseri Rekhakal, the Malayalam-English Dictionary of Hermann Gundert, the surveys of William Logan, the ethnographic surveys of L.K. Anantha Krishna Iyer, Edgar Thurston etc. of the colonial era. Social and ideological structures seem to be affecting the evolution of symbolism or art forms as seen in contemporary Kerala. Now, we can try to focus on the social production and distribution of the symbols/art forms. The pre-modern art is a collective or social product, which evolves in the material world of pre-modern society. The geometrical or symbolic representation and anthropomorphic representation share a common world of ideology. It is not the production of an individual art or artistic style but an output of pre-modern
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social relations. "One thing is certain: every work of art shows clear traces of its own time, and contains the unique, unrepeatable, and unmistakable character of a historical constellation. It represents a stage in the development of style which is precisely definable, in technical accomplishments and in sensual-intellectual sensibility. It depicts people and relationships in situations which arise once and only once and addresses itself
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to individuals who judge the depictions from a specific historical standpoint and a particular social position." Kalameluttu is viewed in this paper as having evolved out of continuous historical transformations and transactions from the early tribal/lineage society through the medieval to the modern historical ages. Moreover, the production relations and material world of early Tamilakam is seen here as having designed the boundary, nature and structure of the Kalam. The Medieval production and distribution world transformed and defined the context of Kalam variously as space for threshing floor/granary as well as the space for the performance of the ritual under discussion. The most noticeable event relevant here is the process of an institutionalization of Kalam as a ritual performance involving layers and notions of iconography and painting, ritual song, ritual dance, and so on for the benefit of various communities, both of the upper and intermediary, in the Kavu/illam and the later temple context. The period also saw the evolution and transformation of professional castes involved in the performance of Kalameluttu into temple servants. During the period of colonial rule, Kalam constituted a site whereof colonial surveyors, ethnographers and administrators defined and introduced new cultural, religious and ritual meanings into it, which laid the foundations of the making of the modern Kalam and Kalameluttu. Subsequently, studies on folklore further enhanced the colonial representations of Kalameluttu and marked Kalameluttu as caste and community

5 signifiers. The revived Euro-American interest in the ritual and performing world of Kerala adds new chapters to the context of Kalameluttu in the globalized economy. INDIGENOUS, NATIVE, AND DRAVIDIAN: THE LORE AND LURE OF THE MAKING OF KALAMELUTTU IN 20th CENTURY KERALA The different approaches generated by the historiographical traditions of the late 19 th, and the 20 th centuries viewed the ritual and artistic world of Kalameluttu in pre-modern Kerala in certain ways which played a major role in the modern lives of Kalameluttu. The present notions such as indigenous, native, Dravidian etc. behind the performing world of Kalameluttu were developed and propagated by the colonial II. and anthropological surveys. In the early decades of the 19th century, the entire region of Kerala came under British supremacy. Thereafter, the Malabar District came under the distinct administrative unit of the Madras Presidency. The whole of Kerala was surveyed by colonial administrators, the results of which were published in the form of various Census Reports, Manuals, Gazetteers, Surveys etc. As early as the late 17 th and early 18th centuries, a drastic change had been taking place in the ritual world of Kerala due to the colonial interventions. The Kavalappra Papers and Talasseri Records have exposed the colonial interventions in the rituals of Malabar. They surveyed Kalameluttu on the basis of native Indian tribal culture. A fundamental change had taken place in the ritual world of Kerala due to the colonial interventions. The colonial interventions in the ritual world brought up the feudal caste embedded ideas into the concept of native Indian
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folk culture. By the end of the 19th century, a very powerful academic discourse centered on the origins of Indian languages and peoples got momentum with the publication of Bishop Caldwells A Comparative Grammar of Dravidian Linguistics. The notion of a race titled Dravidian was projected as an antithesis of the Aryan race and language. Such a discourse projected the various non-Brahmin communities and castes inhabiting southern India as Dravidian indigenous, and south Indian in contrast to theAryan, Brahmin and north Indian. An entirely new political and communitarian dimension ensued in the Tamil speaking areas in the 1920s and 1930s with the formation of political and pressure groups like Dravida Mahajana Sabha Organisation, Madras United League, Justice Party, Dravidar Kazhakam etc. A pristine Dravidian world existing prior to Aryanisation was conceptualized in the history of south India.Thus, a pure Dravidian, nonSanskritic, non-Brahmanical Sangam Age was imagined and formulated in south Indian historiography and literary studies. The entire spectrum of the academic discourse on Kalameluttu, from the 1950s onwards,
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became an appendix to the ideas generated by the Dravidian conceptualization. II.a. COLONIAL RECORDS II.a.1. TALASSERI REKHAKAL The Talasseri Rekhakal deal with the period of the emerging phase of colonial rule in Malabar, i.e., 1796 to 1800. The records are mostly in the form of letters from local chieftains, feudal lords, natives, and British employees addressed to the officers of the English East India Company at Tellicherry. It records placenames, names of families and events of pre-modern Malabar. The documents are related to the economic transactions engaged in between the people of north Malabar and the English East India Company. These denote transformations and displacements that took place in colonial Malabar. In one of these documents, there are references toTeyyampatiand Teyyampati Kuruppu in a sankataharji (petition) to the Company.
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6 The records give some suggestions regarding the emergence of Teyyampati into two sub-castes of Teyyampati and Teyyampati Kuruppu from the early 19th century onwards. This kind of transformation of castes that was taking place in the 19 th century was already noted by Hermann Gundert. Gundert noted the meaning of the word Teyyampati as the musician in a temple just like the Marar.
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The name Teyyampati might be the primary usage of the 19thc onwards. He further says
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that Teyyampatis are also known as Kalattukkuruppu. The social formation of these two castes can be traced back only to the 19th century when they emerged into two professional castes in Malabar. The
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Teyyampatis are found mainly in north Malabar and the Kuruppus are found mainly in south
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Malabar. Gundert recorded the term Kuruppu as a title of different castes and a class of priests and also as
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painters. A similar observation was recorded by an early ethnographer Edgar Thurston in the first decade of the 20thcentury. Such a transformation of the caste is also visible in the legend of the origin of Teyyampati
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Kuruppus which says that they had migrated from Calicut to the southern part of Wayanadu. II.a. 2. KAVALAPPARA PAPERS Kavalappara Papers deal mostly with the political, social, economic and cultural aspects of Kavalappara Nayar family (from 1746 to 1934), which was a subordinate agency or Natuvali with certain political responsibility under the Palghat Raja. An analytical study of the family documents will help us reconstruct certain important political, social, economic and religious perceptions on the history of medieval
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Kerala. An early 20th century document of these Papers, submitted by the Kavalappara family in the Court of the Subordinate Judge of Ottapalam, explains the tradition of Kalamelutipattu during the Mandalam period in
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Ariankavu. There is a description of the performance of Darikavadha torram. In this document, the ritual now known as Kalam or Kalameluttu is described as Kalam eluti pattu. The nearest and most similar form of the present Kalameluttupattu can be seen in the document of Kavalappara Papers. It is evident that the term Kalameluttupattu had been in use for the Kalam of the Nayars/Ampalavasis and this usage was deeply rooted by the end of 19thcentury and the beginning of the 20thcentury. . It may noted in this context that it was only when the intermediary castes such as Nampiars, Kuruppus, Menons and others, undertook the study of folklore by the 1950s onwards, that the term Kalameluttu got popularized, both in the academic studies and in
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the ritual praxis, for referring to the Tantrika patmam, Mantravadakkalam, etc. II.a. 3. GUNDERTS MALAYALAM-ENGLISH DICTIONARY

7 Dr. Hermann Gundert, a member of the Basel Mission and himself a linguist, defined and described Kalam in 1872, in his Malayalam-English Dictionary as painting a human figure with five colours for sorcery. This helps us to refer to the customs and social manners of late 19 century Malabar. He documented the primary meaning of Kalam thus: Granary and then as battlefield. He further explained Kalam as a painting of a human figure with pancavarnam (five colours) for exorcism. He explains Kalam in
38 th

relation to sorcery, and describes it as a part of the meaning of exorcism or Mantravadam. It is clear from Gundert that the term Kalam was still used for denoting threshing floor even as late as the 19thcentury. The context and meaning of Kalam is totally transformed as per the socio-economic and political aspects of the society. It is significant to note that Gundert does not associate the term Kalameluttu/Kalameluttupattu with any tradition of painting the human figures on the floor. It is historically and sociologically very significant that he does not mention the performance of Kalam of other communities like Pulluvan, Kaniyan, Vannan, Malayan, Panan, Parayan etc. But all of these groups are explained as musicians and exorcists. He himself says in other contexts that exorcism deals with the practice of Kalam. In that way, the above mentioned communities must have also been practicing Kalam as a part of exorcism. The ethnographic records of early 20th century of Kerala documented the practice Kalameluttu as exorcism. II.a. 4. MALABAR MANUAL The British authorities prepared district manuals to gather the historical, sociological, economic and statistical information about the people and land which they were ruling. The British authorities entrusted the work of preparing separate manuals for each district, with their trusted officers. The most important among these manuals is the Malabar Manual prepared by William Logan, the Malabar Collector, in 1887. Logan described that the Kalabhairavan Kalam was performed as part of the practice of Tolulika and Beliyulika or exorcism. He explained that a lighted lamp and a nali (a wooden vessel containing half a seer) filled with rice are kept in the verandah or in yard of a house. On the north-east corner of it was a representation of Kalabhairavan (a demon) with its head towards the north, made in five colours, viz., white, yellow, green, red and black. Rice, cleaned and unclean, tender coconut, plantains, pounded rice, fried grain, betel leaf, arecanut etc., will be placed on all four sides of it. He has explained the sacrificial offerings to the
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Kalam. II.a. 5. ETHNOGRAPHIC AND ANTHROPOLOGICAL STUDIES Colonial ethnographic surveys contributed a major role in the formation of caste identity, community
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formation, and the social segmentation of present Kerala. These surveys were based on the Orientalist and Imperialist perceptions of the native, the local and tribal culture of a stagnant India, which categorized the native culture as lower forms from the higher forms of worship within India. These records indicated the
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practice of the floor-drawings of the down trodden communities as lower forms of worship. Rituals with textual prescriptions were always considered higher following the Western and Christian bias for the written word as scripture. Furthermore, they categorized all temple servants into intermediary castes and as Nayars. The Kalameluttu of those groups began to be placed in between the space of the lower and higher forms of worship. Actually, these surveys did not recognize the cultural symbiosis/changing layers of the ritual world

