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AUGUSTINE
DE CIVITATE DEI
A THESIS
PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY
FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
BY
S.
ANGUS, M.A.
PRINCETON
1906.
CONTENTS.
Page.
1
Note,
2 Bibliography,
4
6
in
3 Introductory,
I Literary
Sources
Books
Note on Composition of BCD. by A. F. West, 60 x 64 II Annotations on Books i 236 s Knowledge of Greek III Augustine
. .
Some Theses,
General Analysis,
Errata,
.
2 74
.
.281
2 79
BE
Benedictine Edition
Civitate Dei.
last sixteen
(in
Migne).
in
DCD De RD The
Varro
Antiquitates.
E>R
NOTE.
The
was not
It
following treatise
its
suggestion of Professor A. F. West, and it is due to his personal encourage ment that it has been completed. I wish to offer him my
in
was started
the
all
my work
in
MS,
for calling my attention to some things I had overlooked, and for the help derived from his own notes. Thanks are also due
MS
for suggestions; also to Dr. E. C. Richardson, Librarian of Princeton University, and to Rev. J. H. Dulles, Librarian of Princeton Theological Seminary, for having procured for me so many books I wished to consult.
to Professors
Winansand Westcott
S.
A.
Classical Seminary,
Princeton University,
March, 1906.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
In preparing this thesis it was necessary to read of Au De Civitate Dei, Congustine writings the following entire De Doctrina Christiana, De Urbis Excidio, Retracfessiones, tationes, and all, his exegetical and controversial works; and in
1.
part also the Epistulae (especially the letters to Jerome, Marcellinus and Paulinus) and Sermones also the following entire :
;
Epitomes), Florus and Eutropius, Velleius Valerius Maximus, Sallust, Cicero s philosophical Paterculus,
and rhetorical works, Quintus Curtius, Justin, Orosius, and also most of Aulus the remains of Varro and Porphyry Minucius Felix, Lactantius, Plotinus, HyGellius, Apuleius, ginus, and parts of Plutarch, Plato, Tertullian, Arnobius,
;
Eusebius, Ambrose, Cyprian, Rufinus, Paulinus of Nola, Ausonius, Symmachus, Procopius, Sozomen and Socrates; beside consulting other ancient writers incidentally.
2.
The
list
eral
reference,
such
as Zeller,
Mommsen,
Milman,
Gib
;
as bon, Villemain, Gregorovius, Ozanam, Boissier and Bury well as editions of Augustine and the- other ancient writers
consulted.
An
asterisk
is
*Agahd, R.
Quaestiones Varronianae
(in
Jahrbiicher fur
classische Philologie, * H.
Supplementband
:
Hipponensis
Cunningham, W. S. Austin and his place in the history of Christian thought (Hulsean lectures, 1885). London, 1886. Roman society in the last century of the Dill, S.
:
London, 1898. H. J. Fragmenta M. Ter. Varronisquae libris S. Augustini De civitate Dei, Lugduni
C.
:
:
Batavorum, 1836.
Die Quellen Augustins im Frick, C. seiner Schrift de civitate dei. Hoxter, 1886.
XVIII Buche
Grandgeorge, L.
P.
:
Saint Augustin et
l e"cole
Paris, 1896.
Jlirges,
(Bibliotheque de
De
Sallustii
selecta. *
Einbeck, 1892.
Kuhlmann,
Hermann:
dei libro
De veterum
primo altero
historicorum
in
Augustini de civitate
Schleswig, 1900. * Loesche, G.
deo.
tertio vestigiis.
De Augustino
Plotinizante in
doctrina de
lenae, 1880. McCabe, J. Saint Augustine and his age. London, 1902. Paris, 1901. Martin, Jules, Saint Augustin.
:
Maurenbrecher: C.
Leipzig, 1891.
Sallusti Crispi
Historiarum reliquiae.
Geifs-
Neimann, A.
wald, 1895. Nourrisson:
Paris, 1866. *
Augustin
Geschichtsphilosophie.
(2 vols.).
De Eutropii breviarii ab U. C. indole ac Pirogoff, W. fontibus. Berlin (no date. Thesis for 1873).
Poujalet,
:
*Reuter, H.
Richter, A.
:
Halle, 1867.
Emile:
La
cite"
de
Paris, 1855.
Kiel, 1895. Beziehungen zu Augustin. Scholer, H. Augustins Verhaltniss zu Plato in genetischer Jena, 1897. Entwicklung. De Varronis apud sanctos patres vestigiis in *Schwarz:
Schneegans, C. F. Appreciation de Saint Augustin d apres ses travaux sur I hermeneutique sacr^e. Strasbourg,
:
1848.
Die Geschichtsphilosophie Augustins nach Seyrich, G. J. seiner schrift De Civitate Dei. Chemnitz, 1891.
:
Smith,
J.
R.
Augustine as an Exegete.
:
(In Bibliotheca
Spence, H.
D. W.
New York
(no date).
:
Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount Trench, R. C. drawn from the writings of St. Augustine. London, 1869. De Alexandri Olympiadisque epistuZumetikos, A. M.
:
larum fontibus et
reliquiis.
Berlin, 1894.
INTRODUCTORY.
hibit completely,
This thesis has three parts. The first attempts to ex and in detail under each author, all the as-
certainable literary sources, except the Bible, used by Augus This part on tine in the first ten books of The City of God. the Literary Sources has been written to include the sources
as given by Dombart and Hoffmann, and in addition the con clusions I have worked out in the second part of this thesis,
In order to do so
have gone
over every case where a literary source is required, and have searched all the extant sources to which Augustine could have had access, and several to which he could not, or did not,
have access.
ly restricted to the sources not specified in Dombart, when I quote from, or refer to, the writings of Valerius Maximus,
Velleius Paterculus, Julius Obsequens, also to Plutarch, Por phyry, Plotinus and Plato in Greek, and others not mentionedin the part on the Sources, it is not to be supposed that these are
suggested as sources for Augustine s knowledge. They are given simply for fulness of detail, or because they have pre served for us information once found in sources used by Au For example when Plut gustine but now no longer extant. arch is quoted, it is because he either confirms Livy (Augus
tine s source for the particular place), or because he has pre served for us information which was found in portions of Livy
now
lost,
later epitomes.
Similarly Julius
own work or to supply the missing part required. The Annotations on books I-X contain matter which The fact could not be treated of in the part on the Sources.
the Sources
that the Annotations has partly the same aim as the part on may excuse the frequent cross-references, and the
perhaps too frequent repetition of the same Latin passages. These latter have been given for the sake of fulness and for
Each part is intended to supple passages and references have not been touched upon, as Dombart gives them almost complete. I have, however, added one instance which he has not re ment the
other.
Biblical
corded.
The text adopted as the basis for working has been that Dombart (2 vols., Leipzig, iSyy-^), not without reference to Hoffmann s text. The former is referred to by page and line throughout the notes; and the pair of heavy-faced numbers
of
given at the edge of the page before each note also refers to
Dombart
s text.
I
In the Annotations
ferences given in Dombart, except occasionally for some parti cular purpose. As Dombart did not make any special study
of the sources, there are but few cases where there is occasion to quote his references, and all such I hope have been acknowl
edged.
Duebner
as
Dombart himself took his references chiefly from we learn from his own words: N o t a s o 1
ex editione Duebneri, qui in hac operis parte diligentissime versatus est, mutuatus sum. Ad fontes unde Augustinus hauriebat accuratius indagandos, cum mi.hi neque tempus neque vires suprelinpeterent, hoc negotii aliis quendum putavi (praef. p. x).
For the acknowledged fragments of Varro, where nothing more could be added, reference is made the editions of
aliis
libris
Francken,
Schwarz
and
Agahd;
but
one fragment
not
noticed by these I have discussed and assigned to Varro. Most of the fragments of Porphyry, to be found in the
ten books of City of God which lie within the scope of this have not hitherto been collected and specifically as
I have collected them and signed to their respective books. attempted to assign each to its source in the light of all evi
thesis,
dence
could
find.
The
gustine
s
on Augustine
the part necessity for the third part of this thesis s Knowledge of Greek was suggested by Au
references to Plato, Porphyry and Plotinus in the have not followed any authority here. Besides the limited literature on this subject, it was necessary reading to go over all the Confessions and City of God and all his
BCD.
exegetical and controversial works, as well as several others, with a view to collect the principal evidence bearing upon that
subject.
For the convenience of readers some of the principal theses maintained are excerpted and printed together at the A table of such errata as have been noticed is added. end.
Finally great care has been taken to avoid mistakes in references, but it is to be feared some slips may still remain
uncorrected.
And now may this slight though laborious contribution to the explanation of Augustine s masterwork be commended to readers in his own closing words:
Quibus parum quibus nimium est, mihi ignoscant; quibus autem satis est, non mihi, sed Deo mecum congratulantes agant.
vel
S.
A.
I.
De Civitate Dei
We
self
I-X.
shall take up first those Sources which Augustine him mentions as having known, and secondly those Sources which, though not mentioned by him, we have evidence to show he used.
A.
I.
all
of
the
names
of
pagan poets
except Homer.
CLAUDIAN.
In
DCD
in
two verses
tation from
V. 26 he mentions Claudian and quotes from him praise of Theodosius from the D e t e r t i o
consulatu Honorii. He
memory,
as
we
find he has
V.
8,
line
lus
found
armatas hiemes
manuscript
if
he had one.
But
it. is
more
likely
that he has erred in the quotation, as c u i occurs at the same place in both lines and passing from the first c u i to the
c u
He
Claudian
this testimony of his should be accepted as we cannot rea sonably conclude from Claudian s poems that he was a Chris tian and Orosius supports the opinion of Augustine, speaking
and
Claudian as
is
in all
2.
ENNIUS.
This poet he knew through the writings of Cicero, see DCD II. 21, where he cites Ennius from the De Republicaof
But he had a larger knowledge of Ennius than this, Trinitate 13. 3.6 he quotes a verse of Ennius found which cannot be found again, slightly different, in Ep. 231.3
Cicero.
for in
De
10
in all
From
DCD
tepa
VII. 27
dvaypa^
of
errores ante nos vel Graeco sermone Latino scripserunt, non in eo mihi placuit inmorari a possage which suggests that
vel
Augustine knew more about the Euhemerus of Ennius than he could have got by solely .consulting the only place in Cicero where the same translation is referred to (De Natura Deorum
et quae ad hanc rem pertinentia consequuntur, totam de hoc Euhemerus pandit historian! quam Ennius in L a t inum vertit eloquium, unde quia plurima posuerunt qui contra huius modi
-
ime tractata ab Euhemero est quern noster et interpretatus et secutus est praeter ceteros Ennius. In spite of the simi
larity
Quid? qui aut fortis aut claros potentis viros tradunt post mor tem ad deos pervenisse, eosque esse ipsos quos nos colere precari venerarique soleamus, nonne expertes sunt religionum omnium? quae ratio m a x
i.
42. 119.)
aut
tine s
between this passage and that of Augustine, own words quae ad hanc rem
still
Augus
perti
eo mihi
knew more
fit
and
non
if
in
he
us to infer
found
in Cicero,
he had seen
3.
HORACE.
In
There are three quotations in the DCD. Augustine quotes Horace (naming him)
:
DCD
I.
secundum
illud
Horatii
est
Quo semel
bit odorem.
Testa
u.
II
familiar
Evidently he knew his Horace well enough to quote some commonplaces. In DCD V. 13 he mentions and
quotes
him Ep.
Horace against the Romans. Augustine there cites i. i. 36 to show that Horace held the same views as
he himself did
nandi libidinem
ita cecinit.
4.
LUCAN.
There are six quotations in DCD. That Augustine Lucan we are not at all surprised, as Lucan s was in itself a rebuke to the Romans, painting in the poem darkest colours the decadent state of Rome, the corrup
used
tion of
politics, private
horrors
of civil war, the dubious attitude toward religion. The preprevailing hopelessness of Lucan about his country would
find such expression as would suit Augustine to use in his 12 he quotes In DCD I. arguments against the pagans. him (Phar. 7. 819) in connection with the argument for the
civil
in
III.
III.
Lucan
proof of the terrible vengeance taken by Sulla on his In DCD X. 16 he quotes him (Phar. 6.506)
5.
PERSIUS.
DCD II. 6 Augustine cites Persius (Sat. 3.66) as an example of the moral lessons which the people ought to hear, but do not hear, at public spectacles, and in the next chapter
In
(II. 7) for
a description of passion.
6.
TERENTIANUS MAURUS.
DCD
In VI. 2 (see also vol. 2, p. 257.22) he quotes a hendecasyllabic verse from the poet Terentianus Maurus in Terentianus was an praise of the great learning of Varro.
African, like Augustine himself,
DCD
as a text-
12
litteris,
syllabis, pedibus,
In
De
utilitate
TERENCE.
often mentioned
and
quoted Terence, he does so only once in DCD I-X, namely II.7, where he cites from the Eunuchus (584).
8.
VALERIUS SORANUS.
Augustine did not know Valerius Soranus directly, as he found in Varro the two verses he Cites from him in support of
VII.
9).
VIRGIL.
Of all the poets mentioned by Augustine he made the He quotes him most frequent and extensive use of Virgil. about seventy times in the DCD more than the total of his quotations from all the other poets. The quotations are massed most heavily in the opening five books. He tells us of his boy ish interest in the story of Aeneas (Conf. i. 13. 21 sq); and
for Virgil
Augustine knew
1.3)
t
his
i
Virgil intimately.
He
says of
him
ebibitus animis non facile oblivione He quotes from the Aeneid, the possit aboleri.
Eclogues and the Georgics, but far most frequently from the Aeneid. Augustine quotes Virgil for Roman history and mythol-
(DCD
e n e r
ologyinDCDI.
2,
III.
2,
III.
n,
i6,VI1.27;
for the pride and high estate of Rome in for the helplessness of the gods of Rome
DCD
worshipers
protect
qualibus 1.3: diis urbem Romani servandam se commisisse gaudebant, I. 4, III. 7, III 31. In DCD 11.22
in
and them
their
need
of
their
worshipers
to
DCD
ecce
he quotes Virgil with sarcastic reference to the gods being of fended at the morals of the citizens and for the moral deteri;
13
oration of
Rome
in
BCD
III. 10.
morality arising from the Roman religion he cites the favorite poet of the Romans against themselves in DCD I. 19, where those who died by suicide are represented by Virgil as having
an unhappy existence
evils of
in
in
magicae artes,
DCD
DCD
and
in
X
;
IV. 9, IV. 10, VII. 9 he quotes shaped Proteus. In for the all-permeating influence of Jupiter compare also In IV. i r. V. 18 he cites him to prove that Brutus
slew his
him
DCD
who
In
x.
DCD
f
VI.
i
1
the words
solentenimessead risum
Eel.
a c
e s
are an echo
3.9
sed faciles
inquiunt, habens potestatem causarum quibus aliquid fit in mundo; he quotes him in DCD IX. 4 to describe perfect composure of mind. In
X. 30 he shows
of Virgil in
clarissima mundilumina indirectly In DCD VII. 9 he cites the line felix rerum qui potuit cognoscere causas with reference to Deusest,
cites Virgil s
nymphae
risere.
DCD
Lethe.
regard to purified souls being called to taste of In X. 27 Augustine quotes from the fourth eclogue of
coming glory
of the
Kingdom
of
si
ad ipsum referas.
7.
may term an
Aen.
266
Lastly we notice what we etymological use of Virgil, in DCD V. 19 from for the use of the word tyranni;
non
in
improbi
1.12.
10.
reges,
and
sed
again
fortes dicti,
for
c o
o n
from Aen
HOMER.
Homer, Augustine had read him, though distaste school days (Conf. i. 14. 23). Yet he mentions or him only four (or five) times in the DCD, never in quotes
for
ful, in his
As
Greek, always
in
Latin,
to have
made any
14
In
DCD
III. 2
he
tells
us
Homer makes
Neptune oppose and Apollo favor the Trojans. In DCD V. 8 Latinum he quotes two verses quos Cicero in found these lines in the De Fato of He probably v e r t t. twice more he refers to Homer on the authority of Cicero In DCD IX. i it Cicero, and once on the authority of Varro. lovem.. ab a question whether is is found in our Homer, fateantur I do not believe that except by implication in Iliad I. 222. this statement of Augustine has been made from direct knowl edge of Homer, as fateantur seems to be against this. I think Augustine took it from Lactantius Div. Inst. 4. 27. 15.
i
;
Homero
nuncupatum
See note
II.
p.
368. 16.
Turning now from the poets used and named by Augustine De Civitate Dei i-x to the prose writers named we find much greater variety. Some of them call for little or no notice. Those mentioned by name in books i-x are (in
in
alphabetical
order)
Labeo,
Livy, Plato, Pliny, Plotinus, Pomponius, Sallust, L. Annaeus Seneca, Tertullian and Varro.
i.
Porphyry,
APULEIUS.
The
parts of the
tion in the
use of Apuleius is almost exclusively confined to the which discuss Neoplatonism. The first men
in
VIII.
lingua, id est et
mentions the De deo
Graeca
Socratis
This
is
the
work from which Augustine has quoted most, and the one which he has most severely criticised. In DCD VIII. 14 the earlier part of the chapter (before mention of Apuleius occurs) is evi dently taken from that author. Augustine uses the quoteword n q u u n t twice and the 341. loand
i i
(p.
23),
subject
of gods,
and
relations,
is
what we
find in the
in line
licet
alios
quoque
de
Augustine then briefly explains the subject matter of the de deo Socratis in some general statements. The whole four The teenth chapter is taken in substance from that work.
fifteenth
still
refers
chapter is largely a criticism of the same. In it he to the same author as we see from i n q u i u n t
. .
d c t Apuleius.. (p. 344.22). De moribus ergo daemonum cum idem Platonicus loqueretur and then
(p.
gives quotations mostly word for -word from Apuleius and fol lows these by a criticism.
to In chap. 17 he treats of the the demons were subject, and shows which Apuleius granted how unworthy such beings are of worship who are moved by
all
perturbationes Apuleius
work
is
(p.
347.7).
continued.
This
22.
chapters 20, 21, Augustine IX. 3 he again quotes from the de deo Socratis and proceeds to criticism, and chap. 4 is connected with this,
In
mind
in
DCD
d e
his
animi
arises out
motibus,
of
TrdOrj
or
perturbationes
the quotation from Apuleius in the preceding so that chapters 4 and 5 really continue the criticism. chapter, In chap. 6 he again names Apuleius.
chap. 7 he takes up a new subject from Apuleius, the distinction of the functions of gods and demons. namely
In
This
in
continued (with quotations) in chap. 8 and criticised chap. 9. Chap. 10, where Augustine introduces the opinion
is
of Plotinus,
is
still in
gives large quotations from Chap. the de deo Socratis with Augustine s criticism which is also continued in chap. 13, and after an excursus devoid of all liter ary citation in chap. 14 and 15, he returns in chapter 16 to the same author.
referring to Apuleius.
12
i6
X. 9 (ad fin).) he again refers to the de deo In X. 27 there is Socratis, though not mentioning that work. to the same work. another reference
In
thus see that Augustine was thoroughly conversant with the de deo Socratis of Apuleius, that he has given large quotations from it and attacked it with severe criticism.
DCD
We
He was also acquainted with the Asclepius, or Dialogus Hermetis Trismegisti, though he does not refer to it so often He or quote so much from it as from the De deo Socratis. refers first to it in DCD VIII. 23 where he also gives large and in chap. 24 he gives a long quotation and then extracts a criticism, and so again in chap. 26. In DCD IV. 2 he refers
;
DCD extat oratio qua crimen artium magicarum a se alienum esse defendit, innocentem vult seque aliter non videri nisi ea negando quae non possunt ab innocente committi. These words seem to
VIII.
19
and quotes from the De Mundo. Though Augustine has not quoted from the Apologia, or De Magia, it is likely he had read it: he mentions it in connection with magic arts in
to
much
CICERO.
s
Cicero
in
is
sources
DCD I-X. He mentions him by name DCD II. 9, II. 13, II, 14, II. 21, II. 27,
IV. 30, V.
2,
Compare
IV,
26,
15,
V. 8, V. 13, V. 26, VI. 2, VIII. 5, IX. 4, IX. 5. He quotes him verbatim in II. 9 evidently with a copy of Cicero before him, d e n d e p a u o post (p. 63. 15)
i 1
and
s
ad
verbum
23);
excerpenda
13,
II.
arbitratus
15, III. 27, IV.
(p 63.
II.
14, II.
21, III.
26, IV, 30, 8, V. 13, VI. 2, IX. 5. cannot be certain whether the words
V.
In
DCD.
V. 26
we
Omiserum
cui
licebat are verbatim from Cicero or whether they merely give the sentiment. In DCD II. n and II. 12 he refers to the De Re pub. of Cicero. The above named passages need no remark.
peccare
More interesting is it to note the use which Augustine has made of Cicero as an authority without mentioning him as such
In
DCD
I.
3 (p.
8.
9)
cordatos
savours
homines.
but
as
The
we
find
word
only a
cordatos
scanty use
of
of Ennius,
Ennius made by Augustine, it is quite possible that Augustine got this word from Cicero Tusc I. 9. 18 or De Re pub. I. 18. 30 with both of which works Augustine was well acquainted. Of
course he
of
viri cordati
34.
the
vulgate, but
not the
of
Job
10: but
if
this in
writ
cordatos viros
I.
cordatos homines.
-
In DCD Si a u t em 15 (p. 26.33) Augustine writes dicunt M. Regulum etiam in ilia c a p tivitate illisque cruciatibus corporis animi virtute beatum esse potuisse.
De
Finn.
2.20.65
c e
pro me ipsa virtus nee dubitabit isti vestro beato M. Regulum anteponere clamat virtus beatiorem fuisse quam potantem in rosa Thorium. The
coincidence of the language and thought suggests that he had Cicero in mind.
In
DCD
I.
22
(p.
potius Cleombrotusinhac animi magnitudine reperitur quem ferunt lecto Platonis libro, ubi de inmortalitate animae disputavit, se praecipitem dedisse de muro atqueita ex hac vita emigrasse ad earn quam credidit esse meliorem. Nihil enim urgebat aut calamitatis aut criminis
Cleombrotus ille
36.27)
it
i8
1.34.84
limachi quidem epigramma in Ambraciotam Cleombrotum est quern ait cum ei nihil accidisset adversi, e muro se in mare abiecisse. There is really no other source
used by Augustine, which contains the story.
In II. 14 we have the account of Plato s banishing the poets from his ideal state, and his reasons for doing so
:
BCD
Iste vero et deorum iniurias indigne tulit et fucari corrumpique figmentis animos civium noluit. Of course Augustine did He proba not get this from Plato s Republic in the original.
bly had recourse to the fourth book of Cicero s De Re pub., with which book we know that he was well acquainted, and in
which we learn from the casual fragment of Nonius this sub A somewhat similar notice is found in Tusc ject was treated. but we rather think that the fourth book of Cicero s 2.11.27, De Re pub. was Augustine s source here (see note p. 69.10).
In
for
DCD
II.
16 Cicero
seems to be Augustine
authority
instituisseconfinxerit. See De Div. 1.43.96 and N.D. 3.38.91; and probably Cicero De Re pub. 2.14.26 was known to Augustine in his account of the civil and relig ious legislation of Numa Pompilius found in this same chapter, though Livy seems here to be at least a co-ordinate source.
se
Compare Livy
Cicero
20
(p.
is
1.19 sq.
undoubtedly Augustine
authority in
DCD
II.
Sardanapalli
Haec
r
qui incidi iussit in busto: habeo quae edi quaeque exsatua t a libido
at ilia
a
r e
1
i
Hausit;
c
1
a"r
iacent multa
t
et
prae-
19
Finn.
Cicero mentions the voluptousness of the same king in De 2.32.106, and we know from the ^scholiast on Juvenal
of the
10.362 that Cicero said something of him in the the third book De Re pub. probably more than the scholiast gives.
We know
of no other literary source than Cicero from Augustine could have drawn this narrative so much
which resem
DCD
the
Perhaps also the contrast between Marius and Regulus II. 23 was suggested by Cicero Paradoxa 2.16.
