Kashipur Fact Finding Details

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Fact Finding on Peoples Resistance to the Utkal Alumina International Limited (UAIL), Kashipur, Rayagada, Southern Orissa October 2005 INSAF
A124/6 Katwaria Sarai New Delhi 110016 Tel/fax: 011-26517814 Email: insaf@vsnl.com Website: http://www.insafindia.org/

The fact-finding team The fact-finding team organised by INSAF (Indian Social Action Forum) including Prof. S Parasuraman (Director, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai), Ms. Manimala (Journalist-Activist, Delhi) and Dr. V T Padmanabhan (Environmental Scientist, Kerala) visited Kashipur and Rayagada region in Southern Orissa during 15-16th May. The team was accompanied by Ms. Minati Dash (PEACE, New Delhi) and Mr. Wilfred D (General Secretary, INSAF). The primary purpose of the Fact Finding Mission was to examine the current situation in light of the ongoing peoples resistance to the Utkal Alumina International Limited (UAIL).

Executive Summary and Recommendations The proposed Utkal Alumina International Limited (UAIL) project of is a joint venture of Hindalco and Alcan (Canada). It is a hundred percent alumina export oriented project that will result in the relocation of at least 24 villages in Kashipur block of Rayagada district in Southern Orissa. A large proportion of the affected population will be adivasis and dalits. Well over a decade after the project was made public, people have very little information about the project. The government and the company have been coercing people to accept the project, but the full details about the social and environmental impacts of the project have never been made public. People in the region have no idea whether Environmental and Social Impact Assessments have been done, and if so what are the findings on the impact of project on the lives and the livelihoods of the people. All the people in the affected villages own or have access to land. They have developed cultivation practices that guarantee cereals (including a mix or traditional millets and rice), pulses, and vegetables sufficient for the family. Any shortfall is met through brief wage labour activities. In addition most people also own cattle and livestock that provide sustenance during drought conditions. In the context of the project, people are being asked to give up their lands and livelihoods for
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uncertain and unreliable promises of the company, heard through the middlemen. But the unhappy experiences of other people in Orissa and elsewhere who have accepted displacement and relocation and complete lack of democratic public participation and transparency with regard to the UAIL project has led people to resist the project. Rather than address the grievances and fears of the people democratically the State has been using police and paramilitary forces to intimidate people to give up their lands and livelihoods. The unprovoked police firing in December 2000, the brutality unleashed on women and children in December 2004, and constant intimidation of people through arrests and threats are in blatant violation of Constitutionally guaranteed human rights. The unwillingness of the State to heed the objections raised by the Gram Sabhas in a Schedule Area constitutes further breach of Constitutional guarantees. We urge the government to: 1. Immediately remove all police and paramilitary forces from around the villages and restrain them from interfering with the lives of the local people; 2. Initiate a transparent and truly participatory dialogue with the people on what is in their interest and their region. Such a dialogue will facilitate appropriate development initiatives; and 3. Restrain the Company officials and representatives from intimidating and implicating people into submission. Prof. S Parasuraman Ms. Manimala Dr. V T Padmanabhan

Introduction and Background Orissa-Development, Natural Resources and Social Conflict Over the last decade many parts of India have witnessed major and intensifying conflicts around the issue of harnessing it rich natural in particular mineral resource wealth. And the situation in Orissa, one of the economically most backward states of India but staggeringly rich in mineral resources, epitomizes the situation. Orissa contains 24.5 % of Indias coal reserves; 25.3% of iron-ore reserves; 57.5 % of bauxite reserves (used for making aluminium); 87.5 % of nickel and 89.9 % of chromite reserves.[1] And most of these vast reserves of natural resources are beneath forests inhabited mostly by adivasis who form 22 per cent of the states population.[2] The last decade has seen concerted efforts by the State Government to woo domestic and foreign investment in the mining, iron, steel and allied infrastructure sector. In the Industrial Policy Resolution (IPR) 2001 Mineral based industries heads the list of the six business areas on which the development focus of the state rests.[3] It is reported that the Government is believed to be considering proposals worth Rs 2500 billion by the worlds leading multinational corporations in collaboration with domestic industrial houses in mining, aluminium, steel and related projects like ports, power plants etc[4].

