NAME: LYNNET MARASHE STUDENT NUMBER: G08M4577 YEAR OF STUDY: HONOURS IN ORGANISATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY 2011 SUPERVISOR: ALWYN MOEDYK

TITLE: THE SOCIAL PERCEPTIONS OF THE XENOPHOBIA ATTACKS IN MAY 2008 AMONG AFRICAN FOREIGN NATIONALS AT RHODES UNIVERSITY: AN EXPLORATORY STUDY.

This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Commerce with Honours in Organisational Psychology. Rhodes University 2011

In this picture there two South African Police men and the Ernesto Alfabeto Nhamuvae who is burning man during the 2008 May xenophobia attacks (Matongo, 2008

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my supervisor, Mr Alwyn Moerdyk, for whom I am indebted for

his support, faith and constant inspiration. Werner Bohmke, for his awesome patience and unending support throughout this year.
My appreciation goes to the nine participants for their time, interest; enthusiasm and

passion for making this research a success. I would like to thank the Organizational Psychology 2011 Honours class for their friendship and enthusiasm throughout the year. My family and friends for their support and encouragement.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. INTRODUCTION 2. LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1

Context.. Xenophobia Attacks on May 11, 2008..... Violence in Post Apartheid South Africa.. Globalization of Xenophobia. The Different Social Perceptions of xenophobia.. Youths Participation Democracy.

2.1.1 Xenophobia and Foreigners..

2.1.2 2.1.3 2.1.4 2.2.1 2.2.2 2.2.3

2.2 Explanation of the May 11, 2008 Xenophobic Attacks..

2.3 Economic Explanation of the Xenophobic Attacks 2.4 Social Explanations. 2.4.1 2.4.2 2.5.1 Redefining South African Citizenship. Service Delivery Labelling

2.5 Political contribution to xenophobia. 3. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND OF XENOPHOBIA.

3.1.1 Scapegoating Theory. 3.1.2 Power Theory

3.1.3 3.1.4 3.1.5

Normative Theory. Social Contagion.. Learned Helplessness

3.2 Social Identity Theory 3.2.1 Management Strategies 4. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY.. 4.1 Research Aims 4. 2 Research Method

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4.3 Qualitative Research 4.4 Data Collection 4.5 Sampling .. 4.6 Access 4.7 Unit of Analysis 4.8 Data Analysis 4. 9 Validity and reliability of results 5. Ethical Considerations. 6. RESULTS . . 6.1 What was remembered about these attacks. 6.2 Why do African foreign students think these xenophobic attacks happened. 6.3 Social Mobility 6.4 How are these attacks related to South Africans redefining their nationalism 6.5 Foreigners are blamed for all the social ills in South Africa. 6.6 How are these attacks interrealated to the competition of scarce resource 6.7 How is group thinking related to the way South African nationals acted on the May 2008 Xenophobia Attacks 7. DISCUSSION. 7.1 Scapegoating Foreigners for all social ills 7.2 Scarcity of Resources. 7.3 Foreigners are taking over.. 7.4 Labelling Foreigners.....
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7.5 Spoiled Citizens 7.6 Group Think 7.7 Youth Participation 8. PRACTICAL APPLICATION... 8.1 Limitations. 9. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH 10. REFERENCES.. 11 APPENDIX .

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Research Question: What are the social perceptions of the Xenophobia attacks in May 2008 among African foreign nationals? Abstract This research explores the different social perceptions of Rhodes University fourth year African foreign students, who were first year students at the time of the 2008 xenophobic attacks in South Africa. The research is qualitative in nature and it takes the exploratory paradigm. Information was elicited from four African foreign national participants by the researcher through face-to-face semi-structured interviews. The Social Identity Theory (SIT)s management strategies were used as theory to back up the thematic analysis. The results indicate that the African foreign nationals perceptions completely changed after the 2008 attacks. South Africans were viewed as untrustworthy, jealous, lazy, heartless, spoiled citizens, and bitter people because of Apartheid. On the other hand, the African foreign nationals also highlighted to the researcher that the South African nationals viewed them as makwerekwere (meaning illegal immigrants). African foreign nationals were believed to be responsible for all the prostitution, armed robbery, as well as drug trafficking in the country, and that they also stole what rightfully belonged to South Africans such as jobs, houses, women and businesses. This report demonstrates that the 2008 xenophobic attacks brought a great deal of mixed emotions and reactions among the African foreign nationals and the South African citizens thus showing that the 2008 xenophobic attacks impacted the Rhodes University students differently. Keywords: South Africa, xenophobia, Rhodes University, Social Identity Theory Management Strategies and immigrants. 1. INTRODUCTION This paper focuses on the different social perceptions of the African foreign students at Rhodes University on the May 2008 xenophobic attacks in South Africa. The study was to investigate and explore the causes of the May 2008 xenophobic attacks on African foreign students three years after the attacks. This research tried to explain the foreign African students social perceptions its social psychology through the Social Identity Theory management strategies. The general findings showed that Zimbabwean foreigners mostly were affected more by these attacks than other foreigners because they have the highest total population amongst all foreigners that migrated to South Africa. There were many reasons for these attacks but it
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cannot be denied that political and socio-economic conditions were significant contributing factors to the hostility; bitterness and violence of some South African communities. These social and economic constrains resulted in social competition amongst South African and foreign nationals, redefinition of the South African identity and the frustration of South Africans because of the impermeability borders of their borders. LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 CONTEXT

2.1.1 Xenophobia and Foreigners There are many push factors that have led to xenophobia in the world as well as in South Africa, some of which include economic, political and social hardships, migration, ethnic conflict, civil wars globalization, access to services and education (Dludlu, 2000). Xenophobia is not unknown in many countries across the globe (Campell (2003, p. 27) defines it as the irrational fear of the unknown, or specifically, as the fear or hatred of those with a different nationality. It relies heavily on the circulation of myths and stereotypes about foreigners (Campell, 2003; Crush, 2001). Xenophobia, also involves attitudes, prejudice and behaviours that reject, exclude, and often vilify persons on the perceptions that those persons are outsiders or foreign to the community, society or national identity (Morapedi, 2007, p. 15). Although, all these definitions are generally acceptable internationally, Harris (2002) challenged them because in the South African context these definitions are inadequate and misleading. According to (Harris, 2002, p. 10-15) xenophobia in South Africa "is not just an attitude: it is an activity it is a violent practice that results in bodily harm and damage." (Harris 2002). Kollapen (1999) also warns that xenophobia cannot be separated from violence and physical abuse, most of which is evident in South Africa. Violence has become the norm in South Africa most of which is directed towards African nationals that migrate to South Africa with the hope of securing safety and a better life (Culberston, 2009). It is important for one to note that xenophobia in South Africa did not start in May 2008 but that it dates back before 1994 (Morapedi, 2007; Buyer, 2008).