In
in
DCD
:
III. 9 (p.
106
n) Augustine
of
refers
to Cicero in
words
novem
volunt,
Numa
s
triginta
.This
is
reign
the
2.14. 27)
following
Again Cicero
of the death of
is
Augustine
Romulus and the action of Julius Proculus in DCD III. 15. As we know from the rest of the chapter (on which see notes p. 116.12, 117.8) Cicero was not his only au
thority, but he has followed
in the
him principally,
if
opening
for
Cicero alone
thority
knew
. .
the account
Romuli receptionem
Cicero
116.30)
Cic ero
illam
.
quoting from the De Re pub. and for the solis defectio he gives a fragment on p. 117.21 from the Hortensius of
:ut
effecit in interitu Romuli qui obscuratione solis est factus. The p r o p t e r ferocitatem a senatu discerptum esse,
it is
true,
in
Livy
fuisse
e n
t
.
It is possible that
narrative
in his
Augustine while following Cicero s mind this detail from his knowl-
20
dismemberment
in
recorded either
no reason why we should suppose Romulus by the Senate was not one of the lost parts of Cicero s De Re pubis
of
Hortensius,
Alexandro illi M a gno quidam comprehensus pirata r e spondit. Nam cum idem rex hominem
:
BCD
we have another
clear case
-
interrogasset quid ei videretur ut mare infestaret, ille libera contumatibi, inquit, ut orbem t e r sed quia id ego exiguo navigio rarum; facio, latro vocor; quia tu magna class e, imperator. Compare with these words those
cia:
Quod
of Cicero preserved
lib. 3: nam cum quaerquo scelere compulsus mare haberet infestum uno myoparone: code m inquit, quo tu orbem terrae.
by Nonius (pages
M.
There is no doubt but that the passage from which this extract of Nonius is taken would have told the whole story given above by Augustine. Nonius extract is very incomplete, as he wished to quote only so much from Cicero as would serve
his
purpose, namely to
prove that
infestum mare
way
i
We
cum quareretur
ex eo
cerned to state or identify the noun ( p r a t a ) in Cicero to which the e o refers. Pirata in Cicero is all important to the story, but of no importance to Nonius for purely lexical
purposes. In DCD IV. 20
is
(p.
169 15)
we must conclude
that Cicero
virtutem in quattuor species distribuendam esse viderunt, prudentiam, iustitiam, fortitudinem, t e m perantiam. This four-fold division of Plato (De Legg.
the source
:
1.631 C),
is
21
whose account
t
i
pudicitiam
is
the
same
as
tempera
n-
Jerome
of Augustine. See note p. 169.14 where it is knew that this four-fold division was found in the
shown
works
of Cicero, and from Augustine s own testimony (De Trin. 14.It 9.12) that he found it in the lost Hortensius of Cicero.
may be
noticed that
it
in Cicero, as
Jerome speaks
in
f -
ficiorum libris, while Augustine says D e omni bus tamen quattuor (virtutibus) Tullius in Hortensio dialogo disputans. There is therefore no doubt that in the BCD IV. 20
Cicero, though not there mentioned,
is
Augustine
source.
For
the
193.32) there is, so far as I know, no literary authority except this passage of Augustine, and it is impossible to say with certainty whom Augustine has followed in this story. But the probabilities are greatly in
figuli rota
nobile in DCD
illud
V. 3
(p.
commentum
de
of Ciceronian authority. See the note on this passage 193.32) in which it is pointed out that the Nigidius Figulus, about whom the story is related, was on very friendly terms
(p.
favor
with Cicero, had some correspondence with him and is chiefly mentioned in his works. A second argument which I think
points in the same direction is derived from the words i n quit, i n q u i t (p. 194.6 and 9) used parenthetically in relating the story. These words I take as referring still to the
same author, namely Cicero, who has been his authority in A third and still stronger argument in support of chap. 2. Ciceronian authority, may be advanced from a close examina
tion
of
2,
the
context.
i
chap.
It
note
a q u e
Chap. and
,
is
closely connected
with
it is still
begins
illud
does
commentum
refer
?
:
adfertur
nobile
illud
Only one brought forward ? answer is possible it refers back to the astrologia treated of in the preceding chapter, in which chapter Cicero was the authority. From all this we conclude that he too is the.
commmentum
22
authority for this story in the beginning of chap. all the more likely because followed by the words
i
3,
i
which
i
is
t
,
n q u
mentioned already. These three arguments seem to point beyond doubt to Cicero as Augustine s authority here. Moreover if the narrative about Hippocrates and Posidonius
n q u
i
Stoicus in
DCD
V.
is
De
i
Fato, to
which
seems most natural to assign it, as Dambart and the 1 e 1 1 u d editors of Cicero do, then I have no doubt n o b
it
i
commentum
of the same.
de figuli rota
197.13) could
is
also a
fragment
lis
nonnulpraedicatur quod quidam sapiens horam elegit qua cum uxore concumberet, unde filium mirabilem gigneret
In
DCD
V.
5 (p.
illud
be a fragment of Cicero
what we
find
in
we
find
s De Fato ? It is a subject kindred to has taken from Cicero in chap. 2, and Augustine the case of the fratres (p.
quosdam
192.12) that Posidonius Stoicus said the position of the stars at the hour of conception had something to do with the subse
These considerations quent simultaneous suffering of twins. render it highly probable Cicero was the source, and that the
statement was found by Augustine
In
in
the
De
Fato.
s
DCD
V. 20
(p.
boni humani
ubi
tabulam quandam verbis pingere voluptas in sella regali delicata quaedam regina considat, quasi eique virtutes famulae subiciantur.
From
Cic.
tabulae pudebit inquam, Cleanthes sane commode verbis quam depingere solebat. lubebat eos qui audiebant secum ipsos cogitare pictam in tabula voluptatem pulcherrimovestitu et ornatu regali in solio sedentem, praesto ese virtutes ut ancillulas
illius
De Finn te,
2.21.69
sq.
(as
Dombart
indicates)
23
quae nihil aliud agerent, nullum suum officium ducerent nisi ut voluptati ministrarent. For the subject-matter in general of BCD VIII. 2 and 3
it is likely that Augustine had a fair general knowledge of philosophy from what he learned of it in the schools of his day. But one of the literary sources of his knowledge of philosophy
in
general (excluding Neo-platonism, of course) was no doubt Cicero, not only in his works which are extant but in those no To this last longer extant, particularly the Hortensius.
named work we may attribute a large amount of his knowledge of philosophy, both because of the high appreciation he had of this work and because of what we know of its comprehen
sive scope.
In Conf.
3.
4.
Augustine writes u
iam discendi ordine perveneram in librum quemdam Ciceronis, cuius linguam fere omnes mirantur, pectus non ita. Sed liber ille ipsius exhortationem continet ad philosophiam et vocatur Hortensius. Ille vero liber mutavit affectum meum et ad teipsum, Domine, mutavit preces meas et vota ac desideria mea fecit alia; and again in De beata vita 1.4 postquam in schola rhetoris librum ilium Ciceronis qui Hortensius vocatur accepi, tanto amore philosophiae succensus sum ut statim ad earn me transferre meditarer. Cicero himself
tells
Nos autem universae philosophiae vituperatoribus respondimus in Hore n s o and ibid. 3. 3. 6 de universa philosophia quanto opere et expetenda esset et colenda, satis, ut arbitror, dictum est in Hortensio, also De Finn. 1.1.2. In such a
t
i
,
book there must have been a great amount of information on and philosophy in general which Augustine made his own
;
24
that
it
contained
BCD
logue
III.
an
obscuratione
show that
this
philosophy we learn from in this dia 15 where Augustine says he found Romulus and the of account of the death solis. We point out these facts to
more
than
book ought
among
In
BCD
The
VIII.
s
been Augustine
Plato.
4 either Cicero or Apuleius may have source for the narrative of the travels of
division of
sapientia
into
a c
v a
and
was probably taught in the schools, but for a literary source Augustine had Cicero, as we learn from the Be Trin. 14.19.26 that he found the plativa in the end of the dialogue Hortensius and no doubt Cicero treated both of the a c t i v a and
contemplativa
contem
;
contem
m
o
r
plativa.
n a
t
Augustine
i
literary source
philosophia
r
into
probably Cic. Acad. 1.5.19, though no doubt this was taught in the schools in the discussions on Platonism.
u
r
and
o n a
was
In
BCB
VIII.
in
c
mind lWat
In VIII. 13 Cicero is again the authority in regard to Plato banishing the poets out of his state.
BCB
No doubt
d
i
remembered Cicero
in
Traflos
in
BCB
VIII.
17.
in
i6:Beum quidem summum om sic a Platone nium creatorem praedicari asseverat, quod ipse sit solus qui non possit sermonis humani quavis oratione vel modice c o n p re
BCB
IX.
.
. .
in
h e n d
Compare
Cic.
N.B.
1.12.20.
25
Cicero as against
Lactantius, namely., in
unde
BCD religentes, religio dicta perhibetur: compare 2.28.72 sunt dicti religiosi exreligendo,
X. 3 (p 406.16)
et
sacrificium res d hoc quoque vocabulo vina est, ita id Latini veteres appellaverint Cicero
DCD
X. 6
i
ut
thoughts:
3.
AULUS GELLIUS.
in
This author
is
mentioned only
one chapter
in
the
DCD,
quibus titulus namely IX. 4 (p. 372.9): scribit A. Gelest Noctium Atticarum lius, vir elegantissimi eloquii et m u tae ac facundae scientiae. In addition to
In libris
1
this place I have been unable to find evidence in the first ten books of the City of God which would prove that Augustine in these books had specifically followed Gellius, except in one
place,
tamen in suis litteris credunt Arionem Methymnaeum, nobilissimum citharistam, cum esset deiectus e navi exceptum delphini dorso not to et ad terras esse pervectum. It
DCD
I.
14,
qui
is
be supposed for an instant that Augustine took this story from Herodotus, nor could he have got the given details from Cicero s extant works, and we know of no lost work of Cicero
in
took
It
JUSTINUS.
the the
in
Justinus is named only once in this place extracts are made from
DCD
first
(IV.
6),
and
his
book
of
epitome of the Historiae Philippicae of Trogus Pompeius. There is no other place, I can find, in the first ten books of
the City of
assigned to Justinus.
26
5.
LABEO.
praesertim Labeo, quern huiusce modi rerum peritissimum praedicant, numina bona a numinibus malis ista etiam
cultus diversitate distinguat, ut malos deos propitiari caedibus et tristibus supplicationibus asserat, bonos autem obsequiis laetis atque iucundis, qualia sunt, ut ipse ait, ludi convivia lectis t e r n a (p. 66. i). This is referred to again in DCD III. 25 secundum Labeonis distinctionem: com pare also VIII. 13 (p. 340.34). In DCD II. 14 he tells us Labeo placed Plato among the s e m d e o s and s e m d e o s autem heroibus anteponit; sed utrosque
i
The Labeo to whom Augustine refers is M. Antistius The Labeo the younger, the son of M. Antistius Labeo. elder Labeo was a jurist and pupil of C. Trebatius Testa, The younger Labeo flourished in the Cicero s young friend. time of Augustine and was one of the two great jurists of This Labeo was that age the other being C. Ateius Capito. a very voluminous writer, and among other things wrote on Roman religion. No work of his is specified by Augustine and no direct citations given. He evidently wrote on theology and in this department was one of Augustine s sources. Augustine refers to him for a distinction between deities: cum
inter
conlocat. Perhaps through Labeo Augustine gained some knowledge of Plato. In DCD IX. 19 we are told that Labeo is one of those who perhib-
numina
eosdem
if
ent
ab
aliis
dici
Doubtless
quos
ipsi
we had the
works of Labeo extant we should be able to find other traces of him used as a source by Augustine. See note p. 66.1.
6.
LIVY.
Augustine mentions or identifies Livy only twice in the DCD, II. 24 scribit Livius in connection with the civil wars of Sulla and Marius, and again in III. 7 u t
entire
27
scribit Livius
as authority for the survival of the shrine of Minerva amid the burning of Ilium by Fimbria; other wise he never comes nearer to indicating him than by such a
phrase as
alii
scriptores.
Yet Livy
is
one of his
primary sources.
But though Augustine only in the two places given above refers to Livy by name, we can prove that he was familiar with the narrative of Livy, and had him often in mind in his historical references, and sometimes very closely follows the words of Livy and twice at least gives a verbatim quotation.
In
BCD
I.
Syracuse by M.
of
cam
prius flevisse ruituram et ante eius sanguinem suas illi lacrimas effudisse.
Of Augustine s authorities Livy alone records this, (25.24. n.) That Livy was Augustine s authority here we have still stronger ne quis corpus proof in the words (p. 11.5) which are taken verbatim from liberum violaret, Livy 25.25.7; and Livy is the only historian who mentions this
edict of Marcellus.
In the account of the taking of Tarentum by Fabius Maximus Cunctator Augustine has closely followed the narra
tive of Livy.
the
words
(p.
This
will
Tarentinae urbis eversor, a simulacrorum depraedatio n e Nam cum ei se abstinuisse laudatur. scriba suggessisset quid de signis deorum quae multa capta fuerant fieri iuberet, continentiam suam etiam iocando condivit. Quaesivit enim cuius modi essent et cum ei non solum multa grandia verum etiam renuntiarentur armata: Relinquamus, inquit, Tarentinis deos iratos. Livy tells the same in the words: Sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam
writes
n.u)
Fabius,
28
Marcellus; qui interroganti scribae quid fieri signis vellet ingentis m a gdeos iratos Tarentinis nitudinis
relinqui iussit
(27. 16.8).
of Fabius
Probably if this book were extant eighteenth book now lost. find that he has followed closely the account of Livy, although he also knew Cicero s remark concerning the happi
we should
For the narrative of Lucretia (DCD I. 19) Augustine had two sources. He had heard the story treated as a theme for a rhetorical exercise (quidam declamans ait, DCD I. 19), from which he got the words m r a b e
at least
i i 1
dictu,duo fuerunt
a d
et
adulterium unus
to agree with
Livy
Also he knew the account of Livy, as he seems in mentioning only Collatinus and Brutus as
(Livy 1.58.)
was
23 Livy s lost one hundred and fourteenth book no doubt the authority for the opinion of Cato s friends in
I.
DCD
DCD
a e n
II.
5.
Also
s c
i
in
the
i
u d
1
(DCD
bellicose et solis an tea ludis circensibus adsueto, seem to be an echo of those of Livy nova res bellicoso populo, nam circi modo spectaculum fuerat (7.2.3.).
p o p u
29
If such a general statement as non aliquot annos post Romam conditam abAtheniensibus mutuarentur heges Solonis
(DCD
may
II.
16) is to
find
such a source
Livy 3.31.8:
Athenas
m ss inclitas
i
g a
leges
in
the reference
the activity of
rites;
Numa
Pompilius
in
though Augustine does not speak enough in between Cicero and Livy here. Augustine begins DCD II. 17 with a remark taken from Sallust (whom he mentions) and then leaves Sallust and passes on to illustrate Sallust s words by examples taken from Livy. He first mentions the raptas Sabinas, the source of which is found in Livy i. 9. This might have been taken also from Cic. De Re pub. 2.7.12, and Augustine s language is too vague to resemble either; but it seems more likely that Livy is his source, as he is in the remainder of the chapter; though we shall find instances in which Augustine has made use of more than one authority in the same chapter. See DCD III. 9,
detail to enable us to decide
III.
15, III.
ceremonial
16, III.
Livy
Lucius Tarqui-
nius Collatinus by Brutus, as also for the narrative of Camillus as given in the same chapter.
Livy
altero
is
Kuhlman
veterum historicorum
tertio
vestigiis.
n), for
p.
absens
etiam
damnaretur.
It
Livy is mentioned by Augustine in the 24, and we cannot doubt that the source of the other incidents in DCD II. 24 and II. 25 is Livy. In the words quod illi quadraginta tres
anni in tarn longa pace transact! sunt regnante Numa (DCD III. 9) it is difficult
to say
whether Augustine is following Livy or Eutropius, or both, as both give the same number of years. Augustine has not confined himself to only one authority in this chapter, as
the words
we know from
found
triginta novem,
which
"he
The
incident related in the opening lines of III. n. It is true that the same incident is referred to in Julius Obsequens 28, but Augustine has given details not found there, and which we
DCD
may
Livy
may
the
alii
scriptores
DCD Brut us consanguineus Tarquinii fuisse perhibetur; compare L. lunius Brutus, Tarquinia, sorore regis, natus (i. 56.7).
DCD III. 15 (p. 117.8) as Livy Florus and Eutropius speak of the tempest at the death of Romulus. In III. 16 Livy seems to have been the source for
It is worth noting that in DCD., III. 16 (p. 121.7) while Augustine has Eutropius before him, he corrects the error of that author in regard to the of Valerius from Livy 2.8.9.
praenomen
In III. 17 and III. 18 Augustine has followed the narrative and order of Livy for a conspectus of the disasters of Rome from the death of the consul Valerius to the end of
DCD
the first Punic war. For the details see the notes on this part. For some of the events referred to there is no extant authority,
it is shown in the notes that these may all be placed with good reason in the lost parts of Livy s work which covered this In these two chapters period. (17 and 18) I have not been been able to find any trace of the use of any other historian
but
but Livy. He alone was Augustine s authority, and we con clude from the manner in which he has followed the order of Livy s narrative that he had a copy of Livy before him for reference. This is not generally so in Augustine s use of Livy, as he seems to have found him too long and full to consult continuously often only having him in memory for his general
narrative.
as sources used
DCD III. 19 and does not think Augustine by Augustine here. With this I cannot agree. Kuhlmann used Eutropius cited above p. 12) Itaque enim in 1. says (work
20 19, componendis capitibus Livius Augustino praecipuus fuit auctor, praeter eum Florus adhibitus. This is
true as far as
it
Ill
goes.
But
have shown
in
the note
p.
129.
tres
in
is
verbatim
and
say,
"
same order
One might
in
Latin
he
sent three modii of gold rings to Carthage." Even supposing two different authors independently of each other, expressed the same thing by the same words in the same order, yet for
sent
says (p. Atque quod 7) tres modios anulorum, Augustinus Livius autem supra tres modios Carthaginem esse missos tradidit, minor mihi videtur discrepantia esse quam ut Augustinum ex Livio pendere ea
Kuhlmann
d e
written as
This might be so, if Livy had though even thus it seems to be more natural to suppose he is using Eutropius as his But Kuhlmann has omitted d m d u m before authority.
causa negetur.
Kuhlmann has
cited him;
supra tres
it
modios
in
Livy
23. 12.
i,
which renders
s
authority.
is
Augustine were following Livy here, would have taken notice of the
Again,
likely
he
tres
as
it is
purpose to minimise the disasters of Rome. On the contrary he gives details to show the greatness of the disasters and thus heighten the effect
s
modios
dimidium supra
tres
modios,
of his
own argument.
v
i
For example
in
this
chapter he uses
q u
(p.
and
in the battle of
ille Cannae he
32
says
the
slaughter was
in
so
great that
Hannibal
c a e d e
(p. 128.
29, Livy) and so great was the want of soldiers adds a t s e r v after this defeat that to the (p. 129.9) he facinorum (p. 129.8 not found in Florus the reos A similar tendency may be noticed in the v e or Eutropius). no no (p. 130.10) and in the dubious addition of
i
i
nam
nonnullis
d
supra
Even
tres
modios,
one
m d u m modi us
i
i
in justice
Augustine wished to give the higher number, he could have passed over this express declaration
truth.
Augustine no longer adheres to the whom he in some follows for the second Punic war. His use of respects closely Florus here will be noticed in its place. Once also he has adopted the account and followed the words of Eutropius. Yet Augustine proves from his own account that, though he has called to his service Florus and Eutropius in chapter 19, he was acquainted with Livy s history of the second Punic war. He supplemented or corrected Florus whom he had before him from his recollection of the account of Livy. The following words deserve note: D enique tanta militum
in
Thus
DCD
work
inopia secuta est ut Romani reos fa cinorum proposita inpunitate colligerent, servitia libertate donarent... Servis...arma defuerunt. Detractasunt t e m p Here Augustine follows Florus (Epit. 1.22.23)
1 i
s.
as far as the words are concerned, but Livy for the matter. He had the narrative of Livy in his mind and that of Florus before
his eyes.
He
33
(III. 20)
to
Livy.
legati ad
Contempt!
he has followed Livy who
Florus gives only a single
octavo
of contact
mense quam coeptum oppugnari captum Saguntum quidam scripsere. Another point
between Augustine s narrative and that of Livy has been pointed out by Kuhlmann (De veterum historicorum in Augustini de civitate Dei libro primo altero tertio vestigiis p. 12) namely, that both Augustine and Livy call Saguntum
130.10).
Livy again was his only authority for See Livy 21.15.3
octavo
civitas
Livy 21.7.2).
In
opulentissima
III.
(Augustine
p.
130.8,
Augustine returns to Livy as his sole authority. opens the chapter with a notice of Sallust s statement about the morality and peace of Rome between the second and third Punic wars. But for the historical facts there is no trace of any other historian except Livy, to whom he
21
DCD
He
Compare n
illius urbis captus desiderio and n e saltern mortuo in ingrata patria funus
f
i
e r e
and
f
i
ne
t
.
funus
There
is
sibi
ingrata
patria
e r e
also a striking
words of Augustine
in this
Romam
chapter:
omni
hoste
34
abacos
s
Romam advexerunt.
et
1
Tune
conviaddita
The
to Livy.
Romans by
the order of
Mithridates
DCD
III. 22 is too
vague
DCD
of Livy.
III. 24 is to
be referred to the lost sixty-first book Florus cannot be the authority, as there are details
Op m
i
hominum occidisse
per-
haec enim pactio caedem praecesserat, and occisus est cum libris Marcus Fulvius consularis.
h
i
b e
and
To
note
p.
the
same
lost
book
of Livy
we must
of
refer theIII.
a e d e
25.
Concordiae
136. 25.
facta
est
DCD
p.
See
138.9, the
not a
gives
quattuor
in
et
septuaginta.
Kuhlmann (De veterum historicorum
civitate Dei libro
Augustini
19)
s
primo altero tertio vestigiis, p. refer to Livy the differences between Augustine DCD III. 27 and that of Florus, viz.
de would also
narrative in
Baebiuset
Nu-
mitorius unco tracti sparsis visceribus interirent and In ipsius autem Marii oculis continue feriebantur, quibus salutantibus dexteram porrigere noluisset. Perhaps these differences do neces
sitate the introduction of
would be Livy.
Florus.
This passage
35
Livy
as
is
shown
in
DCD
III. 31
In DCD IV. 20, for Mucius, Curtius and the Decii, Livy must be posited as the source, as Eutropius does not give these details, and Florus does not mention Curtius, while Livy gives them all.
impossible in DCD IV. 23 to say whether Augustine deae (Felicitati) post tot Romanes principes Lucullus aedem constituit
It is
got
book
of
his
which
tells of
subsequent campaigns
In
DCD
V.
18 Augustine
has followed
three different
Livy, Florus and Eutropius, though Kuhlmann cited above p. 6) admits only Livy, and Eutropius: for (work the use of Florus here see note p. 227. 5. In the first part of
authorities
is
Brutus by their father s order, also that of Torquatus son, for Furius Camillus, Mucius, Curtius and Marcus Pulvillus. In
connection
with the
last
Augustine writes
d e d
c a n s
aedem lovis lunonis Minervae (p. 226. and Livy lovis aedes (2.8.6), and Kuhlmann 10) remarks (work cited above p. 6) that Augustine ex sua rerum cognitione Livi verbis lovis aedes addit lunonis Minervae, nam lovis templum ex dextra et sinistra parte lunonis et Minervae cellam habuisse nulli illorum temporum viro docto non notum erat. This seems to be the
last use of
Livy as an authority by Augustine in the first ten books of the City of God. There is, so far as I know, no pas sage in books VI, VII, VIII, IX or X in which there is any
trace of
source
is
Thus the employment of this author as a Livy. limited to the first of the two sections (I-V and VIfirst
X), of the
part of the
DCD
(1-X).
36
7.