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The widespread concerns regarding the social and environmental impacts as well as the economic wisdom of these proposed investments has attracted considerable public questioning and criticism[5]. For instance it is reported that the Government itself has admitted that up to 2.5 lakh people may be displaced by these projects[6]. Given that most mineral resource rich areas are inhabited by adivasis it is clear that a large proportion of those facing displacement would be the indigenous people who depend on forests for their livelihood and cultural survival. The environmental hazards associated with associated extractive industries such as mining in particular the felling of forests, effluents and pollution and the impact on rivers and water tables is now well documented[7]. The employment potential of extractive industries is by very definition quite meagre. Critics have pointed out that Orissas proposed investment of Rs.2500 billion has an employment potential of only 1.75 lakh person days as against the present unemployment level of 20,00,000.[8] The threat of displacement coupled with the threat to their habitat and the questionable nature of benefits has prompted considerable resistance from a cross section of people in particular the adivasis, to projects initiated by extractive industries. While these protests have led the State government into negotiations and litigation it has been used an excuse by the States law and order machinery to use force often unnecessarily and excessively against protestors and their organizations. In words of the state administration, it must be remembered that one of the most important success factors in any policy intervention is credibility. For a policy to work, it must be able to convince the economic agents both inside and outside the State that GoO means business. This apparently explains why the practical concerns of the would-beaffected population is dealt with as a law and order situation leading to flagrant human rights abuse and adoption of undemocratic tactics to silence communitys voices.[9] Southern Orissa Kashipur Block of Rayagada District Kashipur block in Southern Orissas Rayagada district is a part of one of Indias poorest agro-ecological zones that includes the districts of Kalahandi, Koraput and Bolangir infamous for starvation deaths and mass migration[10]. The area is largely inhabited by adivasis such as
kondhs, parajas, jhodias and pengas who comprise nearly 70-80 % of the population. They live in

small villages around the Baphilimali hills and depend largely on subsistence agriculture (mostly slash and burn or very small plots in some cases) and the forest.[11] The Baphilimali and adjoining Niyamgiri hills is also a source of three rivers- Indravati, Bansadhara and Nagabali[12]. Even though the forests in the area are already depleted, since it is also source of raw materials for a major paper mill that was set up in Rayagada 20 years ago, people still continue to depend on the forest for fuel wood, minor forest produce, food and medicinal herbs.[13] The dalits who comprise about 10-15% of the population are less dependent on agriculture and are engaged in petty trade and migrate seasonally in search of employment.[14] The Baphilimali and adjoining Niyamgiri hills in Kashipur and its adjoining blocks are reported to account for nearly 1000 million tones of Bauxite, a large proportion of Orissas, indeed Indias bauxite reserves.[15] It is estimated that this area holds nearly 69.7% of Indias bauxite reserves[16].