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2. 1.2 Xenophobia Attacks on May 11, 2008 The 2008 May attacks started in Alexandra, on the outskirts of Johannesburgs north-eastern suburbs, when a mob invaded a disused factory allegedly inhabited by Zimbabweans (Steenkamp, 2009). They chased the inhabitants into townships whilst looting shops, setting shacks alight and killing two people in the process. Within days the violence spread through the rest of Gauteng, Cape Town and Kwa-Zulu Natal (Steenkamp, 2009; Mosselson, 2010). Within a single month, notions of a rainbow nation, pan-African solidarity and equality in South Africa were ringing hollow (Steenkamp, 2009). These attacks left 62 people dead, almost 700 injured, scores of women gang raped, hundreds of thousands displaced from their homes country-wide, and property worth R1.5billion lost (McConnell, 2009, p. 34). Since 1990 there has been a substantial increase in illegal and legal migration from Southern African countries and countries further north (Mosselson, 2010). The Gauteng province hosting Johannesburg and Pretoria has become todays economic centre of Sub Saharan Africa. Its success has attracted a wide range of domestic and international migrants seeking economic opportunities or refuge from oppression and a better life (Duponchel, 2009). Driven by push factors such as political instability and economic hardship in their home countries (as in the case of Zimbabwe) and by the pull of economic opportunities putatively available in South Africa, thousands of migrants from predominantly Africa countries have entered South Africa (Mosselson, 2010). The majority are either temporary work-seekers or economic migrants, asylum seekers, or undocumented migrants (Mosselson, 2010). Exact figures of migrants in South Africa are elusive but estimates range from an alarmist twelve million through seven million, and five million down to a conservative three million. And whilst an exact figure is unobtainable, the public imagination has been gripped by visions of immigrant floods, threats and foreign invasion (Mosselson, 2010, p. 56). The events of May 2008 were uniquely shocking because of the combined use of violent behaviours, the intensity and sustainability of the violent campaigns, its rapid spread country wide and the governments initial reluctance to recognize it (Steenkamp, 2009). The xenophobic violence of May 2008 should not have been surprising because it resulted from widespread and long-standing negativity towards foreigners and the states failure to recognize the early signs (Morapedi, 2007).
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2.1.3 Violence in Post Apartheid South Africa Already in 1994, community organizations in Alexandra accused migrants from Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Malawi of causing crime, sexual attacks and unemployment and forcefully evicted them in a campaign called Operation Buyelekhaya, meaning go back home (Buyer, 2008). In 1997, local hawkers in central Johannesburg attacked their foreign counterparts. In September 1998, a mob murdered one Mozambican and two Senegalese asylum seekers who were selling sweets to passengers on the train between Pretoria and Johannesburg (Crush, 2008). In 2005, Zimbabwean and Somalian refugees were beaten in the Free State after a community protest against the local municipality. In 2006, mobs in the townships around Cape Town robbed and looted the shops of Somali shopkeepers and killed 29 Somalis between July and September (Buyer, 2008, p 226-228). All these attacks were a built up to the May 2008 xenophobic attacks and when it reached the melting point due to other social, political and economic reasons, the violent attacks erupted in South Africa in 2008. It is crucial to understand that the May 2008 xenophobic violent attacks were more than an exposure of the specious quality of the popular exhortation in the Freedom Charter that South Africa belongs to all who live in it (Nyar, 2008, p.9). It was also a potent reminder of the apartheid past. It drew disturbing parallels with the way in which difference was invoked by apartheid to justify violence, oppression and injustice. The revival of the apartheid-derived term black-on-black violence invoked painful historical memories of the systematic devaluation and destruction of black foreign nationals (Nyar, 2008). The fact that the victims of the violence were exclusively black immigrants from Africa or amakwerekwere raised critical and uncomfortable questions about an internalized reverse racism on the part of black South Africans, and an overall dangerous sense of national superiority particularly in relation to the rest of Africa (Nyar, 2008). 2.1.4 Globalization of xenophobia In many parts of the world race plays a persistent role in xenophobic processes of labelling outsiders as foreigners (regardless of their status) (Klotz, 2000). Throughout Europe, for
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example, the rise of radical right wing parties fuels anti-immigrant sentiments, including violent attacks against foreigners similar to the contemporary trends in South Africa. South African reactions to immigration are in some ways a reflection of the global trends (Klotz, 2000). According to the recent history of Cote dIvoire, the concept of identity has been manipulated to refer to local territory as opposed to national territory. This tribalism versus nationalism is typical of what happened in South Africa between foreigners and South African citizens. Outsiders became those who did not come from the locality (Duponchel, 2009). There was the redefining of identity and those that did not fall in the inside group (in-group) were in the outside group (out-group) and these people were usually attacked. South African citizens also redefined what a South African was and according to them, if you were born in another African country and your roots were not South African by descent, you were not identified by in-group as a South Africa (Duponchel, 2009). Examples of the former include the horrific anti-Semitic targeting of Jews by German nationalists in the 1930s and 1940s and neo-Nazi attacks on immigrants in the 1990s (Campell, 2003). Germans also resented Jews as some South Africans resent other foreign nationals. It is important to note that, similar incidences have occurred in France and increasingly in Britain. Therefore, it would appear that attacking strangers as the major causes of all social ills or rather using up a particular nations resources is common (Campell, 2003). Xenophobia against foreign nationals have also been evidenced in developed countries, so this study will help in gaining insight into the social psychology behind the different social perceptions of the xenophobic attacks, in a third world country like South Africa. It is interesting to note that the German economic situation deteriorated in the 1990s, and during this time there was an increase in insecurity, competiveness and individualism was highly probable as was xenophobia (Campell, 2003). This was also evident in South Africa during the May 2008 period, as South Africa was facing economic difficulties and this pressure was one of the causes that resulted in the 2008 xenophobic attacks (Campell, 2003). 2.2 EXPLANATIONS OF THE MAY 11, 2008 XENOPHOBIC ATTACKS. 2.2.1 The different social perceptions of xenophobia

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Generally South Africa's public culture has become increasingly xenophobic, and politicians as well as the media are partly responsible for the shaping of most South Africans social perceptions towards foreigners. Several research studies have shown how the media has uncritically reproduced xenophobic language and statements, time and again (Crush, 2008; Steenkamp, 2009; Mosselson, 2010). In 1994 the Home Affairs Minister Mangosutho Buthelezi in (Crush 2008, p. 16-17), infamously referred to the illegal aliens as the populace responsible of threatening the success of economic policies, safety and security of all South Africans. He drew explicit links between migrants and drug-trafficking, prostitution and money-laundering; to him foreigners were rather than South Africans the root to all the social ills in South Africa and not foreigners (Crush, 2008). Many South Africans came to believe that these immigrants are stealing their jobs. This belief, and the belief that they are taking business, and causing crime, fuelled an intense animosity that reached its pinnacle in May 2008 (Culberston, 2009). The hostility towards foreigners and xenophobia have not been restricted just to the poor or the jobless; everyone from politicians, businessmen to members of the police forces and those in the top ranks of the government are guilty of xenophobia (Culberston, 2009). Additionally South Africans believe that foreign nationals have an agenda to cohabitate with South African-women and force them into illegal activities (Arends, 2011). Foreign nationals are considered as parasites and are responsible for the decline of urban conditions of certain Johannesburg suburbs such as Hillbrow, Yeoville and Berea just mention a few (Arends, 2011). On the other hand, most foreigners depicted South African men as lazy, violent, adulterous and not nurturing of their partners (Morris, 1998). This perception is aimed primarily at the urban dwelling black South African. Furthermore, the foreign nationals perceive the South Africans, especially black men, as not welcoming to migrants because they are harsh and disrespectful and this has evoked anger and unhappiness with immigrants (Arends, 2011). These perceived idea about foreigners are interesting to note because during the Apartheid era, many South Africans were welcomed into exile in the 1960s and 1970s in Tanzania, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Zambia and other states and therefore, xenophobia to these people is a betrayal of friendship (Human Rights Watch, 1998). To some foreign nationals, questions arise such as how was it possible that those nations who had housed, fed and schooled South Africans suddenly become the enemy? (Human Rights Watch, 1998). There are many
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different perceptions between the South Africa and the foreign nationals some of which led to the outburst of the May 2008 xenophobic attacks. 2.2.2 Youths participation It is important to note that the majority of youths participated in xenophobic attacks and it is important for one to dig deeper and find out why they participated in act like this (Song, 2009). It is believed that there was a perception that matters of moral degeneration and a loss of African values and beliefs, such as ubuntu, could have been the contributing factor for their participation (Song, 2009). This issue was discussed in the South African Parliament as a major concern of South Africas future in the global world. Two youths from the Ramaphosa informal settlement, on Johannesburgs East Rand, declared in Mosselson (2010, p. 650) that, We can proudly say foreigners have decided to leave our area because they know what would happen to them if they were found. They would burn. Hell is waiting for them; this is a clear message we are sending to the foreigners-Ramaphosa belongs to us, not to foreigners. Vuyani, one of the characters in Blank & Shikaya (2010) also clearly highlighted that most of the violent attacks were carried out by youths and this is evidenced by these two youths. Since foreigners have been placed in the outside group they were excluded, unwanted and vulnerable. This can be seen in cries such as This is our land- and foreigners should leave and These foreigners must leave or they will die that rang out during the attacks (Mosselson, 2010, p. 651). Common quotes like we fought during Apartheid and they did not! So they must leave and they take our women and jobs were said and this seems to be the common thoughts of some South Africans (Blank & Shikaya, 2010). The South Africans redefined the South African identity and nationalism as it was brought to the table by the youths that participated in the May 2008 xenophobic attacks. Therefore, this research with youths from Rhodes University could help in understanding why the South African youths took part in the attacks. 2.2.3 Democracy The boundaries of democracy are typically defined by the border lines of formal status citizenship (Song, 2009, p. 78). Such state-centered theories of democracy leave many migrants without a voice in political decision making in the areas where they live and work, giving rise to a problem of democracy legitimacy (Song, 2009). In South Africa, it evident that
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foreigners have no voice in political, social and economic decision making and they also do not have their human rights protect meaning that they are prone to any verbal and physical attacks and not much can be done if anything happens to them. A notable example is the Aliens Control Act, one of the early key pieces of legislation governing immigration. The Act allowed state officials to practice state-legitimated forms of lawlessness and repression against foreign nationals (Nyar, 2008). It was therefore common practice to make random arrests on the basis of skin colour, vaccination marks, pronounciation of particular words, or understanding of local dialect (Nyar, 2008). This was often done in front of local communities who witnessed the physical abuse of foreign nationals and dispossession and destruction of their property, often allowing locals to reap the spoils (Nyar, 2008). 2.3 Economic explanation of the Xenophobic Attacks At the time there was a climate of political uncertainty and socio-economic depression in South Africa. Escalations in interest rates and oil prices signaled ancillary burdens of economic hardships for the majority of poor households in South Africa who were already hard-pressed to make ends meet (Steenkamp, 2009). Increased costs of food and transport combined with the pressures of intermittent electricity black-outs imposed great strain on poor/ working class households (Steenkamp, 2009). A fearful pessimism prevailed on the ground about the costs of living, compounded by a historical conditioning to a seeming perpetual and intractable socioeconomic disadvantage (Steenkamp, 2009). This pressure on people who were seen to already suffering caused bitterness amongst South Africans because the foreigners were using their depleting resources and this also added to causes of the May 2008 xenophobic attacks. In addition, one of the explanations for the outbreak of violence was that the influx of Zimbabweans that exacerbated tensions between communities as competition for services, employment, petty trading and education increased (Esses et al, 2001 in Duponchel, 2009). South Africans consider this competition with foreigners as unfair because most of these immigrants are more educated and competitive in business than they are. In addition, they are also hardworking and they have the knowledge and skill in what they do (Duponchel, 2009). On the other hand, South African Black citizens have not been privileged as foreigners in terms of exposure to good education and training of specialized skills because of the Apartheid Era. Therefore, for foreigners to come and take what is seen as rightfully belonging to them did not seem fair to them and it resulted in the use of violence to fight the threat (Duponchel, 2009).