8 of the down trodden communities and higher castes. At the same time, the surveys tend to profess the
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segmentation of the lower and higher forms of worship. Ethnographic surveys were developed in the colonial period by the result of Census Reports, Gazetteers and Manuals, which institutionalized and further enhanced the colonial interests, and at the same time strengthened the caste-stratified society. As a part of the ethnographic surveys, they documented the practice of Kalameluttu as performed by different caste/lineage groups. Among these surveys, those of L. K. Anatha Krishna Iyers The Tribes and Castes of Cochin and of Edgar Thurstons Castes and Tribes of Southern India are more prominent. The term Kalameluttum pattum is prevalent in Kerala from 20th century onwards. It is recorded by L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer in his The Tribes and Castes of Cochin. He explained the performance of Kalameluttum pattum as a part of the festivals of Mandalam. He further explained that the Kalameluttu was
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performed by the Tiyyattunnis in the Bhagavati temples. He described the system of the practice of Kalam
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(Bhadrakaliyantram) as a part of Mantravadam. It has strengthened the idea that the transformation of term Kalam in to the process of Kalameluttu or Kalattileluttu, which is associated with Sudras/Tiyyattunnis, who belong to the castes of Ampalavasis or Antaralas in the caste hierarchy. Earlier, the same term Kalameluti pattu of Nayars was mentioned in the Kavalappara Papers from 19 c A.D onwards. The surveys of Anantha Krishna Iyer noted that practice of Patmams by the Nayars, Pulluvan, Ilavan, and Panans etc. in the early 20th century. The Pampintullal was also practiced. It was surveyed within the
45 th

social context of Nayars and Pulluvans. Edgar Thurston, too, in his Castes and Tribes of Southern India, suggests Teyyampati as a ritual dancer, who performs Nagappattu. These ethnographic surveys make it clear
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that Panans , Malayan, Parayan Tiyyan, also depicted Kalam of complicated designs of squares, circles, and triangles, on the ground using white, black, and yellow flour, for exorcism. The data on Kalameluttu in the reports, surveys, Manuals, and other records of colonial Kerala strengthen the idea of feudal caste relations and have helped to create a new type of communal formation based on the colonial economy. The colonial intervention in the ritual context of Kerala is reflected in the space of Kalameluttu also as can be deduced from the Kavalappara Papers, Talasseri Records, Gunderts studies, Logans Manual, ethnographic surveys etc. II.b. FOLKLORE STUDIES Towards the last decades of 20th century, Kalameluttu came under the ideological conflicts between the Dravidian and Aryan concepts. Obviously, those ideas coined indigenous culture and a typical
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9 south Indian context of Kalameluttu and layered this folklore as a creation of the lower strata of society in
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pre-modern Kerala, in cultural isolation from the bearers of Aryan culture. The folklore studies based on that kind of concept rejected the changing world of ritual and material culture in pre-modern Kerala. Those studies
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say the rituals related to the Kalam are performed by the artists themselves. The surveys, reports, manuals and ethnographic studies of the colonial period made a new insight into the study of Kerala society. These lead to the emergence of new disciplines like folklore in Kerala. They discarded the chronology and historicity of the traditional beliefs, myths, tales, and practices of a people,
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transmitted orally. They made a comparative study of knowledge and culture of common people. Additionally, they are no longer content with merely documenting, collecting, classifying, and cataloguing information. Folklorists focused on the present realities of the cultural forms and processes, using fieldwork to attempt a perspective based on "insider" discourse and practice, and to provide a more complete context by
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which to understand the people and their cultural productions equally. Folklore and Anthropology attempt to study Kalameluttu from different perspectives. But all of these studies do not go beyond the formal description of ritual itself and are limited to a discussion of the importance of the myths, tales, songs of common people. They gave importance only to its design and craft. They find it as a contemporary issue without seeing its historical value. The present form or the term of Kalameluttupattu as an individual art or coloured majestic world is a contribution by the contemporary folklore studies in Kerala. Folklore has made its general categorizations based on caste identity. In this way, it also shared the colonial ideas on caste and communities.
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In 1952, Pavanan, who was a rationalist in Kerala, wrote an article about serpent worship of Kerala. It was a trend in the 1950s that folklore was used to transmit the nationalist ideas among the people. It was during this period and in this context that a lot of work on the basis of legends, songs, Teyyam, Tira, Kalameluttu of inferior castes came to be published. Obviously, it was led by a newly educated/elite group of
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the Kerala society. The exponents of this trend were always loyal to the aristocratic and colonial perceptions. Hence the objectives of the present folklore studies continue to target or introduce our local, native,folk culture to foreigners from the Western world. Dr. C. Achutha Menon conducted a study of Kalameluttupattu for his book Keralattile Kaliseva in
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1955. He took up the study of the practice of Kalameluttu in Kali worship throughout Kerala. According to him, the paintings seen on the walls and palaces owe their origin to tantric concepts and symbols which are fully represented in Kalameluttupattu. He made a comparative study between the frame of Kalameluttu and mural paintings in Kerala. He says that the Kalameluttu has contributed for the wall paintings in Kerala. He doesnt give any further evidence for this except its similarity in designs and colours. Dr. Chummar Choondal made a significant contribution to folklore studies in Kerala. His Studies in the Folklore of Kerala (1978) explains Kalameluttupattu in Kerala and Karnataka. His other work Mutiyerru (1981) explains the performance of Kalameluttu in Mutiyerru. His book Pulluvar (1981) contains rites related to Kalameluttupattu of Pulluva community. He has not only made a general narration of Kalameluttu, but also

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tried to put forward a new historical approach to the Kalam. K.K.N.Kurup also tried to historicize
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Kalameluttu using evidences from the Sangam period though no pictographic representation of Kalam has been found yet in early Tamilakam. Dr. M. V. Vishnu Namboodiris studies are also very important in the discipline of folklore. His Pulluvappattum Nagaradhanayum (1977), Torramppattukal Oru Pathanam (1980),Vannanum Kenthronpattum (1982), Mugadarsanam and Mantrika Vidyayum Mantravada Pattukalum (1979) describe Kalameluttupattu in Kerala. He has a major role in configuring caste identity of feudal and colonial ideas in the performance of Kalameluttu in Kerala, especially in Malabar. He categorized and configured the performance of Kalameluttu as per the tradition of the existing caste system and hierarchy. He categorized Kalameluttu on the basis of communities: the Kalam of Tantric Brahmins as Tantrika patmams; the Kalam of Ampalavasis/Antaralas as Rupakkalams; and the Kalam of the lower castes as Mantravadakkalams or
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Mantrikacakras.
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He was not concerned with the figure of Gulikan/Gandarvan of inferior castes as

Rupakkalam. He was reading the conceptualizations or the communal identity formation of colonial census attempts into the world of Kalameluttu. It was much later, in 1997, that Dr. Raghavan Payyanadu edited Kerala Folklore and described the Kalam in Mutiyerru. K. Janardanan explored the colour system of Bhadrakalikkalam. A.K. Nambiars
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Keralattile Natan Kalakal (1989) studied Kalameluttupattu in Kerala.

His Ph. D thesis entitled Ritualistic

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Songs of North Malabar Related to Exorcism (1990) further described Kalameluttu.

Dr. Babu Mundekkads Kallarrakkuruppanmarute Kalameluttupattu (2002) is an important work in the area of Kalameluttupattu in recent folklore study. He made a narrative account in relationto the ritual context. He focused his study on the specific tradition of Kallarra Kuruppus. He tried to search the ethnic history, life style, occupation and tradition of Kallarra Kuruppus as per the contemporary practice. It also strengthened the idea of anthropological and ethnographic studies. It is very clear that he is trying to formulate a specific artistic tradition of Kalameluttu of Kallarra Kuruppus and differentiating them from other communities like Namputiris and inferior castes in Kerala. He illustrated the great tradition of Kalameluttu from the ancient time by the Kallarra Kuruppus without ever making any historical inquiry into the feudal Kerala context. There is no reference to the term Kallarra Kuruppus in medieval Granthavaris. Gundert doesnt give a definition for the title Kallarra Kuruppus. Gundert referred to Kuruppu as the title of a class of
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priests. Further, he says that they are also painters. It was much later, in 1909, that Thurston, for the first

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time, documented Kallarra Kuruppus as singers in Bhagavati temples.