PLATO.
mentioned often by Augustine, for which Little need be said about Plato as a see Dombart s index. s knowl source, for it will be shown in the thesis on Augustine
This author
is
edge of Greek that he did not know Plato in the original. His knowledge of Plato was gained from the philosophic dis cussions in the schools of his day and especially from NeoHe had some Latin versions of parts of Plato s platonism.
writings, such as those
made by
Cicero.
general and those of Apuleius added to In reading the City of God his store of knowledge of Plato.
Cicero
works
in
we
very limited use of Plato, though Augustine The references (always in Latin highly of him. speaks as are not frequent nor specially significant, versions) are either commonplaces or mere inferences, or they usually
find after all a
or Apuleius. Possibly specific, come entirely through Cicero he got some knowledge of Plato from the D e P h i 1 osophia of Varro which he knew (BCD XIX 1-3).
if
8.
PLINIUS.
XV.
to
XV. 9, Pliny the elder is mentioned by name in the but in the first ten books the only use of Pliny seems 12; be VIII. 15 (p. 343. 18) qui
dep e
r-
BCD
e n
r,
if
indeed
a
it
is
necessary
to
find
literary
source for so
common
343. 18.
PLOTINUS.
Augustine
the
BCB
as in
relation to Plotinus, which is not so marked in some other works, has been sufficiently worked especially by Grandgeorge and Loesche. All the
s
Plotinus
occurring
in
the
BCB
are given by
to
in
Bombart, except in X. 2 which I have supplied. See note p. 404. 18. Perhaps Augustine had Plotinus in mind also
BCB
V.
ii.
See note
p.
210.31.
37
10.
POMPONIUS.
is
A
ait
certain
Pomponius
mentioned
in
DCD
IV.
16:
ut
Pomponius,
in
It is
but
and probably Augustine did not know him at first hand, found him mentioned in the work of Varro treating
of Murcia.
11.
PORPHYRY.
no doubt that Porphyry is one of the NeoAugustine informs us in his Confessions he platonists read through the Latin version of Victorinus. Porphyry is the chief literary source for the loth book of the DCD. Augustine But in book mentions him in DCD VII. 25 and in VIII. 12.
There
is
whom
X
10,
there
is frequent and extensive use of him; see X. 9, X. X. n, X. 19, X. 21, X. 23, X. 24, X. 26, X. 28, X 29,
X. 30, X. 32.
is
Porphyry
in
mentioned
a n
regressu scripsit m a e X. 29: quos de regressu animae scripsit and X. 32. The fragments or these found in this
the
i
n cum Aegyptium;
X.
:
epistula ad Anebontem
ad
Anebontem
de
part of Augustine are collected in my notes on this book, and in the case of the De regressu animae, I think for the first time. In addition to these works of Porphyry we have evidence in
DCD
In
VII
3.
n that Augus
DCD
X. 21
See note
Euseb.
Praep.
Evang.
4.
23 that the
dicit
in
bonum hominem
is
malus
of
fuerit
ircpl TT?S IK
ante
placatus
a
fragment AoyiW Augustine mentions under its Greek title and gives large extracts from a Latin version in DCD XIX. To this same 23. source Wolff (Porphyrii de philosophia ex oraculis haurienda librorum reliquiae, p. 146) would also refer the fragment in
<iA.o<ro</>ias
the
work which
38
BCD
Christ
X. 26
(p.
442. 14).
ipse
scribis
(DCD
444.
32)
in
regard to
Hunc autem Christum esse non credis; contemnis enim eum propter corpus ex femina acceptum et propter crucis opprobrium (DCD X. 28).
12.
s being acknowledged as divine by the oracles of the heathen may have been the Kara ^pio-riai/wi of Porpyhry also
:
SALLUST.
Sallust
in
the days
was the standard historian taught in the schools of Augustine, compare DCD III. 17: n e q u e
enim gravius vel graviora dicimus auctoribus eorum et stilo et otio multum impares; quibus tamen ediscendis et ipsi elaboraverunt et filios suos elaborare compellunt. Qui autem suscensent, quando me ferrent, si ego dicerem quod Sallustius ait? Augustine s
as an authority presents no difficulty His pessimistic description of the times of which he wrote and his severe censures on the depraved morals of Rome before the introduction of Christianity rendered him a use ful instrument for Augustine to turn against his own country
use
of
Sallust
whatever.
men. Augustine nowhere mentions the historian Tacitus, though it is hard to see how he could have failed to know about him. But Tacitus work was not so well adapted to
his purpose, as the gloomy pictures painted by Tacitus It is belong to times after the introduction of Christianity. strange that Augustine, though he has not made so extensive a use of Sallust as of Livy, mentions the former nearly always by name and quotes him verbatim, while he only twice refers
to Livy by name, and only twice seems to use the exact words of Livy. The reason of this is probably to be found in the fact that the works of Livy were too large and cumbrous for
continuous use.
Kuhlmann (work
cited
above
p. 2)
has tabu-
39
lated the instances of Augustine s use of Sallust s Catiline and Histories. Augustine shows no trace of any use of the Jugurtha.
13.
SENECA
is
twice mentioned
verses
are
cited
DCD.
reference
In
V.
five
107
given
:
by
Dombart.
Here
Again
in
quotes
from
ii
memory
Annaei Senecae
versus.
eo
is
sunt,
VI.
10
nisi
aud VI.
fallor,
hi
libro
(p.
quern
267.9).
no use of Seneca
DCD.
14.
TERTULLIAN
With the writings and views of his fellow-countryman He mentions him in Ep. 190. 4. 14, Augustine was familar. De Haeres. 86, Contra adversarium legis et prophetarum 2. 9. 32, De Genesi ad lit. 25 and 26. De bono viduitatis 4. 6 5. 7,
;
De anima
et
eius origine
2.
5.
9.
:
In the
i,
DCD
Augustine
viz in VII quod faceTertullianus fortasse quam v e r u s S dii eliguntur ut bulbi utique ceteri reprobi iudicantur. Outside this
tius
ait
:
there
is
in
the
DCD.
DCD II. 3 for the vulgare proverbium: Pluvia defit causa Christiani sunt
In
it is
true the nearest approach is in Tertullian, (see note p. 55. 33,) but it is not likely that for the above words Augustine had
in
mind any
we would infer from vulgare pro verbium. Nor is Tertullian required as the source of C a e e s t v r g n in Augustine s knowledge for DCD II. 4 (p. 57. n). Yet he is of service to us here as we
the expression, as
1
learn from
him that this deity was peculiarly African, hence the African Augustine would naturally be acquainted with the rites
of the
Caelestis virgo.
40
i5.
VARRO
The
literary
writings
of
source
for
the
Marcus Terentius Varro are the main fourth, sixth and seventh books.
particularly for Roman mythological relations of the gods and
Augustine
religion,
used
him
the classes
names and
goddesses to one another, their individual functions, their re spective rites and their acts of shame. Sometimes, but not fre In IV. 23 quently, he employs him for Roman history.
DCD
Francken has shown that Varro was Augustine s authority for the story of the refusal of the three gods Mars, Terminus, and luventas to give place to Jupiter when Tarquinius was building Here in opposition to Livy and other authorities the Capitol.
Jupiter
is
Francken (Fragmenta M. Ter. Varronis quae inveniuntur in libris S. Augustmi de civitate Dei. Lugduni-Batavorum 1836), Krahner (Varronis Curio de Cultu Deorum. Neobrandenburg, 1851), Luttgert (Theologumena Varroniana a S. Augustino in iudicium vocata. Sorau, 1859), Schwarz (De Varronis apud sanctos patres vestigiis. Supplementband 16
;
(Quaestiones
Philologie.
Varronianae.
Jahrbucher
fur
classische
Supplementband 24; Leipzig, 1898, p. 5-220 and have so carefully collected and fully annotated the 367-368) fragments of Varro taken from the City of God, that little more can be said. The work of these scholars is of very different merit. That of Luttgert is of little or no conse
quence,
piis
,
bus sua
de
t
as Schwarz says (work given above, p. 438), and Krahner comes next in unimportance. Francken s work is superior to both of these: and Schwarz and Agahd are the most recent and complete authorities. To the work of these editors of the fragments of Varro I would however add the following In DCD IV. 10 (p. 159.
u r
that
of
Cui etiam Phoenices d o num dabant de prostitutione filiarum antequam eas iungerent viris. Varro is ad20) Augustine writes
-
mittedely Augustine s authority throughout this chapter and the succeeding. This raises a presumption in favor of Varronian
Moreover,
when Varro
was treating of Venus what would be more natural for him than to add the piece of information about the practices of It is all the more likely the Phoenicians in regard to Venus ?
that Varro gave this detail about Venus when VII. 19 some such details concerning the
DCD
we P
a
learn from
o e n
and
a
Galli
in their
worship of Saturnus:
dicit
dam pueros
Poenis, sicut a
a
1
quibussi
ei
solitos
immolari
cut
divinationis idem Varro a Persis dicit In DCD IV. 31 (p. 186. 24) Varro evidently a u m
1
knew something
of the customs of Jewish worship, because there he adduces the example of the Jews to prove the truth of his assertion that if the custom of the ancient Romans, of
worshipping the gods sine simulacro, had remained, such worship would have continued purer. In DCD VII. 28
Hinc etiam Samothracum nobilia mysteria in superiore libro sic interprea t u r showing Varro knew the mysteriaof the
Samothracians.
The sum
of the probabilities
is
therefore as follows:
Varro is admittedly the sole source of all traceable (1) information about deities given in this chapter. It is natural that Varro should write this passage as (2) an illustration of the worship of Venus in a non-Roman cult, just as it was his habit to give analogous illustrations for the
worship of the deities in non-Roman cults, as shown above. There is no other source used by Augustine in the (3)
DCD, or elsewhere, so far as I know, where this particular information could have been found.
B.
In addition to the authors whom Augustine mentions as having been used by him there are some others used by him
42
whose names he passes over in silence. Some of these we are able to detect by the language or matter which Augustine has borrowed from them.
i.
FLORUS.
r
Florus with whom he w as quite is uses Florus as a historical source, either alone He familiar. as a principal source, or as coordinate or subordinate to Livy, Eutropius and Cicero.
Chief
among such
Compare
the words in
BCD
III. 19
similior victo
i
fuerit ille qui vie it with Florus Epit. i. 22. similior victo sit populus ille qui vicit: and the words preceding this quotation, qui non tarn narrare bella Romana quam Romanum
evidently
a
r
work
of Florus.
Compare
defuerunt;
detracta
i.
sunt
Thus
22. 23
templis
(p.
the language of both authors proves to us that Augustine had the very words of Florus before him here.
s
command
to
show mercy
at
i.
22. 17)
who
is
the only
exercitus caesi ad hostium satietatem donee Hannibal diceret militi suo parce
f
e r r o
Again in DCD III. 14 compare utriusque comminutio civitatis tergeminis hinc atque inde fratribus with Florus Epit. 3. utrique comminuerentur tregemenis hinc atque inde fratribus. This seems evi
i.
i.
dence enough that Augustine followed Florus for the between the Horatii and the Curiatii.
fight
43
is
not confined
be seen by
2. 9.
comparing
DCD
14.
caput Octavii consulis rostris, Caesares a Fimponeretur bria domibus trucidarentur suis, duo Crassi pater et filius in conspectu mutuo mactarentur, Baebius et Numitorius unco tracti sparsis visceribus interirent, Catulus hausto veneno se manibus inimicorum subtraheret, Merula flamen Dialis praecisis venis lovi etiam suo sanguine litaret. In ipsius autem Marii oculis continuo feriebantur quibus salutantibus dexteram porrigere noluisset. The latter (in Rossbach s text) Octavi consulis caput pro rostris exponitur, Antoni consularis in Mari ipsius men sis. Caesar et Fimbria in penatibus domorum s u
The former reads
in
:
et Numitorium per medium forum unci traxere carnificum. Catulus se ignis haustu ludibrio hostium exemit. Merula flame Dialis in Capitolio lovis oculos venarum cruore r e ipsius spersit. Ancharius ipso vidente Mario confossus est quia fatalem ill am sci licet manum non porrexerat salutanti.
filius B a e -
bium
ri
that
Augustine
had
Florus as
his
authority here, though he differs from him in omitting the death of Antonius, but still more in the last part where Augus
tine has
to death
heightened the effect by^stating that those were put (feriebantur), whose salutation Marius was
On
the
contrary his authority records here only the death of one such, Ancharius, and that because he had not reached out his hand
at
Marius salutation.
Kuhlmann is perhaps right in suggesting that the diffe rences between Augustine and Florus demand the use of another The points of difference pointed out by Kuhlmann historian.
two
Kuhlmann
above
p.
19)
lecto addidisse.
Augustine
authority also in
DCD III. 28. Compare especially obsesso etiam senatu de ipsa curia tamquam de carcere producebantur ad gladium with Florus Epit. 2. 9. 20; obsessaque curia sic de senatu quasi de carcere qui iugularentur educti. Augustine s point of view as well as
words here so strongly resemble those must suppose he had Florus in mind.
his
of Florus that
we
that the words donee Sullae sinendos esse aliquos v suggeretur vere ut essent quibus possent imperare qui vicerant are a reproduction of Horus donee admonente Fufidio v Epit. 9. 25 vere aliquos debere ut essent quibus imperarent? The account of the tabula ilia
Who
will
doubt
2.
(p.
140.
27)
and
d u o
(p.
140.
30)
is
evidently
We
Epit.
2.
see also from a comparison of p. 141, 3-10 with Florus 9. 26-28 that the former was written from the latter:
Quendam
45
discerpere cadaver abiectum. Alius oculis effossis et particulatim membris amputatis in tantis cruciatibus diu vivere vel potius diu mori coactus est. Subhastatae sunt etiam, tamquam villae, quaedam nobiles civitates; una vero velut unus reus duci iuberetur sic tota iussa est trudicari (Augustine). Baebium sine ferro ritu ferarum inter manus lancinatum, Marium, ducis ipsius fratrem, apud Catuli sepulchrum oculis effosis, manibus cruribusque effractis servatum aliquandiu ut per singula membra moreretur. Possis singulorum hominum ferre poenas; municipia Italiae splendidissima sub h-asta venierunt: Spoletium Tnteramnium Praeneste Florentia. Nam Sulmonem vetus oppidum socium atque amicum facinus indignum non expugnat aut obsidet iure belli; sed quo modo morte d a m nati duci iubentur, sic damnatam civitatem iussit Sulla deleri. (Florus) We thus see how closely Augustine has followed the
language and the sentiment of Florus. Only Augustine
is
more
general and indefinite, omitting the names of the victimised persons and .cities (giving general words instead, like q u e n -
dam,
As
alius,
will
quaedam civitates,
p.
una)
227. 5
Augustine had
addition to Eutropius in the account of Quintius Cincinnatus, BCD V. 18. V. 22 Eutropius is the authority used by Augus yet in this chapter he has either made a slip about the numbers given by Eutropius or has consciously set him aside
In
BCD
tine,
i.
21.
b e
234. 13).
in
the
alii
scrip-
tores eorum
defection! solis addunt etiam subitam tempestatem, BCD III. 15 and perhaps also de manubiis Capito(p. 117. 8); e m a b r c a n u m (p. 118. 8) is taken from Florus de manubiis captarum urbium i. 7) (Epit.
i
i.
templum erexit:
In
i.
55. 7.
BCD BCB
III.
20
Florus has
authority
when Augustine writes octavo vel nono a Poenis mense deleta est. See note p. 130. 10.
In
IV.
5
Florus (Epit
writing
2.
8.
3)
is
perhaps Augus
paucissimi gladiatores in Campania de ludo fugientes tres duces habuerunt. This is all the
tine s
authority
for
more
likely
if
Florus
is
of the events of
Roman
Augustine s authority for the epitome history found in BCB III. 26.
found
and
fifth
EUTROPIUS.
That the work of this epitomiser was well known to Augus we have abundant evidence. Eutropius is used much as Florus is, but somewhat more as an independent source, even to the extent of preferring some of his statements to those both of Livy and Florus. For similarity of language between the two authors com pare BCB. III. 15 in oppido Tusculo
tine
Romae
vicino quattuordecim, ut fertur, annos privatam vitam quietus habuit etcum uxore consenuit, which is almost a quotation from Eutropius (Brev. i. n): Tusculum se contulit quae civitas non longe ab urbe est, atque
per
ibi
quattuordecim
o
annos privatus
In addition to the verbal
cum uxore
onsen
u it.
47
two extracts, Eutropius has been only authority for two statements given
:
quattuordecim
consenuit.
Specially noteworthy V. 18 (p. 226.21)
annos
is
and
cum
uxore
BCD
tenere volentibus respondisse fertur, postea quam Afris servierat, dignita tem illichonesti civis haberenon posset, and Eutropius (Brev. 2.25) offerentibus Romanis ut eum Romae tenerent, negavit se in ea urbe mansurum, in qua postquam Afris honesti civis servierat, dignitatem habere non posset. Augustine had Eutropius before
his eyes while writing this passage.
alii
no doubt he includes him among the For the manner of the 117.8). (p.
Numa Pompilius, Ancus Marcius, Tarquinius Priscus and Servius Tullius in this same chapter the authority
death of
is
also Eutropius.
Augustine has also chosen to follow this epitome in oppo statement of the duration of the
ferme
119. 8),
et
though
ferme
of Augustine.
authority may be traced in the list of consuls of the year subsequent to the expulsion of the kings, III. 16, though Augustine has here corrected the praenomen of
The same
DCD
Valerius
given
u
s
u b
9.
to
in
DCD
V.i8 he has preserved the error of Eutropius. I have already shown (p. 31), as opposed to the view of Kuhlmann, that I do not regard tres modios anu-
of Eutro-
48
plus; and that Augustine has not merely reproduced the of Eutropius, but has followed him as sole authority for
words
t r
e s
o d
s.
the source
also
af
DCD
no doubt whatever about the authority for the DCD V. 18. The remarkable similarity of part here between Eutropius (Brev. 2. 25) and Augustine language
There
is
latter
of
of the
from
a
1
in subject
matter,
found
in the
words L
e-
rium qui
227.2).
4)
in two mistakes, first, giving for the praeValerius, second, by making Valerius die during his consulship, both of which are in direct contradiction to Livy.
even
Lucius
nomenof
Another
Eutropius b e (i.e.
i
instance
of
is
in e
1
1
an
o
error
Italic
o)
annus finem
dedit.
See note
p.
234.13.
promissa etiamquartaparte
of Pyrrhus to Fabricius 227. 12) (p. was Augustine s only authority, unless this occurred Eutropius in the lost thirteenth book of Livy. He has also had Eutro before him for DCD V. 22, as will be seen from the notes pius
i
g n
the
offer
on
p.
234.
It will
pius that
Kuhlmann
not correct
when he
p. 19): Praecipue trium veterum historicorum vestigia in Augustini de civitate Dei libroprimo altero tertio cognoscuntur: C. Sallustii Crispi, Titi Livi, luliFlor omitting Eutropius, and again (on p. Uno tantum loco alterain c. 20.) 3. 15 parte conscribenda, ubi quomodo reges
above
1.
49
Roman! mortui sint brevissime complectendum erat, Eutropius videtur Augustino ob oculos fuisse; itemque sub finem
c.
18
DCD
S
1.
secutus
AUGUSTINE
est.
METHOD
EMPLOYMENT OF
LIVY, FLORUS
AND
EUTROPIUS.
In regard to Augustine s manner of employment of Livy, -For Florus and Eutropius a few words more may be said. lists and epitomes of events of Roman history, and for ac
counts of distinguished Romans, he seems to have employed Florus and Eutropius whenever they gave the information which he required, evidently because their works were briefer
and more handy for such reference than the long and detailed He shows, however, such an extensive account of Livy. of Livy s history that we may not doubt that, even knowledge in such cases, he knew the account of Livy, which he did not When the information Augustine sought was always follow. not to be found in Florus or Eutropius, or found in them in complete or otherwise not suited to his purpose, he had re
course to Livy.
what has been said we may observe that Florus was used DCD JII. 14 for the account of the mutual of Romans and Albans, the fight of the Horatii and slaughter Curiatii, and for the death of the sister of the surviving Horatius. Perhaps also the list in DCD III. 26 is from Florus, although the details given at the end of the chapter do not seem to be taken from Florus. We have shown already that
of
in
As examples
the
list
victoria Mariana
in
DCD
III. 27
Somewhat more
for such recapitulations; compare ner of the deaths of the kings: III. 16
DCD
(
a d
for
the
consuls
of
the
year
qui
consules
quinque
50
h a b u
of the
perhaps also for the alterations in the boundary state in the times of Hannibal, Hadrian and lulianus respectively (BCD IV. 29). Certain examples are found in DCD V. 18 where Eutroi
Roman
employed
Regu-
lus, Z. Valerius, Quintius Cincinnatus and Fabricius; and in V. 22 for the enumeration of the different wars and their
DCD
respective periods of duration. Livy has been put the same service
Eutropius did not give the needed or suitable information, e. g. in I. 23 what is related of Cato Uticensis, Torqua-
DCD
and Caesar was evidently taken from a portion of Livy now lost. Livy was employed for the events given in DCD II. 17, the details of which are not given by the other writers, and for the list of prodigies in II. 24 and II. 25, not found in Florus
tus
or Eutropius.
DCD
III. 17
and
III.
18
use of Livy in such a case is found has been (p. 123-128); where he
and conspectus of events of from the death of the consul Valerius until history the beginning of the second Punic war, also in chapter 19 and 20 along with other authorities and in chapter 21 as the authority for the list of events; and again in DCD III. 24 and III. 31 and in DCD IV. 20 for the bravery of Mucius, Curtius and the Decii father and son.
employed
Roman
3.
LACTANTIUS.
in
Lactantius
I
is
mentioned by name
DCD
XVIII.
23,
and
think there are three traces of a use of his writings in the first ten books of the City of God. For example, for the state
ment made
in
DCD
IX. i:
ita
ut
(Div.
a b
ipsum lovem
Inst.
4.
nuncupatum,
must be the source
i
27.
15)
is
really
found
in
language
ab
Homero fateantur
Homer, except by
mean
meant
If Augustine had that he got it from Homer himself. to imply direct Homeric authority or even the indirect
Homerus
In
(ipse) fateatur
IX.
20
pression.
DCD
Daemones
scientia
tur
ab
enim dicunnominati
2.
is
-
14. 6)
d a e
s.
The words
alios
damnabiles
appellat
quos
(DCD
X.
et
9)
maleficos
Inst.
2.
vulgus
et
ii
4)
quos
that
it
vere
maleficos
vulgus appellat
have had
in
4.
mind Lactantius
at this place.
JUVENAL.
in
Juvenal
is
not mentioned
16
diis
iratis
in
(DCD
II.
to give a strong
presumption that here Augustine had fruitur dis Juvenal (Sat i. 49) another Marius. See note p. 85. 23.
In addition to
all
of
iratis
used of
no doubt others
whom we
as
aliae
IV.
6).
fideliores
lit
chronicam historian!
per-
secuti sunt
(DCD
Another literary source used by Augustine was the letter of Alexander the Great to his mother Olympias. This is treated of in the note on p. 327. 25.
CONSPECTUS
SHOWING ALL THE LITERARY SOURCES
(Except the Bible)
Civitate Dei.
BOOK
PREFACE.
Virgil once cited.
I.
CHAPTER
i
None.
Incidental use of Virgil, Horace, Cicero (or Ennius).
Sallust only.
2-4
5
7-11
12
T
Livy almost entirely Virgil once used incidentally. None. Slight use of Lucan, and Cicero (?) None. Aulus Gellius used once. Livy and Cicero. None. Livy and Virgil None.
Cicero.
chiefly Livy.
14
15
1
6- 18
19
20-21
22
23-24 25-29
30-33
34
Unknown
.
an error.
35-36
None.
first
S3
BOOK
CHAPTER
1-4
5
II.
None.
Livy. Persius, and perhaps an F u g a 1 i a ).
unknown source
(for
both incidental.
8
9
T
None.
o
u
12-13
14
v 15
1
17 18
Cicero and Labeo Varro and Livy. Cicero and Livy. Sallust and Livy
Sallust,
Sallust.
chiefly Cicero.
chiefly Livy.
Livy,
alii
scriptores
chiefly
None.