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Kashipur falls under the V Schedule Area and is governed by the Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas Act that provides Constitutional guarantees to adivasis sovereignty over their land, water and forests. The Utkal Alumina International Limited (UAIL) Project in Kashipur Profile UAIL is a joint venture company in which 55 per cent equity is held by Indal (a subsidiary of Hindalco, an Aditya Birla Group company) while 45 per cent is held by Alcan Inc. of Canada[17]. UAIL proposes to set up an alumina refinery in Doragurha in the Rayagada district of Orissa, to produce one million tonnes per annum (tpa) of alumina, sourcing bauxite from the rich reserves at Baphlimali, in Rayagada, Orissa[18]. The Rs 45 billion project is a 100 per cent export oriented unit that was initially proposed by a consortium that included Tatas, Hydro (Norway) and Alcoa (America). The latter however withdrew in the face of large-scale public protests from the people of the area[19]. Subsequently, Tata and Hydro also pulled out fearing public opinion and operational uncertainties with regard to the project. Projected Benefits According to Alcan The current forecast by Utkal indicates the creation of more than 1,500 direct and indirect jobs for local citizens as a result of the Project. In addition to establishing schooling, training, medical and water treatment facilities, the Utkal Project would also have significant spin-offs in terms of development of related industries and sectors, increased revenues to various levels of government through additional tax income, as well as increased exports. [20] But the projected benefits are being questioned. According to the Centre for Science and Environment if the alumina produced at Kashipur refinery is sold at US $85 per tonne (as per the terms of the investment agreement) UAIL stands to earn about Rs. 2880 billion over the span of 22-23 yearsthe period for which the bauxite reserves of Baphilimali are expected to last [21]. And this would earn the government a revenue of a maximum of Rs. 14 billion that too over two decades.[22] As already pointed out the employment potential in light of the investment is extremely lowa Rs. 45 billion investment is guaranteed to generate only 1500 direct and indirect jobs. It has also been argued that of these only about 400 non-technical posts are available to which local people-with poor literacy and hardly any professional skills may be recruited[23]. According to reports from the company, the employment, in this case would be given to the evictees that include 147 families from the 3 villages of Kendukhunti, Ramibeda and Talakarol. The number of families refers to the 1991 census and not the recent 2001 census. It was reported to the Mission that even these families have not received any word assuring employment. Contrary to the hype, the rehab-package also mentions that those displaced families that would not gain any employment would be provided Rs. 50,000/- in lump sum. Social Costs-Displacement According to Alcan the displacement is minimal The construction of the refinery is expected to lead to the relocation of about 147 families (the mine is being built on an uninhabited plateau and

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will not lead to the relocation of any residents).[24] But Alcans figures hide the real extent of the impact. Displacement and the impacts of the project stretch far beyond mere physical relocation. For instance the mining, refinery, the conveyor belt and other infrastructure would lead to a large number of villages losing their forest lands and being alienated from their resource base that would result in de facto displacement. Even the relocation of a 147 families is bound to have an adverse impact owing to the disruption of economic and social cycles that sustains a range of service providers. Even then the precise number of people and families who will be affected in this manner by the project is not clear. As Dubois notes, When pressed on the issue of community displacements in the area, Alcan VP of planning and strategy Jeremy Lee Jonas assures that "landowners or not, they will have compensation". This affirmation contradicts Alcan't (sic) own numbers, which state that only 147 families will be displaced. While it is possible that this number is fair in respect to the number of families who will be directly forced to relocate by the project, it skims the surface of the masses of Adivasis who depend on the land either as small scale agriculturalists, as landless peasants, by working and using collective lands. UAIL has stated that there are 1750 property holding families, again, this forgets the majority who are working land they do not own. In all, UAIL's numbers sit at 1900 affected families, while Alcan't (sic) number stagnates at 147. [25] And even these estimates are challenged according to an unpublished report financed by the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD), 60,000 persons will be directly or indirectly affected.[26] According to the Prakrutika Sampad Suraksha Parishad (PSSP) it is certain that that directly or indirectly nearly 22,000 people from 82 villages would be affected due to this project.[27] Environmental Issues The mining and the construction of the refinery are expected to have an adverse impact on the already fragile environment. Apart from the destruction of the forests and the bio-diversity, the mining on the Baphilimali plateau is a threat to the rivers and streams that originate there and sustain the forests as well the people in the areas around the foothills.[28] In addition there's the sodium hydroxide that would spew forth from the project at a rate of up to 150 tonnes per day, affecting ecosystem pH to an extent that would decimate surrounding vegetation and natural habitat.[29] Further the environmental impact study reportedly conducted by Engineers India Ltd., have never been made public.[30] The Mission found that the people of the area had no information related to what would be the nature and extent of environmental pollution in particular how water, land and its productivity would be affected. People also had no information as to how the waste generated by the operations of UAIL would b dealt with and disposed off and its potential impact on the lives, livelihoods, social interaction and mobility of the people. The other major concern of course that was raised by people was the ecological future of the area i.e. what happens when the bauxite deposits are exhausted? It is reported that the capacity of the alumina plant as per the project report of UAIL would be increased to 3 million tones over time[31]. For a plant to produce 3 million tonnes of alumina it requires 9 million tonnes of bauxite per annum and this would mean that entire bauxite deposit of Baphlimali would be exhausted within 22-23 years.[32] What then is the future of this ecological niche? Neither the company nor the government seems to have any answers.