69

Iyer also recorded the term

Kurippans as per the tradition of Darikavadham song of Bhagavati temples. As per the legend of Kallarra Kuruppus, it is related to the incarnation of Tirumantham Kunnil Bhagavati of Valluvakkonatiri in
70

Malapparuam district. Kallarra Kuruppus are the prominent performers of Kalameluttu in the locale of the
71

Zamorins.

Even if the Kallarra Kuruppus were associated with the guardian deity of Valluvakonatiri, they
72

turned to be loyal to the Zamorins after the Zamorins domination over Valluvanatu.
73

The term Kallarra Kuruppu denotes certain kind of artisan tradition. Kallu means stone; and the word Kuruppu denotes a specialized artisan. Legends kept by the Kallarra Kuruppu speak of a figure of Bhagavati made out of stone, without the knowledge of the Tantri who worshipped the Sivalinga. The legend seems to have been edited recently, because the worship of Sivalinga is a recent practice of the temple.
74 75

Sources like Keralotpatti Granthavari and Kolikotan Grantahavari suggest a cult of Bhadrakali that was prevalent in Tirumantham Kunnu Bhagavati of Valluvakkonatiri, whereas these sources do not refer to Siva cult. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that the worship of Sivalinga is of later origin. There are no references to the drawing of Bhagavati on the floor. But the legend speaks about the Kuruppu making the figure of Bhadrakali instead of Sivalingam. The myth points to the Brahmanisation of the Kavu of
76

Tirumanthamkunnu. It is quite possible for an artisan group to become a professional group of artists in the pre-modern era. It is clear that the emergence of Kallarra Kuruppus as professionals in the ritual context of Kalameluttu starts from the early 19thcentury onwards.
77

K. S. Singhs People of India: Kerala discussed the practice of Kalameluttupattu as part of an all-India project launched by the Anthropological Survey of India to generate an anthropological profile of all
78

communities of present day Kerala. III. FROM TIMELESSNESS TO TIME AND FRAME: HISTORICISNG KALAMELUTTU The large number of works that appeared on Kalameluttu focused essentially on the ethnographic and folkloristic perspectives. The studies of this kind have rejected the historical transition and material world of Kalameluttu in Kerala. The present paper attempts to study Kalameluttu from folklore to the discipline of

12 History and tries to historicize Kalameluttu on the basis of the hitherto unexplored data from the Sangam texts, medieval chronicles, manuscripts, Tantras and so on. Social production of art is the basic premise from which any meaningful reconstruction of any form of art and its various manifestations should start. Such a theoretical position considers art not as an individual pursuit, but rather as a product of socio-economic and religious/ideological transactions. Locating Kalameluttu within this frame of analysis, it is viewed as a collective product and as an historical process involved in its construction. Pre-modern art is a social product. Tracing the social context of pre-modern Kerala art help us in defining the meaning or purpose of Kalameluttu rather than its artistic style and artists themselves. The primary focus is on the social nature of Kalameluttu in their production, distribution and reception. The Marxian framework or historical materialism will be used to analyze the feudal relations and productive systems in medieval society, and other related issues. The emphasis is primarily on art as ideology. The origin and reception of works is thus made more comprehensible by reference to social divisions and their economic bases. III.a. KALAM IN SANGAM TEXTS Sangam texts were essentially a part of the oral tradition of early South India, composed by the numerous singer poets, put together in later centuries into composite texts. The oral character of the text makes the determination of the dates of composition of individual texts extremely difficult. It is generally considered that Akananuru, Purananuru, and some portions of Natrinai and Patirruppattu belong to the early period. Kuruntokai, and the other parts of Natrinai, and Ainkurunuru belong to the second stage. Kalittokai, Paripatal, and Pattupattu belong to the period between A.D. 2ndand 4 thcenturies. Patinenkilkanakku is
th

generally recognized as belonging to 5/6 century A.D. The epics, Cilappatikaram and Manimekhalai belong to the later period of 7th/8 century onwards. Songs representing an advanced stage in social formation also can be seen in the early texts, and it can be argued that some songs in the later texts represent earlier stages of social formation. Despite these difficulties, scholars have attempted to historicize several indicators within the
79 th

Sangam texts. The term Kalam in the Sangam texts means a space for human grouping or assemblage within a specific boundary and for a specific purpose. The term first occursin the early texts such as Akananuru, Purananuru, Patirruppattu, Kuruntokai, Kalittokai, Paripatal, and Pattupattu. The Kalam in the Sangam texts indicates the emergence of a geographical space into a space for human activity with definite boundary
80 81 82 83 84 85

such as vilakkalam, kutter atukalam, pulavukkalam, porkkalam , veriyattukalam, and urrukkalam. It is the first stage of the transformation of a geographical space in to the spatial context of human activities.
86

Kalams like vilakkalam are made to demonstrate the public spaces of cultic centers. The contexts of this kind of Kalams involve festival celebrations, feasting and dancing etc. It is sometimes transformed into the

13
87

veriyattukalam.
88

The veri is performed by Velans and sometimes by women who are possessed by

Muruku. It is argued here that the space for the veriyattukalam is an archaic form of the present Kalameluttu. The spatial context of Kalameluttu can be seen in the context of veriyattu of early Tamilakam. The sacrificial offerings (kuruti) and ritual dance of vel is mentioned here. The use of manram as ritual space might have
89

facilitated larger sacrifices called kalavelvi.

91

The sacrificial offering of goat and flower to the Kalam are the
90

usual customs associated with the context of veriyattu. Pattupattu described the presence of Muruku, dressed in red cloth with an anklet. It is a typical dressing of ritual dancer in the present Kalam. The Kuravar, who were the inhabitants of Kurinci region, are associated with the kuravai kuttu of vilakkalam. The references to Kalam and its spatial context in the literary tradition of early Tamilakam indicate the spatial transition of Kalam from an archaic geographical space into the definite boundaries of spirit centers. All of these references from the Sangam songs belong to the Tinais of Kurinci, Neytal and Palai regions conceived the social evolution of the spiritual centers within a tribal society. This human geographical space developed into porkkalam, kalattil konrititalu, pulavukkalam, urrukkalam etc. which literally meant the space for battle fields. In the Sangam texts, Kalam is seen as the cultural product of economic, social and ideological factors of the Tinai regions of early Tamilakam. It also discloses the ways in which the spiritual practices represented by Kalam are embedded in and informed by broader social and political process and institutions, historically playing an important role. III.b. LORE OF KALAM IN THE MEDIEVAL GRANTHAVARIS Granthavaris were primarily the descriptive accounts maintained by the major ruling families and temples in Kerala during the medieval period. They were prepared mainly with reference to the management of land and political affairs. The tradition of preparing Granthavaris continued up to the British period in Kerala. The Granthavaris give information about the political events that took place in the contemporary period and the recent past. While these relied up on legends and traditional sources for recording the history of the ancient past, they were more historical and accurate in dealing with the contemporary and recent period. The Granthavaris are useful for the study of the history of the medieval period in Kerala history. Medieval Granthavaris are the first reference for the historical exploration of Kalam. Vanneri Granthavari, Kolikkotan Granthavari, and Kutali Granthavari, are prominent Granthavaris in Malabar. All of these Granthavaris documented Kalam in its ritual context. The ideas, beliefs, attitudes and values expressed in cultural products constitute an ideological instrument, in the sense that they are always related in a systematic way to the social and economic structures in which art and ritual lare situated. Samutiri Kovilakam Granthavri is a prominent source for the study of the history of the Zamorins and history of Calicut. It is a group documents that deals with various economic transactions of political and ritual affairs. The records cover a time-span of nearly four centuries, from 15thcentury to 18th century A.D. Vanneri

14 Granthavari or Vanneri Chronicles of Vanneri, are preserved in the form of palm-leaf manuscripts in the Vanneri illam or Namputiri house, located in Trikkandiyur Village, Tirur taluk, Palaghat district of Kerala state. Vanneri illam was an aristocratic family of landlords in the principality of Vettam which came to be absorbed in the Malabar district under British rule. In pre-British days, this family was closely associated with the management of Trikkandiyur Siva temple which had its own Sanketam (semi-autonomous territory) under the overlordship of the Raja of Vettam. These records cover a span of three and a half centuries from 1541 A.D to 1886 A.D. Kutali Granthavari is a collection of pre-colonial land deals from an aristocratic Nayar family of North Malabar. The origin of this family can be traced back to the dawn of the 16 th century, a crucial period in the history of Kerala, on account of the advent of Portuguese and the subsequent European expansion to this country. The land records, particularly in the form of transactions with the cultivating tenants and other owners, give us valuable historical insight to the origin and growth of land monopoly system in north Malabar. Data on the Kalam in the medieval Granthavaris indicate a structured/stratified feudal society. The Kalam that appears in these sources bespeaks of a transition from the spatial context of human interactions of tribal society to the medieval hierarchy with the various functionaries. Granthavaris record the transformation of the ritual spaces of veriyattu and vila into the pictographic form of
92 97 93 98 99 100 94 95 96