Cicero once.
Sallust, Cicero,
20
21
Ennius
chiefly Cicero.
22
Sallust
and Livy
23
Livy.
24-5
26
27 28
29
BOOK
CHAPTER
i
III.
None.
Virgil,
2 ~3
Homer,
Sallust,
4
5
Varro only.
Livy.
CHAPTER
6
None.
Livy Virgil once. Livy, Varro, Cicero
;
7-8
9
chiefly Livy.
10
11
12
13 14
Livy and Virgil chiefly Livy. Livy and Varro. chiefly Livy. Livy, Lucan and Virgil Florus, Livy, Sallust and Virgil chiefly Florus and
Livy.
Cicero,
15
Livy,
Virgil
chiefly
Sallust,
Eutropius
chiefly Eutropius
and Livy.
17
Sallust, Livy,
Varro
chiefly Sallust
and Livy.
18
19
Livy only.
chiefly Florus and Livy. Livy, Florus, Eutropius Livy and Florus chiefly Livy.
20
21-22
23
Livy only.
None
Livy.
Florus
(?)
24
25
chiefly Livy.
26
27
Livy only.
Cicero, Lucan, Florus, Livy
chiefly Florus.
28-29
30
31
Livy
Thus there
Virgil once. are four principal literary sources in the third book Livy, Florus, Eutropius and Cicero.
BOOK
CHAPTER
1
IV.
Varro.
4
5
Florus or Eutropius
(?)
or Livy
(?)
55
CHAPTER.
6-7
lustinus
(Trogum Pompeium
secutus),
some unknown aliae fideliores lit ter a e and some unknown qui chroni-
sunt.
Varro
Varro.
chiefly
Virgil twice.
1215
x
None.
Varro, Cicero, Livy
chiefly Cicero
16-19
20
and Livy.
21-24
25
Varro only.
None.
Cicero, Varro, Livy.
26
27
Varro only.
None.
28
^.
29
30
31-32
33-34
BOOK
PREFACE
None.
V.
CHAPTER
i
None.
Cicero only.
2-3
4
5
None
Cicero.
6-7
8
None.
9-10
1 1
None.
Sallust,
12
Cicero, Virgil
chiefly Sallust
and
Virgil.
13
14-17
18
Eutropius,
Florus
chiefly
Eutropius.
19
and unknown.
56
CHAPTER.
20
21
Cicero only.
Unknown.
Eutropius and Florus None.
chiefly Eutropius.
22
23-24
25-26
None, partly Claudianus and Cicero. Cicero is the chief single source for the
and
next
to
him
come
Livy,
Florus.
BOOK
PREFACE
VI.
AND CHAPTER
1
None
3-9 10-11
12
Varro
is
book.
BOOK
PREFACE
None.
VII.
CHAPTER
1
4-8
9 10
and Tertullian.
only. and Sallust
chiefly Varro.
only.
Virgil once.
None.
11-12
13-24
25 26
27
None
Virgil
Varro.
the
history
of
and
i
Euhemerus
q u a
Ennius
q u
u
in
Latinum vertit
elo-
57
CHAPTER.
28-30
31-32 33-35
Varro.
None.
Varro only.
In the seventh book, as in the preceding, principal source.
Varro
is
the
BOOK
CHAPTER
i
VIII.
None.
Cicero.
2-4
5
Letter of Alexander the Great to his mother Olympias, and Varro and Cicero.
6-13
14
15
Cicero
(?)
Labeo
(?)
writers
on Neoplatonism.
and Pliny
(?)
16
17
18-26
27
Great
to
his
mother
Olympias.
Apuleius book.
is
BOOK
CHAPTER
i
IX.
Lactantius.
Apuleius.
Cicero, Aulus Gellius, Virgil.
Apuleius only.
Sallust.
10
Plotinus.
11-13
14-15
16
17
1
None.
58
CHAPTER
19
Labeo.
Lactantius.
20
21-22
23
None.
Cicero (in his translation of Plato DCD XIII. 16).
s
Timaeus, see
is
So also
the principal
BOOK
CHAPTER
1
X.
Cicero.
4-5
6
None.
Cicero
(?)
7-8
9
None.
Lactantius, Porphyry, Apuleius
chiefly Porphyry,
lo-n
12-13
14
1
1
Porphyry only.
None.
Plotinus.
None.
Plotinus, Varro, Lucan, Livy
chiefly Varro.
17-18
19 20
21
22
None.
Porphyry. None.
Virgil once,
and Porphyry.
None.
Porphyry. None.
Porphyry.
Apuleius, Porphyry, Virgil.
23-24
25
26
27
28-29
30
31
Porphyry.
32
Porphyry.
Porphyry
in
of Victorinus
is
59
the composition of Books I V, full of historical we see that Augustine employed principally Livy, Salcolor, lust, Florus, Eutropius, Cicero (chiefly for history), Labeo and At the close of the fifth book he dropped these Virgil. authors and took up for the philosophical-mythological books VI X a different set composed of Apuleius, Plotinus, Porphyry, Plato (in incomplete versions and from general
In
knowledge) and Cicero (chiefly im philosophy). Varro has been used in both divisions, but chiefly in the latter; and Aug-ustine
naturally deals with only the second part of Varro s great as suiting his the sixteen books De Rebus Divinis work
theme.
Augustine
exceptions
Note also that long lists and brief epitomes are to be found largely in the first five books. Of course Augustine uses the Latin Bible freely, both in
the Vulgate and Itala. But these Biblical sources are so plain that they need no discussion here, and, moreover, nearly all the instances have been italicized and identified in Dombart s
expressions are merely suggested by Biblical but I have noted one citation which Dombart has language, overlooked noster praef. p. 3. 18,
edition.
:
Some
Deusadiutor
9.
e s t
is
6o
DEI.
A. D. 354. D. 410.
Rome
by Alaric.
Orosius
anno itaque ab
(BE
vol.
promise to write.
Book I written and perhaps issued sep Before 415. arately as a timely short answer to the p a g a n i Augus tine calls it a not a liber, at its end
.
v o
minis
At the
as
(p.
146. 29).
first
three books
treatise:
quorum tres
priores
edidissem coepissent
et in
(p.
241. 10).
In this year Augustine added Books IV and A. D. 415. V to the first three already issued, as he states in his letter to Evodius written at the end of that year: tribus
nam
.
.
illis
libris
disputatum
By
the author
arbitror,
etc.
books are
s eyes, constitute the first com section of a developed plan, which is to be completed pleted by adding a similar second section (which becomes Books
first
book:
necessarium existimant cultum deorum suorum, propter quam vitam Christiani sumus. His libro primo polliciti sumus refers to Postremo adversus eos dicetur
Deinceps dicendum est sicut primo libro polliciti sumus adversus eos qui propter vitam post mortem futuram
6i
52. 16).
When his second section of five books After A. D. 415. completed, making ten books in all, he asserts with apparent inconsistency, that he will go on to complete his promise in
is
the
first
book by writing
de
duarum civitatum,
et
exortu
et
procursu,
the
debitis finibu
the subject matter of the next twelve books which constitute the rest of the De Civitate Dei (p. 460.32). Such a promise does
first book, but in such a way as to suggest mind an additional discussion complementary The contra to his original theme (DCD. I. 35, p. 51. 25.) In Book I he did have diction is apparent rather than real. but incidentally, and the thought of his greater task in mind X was in suspense until his definitely mapped first treatise I Then the suggestion of the latter treatise worked out.
indeed occur
in
that he had in
fuller form.
The second
part of the
De
XI-XXII)
gives scarcely any information measuring the progress of the There are three sections of four books each. composition.
At the very opening (p. 462. 4-14) he merely reaffirms what he had written at the end of book X, and starts in his first section
of four books:
tatum.
there
is
At the end
(XI-XIV)
(II p. 57)
no analysis or summary, and he passes on without comment to his second section (XV-XVII). At the end of the second section he states that he has been arguing
quisnam
cursus
The
sit
duarum civitatum
final)
ex
his
(II. p.
section:
percipiat unaof
deliberation, as though the author had rested after his weari some progress and retired into his thoughts for a fully consid
ered
last
effort
as
he
comes
tQ the
consummation, that
it
62
/
seems necessary to suppose he did not pass currente a m o from the second to the third section, but took a breathing space more than days no doubt but whether weeks or months, none can say just a literary pause, enough to hold in the reins and look around before essaying the last
c a
1
dash.
The eighteenth book seems to have been finished shortly before 425 A. D., as may be argued from per triginta
ferme annos in its last chapter (Dombart II. 345. i.). This leaves only a short time for Augustine to hasten to the end, and the increasing speed of this final section when com pared with the more labored earlier parts, is plain to every
reader.
When
debitum ingentis huius operis adiuvante Domino reddidisse, and so on to Amen. his concluding emphatic Amen.
A. D. 426-427.
of
his
work
after the
first
can set no exact dates for the stages five books. His Retractations,
however, written A. D. 426-427, mention the De Civitate as a completed and revised work (II. cap. 43) and give an analy
sis.
Augustine says:
Quod opus me
tenuit per
aliquot annos, apparently not feeling quite certain It was written between 410 and of the exact number of years.
426-427, apparently after the letter of Marcellinus We may therefore take 412-426 as the outer limits of
position.
in
its
412.
com
A. F. WEST.
II.
ANNOTATIONS ON BOOKS
I.-X.
refers to the
(The pair of
BOOK
I.
Page
i,
line
3.
Roma Gothorum
sub rege
A
1
irrupc o
.
. . .
tione
agentium
a r
eversa est.
Rome was burned and
410,
after the third
in
siege in
to
Augustine
his
in
Sermones ad populum,
the
fall
10,
(works
Rome also notices referring the pagan charge that this calamity was due to the Chris
BE,
vol. 5)
of
tians.
2)
sus
pidam Romam
p
i
Paganos
.
37-40,
the
Adest Alaricus,
date (chapter 40)
treD.
obsidet, turbat,
irrum-
Orosius gives
as 410 A.
anno itaque ab urbe condita MCLX1III, irruptio urbis per Alaricum facta est.
Opposite positions have been taken by different scholars as to Augustine s attitude to the fall of the Roman empire, some asserting that as a patriot he showed the most intense sym
pathy, others that as a Christian^apologist he was utterly in Ozanam (History of Civilization different to the catastrophe.
in
Eng. trans, vol. i. p. 22): "But the catastrophe which terrified the whole world afforded no aston ishment to St. Augustine, whether his great genius was less bound by an antique patriotism, or whether love had raised
the Fifth Century,
it
to calmer heights, he
was able
in
to
glance
vol.
i.
the
portentous
169)
"If
events around
Gregorovius,
Rome
the
Jerome)
cal
express
of
the
consciousness of
the
ancient politi
greatness
is
Rome,
heart
of
African
Augus
touched by no such considerations. The greatest genius among the theologians of the Roman church was only intoxicated with enthusiasm at the victory of Christianity."
tine
65
McCabe (St. Augustine and his Age p. 298) "The truth is that Augustine had scarcely a spark of human sympathy with The sermon (De urbis excidio), the disasters of Rome.
which he preached on the receipt of the news, expresses only On the an eagerness to draw spiritual profit from the event other hand as opposed to these three citations we have the
"
opinions of Dill
tine
is
(Roman
i,
chap.
Roman
"
He is, after all, a guilty of a patriotic inconsistency. He is proud of the great past of Rome, at heart.
which had given her her place in the and E. de Pressense s article on St. Augustine (in Dic tionary of Christian Biography): "The effect which his elo quence produces is all the greater because we feel that Christian as he is, he remains still a citizen. Christianity has not inspired him with a selfish contempt of human sufferings, under the pretext that they form part of the plan mapped out
and
of the qualities
world;
in
prophecy.
He mourns
him the destinies of the City of God:" "A recent French and that mentioned by McCabe (p. 298) writer ingeniously concludes that Augustine s soul was rent by the news of the fall of Rome, but he avoided the subject in
tears do not conceal from
:
we must
Augustine
3,
conflicting himself.
sets
of
opin
Compare
De
tiata sunt; strages facta, incendia, rapinae, interfectiones, excruciationes hominum: verum est, multa audivimus, omnia gemuimus, saepe flevimus, vix
consolati sumus; non abnuo, non nego multa nos audisse, multa in ilia urbe
e s s e
c o
m m
of
s s
In
2.
4,
he
speaks
fall
of of
the
insignificance
Rome with compared compara ad Gehenna m, et leve est omne quod cogithe
at the sufferings eternal punishment,
tas.
Hie temporalis,
ibi
aeternus
est,
66
et qui
torquet
et qui
torjquetur.
He
also
shows the necessity of repentance, and that God did not treat
He concludes the city as it deserved, but in a sense spared it. with the lesson of the utility of temporal tribulation. Compare
Sermo
Sed non dicat de Roma, O, si taceat de Roma: insultator sim, et nonpotius quasi ego Domini deprecator, et vester qualiscunque exhortator. Absit a me ut n sultem. Avertat Deus a corde meo et Ibi m u a dolore conscientiae meae. tos fratres non habuimus? non adhuc habemus? Portio perigrinantis lerusal-em civitatis non ibi magna degit?
105.
9.
12,
These words would seem to imply that his hearers, or some one, had accused him of using words of indifference or of insult (quasi ego insultator) over the disasters of Rome. It is most remarkable that in the whole City of God there is
not one really sympathetic reference adequate to the greatness It is true of the calamities caused by the fall of Rome. above from the De urbis excidio in -the passage cited
cites
DCD
to
"proud
Rome and
world,"
omnibus artibus tamquam vera via nisi sunt ad honores imperium gloriam;
honorati sunt in omnibus fere gentibus, imperii sui leges inposuerunt multis gentibus perceperunt mercedem
s
DCD
u a
m
in
cover
of
but Augustine had no such sentiment that I can dis He was indeed both proud and regard to her present.
tender as he thought of the ancient civic and moral grandeur Rome, despite her paganism. Compare his exhortation in
6;
DCD
o
II.
29:
oindolesRomana
laudabilis,
progenies Regulorum Scaevolarum Tune Scipionum Fabriciorum; enim tibi gloria popularis adfuit Expergiscere, dies est, sicut experrecta es inquibusdam
.
the
chapter).
Professor
Dill
also
refers
without
would
most
words.
We
view
:
give
I
1
which
i
own
unus verus Deus, qui nee iudicio nee adiutorio deserit genus humanum, quando voluit et quantum voluit Romanis r e g num dedit, qui dedit Assyriis vel etiam
P
e r s
i
In
is
present? They seem to put Rome only on the same plane with Assyria and Persia; yet it is not unpatriotic, but like
Rudyard Kipling
in
passionate
.
his
Recessional
a c
a e
face of so great a calamity as the of the mistress of the world. This is emphasised by the
u
in
Augustine
in
(works
BE
vol.
col.
1086)
a g
gredi volui
ipso
dictandi
exordio ita animus meus Occidentalium provinciarum, et maxime urbis Romae vastatione confusus est ut, iuxta v u gare proverbium, proprium q uoque ignorarem vocabulum; diuque tacui, sciens tempus esse lacrimarum; also Ep. Proh nefas! orbis terrarum ruit; 128. 4: in nobis peccata non ruunt. Urbs n clita et Romani imperil caput, uno hausta est incendio. Nulla est regio quae non exules Romanos habeat. In cineres ac favillas sacrae quondam ecclesiae conciderunt
1
68
must also remember that Jerome did not write any work called forth by the fall of Rome, in which he might great more fitly embody his thoughts.
We
1.6
The name p
as a
synonym
use
:
for
g
d e
e n t e s
or
gentiles
previously.
was
common
at
this
i
time and
even
i
Compare Jerome
Ps. 41
q u
p a g a n
Of the twenty-two books under the title of De Civitate which Dei, it is really only the second part (Books XI. -XXII. The first part sense. treats of the de civitate Dei in the strict
This (Books I.-X.y deals mainly with the tcrrena civitas. himself incongruity about the name of the work Augustine Ita noticed and explained viginti et
:
omnes
duo libri, cum sicut de utraque civi tate conscripti, titulum tamen a m e u liore acceperunt, ut de civitate Dei p o
t
i
v o c a
i.
r e
u r
(p.
2.
6).
10.
e n u
i
a n n o
me
De
See Prof. A.
Civitate Dei, p
3.
F.
West
of the
60.
rn
10.
Gloriosissimam civitate
of
Ps.
86.
Dei.
civi
An echo
this
work
te,
in
tas Dei.
the very in the ancient manner, occurs in similar words opening words, at the opening of the second part:
Civitatem Dei
(DCD XI
fili
i.)
3.
17.
carissime Marcelline.
He was brother of He was first com
Apringius who became proconsul of Africa. mended by Jerome to Augustine for the elucidation of some
69
questions which were troubling him, and was kindly received by Augustine, between whom and Marcellinus we have extant
a considerable correspondence, especially with reference to Volus anus, the friend of Marcellinus, whom the latter was very
:
eager
tian
for
faith.
preside
to persuade to embrace the Chris Marcellinus was also appointed by Honorius to over the conference between the Donatists and
Augustine
conduct was admired by Augustine. (Compare Augustine, Ep. 141, Cod. Theod. 16. ii. Marinus, after the revolt, defeat and death of 5).
Catholics,
in
which capacity
his
Heraclian, seized and imprisoned Marcellinus on the charge and then caused
In Retract.
2.
De
Spiritu et
lit-
151, 166. et
4. 13.
multi vero
in
earn tantis
e x a r
descunt ignibus odiorum tamque manifestis beneficiis redemptoris eius n ingrati sunt, ut hodie contra earn non moverent, nisi ferrum hostile guas fugientes in sacratis eius locis vitam invenirent.
1
i
See Orosius, Adv. Paganosy. 39. a d e s t Alaricus, trepidam Romam obsidet turbat irrumpit, dato tamen praecepto
i
:
prius,
ut
in
si
qui
in
sancta loca
sanctorum apostolorumPetri
prae-
e r e n
Augustine
BCD
I.
ad
(p.
5.
26) challenges
ditam
i
Romam
i
vel ab
p e r
and see
if
aliquem ducem
70
praecepisse, ut inrupto nullus feriretur, qui in illo vel oppido illo templo fuisset inventus. Compare also De urbis excidio sermo 7. 7: multi in locis sanetis
barbarorum
sunt.
5.30. aliquem ducem barbarorum prae cepisse ut inrupto oppido nullus feri
retur qui
That
in
illo
vel
illo
templo fuisset
inventus.
Augustine
or
in
ignorantly, gans, very thoughtlessly, is evident. editors point this out in the note
the
has written these words either very heat of the conflict against the pa
Even
on
his
Benedictine
place
this
which
Herculis confugerant, Alexandrum p e percisse. De Agesilao etiam Xenophon in A g et lib. 4 de rebus Grae(cap. 2) c o r u m Plutarchus (cap. 19) e t (cap. 3), Emilius Probus in Agesilao (cap. 4) n a r rant ipsum, Atheniensibus et Boeotiis
.
Augustinum praetierunt nonnulla huius rei litteris Graecis et Latinis consignata exempla. Nam refert Arrianus lib. 2 de rebus gestis Alexandri iis qui in templum (cap. 24) capta Tyro,
reads
:
eorumque sociis
devictis,
n o
1
in
e
pugna Coroneam
laedi
qui
in
i,s s
eos
se
Minervae templum
8. 9.
receperant.
To
cordatos homines.
The only instance of the word cordatos in the DCD. It savors of Ennius, but Augustine probably got it from Cicero, who quotes it from Ennius in egregie cordat
t
u
u
s s
.
homo
. .
.
Ennio dictus
it,
egregie corda-
(De Re pub. 1.18.30). whom were read and the former in cordatus
of
homo
tive
form
cordatiorem
word
Augustine
of
also
the
viri cordati
Job. 34.10, which is the vulgate rendering, but cordati was not found in the Itala, which gave prudentes
c o r d e
.
9. 31.
(C. A. K. F.)
read Cato in this passage, though the words quoted here from
Hoffmann
(page 10)
Caesar.
Dombart and Sallust Cat. 51 are from a speech of Caesar. retain the reading of the MSS., and the former adds
tractat.
eruditis nonnunquam contingit, memoria lapsus est, aut Sallustio usus vario
sive
The Benedictine editors emend it, reading Augustine is evidently either in error here or had a different reading in his text of Sallust, as the Bened. note states si in eo Augustinus, quod
Quod
mendoso. Marcus Marcellus, qui Syracuii. i. e sas....cepit, refertur earn prius visse ruituram et ante eius sanguinem
f
1
suas
....
d
i
illi
See Livy
c
i
subiectam oculis
t
Val.
Max.
5.1.4:
mentia quam clarum quamque memorabile exemplum haberi debet, qui captis ab se Syracusis in arce earum constitit,
ret:
potuit.
Florus
was defended by
omits details.
4.52.115. Livy
is
72
laret
occur verbatim
Livy 25.25.7,
the only authority for this statement, and the source of Augustine s account.
ii.
Fabius, Tarentinae urbis eversimulacrorum depraedatione se sor, abstinuisse laudatur. Nam cum ei scriba
ii.
continentiam suam etiam iocando condivit Relinquamus, inquit, Tarentinis deos iratos.
fieri iuberet,
.
This Fabius was the famous Q. Fabius Maximus Cunctator. Augustine derives the story from Livy, who appears to be the
only authority for the details here given.
u s
praeda
abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, qui interroganti scribae quid fieri signis vellet...deos iratos Tarentinis relinu s s t Here q u Marcellus and Fabius.
i i i
.
Livy suggests
the
comparison
of
16.
12.
is
h u
a n u
dies
"
This
man
day"
a distinctly Christian expression. hu Literally or "the day of man," the opposite of dies
Domini,
ment."
and so usually
"human
life,"
"man
"or
Thus
i
aut ab
Cor. 4.3.
p e c u
1
humano
t
die
s judg by man s
judgment,"
16. 29.
o r e s
"Watchmen"
in
the Vulgate.
Paulinus noster, Nolensis e p is copus, opulentissimo divite voluntate pauperrimus... .quando et ipsam Nolam barbarivastaverunt, cum ab eis teneretur, sic in corde suo, ut ab eo
-
ex
73
Dopostea cognovimus, precabatur mine, non excrucier propter aurum et argentum, ubi en im sint omnia mea,
:
s
is
This
a b
in
e o
postea cognovimus).
353
and after having spent many years in the services of the world, during which he enjoyed high civil honors, he accepted Chris He then gave up public life and tianity and was baptised 389. visited Florence, where he met Ambrose, and Rome, where he met Pope Siricius. Thence he passed to Nola and was ap
This office he faithfully discharged 409. which took place in 431. Of his writings we To him also is have extant his Epistulae and Poemata. This is the only attributed in the MSS. the Passio S. Genesii. place in the DCD where Augustine quotes the oral words of a Elsewhere he refers to him and had a consid contemporary.
pointed bishop
in
erable correspondence with him. Ep. 27 is addressed to linus and is full of his praises. Ep. 186.12.39:
Pau
Fragrant
i
cum
certis is highly probable that the same the source of the information given above by Augustine. Hodgkin says (Italy and her Invaders, vol. i, p. 806), "We
testibus
74
hear incidentally of one captured town, Nola, which had re sisted Hannibal when flushed with his great success at Cannae, but which apparently did not delay the victorious march of
Alaric,"
23. 2.
e t
i
Compare Socrates reply to his friends in regard to his burial in the death scene at the close of the Phaedo. See also
Cic. Tusc. 1.43.102-104 for the reply of
to crucify him,
inquit,
s t
puratis tuis; Theodori quidem nihil interest humine an sublime putescat; and for the story of Diogenes proici se iussit inhumatum. Turn amici: volucribusne et feris? M n m e vero, inquit, s e d bacillum propter me quo abigam ponitote Q u poteris? illi, n o n enim sen. ties Quid igitur mini ferarum laniatus oberit nihil sentienti? and the reply of
:
Anaxagoras to his friends enquiry whether he wished to be removed to his native Clazomenae si quid acci-
disset:
v
i
est.