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2.4 Social Explanations 2. 4.1 Redefining South African Citizenship According to Mosselson (2010, p. 645), The violent attacks were not merely instances of citizens expressing frustration; they were, rather, instances of citizens reaffirming their status as citizens. Before, during and after the attacks, immigrants were blamed for taking jobs, women, economic opportunities and houses belonging to South Africans, thereby usurping the rights and entitlements of the (deprived) citizenry (Mosselson, 2010). A parallel to the justification of most South Africans reaffirmation of their citizenship and all that belongs to them in the postApartheid era can perhaps some of be likened to the entitlement of what is known at the cargo cult. This cult phenomenon developed from the remote parts of New Guinea and other Melanesian societies around 1968 (Harris in BBC h2g2-Cargo Cults, 2004). According to Harris in BBC h2g2-Cargo Cults, (2004, p. 1), A cargo cult is a religious practice that has appeared in many traditional pre-industrial tribal societies in the wake of interaction with technologically advanced cultures. The cults focus on obtaining the material wealth (the "cargo") of the advanced culture through magic and religious rituals and practices. This practice of believing that someone, somewhere, will bring them wealth has been a major drawback to many South Africans, so they have been waiting for the cargo to appear after liberation, while foreigners are working extremely hard for the same cargo. These two different viewpoints of how wealth comes about led to people clashing because in the end the one party saw that the other received the wealth and they did not and this became a problem (Harris in BBC h2g2-Cargo Cults, 2004). 2.4.2 Service delivery The issue of delivery exposes some of the profound contradictions of the transition to democracy and the post-apartheid dispensation (Nyar, 2008). The South African government had promised its body of voters a better life for all but it did not manage to fully deliver its promises (Nyar, 2008, p. 9). It is a paradox which captures the multiple complexities of effecting transformation in South Africa. Although formal democracy has been attained, the majority of poor black Africans continue to bear the brunt of poverty (Nyar, 2008). This poor

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delivery of services angered most South Africans because they were highly expectant after a long struggle during the apartheid era (Nyar, 2008). Scapegoating, and in different contexts, there are examples of the tendency to find groups of aliens who can be blamed for societys social and economic ills and different groups have at various times been singled out as scapegoat (Morris, 1998). A scapegoat is a person or group made to bear the blame for others or to suffer in their place (Marger 1991, p. 91). Since the service delivery was poor in post Apartheid South Africa, most South Africans looked for an easy target to vent their anger and frustration. This explanation also helps us to understand the South African situation and its relation to the xenophobic attacks.

2.5 Political contribution to xenophobia Every leader has followers and according Basadur (1994, p. 244), followership may be defined as the ability to effectively follow the directives and support the efforts of a leader to maximize a structured organization. In this case, Jacob Zuma has so many supporters and he is a role model to many youths and adults and what he does influence his followers way of doing things. During the period his singing of his popular song Umshin Wami revived an atmosphere of belligence and, the song was sung while assegais were waved during the xenophobia attacks of 2008 (Steenkamp, 2009). Most importantly, when Thabo Mbeki who was the current president at that time reacted after week and commanded the xenophobia attacks to stop they did stop, showing the power national leaders have on their nation (Steenkamp, 2009). Other politicians, including Nelson Mandela and senior cabinet ministers are also on record for drawing direct links between illegal migrants and crime (Crush, 2008). Post-Apartheid xenophobia in South Africa has two characteristics which make it particularly remarkable. Violence is largely by black South Africans against black Africans, who are referred to as amakwerekwere (meaning persons who speaks an unintelligible language) (Crush, 2008). All these events also contributed to the brutal attacks in May 2008.

2.5.1 Labelling

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It is interesting to note that some Black South Africans refer to the illegal immigrants without proper documentation as amakwerekwere yet they see illegal white immigrants from Europe without the same proper documentation as tourists (Blank & Shikaya, 2010). The fact that they call the other foreigners amakwerekwere is called pseudospeciation. According to (Miermont, 1995, p.1), pseudospeciation begins with the fact that cultural differences cause humans to separate into different social groups, with different language, dress and customs. These cultural differences are analogous to the formation of different biological species (speciation). In the extreme, pseudospeciation leads to dehumanization of other cultural groups (out-groups), just as what occurred during the attacks. The reference to German as Huns during WW2 is an example of labelling. Since South Africans had already dehumanized the foreigners it was easy for them to attack them because they did not see them as human beings (Miermont, 1995). This is also evidenced with the picture on the cover page of the burning man Ernesto Alfabeto Nhamuvae (Matongo, 2008). The fact that a human being had been declared to be an illegal alien and excluded from society, as led later a sudden disconnection between the two parties resulting in little emotional connection. This goes some way to explaining why one human has the ability to burn another (Matongo, 2008). 3.THEORETICAL BACKGROUND OF XENOPHOBIA IN SOUTH AFRICA A number of secondary theories can help to explain the behaviour that was shown by South African citizens towards foreigner during the May 2008 xenophobia attacks. These include the scapegoating theory, power theory, norm theory, social contagion and learned helplessness. However, the main theory for this research is the Social Identity Theorys three management strategies namely the social mobility, social creativity and social competition. These management strategies will explain in detail the roots of the different social perceptions of the Rhodes University African foreign student as well as the social psychology behind the May 2008 xenophobic attacks. 3.1.1Scapegoating theory According to Kruger (2009), this theory implies that a person becomes so frustrated in his or her efforts to achieve a desired goal that he or she tends to respond with aggression. The source of frustration is unknown or too powerful to confront, so a substitute is found to release the aggression. It therefore becomes a convenient scapegoating for those experiencing the reality of
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hardship that has worsened since the arrival of Zimbabweans into South Africa. Targeting foreigners is a matter of proximity because foreigners tend to reside in areas that are characterised by poverty and a lack of service delivery. This is a precursor to xenophobic attitudes and encourages hostility, conflict and violence, as more people are competing for meagre resources (Masilela, 2008, p. 75). 3.1.2 Power Theory The power theory is a paradigm that views the relationship between groups as a function of their competitive positions. This paradigm suggests that a threat of one particular group to another is a source of hate. When people feel insecure in the face of a threat, they portray resentment and hate. It must be noted that the intensity of the hate need not necessarily depend on real competition in the job market but on the perception of threat, which is sufficient to induce animosity (Mogekwu, 2002 in Kruger, 2009). 3.1.3 Normative theory The normative theory explains xenophobia within the framework of social norms. People tend to conform to social situations in which they find themselves. When negative thoughts and discriminatory behaviour toward a particular group is expected, individuals feel compelled to think and act accordingly. Thus, the social environment that one is in serves as a source for discrimination and it leads to xenophobic behaviours Not everyone in South Africa participated in the xenophobic attacks but most people from the high density suburbs like Hillbrow , Yeoville, Khayelitsha and Alexandra. (Marger, 1991, in Kruger, 2009 ). 3.1.4 Social contagion Emotion can spread rapidly through large crowds, as the massive social proof leads us into extreme states. This explains much of crowd behaviour, where normal people act in ways they may later deeply regret (Kruger, 2009). It is like a disease that spreads quickly and before one knows it would have affected people in all corners of the nation. The May 2008 attacks started in Alxandra in Johanesburg but with a day the attacks were in Cape Town, Kwa Zulu Natal and the rest of South Africa (Kruger, 2009). 3.1.5 Learned helplessness

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Learned helplessness is defined as a condition of a human person or an animal in which it has learned to behave helplessly, even when the opportunity is restored for it to help itself by avoiding an unpleasant or harmful circumstance to which it has been subjected (Burt, 1987, p. 1289). This explains the behaviour that most South Africans have had for a long time. Since Apartheid South Africans considered themselves as helplessness and when they got their democracy they remained in that position even though they were free. As much as the foreigners as to blame for straining the resources in South Africa it is also important to note what the South Africans have done with resources they had soon after their democracy. 3.3 Social Identity Theory Social Identity Theory is a theory of inter-group behaviour, which suggests that individuals are motivated to achieve and maintain positive social identity groups (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Tajfel & Turner (1987, p.41) defines Social Identity Theory (SIT) as that, part of the selfconcept derived from an individuals knowledge of his or her group membership together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership. It forms a central aspect of ones self esteem by identifying with specific social groups, thus providing a good theoretical explanation for different social perceptions and discrimination against minority groups (Baron & Byrne, 2003). This theory was initially put forward to account for the unexpected finding that people tend to display intergroup discrimination to the so called minimal groups (Tajfel, 1979). SIT gives a clear explanation on why some Black South African citizens were xenophobic to other African foreign nationals (Masilela, 2008; Deaux, 1996; Turner, 1987). These social identities can be seen at three different levels, namely the individual level, intra-group level and the inter- group level. However this paper focused mostly on the groups inter-group level identity management strategies to explain the different social perceptions and how it is linked to the May 2008 xenophobic attacks. 3.2.2 Management Strategies At this level identity management becomes the key feature and groups start changing their boundaries, redefining and enhancing their self images, as well as competing for better social status (Burke, 1991). There are three identity management strategies, namely social mobility, creativity, and competition.