Astadalapatmam, Sulam, and

Svastikam, Pampu, Vettakkorumakan, Bhagavtiyum

Nrttagopalanaum, Putam, Makali, etc. Granthavaris also documented the expenses of krisnappoti and arippoti for the performance of Kalam. It is the first verbal explanation of the drawing Kalam identified so far in the context of medieval Malabar. Almost all of these Kalams continue to be prominent figures in the present form. III.b.1. TOWARDS SYMBOLIC FIGURES IN THE GRANTHAVARIS Art historically, Kalameluttu has a layer that merges with the wider context of a pan-Indian artistic tradition of representing the divine in terms of aniconic and iconic motifs. Kalameluttu exhibits different form of aniconic and iconic figures, which reflect the diverse cultures and regions in which it spread. The Mantravadacakras and Tantrika patmams represent the sophisticated development of aniconic symbols of the deities represented in Kalam like Astadalam, Navakam, Badrakam, Satdalam, Sulam, Svastikam etc. Kalameluttu has made great use of anthropomorphic/iconic representations of deities such as Bhadrakali, Ayyappan, Vettakkorumakan, Gulikan, Gandharvan and so on. Granthavaris record certain aniconic representations of deities such as Astadalam, Sulam, Svastikam, Pampu etc.; and iconic representations like Putam, Makali, Bhagavatiyum Nrttagopalanum, Vettakkorumakan etc. Astadalam Vanneri Granthavari documented the depiction of the ritual of Astadalapatmam to Bhagavati by
101

Tantri in front of the courtyard of illam.

Astadalapatmam was performed with the divine representation of

15 the guardian deity. The records indicate that the Namputiris began to worship Bhagavati as a guardian deity in
102

medieval Kerala. The Bhagavati is symbolized in to the Patmam of Astadalam, which functions as superior/major deity and the Tantri draws another four Patmams beside the Astadalam. These Patmams are of
103

inferior deities as per the ritual tradition in Granthavari. Svastikam Vanneri Granthavari has another reference to the depiction of Svastikam, which represents Matrkkal,
104

Yaksan and Sasta by the Tantri. Svastikam is a geometrical figure used as a symbol since the pre-historic times. By way of explanation, it may be noted that the Svastik symbol is thought to be a typical sign of the ascendency of the Brahmin/Aryan. Sulam Vanneri Granthavari also documented the depiction of Sulam, symbolized Karal, by the Tantri in the
107 105 106

In the Granthavaris, the Svastikam represents an inferior status.

northern side of the Astadalapatmam. The Sulam also represents a minor deity as Karal. Pampu Vanneri Granthavari documented the depiction of Pampu in the Kalam, and the participation of
108

women in the Kalam.

109

Furthermore, the documents also described the Tullal and women who were sitting in

the Kalam. Pampintullal is mentioned later by Iyer and Thurston as part of the colonial ethnographic survey. According to the Granthavari, only a Kililatikari and a few Nayar women were associated with the
110

Pampinkalam. Women had a major role in the performance of Pampintullal in medieval Kerala. But their role here was far removed from the role of women in similar contexts as seen in the Sangam texts. In other words, a clear process of institutionalization of the Kalam and the incorporation of women in the newly defined roles in tune with the feudal production relations was coming up. During the medieval times, the women didnt have a role in Kalam except in the Pampinkalam. They had to sit in the Pampinkalam/Catirakkalam during the performance and they were bestowed some rewards like oil and cloth
111

by the Janmis. Evidently, the place of women in the Kalam was just as tools. III.b. 2. TOWARDS ANTHROPOMORPHIC FIGURES Putam Vanneri Granthavari recorded the performance of Kalam of 18 days only once and this consisted of a
112

Kalam of Putam

which is an archaic form of Bhutakkalam in present Kerala. It may be noted here that the

16 Granthavari speaks about a hierarchy of the deities represented in the Kalam i.e., a superior and a
113

subordinate. Pampu appears to be superior to Putam, as referred to in the texts.

114

This hierarchy is still

followed in the Kalams drawn by Kallarra Kuruppus in Malabar. Makali A performance of Kalam of Makali in Vanneri illam is mentioned in the Granthavari. Makali is a colloquial usage of the original pronunciation, Mahakali. In several of his line drawings, Mr. Sankaran Kurupu has documented the figure of Mahakali of the 1960s. Bhadrakali is the present form of Mahakali. In the 13th /14th C. A.D. Kotungallur Bhagavatikkavu seems to have emerged as a centre of worship of Mahakali
115

in several available documents. The figure of Bhadrakali is the most prominent deity in Kalameluttu in Kerala. The performance of Bhadrakalikkalam in the month of Vrscikam (November-December) was reported
116

later by Iyer and Thurston. Bhagavatiyum Nrttagopalanum A performance of the Kalam of Bhagavatiyum Nrttagopalanum in Vanneri illam is mentioned in the
117 118

Granthavari. Furthermore, it was performed for the Dharmadaivam. The document indicated that the two deities of Bhagavatiyum Nrttagopalanum were considered as their Dharamadaivam. In the 1960s, it was
119

recorded as Kurrippurattu Bhagavatiyum Nampiattu Gopalakanum. The Granthavari mentioned the performance of a ritual by a Kurrippuram, who might be a prominent Tantri, to the
120 121

Dharmadaivam. Folklore studies argue that these were the figures of Kannaki and Kovalan. At present, the Kurrippurattu Bhagavati is a guardian deity of Kallarra Kuruppus in Malabar. The Kalam to
122

Kurrippurattu Bhagavati is still being performed in some illams and variyams of Malabar. Vettakkorumakan Kolikkotan Granthavari records the expenses of the performance of Vettakkorumakanpattu. Vettakkorumakanpattu is an important form of Kalameluttu in the locale of Malabar. It is historically
123

significant that the Vettakkorumakan is one of the guardian deities of the Zamorins of Calicut. Kotta is a worship centre of Vettakkorumakan in Malabar.

Balusseri

Medieval Granthavaris documented certain aniconic and iconic figures of Kalam, which indicate some kind of the formation of a hierarchy within the realm of Kalam itself. It will be discussed below while dealing with the world of hierarchy and Sanskrit in the realm of Kalam.

17 III.b.3. TOWARDS RITUAL CONTEXTS IN GRANTAVARIS The ritual contexts such as dance, celebrations and feast in the Kalam in early Tamilakam, underwent some modifications or transformations during the medieval days in Kerala, as is proved by the evidence supplied by the Granthavaris. The role of Velan is transformed into the role of Komaram, who became
124

professional ritual dancers in medieval Kerala. The sacrificial offerings (kuruti) of goat, flower and food grains continued in medieval Kerala. Kolikkotan Granthavari has a reference to the performance of atuvettum
125

pattum in Tiruvalayanatukavu of the Zamorins at Kozhikode. The offering of tina in the Kalam is replaced with vellari (rice). It indicates the transition of production relations from a tribal economy to that of a landbased feudal economy. Rice and coconut have played important roles in the performance of the Kalams, according to Granthavaris.Viewed in this light, the transformation of the term Kalam of medieval Kerala to mean a granary can be put into historical perspective. Often, it is seen used with the present meaning of
126

Kalameluttu. The transformation underlined above is evident in the way the performance of the ritual was referred to in the sources of the period. For example, the performance of Kalam becomes institutionalized into pattuin
127

the
128

medieval

records.
129

The
130

terms

like
131

antikkappattu,

uccappattu, vettakkorumakanpattu, brahmanippattu, and atuvettum pattum etc. are indicative of the growing professionalization and specialization in the rituals associated with the Kalam. It can be argued that the pattus in the vilakkalam and veriyattukalam of the Sangam texts, with the praise of Muruku by Velan or
132

women, could be the antecedents of the performance of Pattu mentioned in the Granthavaris. An emerging parallelism with the world of the established rituals performed inside the sanctum sanctorum of the temples is very much visible in the performance of the Kalam. All the ritual songs/pattu performed within the context of veriyattukalam of Muruku and the Korravai is visible from the period of Patirrupattu. But we dont have any further evidences for the praising /performance of Kalam for Korravai in Sangam texts. III.b.4. TOWARDS PROFESSIONALS IN KALAM Granthavaris refers to some professionals like Teyyampatis, Komaram, Atikaris etc., who were associated with the performance of Kalams in Malabar. Teyyampatis are associated with the performers of Kalam in Kutalikkavu of Kutalitalattu family in Kannur district. Teyyampati Nampiars and Teyyampati Kuruppus are prominent professionals for the performance of Kalam in northern Malabar. We have no further evidence for the emergence of these two professional castes. They emerged into two professional groups such
133

18 as Teyyampati Nampiars /Teyyampati Kuruppans much later. Since a sufficing discussion has already been made above, no further elaboration of the same is needed here. A category that emerges now with clear professional overtone is Komaram whose role was already referred to earlier. It may be noted here that in contrast to the presence of women in the role of ritual dance in
134

the Sangam texts, there is not even a single reference to a female Komaram/ritual dancer in the Granthavaris in Malabar. The praxis of Kalam and the professional categories associated with its performance are now institutionalized by the feudal male-oriented society.
135

Atikaris had played an important role in the performance of Kalam at Vanneri illam. We have practically very little data about the role of Atikaris as the performers of Kalam in present Malabar. Atikari Ramankulangara Kuruppu of Niramkaitakkotta near Vallikunnu is the only available reference for their
136

association with the present day performance of Kalam. III.c. MANDALAMS AND YANTRAMS IN TANTRAMS The next source for tracing the evolution of Kalam is the group of Tantric texts which refer to the practice of drawing diagrams using different coloured powders. Such diagrams are generally referred to in the Tantra texts as Yantrams or Mandalams which are drawn on the floor with powder of rice, turmeric etc., and
137

the rites are done on a bell-metal lamp placed in the centre of the ritualistic diagram. The Soundaryalahari of Sankaracharya describes the diagram of Sricakram. Yantra on copperplate or the ones made of nice turmeric powder and the holy ashes are also described in the same
138 139 140 141 142

text. Prapancasaram, Prayogamanjari, tradition

143 144

Visnusamhita, of
145

Isanagurudevapaddati
146

etc. also described the Mandalam/Yantram.