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Resettlement and Rehabilitation The R&R Policy[33]

The construction of the refinery is expected to lead to the relocation of about 147 families (the mine is being built on an uninhabited plateau and will not lead to the relocation of any residents). All relocated families will be entitled to one job per family, which includes the option of moving into modern housing in a newly constructed village. The R&R package also calls for some benefits to individuals and families who are affected by the Project but not displaced. Financial compensation to displaced persons will be done through the state collector, using a sound and proven mechanism in order to ensure full transparency of financial transactions. The R&R package highlights are as outlined below. [Note: DP: Displaced Person / DF: Displaced Family / PAP: Project-Affected/Non-Displaced Person] Eligibility for benefits DPs located in three villages on land required for the Project: Separately for: A son over 18 years old, irrespective of marital status An unmarried daughter above 30 years A divorcee/deserted woman or widow The physically and/or mentally handicapped Orphaned siblings Employment: Preference to the nominated members of the DFs in providing employment either in the industry or in its ancillary units (with following priority) DFs losing all lands DFs losing more than 2/3rds of land DFs losing more than 1/3rd of land Others DFs Next preference is given to PAPs according to similar criteria Benefits of housing and other infrastructure: Each DF or DP to get 1/10th acre of land House Infrastructure facilities like road, drainage, drinking water, electricity, community center etc. as needed School and health centre as approved by government Benefits to PAPs: Preference to PAPs after DPs in giving employment Monetary compensation in lieu of employment