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Social mobility tends to occur when members of particular group have low levels of commitment to the group and when group boundaries are permeable (Haslam et al, 2003, p.7). For example, foreign immigrants from the surrounding Southern African countries seek refuge in South Africa because it has more economic and political stability thus changing their boundaries and their group status (Baron & Byrne, 2003). At the same time South African nationals have little or no option for changing their boundaries, thus creating an unequal playing ground for the two groups (Steenkamp, 2009). South Africans used violence to express their frustration of their unchangeable boundaries. To them, foreigners had options while they did not have any other options about their impermeable borders and this created problems that resulted in the 2008 xenophobic attacks. Most South Africans are comfortable staying in South Africa because to them South Africa is the most developed Third World country (Steenkamp, 2009). So for them to go to other countries like Zimbabwe does not make sense to most of them. Therefore cannot go to any other country in Southern Africa to find greener pastures because South Africa, according to them has the best in terms of social and economic amenities and political stability (Steenkamp, 2009). In this research the impermeability of South Africa borders were evidence in the findings. Social creativity involves trying to redefine ones group (Haslam et al, 2003). It occurs, when stable or legitimate intergroup differences provide little scope for achieving social change (and when leaving the group is not a feasible option) with the result that group members may try to enhance the image of their group at a cognitive level (Haslam et al, 2003, p.7). Many South Africans perceive that when these foreign refugees come to South Africa, they usually start from nothing but soon manage to improve their situations (Masilela, 2008). There are many reasons to explain their success some of which include their willingness to accept lower wages, working hard and having a better education. South Africans respond to this by trying to enhance their images by making it well know that they are South Africans and they belong in South Africans and the foreigners do not (Dube, 2000). So by trying to show their nationalism, the xenophobic attacks were designed to show the foreigners that the South Africans have a better standing than foreigners (Dube, 2000). The South Africans attacked their fellow black Africans because they were not of South African descent. The attacks were based on the fact that one was not a Black South Africa only if one was a Black African from another country were you placed in the out-group of being a
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mukwerekwere (Nyar, 2008 in Kruger, 2009). For that alone you would be attacked. It was however interesting that the people that were attacked were most low level income earners that came from Hillbrow, Yeoville, Berea, Alexandra and Khayelitsha ( just to mention a few) and not the high earners foreigners who lived in places like Sandton (Nyar, 2008). This social creativity was only evidenced in during the xenophobic attacks and it was only done to the low level foreigners that could not defend themselves. This also explains why the Rhodes University students did not experience these attacks The last identity management strategy is that of social competition This is when two groups compete for a limited number of scarce resources such as jobs, housing, consumer sales, or even food, one groups success becomes the others failure and creates a breeding ground for a rift and violence (Franzoi, 2003, p. 242). South Africans and foreigners all compete for the scarce resources such as employment, education and business (Tshitereke, 1999). This competition for scarce resources is seen as a major reason for the South Africans attacking their opponent who seemed to be thriving at their expense. Social competition was not only seen in South Africa but was also evidenced in France, Japan, Britain and German in the 1990s. Countries like Zimbabwe, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda have been experiencing political and economic instability. Citizens from these countries come and seek asylum in South Africa, which means they cannot go back to their countries of origin. Therefore they are bound to do anything for them to survive and end up they came work in farms, mines and construction just to mention a few. They are also willing to do the dirty jobs that many South Africans prefer to avoid. This means that competition for resources becomes stiffer because the other group is willing to go the extra mile to survive the economic and social competition. Xenophobia is a common feature of many societies that are under social and economic pressure (Steenkamp, 2009). When the in-group sees that they are losing in the competition they usually attack the out-group which is their opponent. This was seen in Cote dIvoire when they attacked the other locals that did not belong to their community (Duponchel, 2009). Attacking the out-group appears to be a common characteristic of the in-groups experiencing frustration over limited resources.

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4. METHODOLOGY 4.1 RESEACH AIMS To explore perceptions of why the xenophobic attacks took place among African foreign students at Rhodes University. To investigate whether social competition, social mobility and if social creativity played an important role in the staging of the xenophobic attacks.

4.2 RESEARCH METHOD According to Wengfar (2002), method refers to ways of obtaining, organising and analysing data that would reflect the overall research design and strategy. The choice of method is determined by the research question. In this particular study, method would refer to how the research was conducted and its logical sequence. Research is a logical, systematic process which insists on the application of a certain method of data gathering and analysis ( Wengfar, 2002, pp. 163-164). In this study the researcher decided to use the qualitative method to establish the extent to which the African foreign students perceptions were affected by the May 2008 xenophobic attacks as well as seeing if the SIT management strategies played a role in the causing the attacks (Kruger, 2009). 4.2 Qualitative Research Qualitative research refers to the inductive, holistic, subjective and process-oriented methods used to understand, interpret, describe and develop a theory on a phenomenon or setting (Leedy & Ormrod, 1985, p. 12). It is an in-depth analysis of the problem in order to understand the what and why of human behaviour (Leedy & Ormrod, 1985). According to Creswell (1994), qualitative research is a systematic and subjective approach that is used to describe life experiences and how people make meaning (sense) of their experiences. In a qualitative research, there is the collection of data in the form of written or spoken language, or in the form of observations that are recorded in language, and can be analysed by identifying and categorizing themes (Terre Blanche and Durrheim, 2006, p.43). For the purposes of coherence, the research question and the exploratory paradigm were used since they are qualitative in nature. This type of research method is inductive, which means
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it immerses into the detail and specifics of the data to discover important themes. It tries to unfold real world situations naturally in a non-manipulative and a non-controlling way (Terre Blanche and Durrheim, 2006, p. 43). In conducting this research the exploratory paradigm was used. This paradigm is used to make preliminary investigations into unknown areas of research (Durrheim, in Terre Blanche, Durrheim & Painter, 2007, p.44). An exploratory paradigm allows flexibility, openness and an inductive approach to research so as to obtain new insights on the specific topic (Durrheim, in Terre Blanche, Durrheim & Painter, 2007). The exploratory paradigm was ideal for this specific research because it is one of the few researches that has used SIT management strategies to explore the Rhodes University African foreign students perceptions to try and explain the perceived causes of the May 2008 xenophobic attacks. 4.3 Data Collection In-depth semi-structured face-to-face interviews were used for data collection (Boumar, 2000).An in-depth interview is a process where the researcher is paying attention to what is being said by the subject or participant (Newman, 2000, p. 370). The interviews were conducted as a source of primary information which was collected directly from the participants (Harvey & MacDonald, 1993) (see appendix 1). They were one-on-one interviews and an outline of questions was developed and used for these sessions (Boumar, 2000). This type of data collection allowed participants to give their views and perceptions that are unrestrained because of the way it will framed and structured (Berg, 1998). In ensuring that all data was captured, audio tapes were used (Neuman, 2000). Non-verbal cues were also jotted on a research notebook that was used during the interview to jot down some of the important things that could not be noticed in the audio tape (Neuman, 2000). The study was conducted over a period of three weeks. 4.4 Sampling Sampling is defined as, the technical accounting device to rationalize the collection of information, to select in an appropriate way the restricted sets of objects, persons, events and so forth from which the genuine information will be drawn (Bless, 2006, p.98). A sample is the subset of the whole population which is actually investigated by a researcher (Bless, 2006). The
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main advantages of sampling, as compared to the collection of data on the whole population, core that it is less time consuming, and it is less costly, since the costs of research are proportional to the number of hours spent on data collection (Bless et al, 2006). Basically, sampling is a practical way of collecting data when the population is infinite or extremely large, thus making a study of all its elements impossible (Bless, 2006). This research was conducted at Rhodes University and initially a sample of four African foreign students who are in their fourth of study was planned to be used, but because the point of saturation was not reached on this group, five more interviews were carried out (Neuman, 2000). Convenience sampling, which is a sampling method that uses available participants at a particular time, and this was used in this particular study (Nachmias & Nachmias, 1990; Wengraf, 2002; Struwig & Stead, 2001). 4.4 Access Official letters of permission to conduct the interviews were sent to the Rhodes University Registrar and the Dean of Students. These people are known as the gatekeepers. A gatekeeper is the person who has the power to informally or formally control the right of entry into the site. The researcher negotiated entrance with the gatekeepers to ensure the ethics approval of the research that was conducted (Neuman, 2000, p. 387). 4.5 Unit of analysis The research participants were fourth year students that were interviewed on the basis of convenience from various departments such as the sociology, zoology, accounting and economics departments as well as the Law faculty. Their ages ranged from 19 to 24 years and they consented to participate in the research (Terre Blanche and Durrheim, 2006). 4.6 Data Analysis The purpose of classifying qualitative data for thematic content analysis is to facilitate the search for patterns and themes with the particular setting across cases (Patton, 1990, p.376). The data was tape recorded during the interviews and transcribed. Data was broken into chunks and coded and categorised according to themes (Neuman, 2000). During the interview, the interviewer attempted to determine what dimensions, words, themes and images

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linked directly to the SIT management strategies and these were used for the thematic analysis (Strydom, 2001).