Sunt quidem et alia quae sancti 24. 15. patriarchae de corporibus suis velcondendis vel transferendis prophetico spiritu dicta intelligi voluerunt. For condendis compare the directions given by Jacob Gen. 49- 2 9, sepelite me cum patribus meis in spelunca duplici quae est in agro Ephron Hethaei, and for transfe
rendis the directions of Joseph Gen. 50.24, a s p ossa mea vobiscum de loco isto.
o
r t
75
25. 9-
dunt Arionem Methymnaeum, nobilissimum citharistam, cum esset deiectus e navi, exceptum delphini dorso et ad
terras esse pervectum.
The earliest mention of this story occurs in Hdt. 1.23, 24. Herodotus relates how Arion stood on board and played be fore those who coveted his money, and how when he ceased they threw both him and his ia6dpa into the sea and TOV S*.
ScA^iva XeyovcTL VTro\a/36vTOL
^VtKat
CTTI
TcuVapov.
Augustine, however, hardly went to Herodotus for it. Nor could he well get it from Cicero, who only once (Tusc.
2.27.67)
refers
piat vel
Arion:
naeum.
Compare Ovid
have no doubt that Augustine the story from Aulus Gellius, whose writings he refers to got in the BCD IX.4. See N. A. 16. 19 where Gellius gives it on the
also gives a full account.
But
fabulam scripsit Hero dotus super fidicine illo Arione. 21. Marcus Regulus, imperator 25. populi Romani Captivus apud Carthaginienses fuit. Qui cum sibi mallent a Romanis suos reddi qua in eorum tenere captives ad hoc impetrandum etiam istum praecipue Regulum cum legatis suis Romam miserunt, prius iuratione constrictum si quod volebant minime peregisset rediturum esse Carthagin e m n senatu contraria persuasit
authority of Herodotus
:
.
....Nee
post hanc
hostes redire compulsus est. ..At illi eum excogitatis atque horrendis cruciatibus necaverunt. Inclusum quippe angusto ligno, ubi stare cogeretur, clavisque acutissimis undique confixo a m vigilando peremerunt. t
ad
.
t
r
persuasionem
suis
76
There were many sources of information at hand in See Livy regard to Regulus which Augustine might consult.
non posset impetrare, de commutadis captivis ageret, sed iure iurando a d strictus rediturum se Carthaginem si commutari captivos non placuisset, utrumque negandi auctor senatui fuit, et cum fide custodita reversus esset, supplicio a Carthaginiensibus de eo
-
sumpto
Brev.
i.
perit.
i.
i.
18.
23 sq.
i,
Eutrop.
21,
25.
Max.
i.
i.
14, 9. 2. Ext.
thaginienses Atilium Regulum palpebmachinae in qua undique ris resectis stimuli eminebant, inclusum praeacuti vigilantia pariter et continue tractu doloris necaverunt. Also Cic. De Off. 3. 26. 99. In 3. 27. 100 Cicero writes vigilando necabasq.
t
which
Augustine
in
mind
in
writing
65 In
De Finn
such variety of authors it is impossible to say Augustine used only one or, if so, which one, while it would seem from the
autem dicunt M. Regulum (p. 26, 33) Si etiam in ilia captivitate illisque cruciatibus corporis animi virtute beatum esse potuisse that Augustine had before him Cicero dicet pro me ipsa virtus nee dubitabit isti vestro beato M. Regulum antepowords
virtus
in
29. 83.
beatiorem
fuisse
(De Finn. Yet Augustine must have had 5. in mind also the detailed account of Regulus as was found in the eighteenth book of Livy, now no longer extant, in which no doubt something corresponding to vigilando pere merunt was found, and probably in the main Augustine
20. 65)
.
rosa Thorium
See
id.
account.
77
sit
quam
quid
est
autem civitas
in
i
num
cord
See
D
s
Re pub.
i.
25.
39.
Augustine
21.
discusses Cicero
30.
14.
DCD
XIX.
Obstetrix virginis cuiusdam integritatem manu velut explorans sive malevolentia sive inscitia sive casu, dum inspicit, perdidit.
This
is
some story
for
which there
appears to be no
Lucretiam certe, matronam 12. 31. nobilem veteremque Romanam, pudicitiae magnis efferunt laudibus. Huius corpore cum violenter oppresso T a r
marito Collatino et propinquo Bruto ..indicavit eosque ad vindictam c o n strinxit. D e n d e s e peremit.
i
. .
.
quinii regis filius libidinose potitus esset, ilia scelus improbissimi iuvenis
-
ipse
Nam cum Tarquinius iunior nobilissimam feminam Lucretiam eandemque pudicissimam, Collatini uxorem, stuprasset eaque de iniuria marito et patri et amicis questa fuisset, in omnium c o n spectu se occidit. Eutropius thus adds e a m
-
Augustine s account seems to follow the story as told in detail by Livy (i. 57-59). See also Florus Epit. i. i. 7, and filius eius et Eutrop. Brev. 1.8.2:
i -
which
is
not given
in
Compare
Cic.
quo
De Finn. 2. 20. 66 who says testata civis, De Re pub. 2. 25. 46: p a t r s et propin De Legg. 2. 4. 10, Ovid Fasti 2. 760 sq.
78
While these sources give substantially the same account, Augustine does not follow them but Livy, who seems to make only Brutus and Collatinus go to see Lucretia, and
Juv. 10. 293.
adds
conclamat
vir
paterque
(Livy
i.
58) after
her suicide before their eyes. 4. 64 gives the fullest account of the interview previous to the crime.
Egregie quidam ex hoc veraciterque declamans ait: Mirabiledictu, duo fuerunt et adulterium unus admisit
31. 20.
.
Nothing nearly approaching any account of Lucretia with which I am acquainted. Augus tine says they were spoken by declamans, and they evidently came from a declamation in some school of rhetoric. Juvenal Sat. i. 16. and 7. 150 and Quintilian
to these
words
is
found
in
quidam
Or. 10. 5. 13-14 give some samples of the subjects chosen for such declamations, and this famous incident was probably a trite theme. Compare for the form of the expression Livy i. 58. 7,
Inst.
ceterum corpus est tantum violatum, animus insons. Nam ille patria cum patre 31. 29.
pulsus
31. 12. 34.
4.
est.
is
The source
in
Livy
i.
60. 2
on
the De Doctrina Christiana, chap. 8, gives his Augustine opinion of the nature and number of the libri canonici. from which we learn that the canon as received by Augustine
included
also.
all
35.
4,
Manichaeorum
all
errori.
and
Per ab undenovem,
79
s e
in
seen
Manichaeism
in his
it,
may be
Confessions.
He
among which are De moribus Manichaeorum, De libero arbitrio, De vera religione, De duabus animabus contra Manichaeos, Contra Adimantum Manichaei discipulum, Contra epistolam Manichaei quam vocant fundamenti, Contra Faustum Manichaeum, De actis cum Felice Manichaeo, De natura boni, Contra Secundinum, De
also
wrote
many works
to
refute
Genesi contra
Manichaeos,
evil
Compare Augustine,
De Haeresibus46: Man
et
malo purgationem, et boni quod purgari non poterit, cum malo in aeternum
pugnam
et
damnationem
sua
asseverantes.
dogmata
et passim.
36. 27. Illepotius Cleombrotusinhac animi magnitudine reperitur, quern ferunt lecto Platonis libro, ubi de mmortalitate animae disputavit, se praecipitem dedisse de muro atque ita ex hac vita emigrasse ad earn, quam credidit esse meliorem. Nihil enim urgebat aut calamitatis aut criminis. mach qu Compare Cic. Tusc. i. 34. 84: C a dem epigramma in Ambraciotam Cleomi
1
1
8o
brotum
also
Cic.
e s
quern ait,
e
cum muro
ei
nihil
in
a c
mare
Compare
which seems to be the literary authority for saying the book was the Phaedo.
Pro Scauro
3.
4.
Div. Inst.
3.
18.
9.
quid
Am
librum
1
perlegisset,
toni credidit?
38. i.
nisi ilium
t
.
Catonem
18. 8,
qui se Uticae
71 sq., Val.
o c c
2. 13.
Max.
3,
3.
n,
Augustine probably derived this information from Livy of which we have only the epitome in which is briefly 114, mentioned the suicide of Cato. Here also we may conjecture Augustine found authority for writing quod a m i ci
14.
eius etiam
fieri
e s s e
hoc
-
u e r u n
(p.
38. 5).
38. 10.
Nam
Cato Uticensis commanded his son to hope from the clemency of Caesar does not seem to be mentioned in the writings of Cicero, Florus, Eutropius, Valerius Maxi-
The
fact that
It is mus, Velleius Paterculus, Lactantius or Aulus Gellius. most likely that Augustine found this in the H4th book of Livy of which we have only the epitome in which we find the words interveniente filio, so that Cato s son was pre sent at his father s death and no doubt on this occasion he
;
Another source
in
this
8i
Karon/OS
which Plutarch (Vitae, Caes. 54 and Cic. 39) Compare Aulus Gellius
i3.2o.3M. Catonis, praetorii viri, qui bello civili Uticae necem sibi gladio manu sua
conscivit, Ciceronis
of which
we
Cato noster
ponendus
1
3,
t o.
Ad
Att. 12.
ibid.
de
5.
Catone
2,
irpofiXrjfjia
Apx^Setov
12. 44.
e.
(i.
est....;
i,
12.
12.
40. i,
12. 41. 5,
saris
94
Caelegi epistolam multa de meo Catone. Top. Caesar contra C a ton em meum. Compare
13. 27.
i,
13. 46. 2
:
ad Balbum)
also Tac.
Ann. 4. 34, Quintilian 5. 10. 10 But it is more probable that Livy was Augustine
authority.
38. 13.
Nam
in
7 8.
si
imperium
See Livy
cite.
who
Cic.
De
Off. 3. 31.
11.32: An vero clarissimum virum generis vestri ac nominis nemo reprehendit, qui filium suum vita privavit ut in
9.,
Val.
tantum gloriae ipsius Caesaris, 38. 21. ne ab illo etiam sibi parceretur, ut ipse Caesar dixisse fertur, invidit.
Augustine no doubt found this statement in one of the books of Livy of which we have only the epitome. The only now extant Latin source that Augustine could have con sulted would seem to be Val. Max. 5. i. 10 Catonis morte Caesar audita et se illius
lost
quoque
But
Augustine
did
not
make use
d>s
<$
of
Valerius
Maximus.
Compare
e^toi o-u TT}S
T/KOVO-C
TOV Odvarov
KCU yap
KOITCOV,
croi
<$>0ovw
TOV 0a.va.TOV
Caesar 54 which almost the same words. Compare also Zonaras, gives a twelfth century writer, who followed and epitomized D o Also Appian, Bellum Civile Cassius, Epit. Hist: 10. 10. 13.
t<f>06vr)(ra.S.
Id. Vitae,
2.
99:
39.
6 8e Katcrap t^j/xcv ot
<f>6ovf)craL
KaTawa
/caA^s
7rioWews.
22.
nam
Val.
in
pauperrimus.
Compare
Max.
sit
vilicum
in
iugerum in tuum esse, occasionemque nanctum mercennarium amoto inde rustico n strumento discessisse, ideoque petere
i
ut sibi
success or mitte ret ur, nedeserto non esset unde uxor ac liberi agro sui alerentur. It is most likely Augustine had in
mind the
lost eighteenth book of Livy, the epitome of which a brief statement of the victory, defeat and death of gives Florus does not mention the poverty of Regulus. Regulus.
46.
29.
Nasica ille Scipio vester quondam pontifex viveret, quem sub in terrore belli Punic suscipiendis cum vir optimus quaePhrygiis sacris, reretur, universus senatus elegit...
Si
i
adulescentem nondum quaestorium, iudicaverunt in tota civitate virum bonorum optimum esse... P. Cornelius cum omnibus matronis Ostiam ire iussus obviam deae isque earn de nave accipere et in terram elatam tradere ferendam matronis.
Compare
Livy,
29.
14.
8:
S c
o n e
83
Also
c.
De Harus. Resp.
13.
27:
a c
tur vate suadente quondam defessa Italia Punico bello atque ab Hannibale vexata sacra ista nostri m a iores adscita ex Phrygia Romae conlocarunt; quae vir is accepit qui est optimus p. R. judicatus P. Scipio.
-
Compare
47,
also Val.
12.
Max.
7.
5.
2.;
8.
15. 3.
mus vester, iile iudicio totius senatus vir istam vobis metuens optimus, calamitatem nolebat aemulam tune imperii Romani Carthaginem dirui et decernenti ut dirueretur contradicebat
C
a
t
o n
init.)
inter
civitate habebatur, alter opti etiam a senatu iudicatus erat, diversis certatum sententiis est, Catone suadente bellum et ut tolleretur deleNasica dissua returque Carthago, de n t e Also Florus, Epit. 1.31. 4: Cato inexpiabili odio delendam esse Carthaginem
vir
in
mus
vir
et
cum de
alio
consuleretur pronun-
Scipio Nasica servandam, ne metu ablato aemulae urbis luxuriari felicitas inciperet.
tiabat,
See Plutarch, Vitae, Cato maior 27, who has preserved the account of Livy: KCU /?iaiorepov TO irepi Trai/Tos (.KZLVO 8
r/S>7
ov
"
S^TTOTC
Se pen
Trpay/xaros yv^fJiffv
Ko.1
a7ro<aivo/xvoi>
TrpoortTrKfruivtiv
ourcos
8oKt
Kap^r/Sova
cxei
/xr/
eivat
"
TOVVO.VTI.OV 8e IIoTrXtos
^KtTrtW 6
NcurtKas
/xot
7TiKaA.ov/u,ei/os
KapxrjBoya
elvai.
84
saevis cruentisque seditionibus is probably to the agrariae conten tion e s of the duo clarissimi ingeniosissimi amantissimi plebis Romani viri Tiber
4722.
The
reference
ius
2.
Florus Epit.
deinde mox m alarum conexione 47. 23. causarum bellis etiam civilibus tantae strages ederentur, tantus sanguis e f funderetur, tanta cupiditate proscriptionum ac rapinarum ferveret inmani-
sq.,
Florus Epit.
2.
6 sq.
fex
maximus....caveam theatri
tum construere molientem ab hac dispositione et cupiditate compescuit persuasitque oratione gravissima ne Graecam luxuriam virilibus patriae moribus paterentur obrepere. See Livy Epit. 48 (ad. fin.) cum locatum a censoribus theatrum exstrueretur, P. Cornelio Nasica auctore tamquam inutile et nociturum publicis moribus ex senatus consulto destructum est. Also Val.
Max.
2.
4.
i.
sq.
No doubt Augustine
book
of Livy.
now
lost forty-eight
Ut verbis eius commota senaprovidentia etiam subsellia, quibus ad horam congestis in ludorum spectaculo iam uti civitas coeperat, deinceps prohiberet adponi.
48. 25.
toria
fin.)
populusque aliquam-
diu
2. 4. 2,
stans ludos
85
ludi
tudinum
et
Dii propter sedendam corpo49. 15. rum pestilentiam ludos sibi scaenicos exhiberi iubebant. quia populo
.
. .
bellicose et solis antea ludis circensibus adsueto ludorum scaenicorum delicata subintravit insania.
Compare
Liviy
7.
2.
3,
et
cum
humanis consiliis
e -
varetur, victis superstitione animis ludi quoque scaenici, nova res bellicoso populo nam circi mo do spectaculum fuerat inter alia caelestis irae placamina instituti dicuntur, and id.
36. 36.
2.
4.
4,
nunc causam
ab
s
insti-
tuendorum
r e
ludorum
.
.
origine
source.
sua
p e
50.
Livy
is
Augustine
vos theatra quaereretis intrare8, impleretis et multo insaniora quam fuerant antea faceretis?
tis
For the fact that great and widespread calamities tend to to the front the basest passions of men, compare Thucydides account of the moral effects of the plague at Athens (book 2, 53 sq.) The same is recorded of the plague at Constantinople in 542, in that at Florence in the middle of the fourteenth century (recorded by Boccaccio in his De cameron), and in the Black Death in England in the seven
bring
teenth century.
50.
31.
Romulus
stituisse
86
confugeret ab omni noxa liber esset, augere quaerentes creandae multitudinem civitatis. Where Romulus and Remus asylum constituisse perhibentur is impossible to So far say.
it
as
am aware
to
seems
no authority for it, and the statement be a //.I^/AOJ/IKOJ/ d/xapr^/xa on the part of Augustine.
there
is
deinde ne vana urbis magnitude esset, adliciendae multitudinis causa vetere consilio condentium urbes. ...locum qui nunc saeptus descendentibus inter duos lucos est, asylum aperit, which account given of Romulus
See
Livy.
i.
8.
is
Remus recorded
in
chapter
7.
2.
6.
13,
says
in
Romulus
Pat.
Hist.
17
(p.
...constituit asylum;
i.
also
Veil.
Rom.
8.
5.
It
is
DCD
V.
asylum Romuleum.
8;
BOOK II. ex quorum imperitia illud quo55- 33* ortum est vulgare proverbium: que Pluvia defit, causa Christian! sunt.
So far as
I
know these words do not occur in this form in The nearest approach is. found in Tertullian,
)
quod existiment omnis pubomnis popularis incommodi Christianos esse in causam. Si Tiberis ascendit in moenia, si Nilus non ascendit in arva, si caelum stetit,
40 (ad
init.
licae
cladis,
si
terra movit,
i,
si
fames,
si
lues,
statim
Christianos ad leonem adclamatur; and Si Tiberis redundaAd Nationes 9 (ad init.) verit, si Nilus non redundavit, si cae lum stetit, si terra movit, si Libitina vastavit, si fames afflixit, statim (?)
omnium
vox:
Christianorum meritum(?)
2
;
S e d
e n
bella
crebrius surgant, quod lues, qu-od fames saeviant, quodque imbres et pluvias serena longa suspendant nobis imput a r and also 3: Dixisti per nos fieri et quod nobis debeant imputari omnia iste quibus nunc mundus quatitur et urgetur, quod dii vestri a nobis non
i
,
c o
a n
Compare
s
i
Symmachum
2.
684.
s t r
88
in Psal. 80.
which reads
vetus quidem, sed a temporibus Christianis coepit proverbium, Non pluit Deus, due ad Christianos.
fold
Tertullian (Apol. 40) points out to the pagans that mani and great misfortunes happened to mankind before the
of
introduction
Christianity.
berium.
d e
r
id
quantae
u n
t
.
Also
Ad
Natt.
18.
Veniebamus etiam nos aliquando 57. 7. adulescentes ad spectacula ludibriaque sacrilegiorum, spectabamus a r repticios, audiebamus symphoniacos, ludis turpissimis qui diis deabusque exhibebantur oblectabamur.
-
Augustine is here speaking of something which he once had seen and heard (audieba and taken delight in mus) (oblectabamur). For his former love of theatrical spectacles compare Conf. 3. 2.2 me spectacula theat-
(spectabamus)
Rapiebant
plena
miser, iarum imaginibus mearum et fomitibus ignis mei. Com s pare also Lact. Div. Inst. 6. 20. 9 sq. (spectacu-
rica,
lis
publicis) intersunt; q
et
u a e
delectantur
et
libenter
22,
De
De
Spectaculis
57. II.
Caelesti virgini.
we
learn that the
From
v
i
Tertullian Apol. 24
C
n
i
a e
e s
i
g o
c u
q u e
est,
etiam p-rovinciae et civitati suus deus ut Syriae Astartes, ut Arabiae Dusares, ut Noricis Belenus, ut Af-
ricae Caelestis. In chap. 23 he calls her s t a ipsa Virgo Caelestis pluviarum pollii
t r
He mentions
Augustine as a North African would naturally have abundant opportunity of making himself familiar with the rites and with the manners
of the worshipers of this African deity. 57.
ii.
Natt. 2.8,
Caelestis Afrorum.
Berecynthiae matri.
29. 14;
See Livy
Catullus,
15, id.
Ad
Natt.
i.
10.
passim.
Nasicam
a
p. 46,
optimus
See note
58.
21.
i
vir
b u
t.
See note
59.
25.
nee ubi Fugalia celebrarentur omni licentia turpitudinum (et effusa vere Fugalia, sed pudoris et honestat
this
in
i
).
All that
is
known
of the
Fugalia
is
derived
from
Augustine, which seems to be the only place passage extant Latin literature where the word occurs. The BE
in
.
foot-note reads
in
memoriam
expulsorum
Romae regum et
liberatae reipublicae instituta, quae mense Februario celebrabantur post exacta Terminalia. This is a mere guess from
the etymology of
the word.
Regifugium
ser de ces Fugalia
?
pulsis
ex
urbe
tyrannis
(Auson., Eclog. 15. 13), but this may or may not be so. Saisset says in his note on this passage: "Que faut-il pen-
Sont-ce
les fetes
institutes en souvenir
de T expulsion des rois, comme le conjecture un commentateur, ou bien faut-il croire a quelque me prise de saint Augustin?"
The Totius
Latinitatis -Lexicon
of
sub. h. v.
adhibitum in plur. num. tantum ad significanda festa quae Romae celebrabantur VI. K.Mart. post Terminalia, in memoriam fugatoa
I i s
nomen proprium
adiect.
absolute
m regum, effusa omni licentia turpituut ait Augustinus, 2. Civ. D. 6 ., (in correctly quoting Augustine in the word turpitudinis). 62. 31. Quid autem hinc senserint R o mani veteres, Cicero testa tur in b r s de re publica scripsit, ubi Scipio quos disputans ait....
r
dinis,
63. 5.
sicut in eisdem
libris loquitur
Africanus.
Haec ex Ciceronis quarto de 23. publica libro ad verbum excerpenda arbitratus sum.
63.
re
All the passages which Augustine here gives from Cicero See Mueller Republic have been preserved by him alone.
s
s
edition of Cic.
63.
1
De Re
pub.
4.
10.
n.
8.
Compare Thucydides
IDV /cat e? TO.
3.
KAeW
6 KAeaii/eYov ....
TTO\V eV TOO
an>
aAAa
/^taioraros
rail/
TroXiroii
rare Trt^aj/coraros
4.21 avrjp 8r//xaycoyos Kar e/cetrov rov \povov Kai TW TrX^et Trt^avwraroS Id. 16. also Aristoph. Ach. 289. 5. et KOL oi Cf. Id. ibid 377, avaio-xwros /38c\vpb<s TrpoSora r^S Trarpt SoS.
and
659;
Thesm.
Ranae
678.
8.
73:
Y7rep/3oAoV TC
nvo.
TUV
/cat
/JLO^rjpov
TroAecos,
avOpwTrov, cocrrpaKKT/xevoi/
....
8ta
Trovrjpiav
also
Aristoph.,
Eq.
1304
avSpa
fjLO)(6r)pov
uses
to
is
in
the
DCD:
is
show he
and plural has two distinct as a quote-word which Augustine uses (i) In this use it quoting the words of an author.
in the singular
equivalent to our quotation marks in printing or writing; (2) a much less frequent use as equivalent to our "they say," or
the Greek
sagt."
Aeyouo-iv,
or French
on
"*
dit,
or
German
"man
65.
10.
quod
Aeschines Atheniensis, vir eloquentissimus, cum adulescens tragoedias actitavisset, rem publicam capessivit et Aristo demum, tragicum item actorem maximis de rebus pacis ac belli legatum ad Philippum Athenienses saepe miseca
libro
in eo quoque commemoratur,
de re publi-
runt.
This
is
is
preserved.
Mueller gives
i.
De Re pub
4.
n.
13.
66. cum praesertim Labeo, quern huiusce modi rerumperitissimumpraenumina bona a numinibus dicant, malis ista etiam cultus diversitate distinguat, ut malos deos propitiari caedibus et tristibus supplicationibus asserat, bonos autem obsequiis laetis atque iucundis, qualia sunt, ut ipse ait, ludi convivia lectisternia.
There is some difficulty in regard to the person of this Labeo. There were several Labeones. Who is the Labeo to whom Augustine here refers and what was his praenomen ? Other writers speak of Labeo without an additional name.
92
We
must try to decide on this question by considering some of the references to Labeo, and the nature of the works which he is reported to have written. There seems to be some con
Labeo and a Cornelius Labeo, and one or other of these Augustine refers. The Bened. note
h.