The Reality of R&R and Compensation None of the people from the affected villages whom the Mission met seem to have any precise information or a clear idea regarding the nature and extent of displacement. Neither the administration nor the company has shared any information with the people in this regard. Local people only sketchily know the details of the R&R Policy and it was common to hear people that the company officials, who visited the village along with the armed police, made all sorts of promises regarding provision of jobs, alternative lands, housing, cash and other amenities. There was no evidence of any systematic attempt by the administration or the company to provide detailed information with regard to the process i.e. the schedule of proposed displacement and
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relocation, or the specific benefits to different categories of the affected population. It was reported to the Mission that land was to be acquired from at least 21 villages. The Mission learnt of these people from 3 villages have accepted compensation; those from a further 4 villages may accept compensation succumbing to pressure from the State; while the rest are resisting displacement. The Mission received a number of complaints regarding the process of land acquisition. Contrary to the law it appears that most land acquisition is done by sheer force persuading people through threats and inducements rather than deal with their objection through due process. In cases where the locals have given up their claim to land and accepted compensation had been promised of assured decent jobs for the period the company would operate in the area. However, the Mission found that company has not made any efforts to this effect. The kinds of jobs provided to the locals are ad-hoc in nature based on daily wages (Rs. 60 per day). Further, even these menial jobs are not available to the locals for all the days in a month contrary to companys claims. In villages were people are resisting land acquisition the administration and police frequently resort to display of force, threats and intimidation to coerce people. It was reported to the Mission that officials of the Company frequently accompany the police to the villages trying to manipulate, coerce and induce villagers in to giving up their lands. It was quite apparent that there was no systematic procedure and mechanism in place to facilitate the R&R process, it is arbitrary, lack due process, non-participatory and coercive. The Mission also learnt that the villages in which people accepted compensation were actually manipulated in doing so by the administration. A decision made to this effect at a meeting between a small minority of individuals who were ready to accept compensation and the District Administration was later presented a decision made by the Gram Sabha. People who owned lands were paid a compensation of Rs. 1,20,000 per acre and were promised houses in the resettlement colony. No other benefits are forthcoming to these people who in case are yet to receive the third instalment of their compensation. Further compensation is restricted only to those who can establish titles to their land while other lands and the landless receive nothing. Similarity the loss of access to other local resources such as forest produce, fuel and food for both people and livestock are not compensated for. The Mission also learnt that several Gram Sabhas have passed resolutions against the project and resulting displacement and relocation. However the State and District Administration have continued the project in violation of the provisions of the Panchayat (extension to Schedule Areas) Act, 1996. The Mission was also told that the State and District administration has launched an intensive public misinformation campaign, in collusion with Company officials, to present the resistance as misguided and manipulate public opinion in favour of the project. Another major problem is that the project activity is disrupting mobility of people and even their access to streams and the forest. The Mission was told by people that the influx of people and the people in the wake of the various activities relating to the project has also greatly disrupted everyday life and social interaction. State Response to Protests and Associated Human Rights Violations Intimidation of Human Rights Defenders and Excessive and Arbitrary Use of Force As way back as 1998 news of repression and intimidation of people and social activists protesting against the mining and other large projects became the focus of international attention. In February
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1999 Amnesty International wrote to the chief Minister of Orissa expressing concern over moves by the District administration to threaten and intimidate local NGOs and activists opposed to the projects and use of excessive force by the police.[34] Maikanch Firing
On 15th December 2000 an All Party Committee formed by UAIL and Care International Ltd. (an International Aid NGO) attempted to hold multi-stakeholder dialogue at village Nuagaon. The Committee was however not allowed to reach Nuagaon as the adivasis organized a road blockade at Maikanch. The next day the administration along with the police attempted to clear the blockade and when the adivasis resisted peacefully the police opened fire as a result of which 3 people were killed and 30 injured.[35] Following the national and international public outcry the State Government setup a judicial enquiry Commission to investigate the firing led by Justice PK Mishra. The Commission that submitted its report in late 2003 indicted the police for using excessive force and dismissed police allegations of provocation but stopped short of recommending sanction against the police officers.[36] At the same time however going beyond its mandate the Commission went on to make statements in support of mining and claimed the extraction of bauxite need not have any significant adverse impact on the environment.[37]

The Mission learnt that threats and intimidation have continued unabated. The government is presently using all the powers at its disposal to undermine and squash (sic) Kashipur movement. Anybody - tribal or non-tribal - associated with the struggle is (sic) anti-state element in the eyes of the government. Armed police outpost has been set up near Kucheipadar and Maikanj (villages), the epicentre of the movement. The policemen keep combing the area at odd hours arresting the important workers of the movement. To create a climate of terror, the policemen are threatening the local tribals - on their way to local markets and haats - of shooting and killing them. The police are also involved in beating and badly battering some of these 'targeted' people. In fact, some of these have also been arrested by police without stating adequate reasons. A number of activists and worker's have been constantly threatened to be sent to jail (for a minimum one year period) under the draconian black law of National Security Act (NSA)[38]

Incidents in December 2004 On the 1st December 2004 the local people organized a road-block against a move to set up a police post and barracks near Kucheipadar village. Around 400 people had gathered to block the road and protest the setting up of the police camp. The District Collector and other senior Police and administrative officials who were present ignored the protests of the people and rather than dialogue with them choose to threaten and intimidate them. When one of the police officers threatened the women who were at the front of the blockade with rape, some of the women came forward and took off their clothes in protest and dared the police to carry out their threat. At this the police resorted to showering abuses on the people and then proceeded to throw stones to disperse the protestors. This was followed by hurling of tear gas followed by firing in the air and a lathicharge during which police used force indiscriminately and in excessive measure leading to a number of people being injured and a few even losing consciousness. The unconscious persons, including women where hurled inside police van and detained for over 3 months.