4.7 Reliability and Validity of data According to Blaike (2004, p. 23), reliability refer to the dependability of the data. This will be achieved by accurate transcriptions of interview tapes (Terre Blanche and Durrheim, 2006). Validity, also known as credibility refers to producing findings that are convincing and believable in and was achieved by using in-depth open-ended interviews as a form of data collection (Terre Blanche and Durrheim, 2006, p. 93; Coolican, 1994; Boumar, 2000). Cross validation was done through comparing the differing viewpoints of the people that were interviewed as well as making sure the data was taken from a reliable network of individuals and places (Terre Blanche and Durrheim, 2006). 4.8 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Informed consent According to Nachmias and Nachmias (1981), Informed consent derives from cultural values and from legal considerations. Participants should receive a thorough explanation beforehand of the benefits, rights, risks and dangers involved as a consequence of their taking part in the research project (Nachmias and Nachmias, 1981, p. 323). Informed consent is an important ethical consideration because participants should be free to determine their own basic freedom. In this research project, all the participants were told what the research was all about and its purpose (Strydom & Delport, 2009). Each participant conducted the semi-structured interview only after they had consented and he/she and the participants are also allowed to withdraw from the interviews at any time. In addition and they were also allowed to answer questions only those they were comfortable with (Kumar, 2005; Berg 1998). Confidentiality The participants were notified that their information was going to be treated confidentially and to be used strictly for academic purposes. The information that they gave was to be used by the researcher alone and no one else. The Rhodes Ethics board made sure that the open-ended interview schedule questions were non-threatening so that the participants would be at ease and
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comfortable (Terre Blanche and Durrheim, 2006, p. 299). Confidentiality was also ensured by conducting the interview in a private room that with onlythe interviewer and the interviewee present (Nachmias and Nachmias, 1981). Anonymity The right of anonymity requires that the identity of individuals be separate from the information they give. In other words, a participant is considered anonymous when the researcher or other persons cannot identify particular information with a particular participant (Nachmias and Nachmias, 1981, p. 330). In this research participants were referred to in alphabetical letters so that was anonymity assured. 5. RESULTS 5.1 List of Respondents PARTICIPANT SEX AGE COUNTRY STUDENTS FACULTY

PARTICIPANT A PARTICIPANT B PARTICIPANT C PARTICIPANT D PARTICIPANT E PARTICIPANT F PARTICIPANT G PARTICIPANT H PARTICIPANT I

Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Female Male

23 22 24 23 24 24 22 21 24

Namibia Nigeria Zimbabwe Zimbabwe Zimbabwe Nigerian Zimbabwe Uganda Ghana

Pharmacy Student Law Student Law Student Law Student Sociology Student Zoology Student Economics Student Accounting Student Politics Student

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RESULTS The majority of the participants were Zimbabweans and it was seen in the research that Zimbabweans had the most vivid memories about the 2008 xenophobia attacks. The majority of legal and illegal immigrants in South Africa were Zimbabweans, rather than Nigerians, Ethiopians, and Ghanaians. These results were an exploration of the Rhodes University social perceptions of the May 2008 attacks. 6.1 What was remembered about these attacks? From the findings, it is evident that most of the participants were aware of the 2008 May xenophobic attacks. The participants heard about xenophobia from the television, word of mouth or from their relatives and friends and the most vivid memory was that of the burning man (Ernesto Alfabeto Nhamuvae). Most of them talked about what they remembered mostly from these attacks and a clear illustration was shown by participant A, who was in Grahamstown at the time of the attacks:
What I can recall was basically from media, the citizens basically accusing the other foreigners that they are taking possessions of their jobs, studying opportunity and resources. I recall a person was put on fire (Participant A; Pharmacy student, 30 August 2011).

Amongst some of the vivid memories of the xenophobic attacks was that of two Senegalese who were thrown out of a moving train because they were foreigners and they died on the spot (Participant D, Zimbabwean Law student, 28 August 2011). On the other hand, Participant I (Politics student, 28 August, 2011) expressed his shock at what the South Africans did and what they still do to the Foreigners. The verbal abuse showed that the South Africans had been angry for a long time and by the time the xenophobia attacks came this anger just erupted and everything just came up. This participant remembered that foreigners houses that were burnt, shops that were looted, and the people that were killed. The most common statement that the South Africans kept on saying was:
These guys must go back (Participant I; Politics Student, 30 August 2011).

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This is evident that the foreigners were not welcome in South African. It clearly shows that, there has been a great deal of competition and the only way to fight the opponent is to drive them away. From the empirical evidence found in other xenophobia studies, it was evident that these attacks were as a result of frustration with the social and economic situation in South Africa. The attacks were brutal and many people were displaced and they never returned to their previous neighbourhoods. 6.2 Why do African foreign students think these xenophobic attacks happened? The results made it clear that there were different perceptions as to why the attacks happened. Some of the participants thought that the South Africans felt threatened because the foreigners were more educated than they were and that they were also a threat to their jobs and their wives. Others thought it was because they were jealous of the foreigners because they were flourishing in what they were doing and that is why they attacked them. They did not consult anyone to help them solve the problems they had with foreigners and they just took matters into their own hands:
Its a way of jealous because they just went straight to attack people (Participant F, Zoology Student, August 30 2011).

It is also interesting to note that the African foreign students thought that the attacks were politically influenced and they believed that South Africans had been angry about the apartheid because it left them with nothing. South Africans thought that after taking part in the Apartheid revolution would have resulted in them having an easy life. However life only got tougher and even more competitive and they could no longer blame the White men for their problems. Since they did not get the services they had fought for, they looked for a scapegoat to blame because it was the easiest option. Participant D clearly highlighted it during the interview:
It was more of a political spirit because when Apartheid ended it, left anger in their hearts so they were bitter about the foreigners who were being successful in business. So they assumed that they were taking their business (Participant D, Law Student, 28 August 2011).

It was found that the people that had the most problems were foreigners from low income levels and these were the ones that were attacked during the May 2008 xenophobic attacks. No

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one attacked the middle level and upper class foreigners because they could defend themselves and they lived in the low density suburbs and they had the funds to fight for themselves.
It happened to lower income working class and unemployed people because they do not have any financial muscle to fight back (Participant I, Politics Student 28 August 2011).

The most interesting thing about these results is that it confirms previous finding. The foreigners have negative perceptions towards the South Africans and so are the South Africans. This was shown by the responses from the interviews. It is clear that the media plays an important part in the information that gets to people because what the foreign students were talking about was basically what they heard from the media. 6.3 What are the views on the fact African foreign nationals can change borders whilst South Africans are stuck in South Africa with little Social mobility? Most of the South Africans are believed to be better resourced than any other Africans in Southern Africa. South Africa is believed to be the United States of America in Africa meaning that, it is the best. Therefore, for South Africans to migrate to the other neighbouring African countries, would not be reasonable because there are problems such as political and economic instability in the other surrounding countries such as Zimbabwe. One participant said that:
personally coming from Namibia its hard to find foreigners from South Africa. Its rare to find themI think they are well resourced (Participant A, Pharmacy Student, 28 August 2011).

South Africans were seen as people who are afraid to explore because if one is born in a small place like Grahamstown, they tend grow up there and to die there. There is nothing beyond South Africa and some have not even travelled to other provinces. On the other hand, foreigners are willing to explore and they are not afraid of anything. A foreigner can move from city to city in South Africa until he or she gets what he or she is looking for. To add to this, the findings suggested that foreigners had expertise and skills unlike the South Africans and because of this they had something to bring the table unlike the South Africans that have less expertise and skills. One participant even pointed to the fact that they were given what they wanted by their government. They got grants for the children they had and the old
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people got pensions unlike the other African governments such as Nigeria that make their citizens work for every penny they put into their pocket. In addition another participant clearly put across that the South Africans where being spoiled by their government and that is why they are lazy in the first place. Since most South Africans are lazy they do not want to do anything but to receive free things and when they see people that would have worked hard thriving, they feel the need to attack them. Furthermore, another reason why South Africans do not travel is because they have a negative perception of other countries and this is because of what they hear through the media. They think other places are not habitable so that is why they do not travel to other places, this was evidenced in one of the interviews:
South Africans do not want to go to other places because of what they hear about these places because the first time I was here some South Africans had a completely corrupt view of what Zimbabwe was because of what the media portrayed (Participant G, Economics Student, 30 August 2011).