1)
(ad
reads
Labeones exstitere
tres,
iuris
omnium doctissimus Antistius Labeo qui cum Caesare Augusto vixit, non iuris modo
civilis scientia clari;sed unus
sed totius antiquitatis peritissimus de quo hie -Augustinus. Augustine mentions Labeo also BCD II. 14 H u n c P a t o n e m Labeo inter semideos commemorandum putavit, sicut Herculem, sicut Romulum. Semi deos autem hero bus anteponit; sed utrosque inter numina conlocat; BCD III.
1
i.
BCB VIII. 13 repeating II. 14; BCB quoniam nonnulli istorum, ut ita dixerim, daemonicolarum, in quibus et Labeo est, eosdem perhibent ab aliis angelos dici.... BCB XXII. 28, Labeo etiam duos dicit uno die fuisse defunctos et occurrisse invicem in
p. 66.
secundum
Labeonis
i:
distinctionem
iussos fuisse remeare et constituisse inter se amicos esse victuros, atque ita esse factum, donee postea morerensome idea of the character of at The only Labeo who suits these statements is M. Antistius Labeo mentioned often by Aulus Gellius, from whom we learn that he was the famous
t
u r.
These
citations give us
Labeo.
i.
12,
virgine capienda scripserunt quorum diligentissime scripsit Labeo Labeo Antistius iuris Antistius; 13. 10. quidem civilis disciplinam principali
qui
i
de
93
studio exercuit,
sq.,
13.
i.
13.
12.
i;
grammarian,
4.
2.
10. 2,
12.
15.
;
27. i;
6.
tables
t
18
i
15.
20.
13.
i.
e d
10.
he was versed
in
anti
quity
edition, vol.
p.
nonnulli ex hoc divorum numero qui nocturnis vel diurnis promptis vel o claetioribus cultis vel tristioribus
hostiis
g a
u d e a n
142):
u n
vel
t.
caerimoniis
vel
ritibus
Ciceronem
is
idem
which follows
Re
pub.
4.
10, as
Dombart
gives.
where
is
first
in
An forte Graeco Platoni potius 69. 10. palma danda est, qui cum ratione formaret, qualis esse civitas debeat, tamquam adversarios veritatis poetas censuit
urbe pellendos?
In book 2 of the Republic of Plato the Tron/rcu are in cluded under the general term fja^rai as requisite for the for mation of a (jLei&va TroAu/. In book 3, 398, the poets are d7ro7reyu,7roi^.eV re ets a.XX-rjv politely conducted OUt of the State: But 7roA.li/ Kara^eavrcs /cat epi w crrpti^avTCS. fj.vpov Kara rrjs
K(f>a\f)<s
in 10,
606
sq.,
The
expulsion of
Homer,
s
and
go.
vexes Plato
must
s
Augustine
p.
source
is
Cicero
308. says:
M.
Tullius
.
"Ego
vero
redimitum
guentis
sibi
eodem,
c o
r
quo ille
s
Homerum
u n
-
o n
et
delibutum
ea
Cic.
emittit
git."
ex
urbe
Tusc.
2.
qua
n.
in
:
m finxit cum ille, optimos mores et optimum rei publicae statum ex quire ret, also Tert. Ad Natt. 2.7: criminatores deorum poetas eliminari Plato censnit, ipsurn Homerum
q u a
Compare
27
Platone
eiciuntur
ex
sane
coronatum
civitate
pellendum.
Augustine did not read Plato for himself: Cicero is his source In support of this observe that Augustine has in the here. preceding chapter (13) quoted from the fourth book of the Republic of Cicero, and the passage cited from Nonius shows that such an account was found by him also in the same book
of Cicero
s
Republic.
I s t e
t
i
69.
i
13.
vero
t
i
e t
f
n d
i
g n e
e n
t
u c a
i
a n
n o
Compare Plato, Repub. 365 Dsq., 377 D This also came from Cicero.
70. 35.
f r
sq.,
491 E. etal.
s t r
hoc exclamante
Cicerone
This
is
De Repub.
71.
17.
9.,
as
Dombart
ut tres
n u
tribus
I
minibus
t
i
o v o
i
,
M
1
a r
o.
i.
See Livy
20.
2.
n e
a d
d u u
e u
m
v e
s t e
curuli,
t
duos
e r u
flamines
m Q
u
i
o.
95
E u n d e m P o m p um 7 45. fecisse flamines, qui cum omnes sunt a singulis dels cognominati, in
Also Varro L. L.
i
ait
quibusdam apparent
tialis et Q
all
CTU/XQ,
.
cur
n a
It is likely
non-
mutuaren-
31.8
scribe r
72. 3.
qua m vis Lycurgus Lacedaemoniis leges ex Apollinis auctoritate se instituisse confinxerit. See Cic. De Div. Lycurgus q u d e m 43. 96. rem publicam qui Lacedaemoniorum temperavit, leges suas auctoritate Apollinis Delphici confirmavit. id. N. nee Lacedaemoniorum disciD. 3. 38. 91. dicam umquam ab Apolline p o plinam tius Spartae quam a Lycurgo datam.
i.
i
The
72.
first
mention of
this story
is in
Herodotus
i.
65.
6.
regendae civitati nequaquam sufficerent, condidisse fertur qui eis multa etiam sacra con
i
It is
The
story
is
commonplace, recorded
many
;
writers.
i 1 1
e Florus Epit. i. i. 2, Compare Livy i. 19. sq. sacra et caerimonias omnemque cultum deorum immortalium docuit, ille p o n -
tifices
uli
i.
R.
p op Brev.
3., Cic.
N. D.
3.
2.
5.
96
72. 9. a
non
leges
easdettl
Yet Florus (Epit. i. haec omnia 2.) says: quasi monitu deae Egeriae, quo magi 9 barbari acciperent, which Florus has taken from Livy 1.19. 5: simulat sibi cum dea Egeria
9.,
2.
Eutrop. Brev.
7.
i.
2.,
Val.
Max.,
2.
4. 4.,
Cic.
De Re
72. 23.
pub.
12.
Livy
is
the source.
.
f r a u d e s p e c t a c u 1 i learn from Livy, Valerius Maximus and Cicero that was the C o n s u a i a. the name of this
We
spectaculum post expulsum cum liberis suis 73. 12. regem Tarquinium, cuius filius Lucre1
p.
31. 12.
i
u n u in
t
i
Brutus consul
1 1
L u
t
c
e
m
-
T
a
q u
o
,
a
c o
t
1
n u
1
m
u
m
s
,
u in
,
u s
d e
t
L u
i
c r e
a e
e
i
g a
r
q u e
n n o c e n
m
i
v
t
m m
u u p
r
m
o p
b o n u
t
e r
i
men
et
o p
n q u
e m.
q u
m nor u m
coegit vivere
magistral
in
2. 2.,
se
abdicare
nee
h u n c
i
,
civitate permisit.
where Brutus addresses Collatinus:
i
i i
See Livy
re tu, inquit, tua voluntate, L. T a r q u n move m e t u m, m e m n m u s a t e m u r e e cisti reges; absolve beneficium tuum, aufer hinc regium nomen. Then a b d c a v t se consulatu. rebusque suis omnibus Lavinium translatis civitate cessit.
,
Compare
also
9.,
Cic.
De
Off.
3.
10. 40.
9?
73-21.
e n-
tes
decennale b e u m superavit. invidia obtrectatorum virtutis s.uae et insolentia tribunorum plebis reus fact us est tamque ingratam sensit quam liberaverat civitatem, ut de sua damnatione certissimus in exilium sponte discederet et decem milibus aeris absens etiam damnaretur, mox iterum a Gallis vindex patriae futurus
.
. . .
n g
e.
sq.
For Camillus
total
defeat of
the
ne nuntius
quid
seems
em cladis
for writing
s.
The only
be Livy, See Augustine s source for the account of Camillus. also Val. Max. Aulus Gellius, N. A. 17, 4. i. 2., 5, 3. 2a.
to
21. 20, Cic.
De Re
i.
pub.
i.
3.
6.,
Id.
i.
De domo sua
y
k
32.
86,
Eutrop. Brev.
20.;
Fl.;rus
Epit.
aeris?
Augustine get the authority for writing decem milibus Of the authors mentioned in this note, Cicero, Aulus Gellius, F .orus and Eutropius do not state the amount
Livy
(5,
of the fine.
32
ad fin.)
(5.
3.
expressly says
absens
So also
r.
Valerius
Maximus
ri/^/za //vpiW
rect
we
the manuscripts are cor must conclude that Augustine has here made a numer
acrcrapuov t^ovcrav.
If
ical error.
74.
In chap.
lost Historiae.
and
16.
74. 18.
Nasica...
p. 47,
Carthaginem nole-
bat everti.
See note
12.
98
28.
75.
de Sullae vitiis
ceteraque foeditate
in
rei
haec
Au
multum
are.
e
It is
who
the alii
to those
scriptores
who wrote d
gustine seems
them
vitiis
ceteraque
which would of course eliminate writers, like Tacitus, Juvenal and Persius. Again he speaks of them as compared with Sallust
as
which,
how
Com
Plut.
Florus Epit.
2.
1
9
2
sq.,
Eutrop. Brev.
28.
sq.
Compare
irepl
o 8
ovre vtos wv
ras
eT
rryv
irevtav
dAAa TOVS
Ipwv
KO.I
KOL (TMf^pocrvvrj^
(f>r)(rl
rots
TroAircus auros
^aXova-Tios.
Augustine refers in the words given above to the now lost Historic of Sallust; he was the last literary person, so far as our evidence goes, to use the complete Historise, as has been
pointed out by Maurenbrecher (Historiarum Reliquiae. Leip.
1891, p. 4):
totas
t
i
Sallustii
.
n u
sed domui Sardanapali com79. 5. paraverit? qui quondam rex ita fuit voluptatibus deditus, ut in sepulchre suo scribi fecerit ea sola se habere mortuum, quae libido eius etiam cum viveret hauriendo consumpserat. See Cic. De Finn, 2. 32. 106, corporis autein voluptas si etiam praeterita delectat, non intellego cur Aristoteles Sardanapalli epigramma tantopere derideat, in quo ille rex Syriae glorietur omnis
99
s e
1
a b s
t
1
1
u
i
Id.
Tusc.
5.
35. 101,
ex quo
S a
d a n a p a
h a b e o
t
i
q u a e
e d
i ,
q u a e q u e
e x s a
a
t
;
libido
at ilia
i
i
a u s
a c e n
r a e
clara relicta
Quid
in
s c r
i
u d
bo vis,
b e
r e s
?
n o n
in
in
the
third
book
i
of the
De Re
362
;
on Juvenal, Sat
s
10.
1
m
cle
i
n x u r
u s
d e
quo T
q u a
e r e
u s
in
tertio pallus
i
republica
e
r
sic ait:
1
Sardana
m
s
.
m
v
i
nomine
Kpit.
i.
t
i
m
t
Compare
r
t
Jnstinus*
1 i
3,
who
.
says of Sardanapallus
.
m
u s
r
u
)
c o r r u p
n v e n
A
t
1
b a c
r
e u
o
u
t
r
1
u
i
g
1
r e
i
g
u
e s
i
p u
u
,
p u
c
c o
m interscoro n e n e t e m
t
m
e
e b r
h a b
r
cum m
s
i
o o
a
s
c o r p o r
f
s s
o c u
t
o
t.
m
s
n e
n a
a n
r e
For
fuller details in
regard to
Sardanapallus
see
J.
E. B.
15.
Mayor
10. 362,
its
:
79.
con
I
trast
with
compare
Sallust, Cat.
sq.
primum insuevit exercitus p. R. a mare, vasa potare, signa, tabu las p c a s caelata mirari, ea p r v a t m ac publice rape re, del u bra spoliare, sacra p r o
i
fanaque poll ere (chap. 1). P o s q u a m d vitae honori esse coepere et eas gloria mper u m po en a sequebatur, h e b e s cere virtus, paupertas -probro haberi, innocentia pro malivolentia duci c o e Sed libido stupri, ganeae t p (chap. 12).
u
1
10O
ceterique cultus non minor incesserat: viri muliebria pati, mulieres p u d c tiam in propatulo habere.... (chap. 13). a quo (T. Graccho) scribit s e d 79. 26. tiones graves coepisse Sallustius.
i
This fragment
80.
20. -81.
23.
is
No. 17
in
Maurenbrecher
edition.
in his edition of
This passage is given in full by Mueller Cicero as the argumentum of book 3 of the
De Re
publica.
81. 5.
r e
v e
m
pub.
r e
p u b
c a e
d e
r.
Re
t
i.
25. 39,
s t
i
,
utilitatis
81. 28.
communione
his
sociatus
in
reference
given by Dombart.
1
passage
is
given
full
by Mueller at the
principio beginning of De Re pub. 5 (in It. has not been noticed b r ). by Dombart.
i
i
quinti
longe
u e
q u
d e
m
s
in
-
p u
Cicero
De Re
publica was
menta incertae
Mueller gives this passage as one of the Fragsedis of the third book of Cicero s Republic.
84. 3. quas deorurn leges illi civitati datas contempserint Gracchi, ut sedi tion b u s cuncta turbarent.
i
101
sq.,
2.
Floras Epit.
Rom.
2 sq.,
who
berius Gracchus
hoc initium
Compare
Val.
in
2.
urbe
Roma
civilis sanguinis
t
gladiorumque impuniMax.
3.
17, 7. 2. 6.
quas Marius et Cinna et Carbo, bella etiam progrederentur c vilia causis iniquissimis suscepta et
84. 5.
ut
in
Florus Epit.
2.
9 sq.,
who
says:
causa belli inexplebilis honorum Marii fames, dum decretam Syllae provinciam Sulpicia lege solliinitium
et
c
5.
i
and
Rom.
2.
19 sq.,
Eutrop. Brev.
8 sq.
quas denique Sulla ipse, cuius 84. 7. vitam mores facta describente Sallustio aliisque scriptoribus historiae..
. .
From Augustine
least
s own words we learn that he had at two sources of information about Sulla d escribente
Sallustio in the passage before us 28), and scribit Livius BCD II.
notices of Sulla-in the extant
51,
(compare also
24
(p.
p.
75.
87. 18).
For
37,
work
n,
and Jug.
95, 96.
Veil. Pat.
Rom. 2. 19 sq., Livy Epit. 66-89. The work of Sullust referred to above by Augustine is It is supposed that Sallust evidently the now lost Historiae.
Hist.
started this
work with the year of Sulla s death (B.C. Maurenbrecher gives Res populi
:
Romani M.
in
78), as
also
inferred from
Sullust s
own words
95,
Sullae
et
L.
102
Sisenna.
v
i
parummihiliberoorelocutus
little
d e
that he said
about Sulla
in
the Historiae.
With seem
this
date
the
statement of Augustine
would
Augustine writes
toriae.
evidently also referring to the His But in each of these cases it should be noted that s q u e Augustine shows that he had other authorities a 84. 8), and alii scriptores in haec consen(p. t u n t (p. 75. 30). No doubt Sallust treated briefly of
1
de Sullae vitiis,
i i
Sulla at least by
way
of introduction.
3. 2,
Compare
SoAouorios
also Plut.
in
us
4>W^
regard
rumperentur
capta
is
Livy
5.
41 sq.
7,
20.
qui enim Marium novum homiignobilem, cruentissimum a u c torem bellorum [civilium atque gesut consul fieret torem, septiens adiuverunt atque in septimo suo c on sulatu moreretur senex nee in manus Sullae futuri mox victoris inrueret. See note p. 84. 5. Florus (Epit. 2. 9. 17.) says: haec tot senatus funera intra kalendas et idus lanuarii mensis septima ilia Marii purpura dedit. Quid futurum fuit si an num consulatus implesset? Compare Veil. Pat.
nem
et
Hist.
Rom.
2.
23 (ad init.)
et
in
priorum dedecus
septimum Marius
iniit,
cuius initio
io 3
quietisque impatientissimus.
found in Jug. 63 sq. For the contrast between Marius and Regulus here given by Augustine it is interesting to compare Cic. Paradoxa 2. 16:
Nee vero ego M. Regulum aerumnosum infelicem nee miserum umquam putavi.... C. vero Marium vidimus, o r qui mini secundis rebus unus ex tunatis hominibus, adversis unus ex summis viris videbatur, quo beatius
nee
f
-
esse mortali nihil potest. Nescis, in sane, nescis quantas vires virtus habeat.
Id. N. D. 3. 32. 81,
tarn feli-
citer septimum consul domi suae senex est mortuus? Augustine probably had in mind Livy
for the narrative, while the contrast between ulus was perhaps suggested by Cicero.
85.
23.
p e
r f r
s.
Compare Juvenal,
Sat.
i.
49,
Exul
ab
d
i
octava
s
|
Marius
i
bibit
occur
et
in
fruitur
I r
Augustine penned the words perfrui diis iratis, whether he did so independently, or while writing of one
or perhaps by a fused the
Marius he recalled the words of Juvenal about another Marius, lapsus Augustine con
et
n o b
by Juvenal.
of his letters to Marcellinus (Ep. 138, 3. 16 in vol. 2 of BE), where he quotes a passage from the sixth satire of Juvenal. For the form of expression! compare Juvenal, Sat. 10, 129:
Dis
ille
s
i
adversis
s t r o.
genitus
fatoque
natust quam
4.
note on Juvenal, Sat. 10. 129, gives also Livy 9. i. n,Persius 27, Sen. De Benef. 4. 4. 3, Id. Lud. de morte Claud, n. 3,
Regulus, captivitate servitute inopia vigiliis doloribus excruciari et emori diis amicis.
85.
24.
See note
86.
ii.
p.
25.
21.
1
habuit.
82,
etiam censoremettriumphantem, quartum autem praetorem eosque salvos Metellus Id. Tusc. r e 35. 85, q u ille honor atis quattuor filiis. Val. Max. fecit uteodem tempore tres filios 7. consulares, unum etiam censorium et triumphalem, quartum praetorium videret. Veil. Pat. n, quattuor filios sustulit, adultae aetatis vidit, omnis omnis reliquit superstiteset honoratissimos. Mortui eius lectum pro rostris sustulerunt quattuor filii, unus consularis
1 i i
i.
i.
i,
i.
censorius, alter consularis, tertius consul, quartus candidatus consulatus quern honorem adeptus est. So also Plutarch,
et
De
fortuna
Romana
4, /ecu
Ma,KeSovi/<os
yepw
Thus we
tine s
filios error in writing authority of Cicero, Velleius Paterculus, Valerius Maximus and Plutarch. Probably Livy gave the same as these authors
quinque
in
one of the books (16-19) dealing with the period of the Punic war when the Metelli first came into prominence.
first
In
105
same Metellus is mentioned. On the hand against the above sources and against Augustine other
Epit. 19 a victory of this
Pliny
(H.
N.
7.
13.
59)
says
43. 140)
pessimus
oppressus
inopia et
i
in bello
12,
Eutrop. Brev.
6.
Rom.
2.
34.
86. 23. Mariusa miserantibus Minturnensibus Maricae deae in luco eiuscommendatus est ut ei omnia prosperaret, et ex summa desperatione revers-us n in urbem d;u x t crudele m^ c r u columis delis exercitum.
i
i
The account as given here is not to be found in Florus, In Eutropius, Valerius Maximus or Velleius Paterculus. Valerius Maximus we find the nearest approach (2. 10. 6)
Minturnenses autem
maiestate illius
capti conprehensum iam et constrictum dira fati necessitate incolumem praestiterunt, but he does not mention the goddess in
whose grove
Marius was concealed. Velleius Paterculus mentions the goddess, but his account is not that to which Augustine refers extractus harudineto circa
:
paludem Maricae in quam se fugiens consectantisSullae equites abdiderat, iniectoincollum loro in carcerem Minturnensium iussu duumviri perductus
est
We may conclude that (Rom. Hist. 2. 19. 2). Augustine got his information here from one of the lost books of Livy, probably the eightieth, in the epitome of which we have mention of Marius return to the city and his cruelty,
We may
note that Plutarch gives the same facts to
39).
which
io6
vilis
v o
1
ubi quam cruenta, quam incihostilique immanior eius victoria fuerit, eos qui scripserunt legant qui
86. 27.
u n
cum primum ad Urbem contra 87. 17. Marium castra movisset (Sulla), adeo laeta exta immolanti fuisse scribit
Livius ut custodiri se Postumius haruspex voluerit capitis supplicium subiturus, nisi eaquae in animo Sulla haberet, diis iuvantibus implevissetThis was evidently in the seventv-seventh book of Livy, which has been lost. In Epit. 77 we read of the first entrance of Sulla into the city againt Marius, L. Sylla consul
cum exercitu in urbemvenit etadversus factionem Sulpici et Mari in ipsa urbe expugnavit eamque expulit.
Compare
Ov<ravTos
Plut.
Vitae,
TO.
Sulla.
9:
6
ra<s
Sc
/xavrts
IIoo-Tov/xtos
avrov
Kara/xa^wv
o-^eia KOI
\etpa.<s
d//,<orepas
TW
SvAAa
el
j.7
7r/ooreii/as,
Trai/r
This same
in
i.
Postumius haruspex
in
is
mentioned
De
Div.
Max.
6.
4.
We may
that Augustine has followed the authority of Livy as against that of Cicero and Valerius Maximus. Cicero (De Div. i. 33.
72)
makes
f
i
tke
1
incident
r e
take
i
Nolam
t
,
place
a
s s
m
i.
c e p
so also Val. Max. 6. 4, qua visa Postumi haruspicis hortatu continue exercitum in expeditionem eduxit ac fortissima(?) Samnitium castra cepit. In these words Valer
ius
closely
followed
the
Cicero.
Vitae,
(ad
it
init.),
gives
same
it
account
Plutarch, as
be,
Augustine.
is
the
same
incident, as
seems to
io 7
all these cases, probably the version by Augustine, after Livy, is the correct one, as it was probably found also in the i>7ro/Av?7/AaTa of Sulla, which Plutarch also knew.
that
is
referred to in
given
here
Deinde cum esset in Asia bellum 87. 25. Mithridaticum g erens, per Lucium Titium ei mandatum est a love, quod esset Mithridatem superaturus, et factum
is here following Livy also, but that part of Livy s history has been lost. According to Plutarch (Vitae, Sulla 17.) this man s name was not Lucius Titius but ws Se SuXXas avros cv 8eKaYa> rail/ QuintlUS TltlUS.
yeypa<
a<J>avr)S
avrjp
raV
cv
/xa^r/i/
rJKt
Trpos
rrjv eV
Xaipooveta vcvLKrjKora
aTrayyeXXoov
on
Kai
Scurepav 6
Tpo</>an/tos
avroOi
/xa^ryi/
/cat
oXtyov
28.
87.
Urbem
civili
in
suas
ulcisci, iterum man datum est ab eodem love per militem quendamlegionis sextae, prius se de
amicorumque
iniurias
sanguine
Mithridate praenuntiasse victoriam, tune promittere daturumsepotestatem, qua recuperaret ab inimicis rem publicam non sine multo sanguine. Turn percontatus Sulla, quae forma militi visafuerit.
et
. .
in
lost
books of
Livy
and
in
Sulla
memoirs.
17.
/txera
We
Se
find
Plutarch Vitae,
(TTpa.Tvo[Jicvwv
Sulla,
TOVTOV
oi/o/xa
SiO.Xovrjvio S
avrjveyKf.
e^etv.
Kara
rr)v
IraXiai/
Trpa^eis
/jit\\ov
OXi)yu,7ria)
T(3
yap
Att
Kat TO /caAXos
etv
<^>acrav.
io8
88. 17. Deinde cum venisset Tarentum Sulla atque ibi sacrificasset, vidit in capita vitulini iecoris similitudinem coronae aureae. Tune Postumius harusei pex ille respondit praeclaram victoriam iussitque utextis significari illis solus vesceretur. Postea parvo intervallo servus cuiusdam Lucii Pontii vaticinando clamavit: A Bellona nuntius venio, victoria tua est, Sulla. Deinde adiecit arsurum esse Capitolium.