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Excessive Policing, Torture and Intimidation of Human Rights Defenders and People On the 2nd December 2004 the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) was called in and staged flag marches and set up camp at Tikri. It is worth noting that the CRPF was deployed in Rayagada town to deal with security concerns in the light of the Naxalite activities there. The arrival of the CRPF seems to herald an even more aggressive approach to policing more on the lines of anti-insurgency operations rather than dealing with democratic protests. Since December 2004 8-10 platoons of police have been stationed at Tikiri located close to Kucheipadar village and another 2 platoons of police at the newly constructed police post and barrack - which is also very close to Kucheipadar village. Another police post and barrack has been established close to Maikanj village with an additional platoon. The huge and overwhelming presence of the armed police in the villages and the local markets (haats) gives the whole area the appearance of a war theatre. It was also reported to the Mission that police operates from within the premises of the Maikanj village panchayat office. And without consent from police, it has become impossible for local tribals to enter Panchayat office. The Mission also observed that the police move around with their weapons with impunity accosting. A number of people told the Mission that the armed police stop anyone at will, threatening and intimidating and harassing people. Their large and constant armed presence has disrupted normal life in the villages in the area. There are frequent complaints of being beaten or subjected to verbal and in some cases sexual abuse. Sri Brahmi Majhi of Kaliakana village (a Panchayat Samittee Member) in Tikiri, Purandar Nayak and Shankar Nayak of Dwimundi and Sri Bhaskar Nayak of Karol village have been severely beaten up by police. Police threatened to gun them down if they dare get involved with the movement. It was also reported that the police are constantly threatening any one who is an activist or supporter of the Prakrutika Sampad Suraksha Parishad (PSSP), the local peoples organizations that leading the protest against UAIL. The police personnel constantly threaten people with arrest or torture and even the threat to open fire on them. It was reported that the armed contingents of the police constantly move around from village to village forcing people to make written statements in support of UAIL or forcing them to denounce the opposition i.e. the PSSP and others involved in the resistance. Shockingly, there is not a single village except one, where the police have not entered in huge numbers laced with arms in attempts to psychologically terrorize the locals. Arbitrary Arrest and Detention The people of the area, in particular anyone who may be suspected to be directly or indirectly supporting the resistance are constantly threatened with arrest. Following the incidents of 2 nd December a number of people have been arrested and even larger number arbitrarily detained for short periods of time. The threat of invoking the National Security Act is also very common. After the brutal lathicharge of 2nd December - Uma Manjhi and Mukuna Disori - from Kucheipadar were arrested. This was followed by the arrest pf Navin Nayak and Loknath Nayak members of the coordination committee of PSSP. Navin Nayak is also the Convenor of the people's organisation - Sasu-bohumali Suraksha Sammittee - that is fiercely opposing the Sterlite Project in Kashipur region. On the next day, PSSP chairperson Sri Bulka Miniakka was forcefully picked from village Barigaon, in Pipalpadar Panchayat (in Laxmipur Block Koraput District) at 2.00 pm. He is also the
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Convenor of Vasundhara Suraksha Samittee, a people's organisation based in Laxmipur region, which is opposing the Birla Company's Alumina Project in the area. As the womenfolk in Barigaon protested, the police resorted to force against them. This was followed by the arrest on 5th December of Duryodara and Bhabani Gowd from Tikrapada and Lachuguda respectively (near Kucheipadar), both active workers of PSSP who were forcibly picked up from Dongasil haat. Similarly, Jagannath Sahu and Chitrasen Bag from Baghrijhola village were also arrested Further, on December 18 2004, police arrested Basudev Majhi who had come to Tikiri with her sister for her medical treatment. Besides on January 17, police arrested Trinath Majhi, Uma Majhi and Santu Majhi from Tikiri. With the exception of two, who were granted bail, all of the arrested persons are currently lodged in Rayageda jail. In addition Hara Baniya of Orissa Krishak Sangathan and Samajwadi Jana Parishad was falsely implicated in a case and arrested. He recently got out on bail. It is quite clear that the State and District administration and even the local judicial officials are turning a blind eye, if not encouraging the police in their strong-arm and intimidatory tactics. The intention seems to be to force people to comply rather than negotiate their grievances or seek to resolve the issues being raised by those who are opposing the project democratically.