It would then appear that for South Africans, borders are impermeable whereas foreigners borders are permeable which allows them to seek green in neighbouring countries. 6.4 How are these attacks related to South Africans redefining their nationalism (Social creativity)? It seems that most of the participants believe that the attacks were more a question of redefining their status because they drew the line between themselves and the foreigners and by doing so they it became clear who a South African was and who were not. If you were not one of the in-group you would be killed or beaten. If one goes to the shops even if they know who you are they have a way of showing that you not one of them. For example:
Hi my friend meaning you come from a foreign country and you are not my own. But to their people they say Boetie or Sisi, meaning one of my own (Participant E, Sociology Student, 30 August 2011).

A popular name that is given foreigners is makwerekwere meaning illegal migrant. If you are called by this name, it shows you are not one of us. Therefore, most foreigners think that the
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attacks were related to the South Africans redefining their nationalism. This was seen as an opportunity for them to vent their anger and clearly express what they felt about the foreigners. According to the study, it is clear that the South Africans think that the Zimbabweans and Nigerians are taking over the South Africans in terms of jobs, businesses, educational opportunities, bursaries and women. Therefore, they felt it necessary to redefine the status and that was why the attacks happened.

6.5 Foreigners are blamed for all the social ills in South Africa, what is your take on that? From the results, it was found out that the most common perception was that foreigners are responsible for the social ills that happened in South Africa. However, almost all the participants refuted this, scapegoating claiming that South Africans are also responsible for the social ills that happen in South Africa. One of the participants highlighted that it was a social aspect of people to blame outsiders for all the problems that happen in ones country but the fact of the matter is that it is the owners of the country that are involved than the outsiders. This was shown by one participant who said:
If you come to Zimbabwe, the first person we will blame if something is stolen is the foreigner but if we think of the crime rate in South Africa, 8/10 is done by South Africans. There are hardly any cases of foreigners attempting to rob a bank or raping (Participant D, Law Student, 30 August 2011).

Nigerians are mostly blamed for drug trafficking into South Africa but during the time of the interview there was an interesting story of a former South African police commissioner Jackie Selebi who was involved in drug trafficking. He received bribes to turn a blind eye to drug trafficking and he got almost R120, 000 from Glenn Agliotti, a convicted drug trafficker. It is crystal clear that it is not only foreigners but also the law enforcers who were guilty, with many more that may still involved in crime. This clearly shows that even though there is crime in South Africa, it is not entirely the fault of foreigners. It is true that some foreigners come with the intention to prostitute and steal but it important to note that there are many prostitutes and thieves inSouth African. It can be said that there is partnership rather than that only one group is involved. For crime to be successful, there is a
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need for connections and most of the times both foreigners and South Africans bring their expertise and use it in their criminal activities. 6.6 How were these attacks interrelated to the competition of scarce resources? Apparently the competition was greater amongst the low income labourers than it was amongst the high income earners. The reason was that the high income earners have scarce skills results in lower levels of competition than amongst the labourers. The problem with most of the South Africans was that the foreigners were prepared to accept low wages which they themselves would refuse to accept. So it seemed as though most employers were employing foreigners than South Africans because they would pay them less than the South Africans. This led to fewer South Africans being and this angered them and that is why they staged these attacks. In this research, it was confirmed that foreigners worked for whatever they got and they used their brains to get the money. One participant said:
It is not like foreigners they only use their brains. If can use their brains to fix a computer and sell it to you cannot blame them. You have not been forced to buy their goods. (Participant C, Law Sutdent, 28 August 2011).

According to this study some participants saw petty trading as a competitive avenue of business and it requires strategic planning. So for a person to be successful in life he/she needs to use their brains to be successful. However South Africans are seen to have lost the battle and therefore decide to attack the foreigners because they have no competitive strategies to beat the foreigners. As a result they decide to attack the foreigners as a way of expressing their frustration.
Business is competition and when you are entering a place you know this person has been in business already and so you will have to lower your prices so you can get customers. So you can come up with your own ideas (Participant F, Zoology Student, 28 August 1011).

Some participants brought forward the fact that South Africans perceive that foreigners are disadvantaging them. The interesting thing is that foreigners work hard and they are willing to go the extra mile with what they do. It was hard for South Africans to compete with foreigners because they have better business strategies and they work harder at work than most South

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Africans. It is clear that social competition probably contributed greatly towards the 2008 xenophobic attacks. 6.7 How is group thinking related to the way South African nationals acted on the May 2008 Xenophobia Attacks? The majority of the participants believed that the attacks were group oriented because one individual could not have pulled put through alone. One person came up with the idea and everyone joined in and in most cases people could not have refused to participate in the act because if you refused you could attacked as well and you would not want to be at the side of the foreigners. Most of these South African citizens that were involved in attacks were youths and most of them ended up doing what they did not intend to do. The social environment they were in caused them to behave in the way they behaved. As one of the participants quoted:
In the case of a person who was burnt, there were so many people watching. They could have stopped it. Because there was a majority it formed a mob, so they were supposed to be a united group (Participant A, Phamarcy student, 28 August 2011).

6.8 Foreigners and easy target In any society when things go wrong it is easy to blame weak people that cannot defend themselves. Foreigners in this case could not defend themselves because some did have the financial muscle to protect themselves. Most of these foreigners that were attacked where from high density suburbs like Hillbrow, Khayelitsha and Alexandra in South Africa. Most South Africans showed their frustration by attacking the foreigners:
There are foreigners involved but when things go wrong in society they look for an easy target. Even at home, people will blame the children because they are powerless (Partcipnat I, Politics Student, 30 August 2011).

It is easy to argue that scapegoating was used as a way to cover up their wrongs and to justify the horrific attacks that took place in May 2008. 7. DISCUSSION The purpose of this study was to explore the foreign African students perceptions of the May 2008 xenophobic attacks. The study generated a number of results and themes such as
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scapegoating foreigners for all the social ill, scarcity of resources (such as jobs, businesses and education), group think, labelling, youth participation in May 2008 attacks and the fact that South Africans were perceived by foreigners as spoiled citizens. It is interesting to note that the findings were explainable using the SIT management strategies such as social mobility, creativity and competition as well as secondary theories such as the power, normative, scapegoating, social cognition and the learned helplessness. Scapegoating foreigners for all the social ills The role of scapegoating was used fulfilled by the vulnerable group of Zimbabweans, who were not represented politically at all (Arends, 2011). It was evident from the results that scapegoating was one of the major causes of the attacks. Since the democratization of South Africa, many citizens have not received the proper service delivery, which has brought anger and bitterness to many the South Africans. They fought during Apartheid and they have high expectations of the South African government expected from the government. Previously they had been blamed the White South Africans for their problems but when democracy was achieved and the problems did not fade away, they looked for an easier target to blame for all the social ills in South Africa. Scapegoating theory thus goes some of the way in explaining the violent behaviour the South Africans exhibited in May 2008. To add to this, foreigners were blamed for drug trafficking, prostitution, money laundering, arms dealing, armed robberies and human trafficking. Even influential leaders such as Mangosutho Buthelezi (the Home Affairs Minister at the time), Nelson Mandela (the first president in the democratic South Africa) and other senior cabinet ministers were reported as drawing direct links between illegal migrants and crime. It therefore appears that it is not only the South African citizens who blame the foreigners but the leaders as well. However, the research has shown that the foreign African students perceived that these attacks were only used as a way for them to vent their anger to the foreigners. South Africa was listed in seventh place in the world with crime in May 2010 with 2, 683, 849 crimes reported and recorded (Nation Master, 2010). It is practically impossible for foreigners to all be involved in crime. The results showed that three quarters of the crimes involved South Africans, not only foreigners. Another outcome that came from the interviews was the issue of Jackie Selebe, the South African Commissioner of Police, who was involved in turning a blind eye to drug trafficking. This clearly shows that, as much as the foreigners might be involved, South Africans are even more involved. It is interesting to note that African foreigners believed
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that the crime was more of a partnership than it was a one man game. Jackie Selebe was not alone and that crime needs connections for it to be successful. Some people have to be in the places of authority to override other laws so that the crime would be successful. The research showed that it was true that some Nigerians and Zimbabweans are involved in crime such as drug trafficking, bank robberies, prostitution and the arms dealing. As much as they are involved in crime, it does not mean that all foreigners are like that. Some people are good and some are bad, and so stereotyping everyone would be unjust. A certain participant proved that the foreigners were also involved in certain social ills:
These foreigners sell drugs. But each and every foreigner has a good and bad contribution that they give to South Africa so we cannot safely say it is just foreigners who are bad (Participant E, Sociology Student, 28 August 2011).

This shows that the foreigners are involved in drug deals and other social ills, but as much as they can be involved, they are not to be blamed totally and it is not a valid excuse to brutally attack people that cannot defend themselves. Blame is used as an excuse of people that do not want to take responsibility of what they have done. It can be linked to normative theory which argues that, individuals behave in a certain way because they blame social environment they are in. Most South Africans participated in these attacks using this excuse because it was socially acceptable, according to the violent environment and norms in place at that time.