Again we
Ovcravros
6 A.o/3os
fjikv
see
Sa<n7<;
Vitae,
HOVTLOV
7roXe/xot>
Sulla
27.
yap
Trept
Tapavra,
<f>r}crli
w(f>0r]
ev Se
^tXouta)
OLK^TTJV
E^vou? /cparos
/cat
VIKVJV
8e
fjir]
AugUSlost
find
eighty-fifth
no doubt got his information here from the now book of Livy, in the epitome of which we mention of Sulla s return to Italy.
tine 89. 26.
quadam Campaniae lata ubi non multo post civiles acies planitie, nefario proelio conflixerunt, ipsi inter se prius pugnare visi sunt. Namque ibi
in
auditi sunt primum ingentes fragores, moxque multi se vidisse nuntiarunt per aliquot dies duas acies proeliari. Quae pugna ubi destitit, vestigia quoque velut hominum et equorum, quanta deilla conflictatione exprimi poterant,
invenerunt.
This incident,
Obseq.
"
The
Battle of the
Demons," is
not
men
Jul.
Compare
57(n8)L.Scipione
C.
Norbanocoss,
Capuam
et
io 9
viderentur duae acies concurrere perplures dies. Rei miraculo interius considerantibus vestigia equorum hominumque et recenter protritae herbae et virgulta visa. But there can be no doubt that
i
ut
Augustine got
tant.
it
miles quidam, dum occiso spolia go. 5. detraheret, fratrem nudato cadavere agnovit ac detestatus bella civilia se ipsum ibi perimens fraterno corpori
a d
i
u n x
alter
quo bello duo fratres, Pompeii exercitu, alter ex Cinnae, ignorantes concurrerunt, et cum victor spolia ret occisum, agnito fratre, ingenti lamentatione edita, rogo ei exstructo, ipse se supra rogum transfodit.
See Livy Epit. 79, in
ex
92.
19.
C
p.
a e
57.
c s
i
See note
93.
r.
19.
i
Vir
.
graviset philosophaster
Philosophaster
T
is
fine
used only this once in the DCO, and in leccl it is a7ra of Aiuu>tme but in Latin Aeyo /xvov not only in the writings This is the only instance in For ;rlhni (w lt-re the re literature.
ference
Cic.
14
mu
i
d be
.
c.
5
in
Verr.
Kve:i
the above
philosophus
t.
e r
which, of course,
n o b
is
i
incorrjc
s
95.
26.
sanguine
h a n c
peperere suo.
Both Dombart and Hoffmann have printed these words as ordinary prose not noticing that they are a quoiatiun from
Virgil
Aeneid n.
24.
no
96.
5.
lapis
a p
n u
s.
whether reference
is
made
to
some
"
on this passage) says: St. veut parler de la fameuse statue de pierre e leve e a Augustin Aul. Gell. i. The words found in Jupiter au Capitole. Aulus Gellius are: lapidem, inquit,
hill.
Saisset
(footnote
21."
e s
25,
The
TO op/aa
classical
passage
crvvOrjK&v,
is
found
eis
in
rr]v
Polybius,
X**-P a
3.
eon
Se
Aa/3a)i>
^Oov
Troiov/xeros
TO,
Xeyet
Ta8,
euop/cowrt fj.v
rroitiv
rayaOa
8e
aAXws
SiavorjOeLyv
rj
TTUVTWV TWV
vo/xois
7rt rail/
.
aAAa>i>
t8tW /JiW
/cat
eyw /xwos
rov \i6ov
eKTrecroiyat
Tairr*
piirrti
IK
T?}S
See Tyrrell
note on
lovem
lapidem
iurare
on
bius,
Fam. 7. 12, where he quotes this passage from Poly and Strachan-Davidson s note on the same passage in his Prolegomena VIII. (p. 73-80) to Selections from Polybius, Oxford 1888.
Cic.
Ill
BOOK
100. 24.
III.
Romulum Martis.
i.
See Livy
4,
et
i,
fratre
pub.
2.
uno
partu
2.
4.
vir
falsa haec esse....paene fatetur. Sed utile esse civitatibus dicit ut se viri fortes, etiamsi falsum sit, diis genitos esse credant, ut eo modo animus humanus velut divinae stirpis fiduciam gerens res magnas adgrediendas prae-
et
ut
subsequent quotations from or para Fragmenta Varronis (Lugduni-Batav. 1836), Schwarz, De Varronis apud sanctos patres vestigiis, (Leipzig 1888), and Agahd, M. Terenti Varronis Antiquitatum Rerum Divinarum libri I., XIV., XV., XVI.,
phrases of Varro, see Francken,
(Leipzig 1898.)
102. 9.
Romani
antiqui
in
stupro detecd e
-
2,
63.
(vol. 8,
col.
384
The
is
found
112
132.
ii.
qua mor
;M
t
vis aliqua
c
not correct.
a.
spcjoli of
quoquo scriptum
ores
n e c a
d e p
r e
.
r
.
e h e n s
.
ita
DC scriptum:
.
est in adulterio u x a s ius fuisse maritis Jure autem occidendi adulterio uxorem In
i
tuam
si
e h e n d
.
s s e s
sine iudicio
i
i
passed by Augustus B.C. 18, by which the death of an unfaith ful wife at the pK asure of the husband (sine iudicio)
for
such condemna
10. 31. 9
Probably Augustine
h.ul
rtk-rjnce to Livy
Q. Fabius G urges consults filius aliquot m a t r o n a s ad p o p u u m s t u p r d a m n a t a s reference given in the BE note. pecunia m u t a v
1
a.
quid miser urn commiserat Ilium, Fimbria, Marian arum partium h o mine pessimo, everteretur.... porro autem Fimbria prius edictum proposuit ne cui parceretur, atque urbem t o t a m
103.
17
ut
cunctosque in concremavit.
in the
ea
homines
incendio
The account of this was to be found in Augustine s day now lost eighty-third book of Livy; compare Epit. 83, urbem Ilium, quae se potestati Syllae
tra
DCD.
III. 7
(p.
104, 2),
Fimbriam
Though
that
it
was found
in
Livy
own work.
104.
Eversis
omnibus cum oppido simulacris solum Minervae sub tanta ruina templi illius, ut scribit Livius, integrum stetisse
perhibetur.
reference here must be to the lost eighty-third book of Livy, the epitome of which mentions the sack of Ilium by Fimbria. Livy s description has been saved in Julius Obse-
quippe
et
incensis
The
Fimbria incenso Minervae deflagrascum aedes quoque set, inter ruinas simulacrum antiquissimum inviolatum stetit spemque resquens, 56. (116),
Ilio
C.
Ilium.
ulacrum?
See the two preceding notes.
105.
ii.
Gallis ipsa
.
. . .
Roma capta
et
See note.
p. 84, 21.
Hi etiam Numam Pompilium 105. 20. successorem Romuli adiuvisse credunturut toto regni sui tempore pacem haberet et lani portas, quae bellis
patere adsolent, clauderet, eo merito scilicet, quia Romanis multa sacra constituit. See Livy Qui regno ita 19 (ad init.) urbem novam, conditam vi et potitus armis,iure earn legibusque ac moribus deintegro condere parat. Quibus cum
i.
114
adsuescere videret non posse, quippe efferari militia animos, mitigandum ferocem populum armorum desuetudine ratus, lanum ad infimum Argiletum indicem pacis bellique fecit, a p e r t us ut in armis esse civitatem, clausus pacatos circa omnes populos significaret. Eutrop. Brev. 3, Numa Pompiliusrexcreatusestqui bellum quidem nullum gessit. Florus, Epit. See note p. 2.
inter
bella
i.
i.
72.
6.
106. ii. Quid ergo est quod illi quadraginta tres, vel, ut alii volunt r ginta novem anni, in tarn longa pace transact! sunt regnante Numa.
t
i
39.
Livy
i.
21. 6,
Numa
20,
rpi a
tres
dXX
B
i.
eTTi
et
ye
quadraginta,
No/xa /JacriXetas
err]
Plutarch,
Vitae,
Numa
uxjiOrj^
rrj<5
ouSc/xtai/
^/xepav dVewy/xevos
Kal
TTTapaKOVTa
crwc^ws
e/xcii/e /ceKXeicr/xevos.
Eutrop. Brev.
3 also gives 43
says he
pub.
2.
years, though the Bened. note (ad h. 1.) Jerome s Chron of assigns only 41 to Numa s reign.
Eusebius (sub
14. 27)
Numa)
writes
assigns 41 years.
Sic
ille
raginta annos summa in pace concordienim aque regnavisset (sequamur potissimum Polybium nostrum quo nemo fuit in exquirendis temporibus In spite of diligentior) excessit e vita.
the statement above quoted from Plutarch we might get 40 or 41 years by comparing the closing words of chap. 21 ereXc^o-e Se \p6vov ou TTO\VV rots oySoT/KovTo, 7rpo(7/5i(ooaas with the opening
cum undequad-
words
of
chap.
r^KOV
5
(XTTO
dXXa
yap
ot
eros
7/877
StareXowrt
TO)
No/aa
?ri
T(TcrapaKO<TTOi>
Pwyarjs
Trpecr/Scts
TrapaKaXovvrcs
TYJV
vix
"5
magno miraculo unus commemoratur annus post primum bellum Punicum, Romani claudere quo belli portas
potuerunt
See Livy
i.
?
19.
bis
deinde
also
orav
r)
post
Numae
Numa
20,
tum
regnum clausus fuit, semel T. Manlio consule post Punicum primum perfecbellum,....
ew^OaL
o
Sr)
Plutarch,
TroAe/xos,
Vitae,
/xev
avrov
rjv
/ceKAer#ai Se cip^vrys
^a\7rov
/ecu
crTravicos
yivd/xcvov
.....
TrXrjv tirl
ye TOV ^ffiacTTOv KaiVapos cKXeiaOyj Ka^cXovros A.vT(i)viov, /cat Trporcpov M.dpKov AriXiov /ecu Tcrov MaXXt ov ^jpovov ov TTO\VV.
Neque enim aliunde Apollo Cumanus, cum adversus Achaeos regemque Aristonicum bellaretur, quad108.
18.
ille
Obsequens 28 (Jahn
edition),
Pub
Crassus adversus Aristonicum dimicans occisus. Apollinis simulacrum Cumis lacrimavit per quatriduum. Vates responderunt Graeciae fore exitium, unde deductum esset. Sacrificatum turn a Romanis donaque in templo
p o
s
i
this passage.
98),
Jahn quotes from Augustine in the footnote on Cicero probably refers to the same (De Div. i. 43.
to
Livy Epit. 59, Florus Epit. i. 35, Eutrop. Brev. 4. and Augustine s authority here must be the lost fifty-ninth 20, book of Livy, as he gives a fuller account than that found in Julius Obsequens. Why does Augustine add adversus
tioned in
Achaeos?
but
it is
In Livy 43. 13. 4, a similar incident not the one referred to. by Augustine.
22.
is
recorded,
109.
ibi
Capi-
tolium fabricavit.
See Livy
i
i.
55.
Eutrop.
Brev.
i.
6,
Capitolium
Compare Cic. De Re pub. 2. 20. 36, where the aedemque in Capitolio lovi Optimo m a x m o was vowed by L. Tarquinius, and 2. 24. 44, where
n c h o a v
i
Tarquinius
Superbus
votum patris
persolvit.
It
Capitolii
is
aedificatione
authority (see note
not
clear
whether Augustine here follows Livy or Varro, for in BCD IV. 23, where the same building is referred to, Varro is the
p.
174. 30).
ab
Epidauro
inventum in libris, AesEpidauro Romam arcesculapium cum pestilentia civitas s e n d u m and Epit. missi legati ut Aesculapi laboraret, signum Romam ab Epidauro transferSee Livy
10. 47. 7,
ab
1 1,
rent.
a
Livy
is
the source.
mater etiam deum nescio unde 109. 25. Pessinunte. See note p. 57. n and p. 46. 29. See Livy 29. 10 sq.
no.
i.
Cynocephalum,
his
venit ex Aegypto.
Augustine here probably got
phalus from Varro.
In
BCD
XVI.
8 he says of Cynocephali
quid dicam de Cynocephalis, quorum canina capita atque ipse latratus magis bestias quam homines confitetur?
In Tert. Ap.
6,
Cynocephalus
22,
is
deities as prohibited
Isis.perditum filium
et
calvis sacer.
dotibus luget, plangit, inquirit mox invento parvulo gaudet Isis, ex ultant sacerdotes, Cynocephalus in ventor gloriatur. From the passage quoted above
.
.
from Augustine
(BCB XVI.
8),
Cynocephali seem to be a
117
is
also an
Egyp
and
tian deity, probably, from the derivation of the to be identified with Anubis.
K<^>aX^),
word
(KVWV
no.
i
8. t
ut
in
atque
Antiquities
n c e r
o s.
This was
39th and
4oth
books of
unum
VI.
libros
3),
scripsit
:"
his
work
Hanc
velut
pompam obsequiorum
certi,
VI.
3
in
tribus, qui restant, dii ipsi sequuntur extremi, quibus iste universus cultus
in
contains
Antiquitates).
dolo raperent moxque in. 3. ut ea compellerentur pugnare cum soceris, ut miserae feminae nondum ex iniuria maritis conciliatae iam parentum san guine dotarentur?.... in. 25. Romani autem soceros interficiebant in proeliis quorum iam filias amplexabantur in thalamis.
See note
p. 72. 22.
Romulus de suorum iam virtute 112 12. desperans lovem oravit ut starent, atque ille hac occasione nomen S a toris invenit....
t
ipso
foro pugna, adeo ut Romulus lovem oraret, foedam suorum fugam sisteret; hinc templum et Stator I u
p
i
See Livy
i.
12 sq.
Florus Epit.
i.i.
i,
atrox
in
e r
Compare
Plut. Vitae,
Romulus
18.
Livy
is
Augus
tine s source.
Deinde Titum Tatium regem 112. 17. Sabinorum socium regni Romulus ferre
demigrarent.
Here Augustine lays the blame of the death of Titus Taon Romulus. On what authority has he done so ? Eutropius, Florus, Velleius Paterculus, Valerius Maximus and Cicero do not, in their extant writings, mention the death of Titus Tatius. Augustine did not find this account in Livy, L av i n i who thus records the death of Tatius:
tius
Nam
eo venis-
concursu
facto
interficitur.
We
can only suppose that Augustine here, in the passion of argu ment, has become too rhetorical and made a misstatement, in which he is followed by his contemporary, Orosius (Adv. pag. 2. ut in socie4. 6),
113.
i.
Quam crebrae
strages
Romani
Albanique exercitus fuerunt et utriusque comminutio civitatis! Alba namque ilia.... a Tullo Hostilio rege provocata conflixit,....Tunc eventum belli de tergeminis hinc atque inde fratribus placuit experiri: a Romanis tres Horaab Albanis autem tres Curiatii tii, processerunt.
. .
See
reference
Livy
i,
22
sq.,
Eutrop.
Brev.
i.
4.
But
i. i.
the
3.
comes
straight
from
Florus
Epit.
exercita iuventute provocare ausus et diu Albanos,. gravem principem Sed cum pari robore f r e populum. comquentibus proeliis utrique
-
minuerentur, misso in compendium Horatiis Curiatiisque, r geminis hinc atque inde fratribus, utriusque populi fata permissa sunt
bello,
t
i
.... Augustine seems here to follow closely the account and words of Florus. Note Augustine says, utriusque
;
Florus
t r
q u e
words
inde
tergeminis
are
fratribus
7.
taken ver
Compare
tissimi viri, qui nondum libera civitate tamen populi Romani comitiis liberatus est, cum sua manu sororem esse interfectam fateretur, Id. De. Inv.
2.
Horati,for-
26.
78.
2.
3.
3.
Marcellus Syracusanam civi113. 28. tatem recolens eius paulo ante culmen etgloriam sub manus suas subito concidisse communem cogitans condicionem flendo miseratus est?
See note
115.
16.
p.
n.
i.
Horatiorum soror.
p.
See note
115.
f r
113.
i.
27.
.
Alba,
i.
ubi
Amulius
fratre
4.
expulso
t r e
r e
See Livy g n a t
.
3.
n.
pulso
i.
i.
Amulius
Florus Epit.
De Romulo viderit adulatio fabulosa, qua perhibetur receptus in caelum; viderint quidam scriptores
116.
12.
I2O
eorum qui eum propter ferocitatem a senatu discerptum esse dixerunt subornatumque nescio quern lulium P r o culum, qui /eum sibi apparuisse diceret mandasse se populo per eumque Romano utinter numinacoleretur.... Acciderat enim et solis defectio.
-
Compare Livy s account i. 16., from which it will easily be seen that Augustine has not here followed Livy, as the
latter gives neither the
subornatum lulium
P
r
P
.
c u
nor the
2.
solis defectio.
o c u
1
Compare
i
Cic.
De Re
pub.
10. 20.
qui
inpulsu patrum quo illi a se invidiam interitus Romuli pellerent, in contione dixisse fertur a se visum esse in eo colle Romulum qui nunc Quirinalis vocatur;
sibi mandasse ut ut sibi eo in colle rogaret fieret; se deum esse et vocari, also De Legg i. i. 3.
eum
in
these passages
does
not
mention
the
solis
In
defectio,
Hortensio vero dialogo... ut e a s dem, inquit, tenebras efficiat quas effecit in interitu Romuli, qui o b scuratione solis est factus, and from this
dialogue
Augustine may have taken the whole account. Augustine s authority is doubtless Cicero, whom he mentions and quotes from in this chapter. Also p. 117. 8. he says
alii
addunt
Here, after he had consulted Cicero, he evidently noted the accounts given of the same event by other writers. Livy
(i.
16)
Florus
and Eutropius (Brev. i. 2. 2.) tell of the tempest (Epit. i. i. i) mentions both the tempest and the
;
121
lulius,
but Florus
nam et alii scriptores eorum 117. 8. defectioni solis addunt etiam subitam
tempestatem.
See Livy
i.
16.
i,
cum magno fragore tonitribusque tarn denso regem o.peruit nimbo ut conspectum eius contioni abstulerit. Eutrop. orta subito tempestate. Florus Brev. 1.2, oborta tempestas solisque Epit. defectio consecrationis speciem praei.
i.
i,
b u e
r e
117.
12 and 28.
tilius)
prava
i. 31. 8, sed ira lovis sollicitati religione fulmine ictum cum domo conflagrasse. Eutrop. Brev. i. 4, ful mine ictus cum domo sua arsit. Jerome s
See Livy
117. 26. excepto Numa Pompilio et Anco Marcio qui morbo interierunt.
Livy i. 21. 6 does not say how Numa died, but we may probably infer from this silence that Livy supposed he died a natural death. Florus Epit. i. i. 2 likewise says nothing as
to the
manner
e
of his death.
cessit
expressly
aura)
vita;
morbo decessit;
reAeirrTys,
Cic.
De Re
14. 27,
i.
e x
3)
writes
Plutarch, Vitae,
cu<viSioi>
Numa
dAA.a Kara
VTTO
yrjpws
KCU vocrov
In regard to
i.
i.
4) gives details as
Ancus neither Livy (i. 35) nor Florus (Epit. to how he died, nor does Cicero (De
33).
Re
pub.
2.
18.
Jerome
Chron.
of
Eusebius
ad
extremum morbo
(BE
periit;
122
Eutrop.
Brev.
359)
i.
5,
morbo
nothing
periit.
But
Jerome
-
about the death of Numa Pompilius. Accordingly in both cases Augustine has fol lowed Eutropius. Is it possible that this statement and the following (p. 117, 28. 30. 31) were found also in the Hortensius of Cicero, in which was recorded the translation of
(BE
8.
says
Romulus
(p.
117, 21)
117. 28. Tullus, ut dixi, Hostilius, victor et eversor Albae, cum tota domo sua fulmine concrematus est.
Again Eutropius
i.
is
Augustine
authority.
Compare Brev.
Hie bella reparavit, Albanos vicit .... fulmine ictus cum domo sua
4,
a r s
same account:
o v
fulmine ictum cum domo conflagrasse (i. 31. 8). Priscus Tarquinius per sui 117. 30. decessoris filios interemptus est.
sollicitati
prava
religione
See Livy
i.
40.
7.
The source
is
Eutrop. Brev.
i.
6,
per Anci filios occisus est, regis eius cui ipse successerat. Cic. De Re pub. 2. 21. 38,
Jerome
s
Servius Tullius generi sui Tarquinii Superbi qui ei successit in regnum nefario scelere occisus est. See Livy The source is Eutrop. Brev. Oc 48. 7, cisus est scelere generi sui Tarquini Superbi, filii eius regis, cui ipse suc cesserat, et filiae quam Tarquinius habebat uxorem. Augustine here makes no mention
117. 31.
i.
i.
of the participation of Tullia in the act, as Eutropius does, p. 118. 30, g e-n e r i
sui scelere
Jerome,
Tarquinii
123
filii,
seel
re
occisus
est
8.
de
.
erexit, also Eutrop. Augustine here has followed Florus Livy i. 55. 7. or Livy rather than Eutropius.
8,
manubiis capta-
118.
17.
Lucretiae stupro.
See note
118.
18.
31. 12.
n a b a
t.
See Livy
i.
i.
7,
Eutrop. Brev.
i. 8.
8.
27.
in
oppido
Tusculo
Romae
vicino quattuordecim, ut fertur, annos privatam vitam quietus habuit et cum uxore consenuit. See Livy 2. 15. 7, Tarquinius, spe omni reditus incisa, exulatum ad generum
abiit.
se
n,
Tusculum
uxore
the
con-
tulit, quae civitas non longe ab urbe est, atque ibi per quattuordecim an
nos
privatus
alone
cum
consenuit.
words privatus, quattuordecim annos, and cum uxore consenuit, as Livy and others do not give these
Eutropius
matches
details.
per ducentos ferme et quadratres annos. ginta Livy Epit. i, regnatum est annis CCLV, while Livy i. 60. 3, regnatum Romae ab con119. 8.
124
dita urbe ad liberatam ducentos quadraginta quattuor, Cic. De Re pub. 30. lis enim regiis quadraginta a n n s 52, et ducentis paulo. Florus, Epit. p r m a aetas sub regibus fuit prope per annos quadringentos which seems to have better MSS. authority than the more correct prope ducentos quinquaginta per annos. Jerome, Chron. of
2.
i
i.
i,
Euseb.
Bened.
a
ed.
vol.
8,
col.
381,
Romanorum
reges
Romulo, septem usque ad Tarquinium Superbum, imperaverunt annis CCXL sive, ut quibusdam placet,
CCXLIII
;
CCXLIV).
Romae
annis
v
i
But Augustine is evidently following Eutropius as his authority compare Brev. 1.8, Ita regna-
vix
illud
imperium intra
urbe milia dilataverint. ginti See Eutrop. Brev. i. 8 (ad fin.), cum adhuc Roma, ubi plurimum, vix usque ad quintum decimum miliarium possideret, and Je
ab
rome, Chron. of Euseb., BE,
If
vix usque ad
to have
made
a slip in writing
unless,
speaking very
intra viginti.
Nam lunius Brutus exhonora119. 26. tum eiecit urbe collegam Lucium Tar quinium Collatinum.
See note
p.
73.
14.
119. 28. ipse (lunius Brutus) in bello cecidit mutuis cum hoste vulneribus, occisis a se ipso primitus filiis suis
125
et
suae
fratribus,
no
v e
5 sq.,
i.
Cic. Tusc.
i.
37. 89,
i.
Id.
De
Sen. 20.
10.
idem Brutus consanguineus Tarquinii fuisseperhibetur. L. lunius The source is evidently Livy 56. 7: sorore regis, natus. Brutus, Tarquinia, Brutus parens Eutropius gives a different version: 8. 2). et ipse Tarquini (Brev. consul cum Bruto creatus est 120. 28. maritus Lucretiae L Tarq.uinius Colet
i.
i.
.
Nam
la
n u
See Livy
i.
60, Florus
Epit.
i.
3,
Eutrop.
Brev.
i.
9,
fuerunt igitur anno primo ab expulsis regibus consules L. lunius Brutus et Tarquinius Collatinus, maritus Lu
cretiae.