147

Cakrambujam, Astadalam, Saktidantam, Svastikabhadrakam, most prominent Patmams in later Tantras of Kerala.

Satdalamandalam

and so on are the

Searching through the Tantric literary tradition of Kerala will be worthwhile to find the evolution of deities and diagrams. Obviously, it is the later texts that speak about the Tantrika patmams of present Kerala.

19 Early texts do not give any importance to Yanrams but later texts provide more explanations about the process
148

of worship such as Kalasams, Suddikalasams, and Patmams. Almost all of the Tantras of Kerala emerged during the period between 15thand 19 thcenturies A.D. The Tantras are multi-layered texts and contain different stages of the text formation. It seems that the early Tantric texts such as Mayamatam, Prapancasaram, Soundarylahari, Prayogamanjari etc. are not products of Kerala nor do these contain specific confluence with the Kerala historical contexts. But the later Tantric Texts like Tantrasamuccayam, Sesasamuccayam, Kulikkattupacca etc. are made in the Kerala context. According to
149

the Tantra Tradition of Brahmins, these are comparatively later compositions. The emergence of Tantras symbolically represents the Brahmanical dominion on land. This is the period of the Bhakti movement and the revival of Brahmanical Hinduism in south India. Sankaracharya played an important role in the formation of Brahmanical identity and Tantric worship in Kerala. The Tantra texts contain references indicative of certain kind of Brahmanical domination over agrarian corporations: Ksetranirmanastanam, Bhumiyute laksanam, Bhuparigrahanam, Garbhanyasam, Garbhagrhattinte
150

valuppam, Mulayital, Bimpa parigraham etc. These symbolize the process of domination over the land and it is defined very similar to the biological process of human reproduction. KALAM IN THE MANUSCRIPTS OF AN EXORCISED EXORCIST TRADITIONS The most impressive expressions of art and symbolism of pre-modern Kerala are found in the practices of what has been frequently referred to as exorcism in the colonial, ethnographic and folklore studies. These are called Cakras or Yantras within the manuscripts of exorcism itself. Suliniyantram, Varahiyantram, Karinkaliyantram, Kamadevayantram, Narasimhayantram, Rajamocanayantram etc. are the important Cakras, which were constituted by the forms of geometrical figures such as triangles, squares, lines etc., symbolic representation of cat, pig, dog, snakes, birds and Narasimham; and anthropomorphic figures. Obviously, the iconography of geometrical figures, animal figures, and anthropomorphic figures in these manuscripts showed the evolution of art forms and symbolism within the formation of Kalameluttu of premodern Kerala. It is significant that these are the earliest available pictographic evidence of the Kalam. A limitation in using these manuscripts is that these manuscripts are yet to be properly dated. The scripts III. d.
151

associated with the pictures are at least two hundred years old. A world of various professional and artisan groups, presently grouped into lower castes in the social hierarchy of pre-modern Kerala, lies entwined with
152 153

the performance of these Cakras or Yantrams. Nayars, Kuruppus, Tiyyans/Ilavans, Mannans etc. have specific textual traditions of this practice. The existing techniques of artistic production of those manuscripts reflect the social relations of late medieval Kerala.
III. d. 1. THE GEOMETRICAL/SYMBOLIC REPRESENTATION
154 155 156 157

Suliniyantram, Varahiyantram, Karinkaliyantram, Kamadevayantram, etc. represent the geometrical or symbolic figures such as triangles, circles, squares, lines, points, etc., which are the dominant

20 figures of the iconography of exorcism in Kerala. As per the geometrical forms, these manuscripts represent Yantrams or a device or a medium for avoiding and imposing death, as well as for fertility. These Cakras also
158

appear through the signs of lotus, stars, trident, cross and so on.
159

Animals like cat, pig, and dog; reptiles like

snake; and birds also appear in the diagrams.

III. d. 2. THE ANTHROPOMORPHIC REPRESENTATION

The anthropomorphic representations are mainly illustrated in the Cakras of Marana Yantram and
160

Strivasyayantram, and are used as devices for finding solutions to Sanidosam, Durmaranam etc. The human figures are shaped in a geometrical form. The human figure in the manuscripts of exorcism' is very similar to
161

the figure of Gulikan, Gandarvan etc.

162 163

It also shared a common iconography with the human figures in

Edakkal caves,

Marayur caves,

and with the costumes of Teyyam, Tira etc.

The geometrical, animal and anthropomorphic figures depicted in the Yantram functioned as technique for fertility, destruction and so on. It can be argued that these reflect the social division and economic relations. The fertility cult and medical practices of pre-modern society represent the material culture of social relations. Strivasikaranayantram, Kamadevayantram etc. were used for sexual pleasure and
164

human reproduction. Sex, especially female sexuality, is considered sacred. The main point is that human fertility, particularly female fertility, and natural fertility belong to the same order of existence. In other
165

words, human reproduction and agricultural production are linked up. The magico-religious functions symbolized by the Yantrams/Cakrams/mantrams have to be viewed in the context of the material culture of pre-modern Kerala. THE WORLD OF HEIRARCHY AND SANSKRIT IN THE REALM OF KALAMELUTTU The received and reigning notions on Kalameluttu in the recent centuries share certain hierarchies and elitism. Such notions lie embedded in many layers of modern academics as well as the very source materials that have come to us from the pre-modern Kerala society. The references to the Kalam in the Granthavaris show a hierarchy of the deities. The living world of the Kalameluttu at present linger upon the social hierarchy of feudal production and caste relations. Tantrika patmams and Yantrams are being practiced within the Brahmanical world. The ritual world of Kalameluttum pattum, in contrast, is being practiced within the realm of Antarala or intermediary castes like
166

IV.

Nayars, Kuruppus, Tiyyatis, Nampiars etc.

The Mantravadakkalams and Mantrikacakrams are practiced by

21
167

the lower castes such as Pulayans, Tiyyans, Malayans, Mannans etc. The world of Kalam in Kerala is found interlocked or embedded with the realm of Brahmanical knowledge, and social hierarchy. The hierarchical layers within the social context of Kerala are reflected in the ritual and traditional world of Kalam. IV.a.
A WORLD OF HIERARCHY IN KALAM IN THE GRANTHAVARIS

It may be noted here that the Granthavari speaks about a hierarchy of the deities represented in the Kalam i.e., a superior and a subordinate. The Astadalam, which functioned as superior deity, and the
168

Svastikam and Sulam represented inferior deities, from the Yaksa, to the Sasta and Matrkal. Again, Yaksa functions as superior to Sasta. Tantri draws and worships these Patmams after the rites of Astadalam. These
169

Patmams represent inferior deities as per the ritual tradition in the Granthavari. The Granthavari also speaks about a hierarchy of the deities of Pampu, Putam and Makali. Pampu appears to be superior to Putam,
170

as referred to in the texts.

Once more, Putam seems to be superior to Makali. This hierarchy is still followed
171

in the Kalams drawn by Kallarra Kuruppus in Malabar. IV.b. A WORLD OF HIERARCHY AND SANSKRIT IN THE REALM OF KALAMELUTTU
172

In

recent

years,

folklore

studies
173

have

categorized
174

Kalams

into

Tantrika
175

patmams,

Devataradhanakkalams/Rupakkalams, Nagakkalams, Mantravadakkalams/Mantrikacakras. The practice of Tantrika patmam of Brahmins, the performance of Kalameluttum pattum of intermediary castes, and the Mantravadakkalams of inferior communities of the caste hierarchies share a stratified social world of pre-modern Kerala. Tantrika patmams of Brahmins constitute the upper most layer in the practice of Kalam. This is performed within the Brahmanical spaces such as srikovil and illams/manas,according to tantric prescriptions. Obviously, the feudal social hierarchy is clearly takes its seat in the Brahminical spaces for the purpose of drawing the Kalameluttu. It is seldom recognized that nobody below the rank of Brahmins is allowed to worship, see and touch the Patmam. Once the Patmam/Yantram is depicted and the deity invoked, the chanting of Mantrams will be started according to the Brahmanical prescription set in the Tantrams that are
176

composed in Sanskrit. Thus, the practicing world of Tantrika patmam is found in the world of Brahmanical rituals and appending discourse in Sanskrit. The Devataradhanakkalam of Nayars is the next strata in the ritual hierarchy. The method of worship of Kalameluttum pattum is usually practiced by Nayars, Kuruppans, Nampiars, Tiyyatis and others. This is performed in the Kavus outside the structural temples, which are known as pattupura or pattumandapam. It is