Scarcity of resources Scarce resources were seen as a major cause of the May 2008 xenophobic attacks. South Africa has a high rate of unemployment, with not enough jobs for South Africans a condition that has existed for a long time. Other resources such as businesses and education opportunities were high on that the list that South Africans claimed foreigners were taking. What made most South Africans angry was the fact that most employees were hiring them more than they were hiring South Africans, because the foreigners were prepared to accept very low wages and that South Africans refuse to accept so that employers ended up hiring cheap foreign labour. In the end, it seems as though like foreigners have most of the jobs because they are believed to be harder working, more talented, more obedient and more punctual by the South African employers than South African employees.
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Power theory and social competition theory complement each other and help in explaining the reason why South Africans attacked the foreign nationals as they did. In the beginning of 2008, there was an economic depression and many people were laid off during this time. This caused anger, bitterness and frustration amongst South Africans. The competition for resources became increasingly stiff and when there is social competition those people who feel deprived often attack the people seen to be responsible for this. On the other hand, power theory suggests that the threat of a particular group is a source of hate. Since foreigners are a threat to South Africans, there is an increased likelihood that there would be between these two groups and this contributed greatly to the xenophobic attacks of May 2008. The perceptions that South Africans have about the foreigners taking their jobs are true to a greater extent. To add to this, African foreigners also confirmed that at times they use competitive strategies to get access into businesses, jobs and education. They go the extra mile because they know that this is their only way to survive. This, however, disadvantages the South Africans which also helps explain the xenophobia attacks occured. Foreigners are taking over According to some participants, it was evident that, South Africans used the scarcity of resources as an excuse to attack foreigners. Many Some African employers share the view with some of foreigners that South Africans are lazy and not willing to work. This makes it easier for employees to hire the people that are willing to work and who take the job seriously. Other participants believe that the South Africans were jealous of the success foreigners were having in their jobs, saloons, spaza shops and life in general. The foreigners seemed to be taking over in South Africa and taking what belonged to the locals which also help explain why the May 2008 xenophobic attacks took place. This study found evidence to support this social competition theory. However, one question that should be asked is this: as much as foreigners seem to be taking over South Africa, what are the South Africans doing about it in terms resources that they have. It seems there is a degree of learned helplessness in South Africa and that it has existed for a long time. Since the Apartheid era, most South Africans have not been able to start businesses, go the extra mile at work as well as using the available resources that they have been exposed to. This has been so because during the apartheid era they not privileged enough to start their own business, nor could use most of the available resources because of their race. As a result and they did not go the extra mile at work as they felt they were already being exploited when
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they worked at mines and construction companies. When freedom came, most of the South Africans did not change their approach in being less competitive, lazy and to use the available resources. Therefore, as much as foreigners are taking over in South Africa, (which it is true to a certain extent), there is need to look at what the South Africans are doing about changing that status. Labelling foreigners Another interesting theme that was raised in the research was that of labelling the foreigners as makwerekwere (meaning illegal immigrant), my friend or illegal alien. It was clear that the African foreigners knew that they were seen as outsiders before the attacks and even now they are still called that. It is a name foreigners do not like being called because they believe South Africans and other foreigners are all Africans and there was no need to call each other names. Some participant even expressed their shock at the South Africans behavior, because they had helped the South Africans during the Apartheid struggle, when South Africans fled from the Apartheid regime to neighbouring countries. Furthermore, some participants even claimed that when other African foreigners come to their countries, they would never call them makwerekwere because it disrespectful. The fact that South Africans call foreigners makwerekwere, makes it easier for South Africans to dehumanize the foreigners. The reason why labeling was easy was because of social creativity. This occurs when an in-group redefines the status of in-group and involved Black South Africans identifing themselves as the in-group and other Black African foreigners belonged in the out-group because they were not South African by descent. The minute one is labelled as a member of the out-group, it becomes easy to call such a person names like mukwerekwere, a process that and it dehumanizes that person and allows for acts of violence to be perpetrated. Once you have tagged someone as non-human, it is very easy to treat that human being as an object that has no feelings. This helps explain why South Africans watched and did not rescue Ernesto Alfabeto Nhamuvae when he was set ablaze whilst he was still alive. Some people were even laughing and calling each other to come and see a mukwerekwere burn to death (Matongo, 2008). This research makes it clear that there was a vivid distinction between foreigners and South Africans and the perceptions that the African foreigners had been true. Spoiled Citizens
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South Africans were viewed by the African students as people that were unable to venture outside the borders of South Africa because they were satisfied with the life they had in South Africa. Mostwere born in South Africa, had grown up and were going to die there. Very few South Africans are willing to go and settle in other countries. The South African government was viewed by the foreigners as spoiling the South African citizens because it gave them certain grants and benefits for not working, children and old age people. These grants are believed to have been causing them not to want to go to other countries and it has created impermeable borders for them. The grants and other social benefits are believed to have caused laziness amongst the South Africans. Furthermore, this impermeability of borders and lack of (social mobility) has caused the South Africans to view the foreigners as the invaders of their country because foreigners have permeable borders. The foreigners can move from country to country whilst South Africans cannot or unwilling to do that. This also appears to have been a major cause of the attacks because the foreigners were coming to a place that belonged to South Africans. This clearly shows that the foreigners were not wanted and the perceptions foreigners had were true. Group think Social contagion explains clearly the group behaviour that was exhibited in May 2008 during the xenophobic attacks. Social contagion spreads quickly (like an infectious disease), relates to the xenophobic violence that occurred in 2008. Mob psychology was dominant and it spread contagiously throughout South Africa. Attacking foreigners in groups was like a disease and it spread fast, causing many people to be killed, displaced and to lose their businesses and property. From the results, it was clear that the xenophobic attacks were based in mob psychology rather than at the individual level. Groups of people attacked the foreigners during the xenophobic attacks one person may have started with idea and others soon joined in. Since the foreigners were outsiders and the South Africans the insiders, it was easy for the attacks to spread quickly. Before long, xenophobia was experienced in Cape Town, Durban, Johannesburg and other parts of South Africa. Even if some South Africans did not want to be xenophobic to the foreigners, it was difficult for them because there was a clear line between the insiders and the outsiders. One had to conform to the group behaviour or else he or she would be attacked like the people in the out-group.

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Youth Participation It is interesting to note that youth participation was more dominant all around South Africa during the xenophobic attacks. It shows that the negative perceptions that most South African adults had on foreigners was passed on to the youths. The media as well as the political leaders contributed greatly in influencing the youth to participate in attacking the foreigners. Influential leaders like Jacob Zuma and Nelson Mandela are looked up to by the youth and whatever they say is followed. The Normative theory played an important role in influencing the youths to participate, because the social environment they were in contributed to the behaving the way they behaved. 8. PRACTICAL APPLICATION This information shows us where we are as a nation and it shows the gaps that existed and may still exist in South Africa between South Africans and foreigners. Such knowledge can be used in schools to encourage South Africans to improve their skills and knowledge training so that they will not be disadvantaged by the foreigners taking their jobs and businesses. This can be used to develop various social projects to fight unemployment in South Africa. This information will put on the table the problems that are causing strife between foreigners and South Africans. If this is seen by only a few individuals, it could help because we will start by changing the environment ourselves. 9. CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH 9.1 The extent to which the research answered the research question This thesis was guided by a main area of interest, which was the different perceptions of the May 2008 xenophobic attacks, specifically what Foreign African students at Rhodes University perceived to have been the causes of the xenophobic attacks in May 2008. The researcher focused on the SIT management strategies as well as other secondary theories to answer the research question. In order to answer the question, the research was divided into two broad aims. These will now be discussed in turn. Research Aim 1: To explore perceptions of why the xenophobic attacks took place amongst African foreign students at Rhodes University.

The study found that fourth year foreign African students at Rhodes University have negative perceptions on why the May 2008 xenophobic attacks took place. According to them, South
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African citizens felt threatened by the foreigners in terms of education, business and employment that one of the reasons why they attacked them. Some thought that it was jealous and hatred as for others it was frustration and anger of poor service delivery. Influential leaders also contributed to outburst of May 2008 xenophobic attacks.

Research aim 2:

To investigate whether social competition, social mobility and if social creativity played an important role in the staging of the xenophobic attacks.

Based on research results it was evident that SIT management strategies played an important role in explaining some of the social psychology behind the attacks. There was social competition for scarce resources such a jobs, wives, houses, businesses and educational opportunities. South African citizens re-defined their status by creating the in-group and the out-group. Furthermore South Africans were reluctant to migrate to other Southern African countries because they did offer better social, economic and political amenities than South Africa. It can be safely said that the social competition, social creativity and social mobility played a great role in staging of the xenophobic attacks. 9.2 Conclusion It can be safely stated that Social Identity Theory SIT management strategies were related to the with results that were found and that they played a major role in the causes of the xenophobic attacks. The study showed us that the foreigners were not completely responsible for all the robbery, drug trafficking, prostitution, money laundering and arms dealing. It was more of a partnership and not one group of people that was involved. The scarcity of resources, scapegoating, labelling and the influence of the political leaders were the major causes of the attacks. 9.3 Strengths and Limitations

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The research participants were more than willing to participate in the research and this made it easier during the interviews. A lot of researches on xenophobia in South Africa have been researched over the years and this has made it easy for the researcher to get vast information on the topic. This research was one of the few researches that used the management strategies as the main theories to explain xenophobic behaviour. Amongst the list of this researchs shortcomings was the fact that most of the foreign African students did not experience the xenophobic attacks, but were only talking about what they had heard through the media. This research project was meant to use only four participants but the data that was being researched did not reach saturation point and so five more participants were interviewed maybe more data could have been found if more participants were involved. 9.4 Recommendations for Future Research Future research should look at the South Africans perspective and it has to be done soon because the students that experienced these attacks are leaving the universities for work or to other universities. Large samples can be used to get more insightful information pertaining to the research topic. Focus groups could also be employed to see the responses of foreign African students perceptions of the xenophobic attacks in a group situation. Future studies could also look at the people that have actually experienced xenophobic attacks.