[1] Theirs to Mine, Down To Earth, April 15 2005; 27. [2] Un-shining India, Kalpana Sharma, December 2004 at http://www.indiatogether.com/ [3] http://www.unido.org/userfiles/timminsk/orissavolI.pdf [4] See Down to Earth above also Debaranjan Sarangi, Rabishankar Pradhan, Saroj Mohanty, State Repression in Kashipur, Economic and Political Weekly, Commentary, March 26, 2005. [5] See below [6] See EPW above [7] For an overview of some of the major environmental concerns in Orissa see Down to Earth above [8] alcan in troubled waters, Frederic Dubois-Translated by Dawn Paley, No. 5 in 17-2 of Montreal Serai www.montrealserai.com accessed on 27/06/2005. See also Down To Earth above. [9] http://www.unido.org/userfiles/timminsk/orissavolI.pdf [10] Kashipur Anti-Mining Movement PSSP document [11] Kashipur Anti-Mining Movement PSSP document. Ibid. [12] See EWP above. [13] Kashipur Anti-Mining Movement PSSP document. Supra n. 8 [14] Kashipur Anti-Mining Movement PSSP document. Ibid. [15] See EPW above. [16] Kashipur Anti-Mining Movement PSSP document Supra n. 8

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[17] http://www.hindalco.com/about_us/index.htm accessed on 29/06/2005 at 14.15 hours IST. [18] http://www.hindalco.com/about_us/index.htm accessed on 29/06/2005 at 14.15 hours IST. Ibid. [19] See EWP above [20] http://www.alcan.com/web/publishing.nsf/Content/Joint+Venture+in+Orissa/$FILE /Utkal+-+Qs+and+As+-+En.pdf accessed on 29/06/2005 at 14.35 hours IST. [21] See Down To Earth above; page 28. [22] See Down To Earth above; page 28 [23] See EPW above [24] http://www.alcan.com/web/publishing.nsf/Content/Joint+Venture+in+Orissa/$FILE /Utkal+-+Qs+and+As+-+En.pdf accessed on 29/06/2005 at 14.35 hours IST. [25] alcan in troubled waters, Frederic Dubois-Translated by Dawn Paley, No. 5 in 17-2 of Montreal Serai www.montrealserai.com accessed on 27/06/2005. [26] Civil disobedience against Hydro's bauxite project, Harald Eraker, NorWatch in NorWatch Newsletter no.1, February 1996. http://www.norwatch.no/index.php?artikkelid=876&back=1 accessed on 29/06/2005 at 15.19 hours IST. [27] Kashipur Peoples Movement and States (sic) Repression, Jana Andolana Series-2, Prepared by PSSP [28] See EPW above [29] alcan in troubled waters, Frederic Dubois-Translated by Dawn Paley, No. 5 in 17-2 of Montreal Serai www.montrealserai.com accessed on 27/06/2005. [30] alcan in troubled waters, Frederic Dubois-Translated by Dawn Paley, No. 5 in 17-2 of Montreal Serai www.montrealserai.com accessed on 27/06/2005. [31] See EPW above [32] See Down To Earth and EPW above. [33] This section is taken from Alcans website http://www.alcan.com/web/publishing.nsf/Content /Joint+Venture+in+Orissa/$FILE/Utkal+-+Qs+and+As+-+En.pdf accessed on 29/06/2005 at 14.35 hours IST. [34] India: Work Of Human Rights Defenders Threatened Because Of Opposition To Industrial Projects In Orissa, AI Index: ASA 20/06/99, 5 February 1999, Public Statement [35] See EPW above, Down To Earth above, Kashipur Peoples Movement and States (sic) Repression, Jana Andolana Series-2, Prepared by PSSP [36] See EWP above and Kashipur Peoples Movement and States (sic) Repression, Jana Andolana Series-2, Prepared by PSSP [37] Kashipur Anti-Mining Movement PSSP document [38] Kashipur Peoples Movement and States (sic) Repression, Jana Andolana Series-2, Prepared by PSSP-

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