22 built at a prescribed distance to keep the profane world of the lower sections of society away from the sacred space allocated to the Brahmin as per the caste system. Thus, even these Kalams are found situated within the
177

world of the Brahmanical oligarchy. Once the Kalam is depicted and the deity invoked, the Kuruppu or Teyyampatithe one who has drawn the Kalamis forbidden even to touch it. He could touch the Kalam only after the kalampuja of Tantri is performed according to the prescriptions. After erasing the Kalam, the Tantri has the right to distribute prasadam to devotees. Here it is very clear that the performance of Kalameluttum pattum of the intermediary castes of Ampalavasi is defined and designed to occupy a stature subservient to the position only next to that of the Brahmins in the hierarchy of the ritual world of Kalam. After the emergence of folklore studies, the term Kalameluttu began to be used for all categories of practices of drawings on the floor in Kerala. Moreover, those studies focused only on the Kalams of the intermediary castes. Folklore generally considered the Kalam of the intermediary castes as Devataradhanakkalams/Rupakkalams. The Devataradhanakkalams and Rupakkalams came to be characterized by folklore as being drawn by the Antarala vibhaghas such as Teyyampati Nampiars, Teyyampati Kuruppus, Kallarra Kuruppus, Varanattu Kuruppus, Tiyati Nampiars, and Tiyattunnis in the
178

caste hierarchy. The Mantravadakkalam and Mantrikacakras practiced by the lower castes came to possess the most inferior status in the realm of Kalam. The colonial records and folklore studies categorized the Kalam of inferior communities as part of exorcism. The so-called exorcism actually involves the cult of fertility and traditional medical practices. The Kalam has played an influential role in astrology and in the methods of medical tradition in pre-modern Kerala. The pre-modern manuscripts of the astrological and medical practices have several references to certain geometrical figures such as Sricakram, Sudarsanacakrams, Aghorayantram, Karinkaliyantram etc. which are generally considered as exorcism. Mantravadakkalams and
179 180

Mantrikacakrams are examples for this kind of Kalams. Belikkalams,

181

Beliyulika, Tolulika,

Kentronpattu,

Paksipitha etc. are performed as part of the tradition of medical and astrological practices. The colonial and early ethnographical way of linking the traditional medical and astrological practices of pre-modern Kerala with exorcism has been meticulously followed by the later folklorists as well by using the same terms for the same purpose. It seems that the Brahmins and the communities of lower ranks have been following the same iconography for the ritual and medical practices of Kalam in different parts of Kerala. Yet, the Yantrams and Cakrams of the lower ranks of society came to be recognized as Sulini and Kundalini of the Pulayans, Tiyyans and Kaniyans, and accorded inferior stature in the hierarchy of the Kalams. The chanting of the Mantrams while performing the Kalabhairavan, Camunti, Vairajatan, Gulikan etc. is yet to the serious attention of scholars though it may safely be noted here that while there is as yet no clear evidence as to when this practice began, there is clear evidence of the same during the 19th and early 20th centuries.
182

23 As already stated, folkloristic and anthropological studies tended to strengthen the idea of the medieval, feudal caste stratification and the colonial caste segmentation in Kerala society. This was done by the classification and characterization of the Kalams of the lower castes such as Gulikan, Cutala, Gandharvan, Raktesvari etc. as Mantravadakkalam and, significantly, not as Rupakkalams or Devataradhanakkalams. Again, though the Cakras/mantras of the lower castes as well as of the Namputiri Brahmins and Mussats shared the same iconography of Kalam, the Mantravadacakras of Pulayans, Mannans, Kaniyans etc. have never been characterized or classified as Tatrika patmams. It is yet to be taken up as to how many of our folklorists were aware of the fact that the whole discipline of Folklore itself takes its birth to locate and study the culture of the deviant other. CONCLUSION The historical analysis of pre-modern ritual art forms of Kerala, as of any region, requires a reconstruction based on social theories and also by drawing insights from a multidisciplinary approach. Rituals are conditioned by concrete material factors of a given society. Kalameluttu is an important ritual art form performed mainly in the Kavus, temples and houses within the wider ritual context of Kerala. We have looked at the ritual world of Kalameluttu not from the point of view folklore as was being done by earlier students but as social production. The present paper has argued that Kalameluttu lies historically linked up with different layers of the world of rituals in the context of early Tamilakam, medieval Kerala and colonial domination. The colonial, ethnographic and folkloristic discourses on Kalameluttu during the last two centuries studied the ritual and artistic world of Kalameluttu in pre-modern Kerala in certain specific ways which played a major role in the making of the present Kalameluttu. These approaches developed and propagated the present reigning notions in the academic discourse on Kalameluttu such as indigenous, native, tribal, Dravidian etc. The paper inquires into the historical transformations of Kalam of the Sangam texts through the spaces of vilakkalam, kutter atukalam, pulavukkalam, porkkalam, veriyattukalam and urrukkalam within the tribal mode of production. The Kalam in the medieval Granthavaris indicate a structured/stratified feudal society. It is a transition from the spatial context of human interaction of tribal society to the medieval hierarchy with the various feudal functionaries. We have been able to pinpoint that the Granthavaris supply the first written evidence of the pictographic representations of the Kalam in the form of Astadalapatmam, Sulam, Svastikam, Vettakkorumakan, Bhagavtiyum Nrttagopalanaum, Putam, Makali etc. The space of Kalameluttu in the Granthavaris was determined by the production relations of the feudal land relations of medieval Kerala. The transformation of the Kalam in the Tantric texts of Kerala marks yet another stage of evolution of Kalameluttu. The Tantrika patmams of the Tantras represent the further elaboration and ritual complexities developed in connection with the Brahmanical hegemony over land and resources. The aniconic and iconic figures in the manuscripts of exorcism is taken as yet another stage in the evolution in the formation of Kalameluttu within the context of the production relations of pre-modern Kerala. On the basis of the present study, Kalameluttu is viewed as having encapsulated in itself the socio-religious, economic and political milieu of the pre-modern society of Kerala.

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Notes and Referances

1.Subramanian (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Dravidian languages, Thiruvananthapuram: International School of Dravidian Linguistics, 1993, p. 345 2. Babu Mundekkadu, Kallarrakkuruppanmarute Kalameluttupattu (Mal.), Kottayam: DC Books, 2000, p. 57 3. K. Kuppuswami (Ed.), Soundaryalahari of Sri Sankara Bhagavatpadacharya, Delhi: Nag Publications, 1991, p. 23-29 4. Ibid. 5. N.P. Unni, Tantra Literature of Kerala, Delhi: New Bharatiya Book Corporation, 2006, p. 171 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid. 8. Kuzhikkattu Mahesvaran Bhattatirippatu, Kulikkattupacca, Kunnamkulam: Panchangam Pustakasala, 2007, p. 395 9. Chennas Narayanan Namputirippatu, Tantrasamuccayam, Vol. III, Kunnamkulam: Panchangam Pustakasala, 1992, pp. 202-209, p. 205 10. Ibid. p. 209 11. Ibid. p. 207 12. Kuzhikkattu Mahesvaran Bhattatirippatu, op. cit., p. 394 13. Chennas Narayanan Namputirippatu, op. cit., p. 204 14. Subramanian (Ed.), op. cit., p. 345

15.M.V. Vishnu Namboodiri described the Rupakkalams of Kuruppus, Nampairs, Puspakar and others in Forward to Babu Mundekkad, Kallarrakkuruppanmarute Kalameluttupattu, 2000.
16. Subramanian (Ed.), op. cit., p.346 17. M.V. Vishnu Namboodiri, Folklore Cintakal (Mal.), Kozhikode: TBS Publication, 2005, pp. 30-35 18. M.V. Vishnu Namboodiri, Vannanum Kenthron Pattukalum (Mal.), Kottayam: National Book Stall, 1982, p.20 19. Janet Wolf, The Social Production of Art, London: Macmillan Publishers, 1985, p. 61 20. Arnold Huaser, The Social History of Art, London: Routledge & Kaegan Paul, 1968, p. 77 21.During the early decades of the 19th century, the entire regions of Kerala came under the establishment of British supremacy. Thereafter, the Malabar district came under the distinct administrative unit of the Madras Presidency. The whole of Kerala was surveyed by colonial administration and the publication of the Census Reports, Manuals, and the Gazetteers ensued. During the 17th and 18th c., a drastic change was taking place in the ritual world of Kerala due to the colonial interventions. The Kavalappra Papers and Talasseri Records have exposed the colonial interventions in the rituals of Malabar. 22.The colonial surveys such as the Census Reports, Manuals, Gazetteers and the ethnographic surveys of L.K. Anantha Krishna Iyer and Edgar Thurston played a major role in reconstructing the segmentation of feudal caste ideas and made a new kind of caste identity. 23. Rt. Rev. Robert Caldwell, A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian Family of Languages, New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1998. 24. Ibid. 25. C. Achutha Menon, Dr. Chummar Choondal, Dr. M.V. Vishnu Namboodiri and others studied Kalameluttu on the basis of Dravidian and south Indian contexts. 26. Joseph Skariah (Ed.), Talasseri Rekhakal, Vol. 5, Kottayam: Centre for Kerala Studies, 1996, pp. 338-417 27. Hermann Gundert, Malayalam-English Dictionary, New Delhi: Asian Educational Series, 1999 (Reprint), p. 480 28. Ibid. 29. K.K.N. Kurup (Ed.), Kutali Granthavari, Calicut University Historical Series No. 4, Department of History: University of Calicut, 1989, p. 127 30. Data collected from field work in the region of Malabar. 31. Hermann Gundert, op. cit., p. 273 32. Edgar Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. I, New Delhi: Asian Educational Series, 1993 (Reprint), p. 181 33. Interview with Madhava Kuruppu, Teyyampati Kuruppu, Valliyurkavu, Wayanadu: 26/04/2009 34. K.K.N. Kurup (Ed.), Kavalappara Papers, Calicut University Historical Series No. 2, Department of History: University of Calicut, 1984. 35. Ibid., p. 52 36. Ibid. 37. The more important protagonists of Folklore with this emphasis haled especially from among the upper castes in Kerala. The studies of C. Achutha Menon, M.V. Vishnu Namboodiri, A.K Nambiar, and K.K.N. Kurup belong to this category. 38. Hermann Gundert, op. cit., p. 224 39. William Logan, Malabar, Vol. I, New Delhi: Asian Educational Series, 1995 (Reprint), p. 176 40. M. Muralidharan, Hindu Community Formation in Kerala: Processes and Structures under Colonial Modernity South Indian Studies, Vol. 2, July-December 1996, pp. 251-256 41. L.K. Anantha Krishna Iyer, The Tribes and Castes of Cochin, Vol. I, New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1981 (Reprint), p.151 42. The colonial surveys such as ethnographic studies accentuated the formation of a lower form and a higher form of Hinduism. It is clear that colonialism had a major role in the ideological conflicts of Dravidian and Aryan theory in the context of Kalameluttu.