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Baron, R. A. & Byrne, D. (2003). Social Psychology (3rd ed). New York: McGraw-Hill Higher Education. Berg, B. (1998). Qualitative Research Methods for the Social Sciences (3rd ed). Toronto: Allyn and Bacon. Blaikie, N. (2004). Analyzing Quantitative Data. London: SAGE Publications. Blank, M. & Shikaya (2010). Where Do I Stand. Cape Town: Stereo (PAL). Bless, C. H. S. (2006). Fundamentals of Social Research Methods: An African Perspective. Cape Town: Juta & Co. Boumar, G. (2000). The Research Process (4th ed). Australia: National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication Data. Buyer, M. (2008). Negotiating Identity and Displacement among the Somali Refugees of Cape Town. South African Historical Journal, 60 (2), 226-241. Burt, R.S. (1987). Social Contagion and Innovation Cohesionversus Structural Equivalance. American Journal of Sociology 92 (6), 1287-1335. Campbell, E.K. (2003). Attitudes of Botswana Citizens toward Immigrants: Signs of Xenophobia. International Migration 4 (41), 27-39. Coolican, H. (1994). Research Methods and Statistics in Psychology (2nd ed). London: British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data. Culberston, P.E. (2009). Xenophobia: The Consequences of being a Zimbabwean in South Africa. Cairo: The American University in Cairo School of Public Affairs. Crush, J. (2001). Immigration, Xenophobia and Human Rights in South Africa. Cape Town.
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Southern African Migration Project/ South African Human Rights Commission, 21(4), 639-660. Crush, J. (2008). A Bad Neighbour Policy? Migrant Labour and the New South Africa. Southern Africa Report, 12 (3), 16-25. Deaux, K. (1996). Social Psychology (10th ed). New York: Guilford Press. Dludlu, J. (2000). SA's humiliating alien policy smacks of apartheid rule. Business Day. Johannesburg. Dube, P. (2000). Media berated for xenophobia. Independent Online. Johannesburg. Franzoi, S. L. (2003). Social Psychology (3rd ed). New York: McGraw- Hill Higher Education. Harvey, L. & MacDonald, M. (1993). Doing Sociology: A Practical Introduction. London: MacMillan Press Ltd. Harris, B. 2002. A Foreign Experience: Violence, Crime and Xenophobia during South Africas transition, in Violence and Transition Series, Vol. 5, August 2001. Accessed on 12 July 2011 from, http://www.violence&crime.com/sa/htm Haslam, S. A, Knippenberg, D., Platow, M. & Ellemers. (2003). Social Identity at Work. New York: Library of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication Data. Kollapan, J. (1999). Xenophobia in South Africa: The challenge to forced migration. Unpublished seminar. Graduate School: University of the Witwatersrand. Kumar, R. (2005). Research Methodology (2nd ed). London: SAGE Publications Ltd.

Kruger, 2009. The Phenomenon of Xenophobia as experiences by Immigrant Learners In Inner City Schools Johannesburg. Pretoria: University of South Africa.

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Prentice Hall. Masilela, T.S. (2008, July 30). Who and What were the Xenophobic attacks in South Africa about? Retrieved July 15, 2011 from http://www.ipnews.net . Matongo, P. (2008, July 27). Xenophobia in South Africa. Accessed April 28, 2011 from http://www.xenophobia.org.za/events:htm McConnell, C. 2009. Migration and Xenophobia in South Africa. Conflict trends. Issue 1Durban: ACCORD Pp.34-40. Miermont, J. (1995, January 30). Blackwell Reference Online. Retrieved October 11, 2011 Fromhttp://www.blackwellreference.com/public/tocnode?id=g9780631170488_chunk _g978063117048819_ss1-42 Morapedi, W.G. (2007). Post-Liberation Xenophobia in Southern Africa: The Case of the Influx of undocumented Zimbabwean Immigrants into South Africa. Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 25 (2), 15-20. Morris, A. (1998). Our fellow Africans make our lives hell: the lives of Congolese and Nigerians living in Johannesburg. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 6 (21), 189-200. Mosselson, A. (2010). There is no difference between citizens and non-citizens anymore: Violent Xenophobia, Citizenship and the Politics of Belonging in Post-Apartheid South Africa. Journal of Southern African Studies, 36 (3), 645-667. Nachmias, C & Nachmias, D (1990). Research Methods in the Social Sciences. Britain: St. Martins Press Inc.

Neuman, L.W. (2000). Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches. Boston: Ally and Bacon. Southern African Migration Project (SAMP). 2008, (April 14). Immigration law reform in
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Southern Africa., Southern African Migration Project. Accessed (2011, April 14), from http://www.queensu.ca/samp/policy.html. Song, S. (2009). Democracy and noncitizen voting rights: South African Parliament Report, May 2008. Citizenship Studies, 13 (6), 105- 190. Steenkamp, C. (2009). Xenophobia in South Africa: What Does it say about Trust? The Round Table 98 (403), 439-447. Struwig, F.W., & Stead, G.B. (2001). Planning, Designing and Reporting Research. Cape Town: Pearson Education South Africa.

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APPENDIX

The Registrar Rhodes University Dr Stephen Fourie Grahamstown 6140 25 August 2011

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REQUEST FOR PERMISSION TO CONDUCT RESEARCH AT RHODES UNIVERSITY Dear Dr. Fourie My name is Lynnet Marashe and I am an Organisational Psychology Honours student here at Rhodes University. The research I wish to conduct is in fulfilment of my Honours requirements which focuses on the projective responses towards the social perceptions of the 2008 Xenophobic Attacks in South Africa. This research will involve four African foreign fourth year students who were first year students at the time. This project will be conducted under the supervision of Mr Alwyn Moerdyk (Rhodes University Organisational Psychology lecturer). I hereby seek your consent to approach prospective students and conduct the above mentioned research. Please find a copy of my research proposal with all relevant documentation for your perusal, as well as a copy of the approval letter received by the Honours research proposal review committee. Upon completion of the research study, I undertake to provide your office with a bound copy of the full report, if so requested. If you require any further information please do not hesitate to contact me on g08m4577@campus.ru.ac.za. Thank you for your time and consideration in this matter. Yours Sincerely, Lynnet Marashe

The Dean of Students Prof Vivian De Klerk Rhode University Grahamstown 6140 25 August 2011

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REQUEST FOR PERMISSION TO CONDUCT RESEARCH AT RHODES UNIVERSITY Dear Prof. De Klerk My name is Lynnet Marashe and I am an Organisational Psychology Honours student here at Rhodes University. The research I wish to conduct is in fulfilment of my Honours requirements which focuses on the projective responses towards the social perceptions of the 2008 Xenophobic Attacks in South Africa. This research will involve four African foreign fourth year students who were first year students at the time. This project will be conducted under the supervision of Mr Alwyn Moerdyk (Rhodes University Organisational Psychology lecturer). I hereby seek your consent to approach prospective students and conduct the above mentioned research. Please find a copy of my research proposal with all relevant documentation for your perusal, as well as a copy of the approval letter received by the Honours research proposal review committee. Upon completion of the research study, I undertake to provide your office with a bound copy of the full report, if so requested. If you require any further information please do not hesitate to contact me on g08m4577@campus.ru.ac.za. Thank you for your time and consideration in this matter. Yours Sincerely, Lynnet Marashe

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XENOPHOBIA ATTITUDES QUESTIONNAIRE -INTERVIEW SCHEDULEDisclaimer:

This is a questionnaire that has been designed to analyse the different perceptions to the Xenophobia attacks on May 11 2008. The interview schedule is to be administered to Rhodes University students and exploratory in-depth open ended questions will be asked. All information received by this interview schedule shall be treated as strictly confidential and all participants shall remain confidential. Should you be not comfortable answering any questions please do not do so. This interview schedule forms part of the fourth year organisational psychology research paper. Thank you for taking your time to answer these interview questions.

1. Please provide your biographical details. Age: Gender: Year of Study: Yes No

2. Are you a foreign passport holder?

3. If yes from which country?.......................................

4. Were you at Rhodes when the xenophobic attacks of May 2008 took place?

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5. What do you remember about these attacks?

6. Why do you think these xenophobic attacks happened?

7. What are your views on the fact that African foreign nationals can change boarders whilst South Africans are stuck in South Africa with impermeable mobility?

8. Were these attacks related to South Africans redefining their nationalism (social creativity)?

9. Foreigners are blamed for all the social ills (scapegoating) in South Africa, what is your take on that?

10. In your own understanding how were these attacks interrelated to the competition of scarce resources?

11. How is group thinking related to the way South African nationals acted on the 2008 May Xenophobia attacks?

12. What do you think could be done to stop this from happening again?

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