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43. L.K. Anantha Krishna Iyer, Vol. II, op. cit., p. 134 44. Ibid., pp. 230-233 45. Thurston described the Nagapattu of Pulluvans in Kerala. He documented that a Pulluvan and his wife presided over the ceremony called Pampantullal to propitiate the snake gods of the Nagattankavus, or serpent shrines. For this, a pantal is erected by driving four posts in to the ground, and putting over them a silk or cotton canopy. A figure of a huge snake is made on the floor with powders of five colours. Five colours are essential, as they are visible on the necks of snakes. Rice is scattered over the floor. He further explained that a floral device (patmam) was drawn on the floor with nine divisions in rice-flour, on each of which a piece of tender coconut leaf and lighted wick dipped in coconut oil, are placed. 46. L.K. Anantha Krishna Iyer and Edguard Thurston also surveyed the geometrical designs of Panans as per the tradition of exorcisms in Kerala. 47. Edgar Thurston, Vol. IV, op. cit., p. 439 48. Ibid, Vol. VI., p. 89 49. Thurston described Belikala ceremony of Tiyyans. They were performed by members of the Mannan and Panan castes. At the commencement thereof, there is a feast. A structure, about 5 feet in height, is erected in front yard of the house. It is mad e of stems of plantain trees, and festooned with leaves of young coconut palms. The floor of the little edifice, and the ground outside it to the west, are strewn with charcoal made from paddy husk, on which are made magic squares of white rice flour, intermingles with red, green and yellow. The squares are not always the same, but are prepared for each occasion, so as to suit the particular spirit which is to be invoked and appeased. 50. V. Vanamali, Forward, cited in Chummar Choondal, Mutiyerru (Natoti Nataka Pathanam) (Mal.), Thrissur: Kerala Folklore Academy, 1981, p.xii 51. Ibid., p. xvii 52. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/User:Laughindrums 53. Raghavan Payyanadu, Folklore (Mal), Thiruvananthapuram: State Institute of Language, 1997, p. 8 54. Mary Magoulick, History of Folklore, http://www.faculty.de.gcsu.edu/~mmagouli/history.htm 55. Pavanan, Keralattile Nagaradhana, Mathrubhumi Weekly, Pustakam 30, Lakkam 25, September, 1952, p. 16 56. K.N. Ganesh, Keralattile Innalekal (Mal.),Thiruvananthapuram: Department of Cultural Publication, Government of Kerala, 1997, p. 286 57. C. Achuthamenon, Keralattile Kaliseva, Madras: University of Madras, 1943. 58. He connected Kalameluttupattu with the most ancient magic ritualistic practices of the Tamils and Malayalis. Mention was made of Kalam and Veriyattu (dances performed when man was possessed by a spirit) by Velan. We get fairly accurate descriptions of Veriyattu in Sangam literature. These magic ritualistic religion developed objectified spirits either formless or with forms of worship. A long description of worship of Aiyai (mother goddess) is found in Vettuvaveri in Cilappatikaram. 59. K.K.N. Kurup, The Cult of Teyyam and Hero Worship in Kerala, Calcutta: Indian Publication, 1973, p.27 60. M.V. Vishnu Namboodiri, Forward, Kallarra Kuruppanmarute.., op. cit., p.13 61. Ibid. 62. Raghavan Payyanadu (Ed.), Kerala Folklore (Mal.) Payyannur: FFM Publication, 1997, pp. 222-227 63.K. Janardhanan, Bhadrakalikkalam cited in Raghavan Payyanadu (Ed.), Kerala Folklore, pp. 222-227 64. A. K. Nambiar, Keralattile Natan Kalakal, New Delhi: National Book Stall, 1989. 65. A. K. Nambiar, Ritualistic Songs of North Malabar Related to Exorcism, Ph.D Thesis, University of Calicut, 1990. 66. Hermann Gundert, op. cit., p. 480 67. Ibid., p. 273 68. Edgar Thurston, Vol. III, op. cit., p. 92 69. L.K. Anantha Krishna Iyer, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 288 70. Babu Mundekkadu, op. cit., p . 35 71.Information is collected at the time of field work in Kozhikode, Malapppuram, and Palakkadu districts. 72. Shibi, K., Transactions and Transformations of Astadalapatmam in the World of Kalameluttu in Malabar, M.Phil. Dissertation (Unpublished), S.S.U.S. Kalady: Department of History, 2011, p. 50 73. Edgar Thurston, Vol. II, op. cit., p. 181 74. M.R. Rghavan Varier (Ed.), Keralotpattigranthavari : The Kolattunatu Tradition (Mal.), Calicut University Historical Series: 3, Calicut University: Department of History, 1984, p. 41 75. N.M. Namboodiri, Samutiricaritrattile Kanappurangal (Mal.), Sukapuram: Vallattol Vidyapitham, 1987, pp. 26-27 76. Shibi, K., op. cit., p. 50 77. The replacement of Komaram by the Kuruppus in modern time and the emergence new professionals as Teyyampati Nampiars and Teyyampati Kuruppus etc. are recent examples for this. The emergence as well as extinction of communities of professionals could be traced on the basis of evidence. 78. K.S. Singh discussed the practice of Kalameluttupattu by Kallarra Kuruppus and Tiyyattam of Tiyyattunnis in his anthropological surveys in Kerala. He further discussed the Sarpampattu and exorcism of lower castesin Kerala.

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79. K.N. Ganesh, Lived Spaces in History: A Study in Human Geography in the Context of Sangam Texts, Studies in History, 25, 2, n.s. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2009, p. 153 80. arkalin vilavukala katuppanalum..., vilavukala viraliyil tonrum natan..., See Nenmara P. Visvanathan Nair (Tr.), Akananuru, Pattu: 232,Vo. II, Thrissur: Kerala Sahitya Acadeny, 1983, p. 361 81. puyteri karumpin vitukalai tamaraipu Pumpotucitai vilntenakkutter atukalankatukkumanattaiye.. See V. R. Parameswaran Pilla (Tr.), Purananuru, Thrissur: Kerala Sahitya Acadeny, 1997, p. 48 82.Ibid., p. 484 83. G. Vaidyanatha Ayyer (Tr.), Patirruppattu (Mal.), Pattu: 6, Thrissur: Kerala Sahitya Academy, 1997, p. 137 84. K.N. Ezhuthachan (Tr.), Kuruntokai (Mal.), Thrissur: Kerala Sahitya Academy, 1999, p. 209 85. Melangathu Narayanankutty (Tr.), Kalittokai (Mal.), Thrissur: Kerala Sahitya Academy, 1983, p. 153 86. Nenmara P. Visvanathan Nair, op. cit., p. 361 87. K.N. Ezhuthachan , op. cit., p. 209 88. K.N. Ganesh, op. cit., p. 182 89. V.R. Parameswaran Pilla, op. cit., p. 485 90. Akananuru 22, Purananuru 28, Kuruntokai 360 songs mentioned the sacrificial offering of goat and flower to the Kalam in the context of veriyattu. 91. Melangath Narayanan Kutty (Tr.), Pattupattu (Mal.), Thrissur: Kerala Sahitya Academy, 2000, p. 43 92. M.G.S. Narayanan (Ed.), Vanneri Granthavari, Document No.53A, Calicut University Historical Series No.1, University of Calicut: Department of History, 1987, p. 28 93. Ibid. 94. Ibid. 95. Ibid., 103 A, p. 51 96. N.M. Namboodiri, op. cit., p. 222 97. M.G. S. Narayanan, op. cit., p. 51 98. Ibid. 99. Ibid. 100. M.G. S. Narayanan, op. cit., p. 52 101. Ibid., p. 28 102. Kotungallur Bhagavati and Jyesta Bhagavati appear in the Tantric texts during the 18th/19thc.A.D. The worship of Bhardakali is highlighted in the text of Kulikkattupacca. It is much later in the tradition of Kerala Tantras. 103. For the text referred to here, see M.G.S. Narayanan, op. cit., p. 28 104. Ibid. 105. Svastikas have also been used in various other ancient civilizations around the world. It remains widely used in Indian religions, specifically Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism, primarily as a tantric symbol to evoke Sakti or the sacred symbol of auspiciousness. 106. For the text referred to here, see M.G.S. Narayanan, op. cit., p. 28 107. Ibid., p. 28 108. M.G.S. Narayanan, op. cit., p. 51 109. Ibid. 110. Ibid. 111. For the text referred to here, see M.G.S. Narayanan, op. cit., p. 51 112. Ibid. 113. Ibid. 114. Late Sankaran Kurupu, a Kallarra Kuruppu, documented the figure of Mahakali of the 1960s in his line-drawings. It was much later in 2000 that Dr. Babu Mundekkadu also recorded the colour photos of Butakkalam in his Kallarrakkruppanmarute Kalameluttu. 115. Manipravalam texts of early medieval Kerala documented Kotungallur as a centre of Mahakali cult. 116. Iyer and Thurston described the performance of Bhadrakalikkalam during the Vrscika Mandalam in Kerala. 117. M.G.S. Narayanan (Ed.), op. cit., p.51 118. Ibid. 119. Line-drawings of Sankaran Kurupu (late), Kallarra Kuruppu, Karikkadu, Malappuram. 120. M.G.S. Narayanan (Ed.), op. cit., p. 28 121. Babu Mundekkadu, op. cit., p. 67-68 122. Interview with Harihara Sutan, Kallarra Kuruppu, Chamravattom, Malappuram on 05/01/2011 123. V. V. Haridas, Ksetram Utsavam Rakstriyam, Kozhikode: Purna Publications, 2008, p. 36 124. Granthavaris like Kolikkotan and Kutali documented the important role of Komaram as a ritual dancer in Malabar region. 125. V. V. Haridas, op. cit., p. 57 126. Medieval Granthavaris recorded Kalam mainly as threshing floor or granary. Later, Gundert also defined the Kalam as threshing floor. There are no references to Kalam as granary in the literary works of the early Tamilakam, except one reference in Pattupattu. Pattupattu described Kalattil niraye karrakkumparangal in the context of harvest of tina. 127. Raghava Varier (Ed.) Kolikkotan, op. cit., p. 56

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128. Kutaligranthavari recorded Kalameluttu as a part of the accounts of the festival expenses. The last portion (section E) of the Granthavari is not dated. In that portion of the document, the costs of recorded, which was performed as a part of Arattu (festival), ritual songs and so on. Document No: 25 and Document No: 26 of the E section are examples for this. Document No:25 traces the accounts of the payments of rice given for Uccappattu, Antippattu, Kalattilari etc. which also report the expenditure of rice given to Teyyampati (those are the prominent community in the performance of Kalameluttu), Tantri, Marar, Vannan and so on. Document No: 26 depict the amount of rice given to Teyyampati. Those communities have important role in the performance of Kalam in contemporary period also. 129. N. M. Namputiri, Samutiri Caritrattile...op. cit., pp. 222, 225, 236 130. In the documents of 1675 Grantham 7, palm-leaf 6-54 explains the expenditure for the performance of Brahmanippattu , which is a particular kind of ritual dance in Kerala. As a part of the performance of Brahmanippattu Kalam should be drawn.) But we have no further evidences for the performance of Kalam in the practice of Tiyyattutullal or Brahmanippattu as well as the present condition. 131. In 1752 documented the expenses of the performance of atuvettum pattum in Valayanatukavu. 132. Akananuru, Purananuru, Natrinai etc. Muruku, apparently the same as god Murukan, appears as a spirit that possesses Velans and women. 133. Patirruppattu and Cilappatikaram mentioned the deity Porkorravai in the context of battle field. 134. Kali/veri is the spirit, which was performed by velan/women in particular context such as atukalam, Kuravai kuttu, Veriyattu etc. 135. M.G. S. Narayanan (Ed.), op. cit., p. 28 136. Interview with Karunakara Kuruppu, Atikari Raman Kulangara Kuruppu, Niramkaitakkotta, Vallikkunnu, Malappuram: 26/03/2011 137. N.P. Unni, Tantra Literature of Kerala, Delhi: New Bharatiya Book Corporation, 2006, p. 3-4 138. K. Kuppuswamy, verse. 5, 7, 18, 44, etc. op. cit., p. L-LXI 139. Sangamesan. K.M., op. cit., p. 22 140. Ibid., p. 198-202 141. Visnusamhita of Sumati described Mandalams of lotus with five colour on cloth or walls. 142. Isanagurudevapaddati recored the Mandalam of Bhadraka, Sarvatobhadraka, Parvatikanta, etc. explained by N.P. Unni in his Tatra Literature of Kerala. 143. Chennas Narayanan Namputirippatu, op. cit., pp. 202-209, p. 205 144. Ibid. p. 209 145. Ibid. p. 207 146. Kuzhikkattu Mahesvaran Bhattatirippatu, op. cit., p. 395 147. Ibid. p. 394 148. Ibid. 149. Sangamesan. K.M., op. cit., p. 15 150. Chennas Narayanan Namputirippatu, op.cit., p. vii-xi, Kuzhikkattu Mahesvaran Bhattatirippatu, op.cit., p. viii-xiv 151. This date was suggested by Dr. N. Sam, former Director, International Centre for Kerala Studies, University of Kerala, in personal conversation. 152. Manuscripts documented from personal collection of Harsha Kumar, Kuruppu, Mundakkal, Thiruvanathapuram. 153. Yantracaram, Manuscript No: 139, Library of S.S.U.S., Kalady, which is collected from Tiyyans in Palakkadu district. 154. Yantracaram, Manuscript No: 139, Library of S.S.U.S., Kalady. 155. Ibid. 156. Manuscripts documented from personal collection of Harsha Kumar, Mundakkal, Thiruvanathapuram. 157. Ibid. 158. Marunnum Mantravum Yantravum, Manuscript No: 149, Library of S.S.U.S., Kalady. 159. Yantracaram, Manuscript No: 139, Library of S.S.U.S., Kalady. 160. Manuscripts documented from personal collection of Harsha Kumar, Mundakkal, Thiruvanathapuram. 161. Yantracaram, Manuscript No: 139, Library of S.S.U.S., Kalady. 162. Many of the human figures in the manuscripts resemble the human figures seen in the Edakkal caves. For the figures, see Rajan Gurukkal, The Edakkal Rock Engravings: Morphology and Meaning Edited by M.R. Manmathan, Archeology in Kerala: Past and Present, Calicut: Feroke College Publications Division, 2007, pp. 68-71 163. Human figures in the manuscripts look like the human figures in different postures seen in the Marayur caves. SeeP. Rajendran, An Overview on Indian Mesolithic culture And Early Rock-art in Kerala, Edited by M.R. Manmathan, Archeology in Kerala: Past and Present, Calicut: Feroke College Publications Division, 2007, pp. 84 164. Mircea Eliade, The Encyclopedia of Religion, Vol. XII, New York: Macmillan Company, 1987, p. 520 165. Depiprasad Chattopadhyaya, Lokayatha- A Study in the Ancient Indian Materialism, New Delhi: Peoples Publishing House, 1968, pp. 269-272 166. Chummar Choondal, Studies in Folklore of Kerala, Thiruvananthapuram: College Book House, 1975, p. 8-9 167. M.V. Vishnu Namboodiri, Introduction, Kallatttarruruppanmarute, op.cit., p. 13 168. For the text referred to here, see M.G. S. Narayanan, op. cit., p. 28 169. Ibid. 170. Ibid.

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171. Late Sankaran Kurupu, a Kallarra Kuruppu, documented the figure of Pampu, Putam, Mahakali etc.of the 1960s in his line drawings. It was much later in 2000 that Dr. Babu Mundekkadu also recorded the performance of Bhutakkalam with Pampu in his Kallarrakkruppanmarute Kalameluttu. 172. M.V. Vishnu Namboodiri, Forward, Kallarrakkuruppanmarute.., op. cit., p.27 173. Ibid. 174. Subramanian (Ed.), op. cit., p. 345 175. M.V. Vishnu Namboodiri, Forward, Kallarrakkuruppanmarute.., op. cit., p. 13 176. Later tantric texts like Tantra Samuccayam, Kulikkattu Pacca etc. mentioned the term Patmams, instead of the Mandalams. 177. Shibi, K., op. cit., p. 53 178. Babu Mundekkadu, op. cit., pp. 32-34 179. Herman Gundert, English-Malayalam Dictionary, and Edguard Thurston, Castes and Tribes of South India described the Belikkalams of Kalabhairavan Kalam of Tiyyans. 180. Herman Gundert English-Malayalam Dictionary, and William Logan Malabar Manual explained the Kalam of exorcism of Beliyulika and Tolulika of Tiyyans like other lower castes. 181. M. V. Vishnu Namboodiri, Vannanum Kentron. op. cit., p. 20 182. L.K. Anantha Krishna Iyer, Vol. I, op. cit., p. 307-311