Lucretius quoque, qui in lo 121. 5. cum Bruti subrogatus, morbo antequam idem annus terminaretur, absumptus est. Ita P. Valerius, qui successerat
et M. Horatius, qui pro Lucretio suffectus fuerat, annum ilium funereum atque tartareum, qui consules quinque habuit, complev-
Collatino,
defuncto
e r a n t
2. 8 sq., also Eutrop. Brev. 10, Valerius Publicola Sp. Lucretium Tricipitinum collegam sibi fecit, Lucretiae patrem, quo morbo mortuo iterum Horatium Pulvillum collegam sibi sumpsit. Ita primus annus quinque consules habuit, cum Tarquinius Collatinus propter
See Livy
i.
126
in
proel-
tuus esset.
(2. 8.
should be noted here that Augustine has followed Livy 9) in giving to Valerius the praenomen Publius, as
against Eutropius (Brev. i. 9. 4), who gives Lucius, in spite of the fact that Augustine had before him Eutropius at the close of this chapter (16), though in DCD V. 18 (p. 227. 2),
where
his authority is also Eutropius, he gives L. Valerium, thus repeating there the error of Eutropius which he has here
corrected.
123. 6.
ulibus
et
18.
-
qando densissimis fatigata c vitas seditionum malis, cum legates Athenas missos ad leges mutuandas paululum quieta opperiretur, gravi fame pestilentiaque vastata est?
See Livy
123. 14.
3.
31-32.
multitudini
frumenta largitus est, regni adfectati crimen incurrit et eiusdem praefecti instantia per dictatorem L. Quintium aetate decrepitum a Quinto Servilio ....occisus est?
See
56, Id.
Livy
4.
12 sq.,
2.
Florus
49,
Epit.
Id.
i.
17,
i.
Cic.
i.
De
Sen.
De Re
pub.
27.
In Cat.
After examining all Vitae, Brutus i. clude that Augustine here followed Livy.
123. 21.
quando
diis
exorta
127
nova lectisantea fecerat, ternia, quod nunquam exhibenda arbitratus est? From Livy 5. 13. 4: gravis pestilensque omnibus, animalibus aestas excepit. Cuius insanabili pernicie quando nee causa nee finis inveniebatur, libri Sibyllini ex senatus consulto aditi lectisterno tune primum in s u n t urbe Romana facto.... quando per decem continues 123. 26. annos male pugnando crebras et m a g exercitus Veios clades nas apud Romanus acceperat, nisi per Furium Camillum tandem subveniretur, quern postea civitas ingrata damnavit? Ubi erant, quando Galli Romam ceperunt caedibus incenderunt spoliaverunt impleverunt
multumque
fatigatus
From Livy
see note
p.
73. 21.
cum ilia insignis pestilentia 123. 31. tarn ingentem stragem dedit, qua et ille Furius Camillus extinctus est. From Livy 7. i. 8 maximeque earn pesti;
In
;
hac
pestilentia
8.
scaenicos
ludos.... intulerunt.
From Livy
124. 4.
alia
venenis
est. From
matron arum
8.
Livy
18,
who
names
of
two of them as
128
124. 7quando in Caudinas furculas Samnitibus obsessi ambo cum exercitu consules foedus cum iis dum facere coacti sunt, ita ut equitibus Romanis sescentis obsidibus datis ceteri amissis armis aliisque spoliati privatique tegminibus sub iugum hostium cum vesti mentis singulis mitterentur?
o"^
From Livy
Brev.
2.
9.
2 sq.
i.
n, Eutrop.
9.
quando 124. 12. pestilentia gravi ceteris laborantibus multi etiam in exercitu icti fulmine perierunt? From Livy 10. 31: in exercitu Ap. Claudii plerosque fulminibus ictos nuntia tum
e s
t
.
124. 14.
alia
intolerabili
ab
pestilentia
Aesculapium Epidauro quasi medicum deum Roma advocare atque adhibere compulsa est.
From Livy
;
see note
p.
109. 23.
cum conspirantibus uno tem124. 19. pore hostibus Lucanis, Brutiis, Sam nitibus, Etruscis et Senonibus Gallis
primo ab eis legati perempti sunt, deinde cum praetore oppressus exercitus septem tribunis cum illo pereuntibus et militum tredecim milibus?
From
Romanorum
fecti
cum legati Epit. 12: Gallis Senonibus intern essent, bello ob id Gallis
Livy.
Compare
a
dicto,
L.
Caecilius
cum legionibus caesus est.... S a m Adversus eos et nites defecerunt. Etruscos et Brittios Lucanos et
-
praetor
ab
eis
I2 9
i.
Eutrop. Brev. 2. 10. The exact details given by Augustine are not, so far as I know, found in any extant Latin author before the time of Augustine but the account was found in the twelfth book of
12,
;
we have only the epitome the words from which (quoted above) briefly refer to circumstances in which it mentions the four such a calamity might well take place nations which were united against the Romans.
Livy, of which
:
post longas et graves Romae 124. 24. seditiones, quibus ad ultimum plebs
i
Pa
niculum
.
.
hostili
.
diremptione
dictator crearetur Hortensius qui plebe revocata in eodem magistratu exspiravit. aes See Livy Epit n: plebs propter alienum post graves, et longas sedi tiones ad ultimum secessit in laniculum, unde a Q. Hortensio dictatore deducta est; isque in ipso magis tratu decessit, and in this eleventh book of Livy s
secesserat,
.
information.
illi....
This
is
But we in the extant works of Livy. a doubt say that it was found originally in the earlier part of the twelfth book of Livy, and that for three reasons first Augustine seems to have followed in this chap
not recorded
may without
;
ter an accurate chronological sequence, according to the order given by Livy, of the events of Roman history
consul missos
occisus
praefectum annonae primum creavit--dictatorem L. Quintiumnova lectisternia per decem continues annos. apud Veios-- Galli Romam
. . .
ceperunt ilia insignis pestilentia scaenicos ludos pestilentia gravis in Caudinas de venenis matronarum furculas -multi etiam in exercitu icti fulmine Aesculapium.ab Epidauroconspirantibus uno tempore hostibus ... plebs ad laniculum Hortensius,
.
on
all
of
tinued
which see notes). This sequence seems to be con also after this event. So then the event to which
Augustine refers would come naturally after the death of Hortensius which was related toward the end of Livy n (com pare epit. ii ad fin.) secondly as the terminus a quo
r
would seem
to
nus
ad
a
etiam
Epit. 12,
Tarentinis
in
.
Pyrrhus,
which
;
was
evidently recorded
compare
thirdly,
Pyrrhus.
ferret,
ut
auxilium Taren
venit;
1
tinis
in
^Italian
e t a r
were en
bella
ubique
and, since this does not occur in the extant books of Livy, what other time could better suit this than that described in Livy Epit 12, from which we learn that
the
crebruerunt,
Senonian Gauls, Samnites, Lucanians, Bruttians and Etruscans were in arms against Rome ? Compare fragment 12 in Hertz edition of Livy from pope
adv.
Livio auctore, hac urbe exorta pesti lentia infinita hominum milia deperiisse atque eo frequenter ventum, ut e m vix esset unde illis bellicosis poribus exercitus potuisset adscribi. We should note the resemblance between Augustine s lan Ro guage above and that of Orosius (Adv. pag. 4. i. 3) manos qui quantique hostes circumstrepserent permetientes ultima adegit necessitas proletarios quoque in arma
Gelasius Ep.
Andromachum
saepissime
in
cogere, hoc est eos qui in urbe sem per sufficiendae prolis causa vacabat, Orosius must have fol militiae adscribere.
lowed Augustine here, as Zangemeister admits.
124. 34.
Accitus
.
etiam
ferret,
i.
Tarentinis
ut
a u x
-
P y
r r
h u
From
Livy.
Pyrrhus,
in
13,
ilium
v e n
i
Tarentinis
also Florus
t,
Eutrop. Brev.
Italian! Hi 2. n:
tra
sane de rerum futuro Cui 125. 2. eventu consulenti satis urbane Apollo sic ambiguum oraculum edidit, ut e duobus quidquid accidisset, ipse d vinus haberetur (ait enim, Dico te, Pyrrhe, vincere posse Romanos ).
i
Compare
Cic.
De
Div.
2.
56.
116,
Aio posse.
line
:
te,
This no doubt occurred in the latter part of Livy Pyrrhus would naturally consult the oracle before en From Livy Augustine evi tering on the war with Rome. dently took this; first, because all the other events in this
12, as
chapter seem to be taken from Livy; secondly, Augustine seems to be quoting accurately some definite source, D c o
i
vincere posse te, Pyrrhe, compared with the line of Ennius quoted above. mentioned in Plutarch s life of Pyrrhus.
Romanos,
This
is
as
not
in tanta strage bellorum etiam 125. 12. pestilentia gravis exorta est mulierum. Nam priusquam matures partus e d e r
ent,
gravidae moriebantur.
in
strage bellorum)
the war with Pyrrhus (in tanta which was related in Livy 12 (lat
32
of Aesculapius to
credo, Aescula
This
in
p e s t i the epitome of Livy, and we know not exactly at what time in the war it hap pened, but we may assign it to Livy 13, which, as we learn
from the epitome, gives a notice of the first fighting, or to the earlier part of 14, which gives the defeat of Pyrrhus and
the conclusion of the war.
in
censa sunt civium capita ducenta octoginta septem milia ducenta viginti duo (Livy Epit. 13), and in A. U. C. 477, censa sunt ducenta septuaginta capita civium unum milia ducenta- triginta quattuor
owing
showing a decrease in the population, doubtless (Epit. 14) to war and pestilence.
625. 16. i a n t
in
3. 6;
ter b
3-
This occurred
32
5
in
*>
several pestilences,
compare Livy
I
3>
41
2I
hiems
ilia
memorabilis
tarn
incredibili inmanitate saeviens, ut nivibus horrenda altitudine etiam in foro per dies quadraginta manentibus Tiberis quoque glacie duraretur.
not mentioned in Livy s epitome, but no doubt found it in the i3th or i4th book of Livy s own Augustine work.
This
is
125. 22.
ilia
itidem
ingens
p e
s t
lentia, quamdiu saeviit, quam multos peremit! Quae cum in annum alium frustra multo tenderetur gravius
133
Aesculapio, aditum est ad libros Sibyllinos....Tunc ergo dic tum est earn esse causam pestilentiae quod plurimas aedes sacras multi o c
praesente
cupatas privatim
tenerent.
i i
,
Nor is this incident mentioned in the Epitome, but it no doubt was taken from Livy book 13 or 14 (compare t d e m and frustra praesente Aesculapio).
126. ii.
Punicis bellis....
Florus Epit.
See for
18,
first
Eutrop. Brev.
21.
i
Punic war Livy Epit 16 sq., Florus Epit. i. For the second Punic war see 2. 20 sq.
i.
Livy
Brev.
sq.,
22,
Eutrop.
Epit.
Brev.
i.
3.
sq.
Livy Epit. 48
sq.,
Florus,
31,
Eutrop.
10.
Instaurati sunt ex auctoritate 126. 24. librorum Sibyllinorum ludi saeculares, quorum celebritas inter centum annos fuerat instituta felicioribusque t e m poribus memoria neglegente perierat. Renovarunt etiam pontifices ludos sacros inferis et ipsos abolitos annis retrorsum melioribus.
-
from
Compare Censorinus,
De
a r r o
originibus
reliquit.
libro
But
it is
primo
fairly certain
still following Livy, whose religious mind could should refer to note such events as important. hardly the mention of these ludi to book 16, or to one of the
fail
We
in
r
i
which
passed over
in silence.
ludi
a c
com
pare
in
e d
i
That Livy mentioned the ludi saeculares of the we are assured by Censorinus, De die natali 17. 9. Augustan age
t
.
127.
14.
fluvio
34
plana subversa sunt, aliis impetu quasi torrentis inpulsis, aliis velut madefactis atque stagno diuturno
s
u b
a p
The events
first
Punic war
and chapter 19 begins Secundo autem Punico bello. Augustine found this incident probably in the nineteenth book of Livy. The epitome does not mention it but it is related by Augustine between the disaster of Regulus (mentioned in Epit. 18) and the burning of the temple of Vesta Istam deinde pestem ignis perniciosior subsecutus est, which is mentioned toward the end of epit. 19. At any rate Livy was un
;
:
p. 127. 2),
doubtedly Augustine
source.
Istam deinde pestem ignis 127. 17. perniciosior subsecutus est qui.... Cuius tempi o Vestae non pepercit. exterritae virgines sacra ilia impetu fatalia....cum ab illo incendio berare non possent, Metellus pontifex
.
128.
17.
his
quoque
bella
fatentibus
non
u n
t
.
tarn
narrare
Romana quam
instituerFlorus whose
qui
chiefly to
ille
qui
135
Epit.
i.
22. i:
similior
v
i
victo
sit
populus
ille
qui
which is an additional proof that Augustine used Florus as one of his authorities. Dombart gives this refer
c
i
ence.
128. 27. De Cannensi autem mirabiliter horrendo malo.
See Livy
Brev.
3.
22.
44.
sq.,
Florus Epit.
i.
22.
15,
Eutrop.
10.
See Livy 23. 12: effundi in vestibule curiae iussit anulos aureos,qui tantus
for not o d i i against Livy and Florus in the number of only is the subject matter the same, but the very words tres
,
modios anulorum aureorum Carthagi nem misit occur verbatim in Eutropius. Compare also trium modiorum Val. Max., 16, who also gives mensuram. Kuhlmann (p. 7) erroneously thinks that
7.
2.
136
Augustine has taken this from Livy. of Augustine, DCD. I-X, page 31).
129. 7. Denique tanta militum iniopia secuta est ut Romani reos facinorum proposita inpunitate colligerent, servitia libertate donarent.... See Livy 23. 14. Florus Epit. i, 22. 23: in sacramentum liberata servitia, Eutrop. Brev. 3.
10 quod numquam (ad fin.): servi, ante, manumissi et milites facti sunt. Thus Florus and Eutropius mention only servitia or servi, while Livy adds qui capitalem fraudem ausi quique pecuniae indicati in vinculis essent, which account Augustine seems to
g
have followed here, though it should be noted how closely the words of Augustine (p. 129. 12) defuerunt. Detracta sunt templis resemble those of Florus
arma
arma non erant: detracta sunt templis, while reos facinorum proposita
i.
22.
23:
inpunitate
Florus.
could not come from had then the account as given by Livy in Augustine mind, while at the same time he perhaps had Florus before his eyes, using almost his words.
colligerent
129. 30.
exitium Saguntinorum
21. 6 sq.,
See Livy
Brev.
3.
7.
Florus Epit.
i.
22. 3 sq.,
and Eutrop.
130.
5.
ut
ab
i.
22. 7)
certain that Augustine did not use him as his primary au thority here, as Florus does not mention the embassy first to
3.
i
The source is probably Livy: compare 21. 9. Hannibal. The same account is given by Eutropius Brev. 3. 7. 3: H u
ut
137
em miserunt.
to denote
bello abstineret. Is legates admittere noluit. Roman! etiam CarthaginThe words which Augustine employs
in
the
time spent
a
3:
Dum
hae morae
n.
gu
legationibus mittendis; this resemblance has been pointed out by Kuhlmann (work cited above p. 12).
130,
10.
octavo
est.
nono
Poenis
mense deleta
duration of the siege.
Eutropius could not have been Augustine s source here as he does not (Brev. 3. 7) state the number of months of the
argue from
Florus Epit.
;
his
i.
That Augustine knew Florus here we vel nono with which compare giving
22. 3
novem mensibus
authority
:
cited in note
but he did not here use Florus as a primary source, p. 129.30 octavo vel nono, from which we conclude writing
that Livy was his
first
compare Livy
21
15. 3,
octavo
sere.
mense quam coeptum oppugnari captum Saguntum quidam scripAs Augustine had evidently Florus before him, as we saw from notes on chap. 19, he noticed that Florus gave
hence he added vel nono. and Livy speak of Saguntum as a Augustine
nine months,
Also both
c
8,
i
opulentissima
7.2).
130. 13. a
(Augustine
DCD
p.
130.
Livy
21.
bus
This is not recorded by Livy or Florus or Eutropius, nor can we point to any authority which Augustine may have had for seems to show that Augus these words. tine is not quoting, but has merely in mind some story of this
or a similar siege.
38
die longiore prodicta in Liternium concessit, and 38. 53. 8: vitam Literni egit sine desiderio urbis. Morientem rure eo ipso loco sepeliri se iussisse ferunt, monumentumque ibi aedificari, ne funus sibi in ingrata patria fieret. See also Val. Max. 5. 3. 2 b. eiusque voluntarii exilii acerbitatem non tacitus ad in fernos tulit, sepulchre suo inscribi iubendo ingrata patria ne ossa quidem
:
sua virtute salvam et liberam reddidit, in oppido Linternensi egit reliquam complevitque vitam, post insignem suum triumphum nullo illius urbis captus desiderio, ita ut iussisse perhibeatur ne saltern mortuo in ingrata patria funus fieret. See Livy 38. 50. 7: Roma victrix victorem Hie s p e Africanum expellat; 38. 52. n ciosus ultimus dies P. Scipioni Post quern cum invidiam et luxit. certamina cum tribunis prospiceret,
i
:
mea habes.
from
whom
But the source here is undoubtedly Livy, n in Augustine took the words n e
.
Deinde tune primum per Gneum 132. 19. Manlium proconsulem de Gallograecis triumphantem Asiatica luxuria Romam omni hoste peior inrepsit. Tune enim primum lecti aerati et pretiosa stran e q u
i
Augustine seems to have had in mind here the words of Livy found in 39. 6. 7. (quoted p. 33 in Literary Sources of Augustine DCD I-X). Compare Florus Epit. i. 47. 7.
139
133- 71
est etiam
ilia
ne quis
lex Voconia,
unicam filiam.
See Livy Epit. 41 Q Voconius Saxa tribunus plebis legem tulit ne quis mulierem heredem institueret. Compare also
Cic. pro
Balbo
8.
21,
and De Re pub.
3.
10.
17.
Numantinum foedus horrenda 133. 29. ignominia maculosum; volaverant enim pulli de cavea et Mancino consuli, ut aiunt, augurium malum fecerant. See Livy Epit 55: C. Hostilio Mancino consule sacrificante pulli ex cavea evolaverunt... Et victus enim a Numantinis et castris exutus, cum spes nulla servandi exercitus esset, pacem cum
eis fecit
ignominiosam.
The 55th book
Florus Epit.
of Livy
s
i.
34. 5.,
quod Mithridates rex Asiae Asia peregrinantes cives Romanos atque innumerabili copia suis negotiis intentos uno die occidi iussit; et factum est. See Livy Epit. 78, iussuque eius quidquid civium Romanorum in Asia fuit uno die trucidatum est. Florus Epit. 40.
ubique
in
i.
Eutrop. Brev.
5.
tine s brief
mention of
2.
it
18.
Augus
impossible to
sum Romam sociale Latium comcuncta animalia humanis moveret, usibus subdita, canes equi asini boves et quaeque alia pecora sub hominum
Namque antequam
se
adver-
140
et
An account of this was probably found in the seventysecond book of Livy. Julius Obsequens 54 has preserved it for us from Livy ex agris in
:
cum urbem Latini agerent, pecora armentaque strage hominum passim facta armenta in tantam rabiem concitata sunt, ut vastando suos hostile imaginarentur
b
Compare
also Orosius,
5.
18. 9,
who
milia
.
hominum
occidisse
now
perbook
e t u r
in the
lost sixty-first
of Livy though not found in the epitome. See Plut. Vitae, C. Gracchus, 18 (ad init.) OVTOS //.ei/rot Trporros eovo-ia SiKTctTOpos
ev {iTrarcia ^p^aa/Ae^os
/cat
KaraKTtVas
d/cpirous
CTTI
Tpiar\L\iois TroXtrats
Tatov
quantum grave
Compare
Florus
Percussor Gracchi ipsius caput, erat, tanto auri pondere consuli vendidit; haec enim pactio
136.
16.
caedem praecesserat.
Epit.
2.
3.
6:
insultatum
quoque mortis reliquis et illud sacrosanctum caput tribuni plebis percussoribus auro repensatum. The same may
have been found even with more detail in the lost sixty-first book of Livy. Most likely on Livy s authority Augustine
writes
s e r
This is put almost beyond doubt by the fact that a t Plutarch (Vitae C. Gracchus 17) records the same: ty yap
.
TrpOKCKTypuy/zevov iv &pxfj r
rr]v
^ ^-X
r icrooracrtov l^
Compare
also Pliny N.
H.
33.
3.
48:
cum
Septumuleius
auro
os
familiaris
eius
addito parricidio suo rem p. etiam circumscripserit. occisus est cum liberis Mar 136. 19. cus Fulvius consularis.
The source was Livy Flaccus Rom. 2.6:
;
abscisum plumboque in
ad
Opimium
tulerit,
see
Epit.
61., Veil.
Pat.
Hist.
in
Aventino
est;
also
cum
Plut.
filio
Vitae, C.
maiore
Gracchus
17.
iugulatus
136. 25.
aedes Concordiae
of this
facta est.
in
An account
sixty-first
the
now
lost
book of Livy; Plutarch (Vitae C. Gracchus 17) That some contemporaries of the mentions its construction. event felt as Augustine did about the erection of the temple we have evidence in the words of the inscription which Plu tarch (Vitae, C. Gracchus, 17 ad fin.) tells us some one wrote
by night On the temple,
138. 4.
Ipyov aTrovoias vaov 6/zovoias
Trotet.
Lucius Saturninus tribunus Gaius Servilius praetor, plebis et multo post Marcus Drusus quorum omnium seditionibus caedes iam tune gravissimae
*
Pat.
i.
Hist.
7. 8,
2.
Rom.
4.
i
2.
12
2.
sq.
5.
i
4.
sq.,
Plut. Vitae,
Marius 28
sq.
s e r
138. 7. u n t
.
deinde
Epit.
socialia
Italici
bella
exar-
See Livy
72:
fecerunt
Picentes
142
Paeligni Marrucini
Florus
Brev.
Epit.
5.
3.
2.
Samnites Lucani,
Hist.
6,
Veil.
Pat.
Rom.
2.
15,
Eutrop.
138.
s
i
9.
.
.
a m hoc est ex paucissimis, minus quam septuaginta, gladiatoribus. quern ad modum bellum servile contractum sit.... bellum In Livy Epit. 56 and 69 there is mention of
t
.
servile.
But the one to which Augustine here refers Compare Florus Epit. 2. 7. and
2.
is
2.
30,
Eutrop. Brev.
6.
7.
number
of gladiators
is
et
6.7).
septuaginta,
Florus (Epit.
3)
Spartacus
2.
Crixus
30. 5 sexaginta quattuor fugitivi. Cic. Ad Att. 6. 2. 8 n o n Cum amplius, inquis, quinquaginta. minus multi primo fuerunt. Spartaco
r
i
Veil.
Pat.
Hist.
Rom.
gladiatores
5. 24.
i).
septuaginta
If
et
it
quattuor
might seem as
(Adv. pag.
if
Augustine followed It is true that Florus and Cicero as Velleius Paterculus. shown above give a number which is indeed minus quam septuaginta, but Augustine would not have used
the
are correct
MSS.
these words
if
he had had
in
mind
either the
number given by
minus
s
quam sep
that the
tuaginta
Epitome
is
occurred
in
Livy
Com-
143
(ad
fin.)
i.
annis
sisse
23.
12.
CCLV,
with Livy
60.
modii mensuram traditur with Livy dimidium super tris modios e x Fama plesse sint quidam auctores, tenuit, quae propior vero est, haut But against this Livian plus fuisse modio.
i
annos ducentos quadraginta quattuor: and Epit. 23 quos (anulos aureos) exces-
in
duces
habuerunt
s
DCD^
IV.
5
(p.
Augustine
151.
16)
while Livy Epit. 95 gives only two Crixus and Spartacus, un less we suppose that here again the epitome contains a
own
statement.
IV.
5 tells
The tres
against assum
duces habuerunt
of
DCD
ing Velleius Paterculus as the authority because he mentions only one leader (Hist. Rom. 2. 30. 5). The best solution is to suppose that Augustine s authority servile was the Historiae of Sallust, for the
bellum
and that there he found both the IV. 5, and the minus
3-
tres duces
p.
of
DCD
See
quam septuaginta.
v
i
138.
See Livy Epit. 77 sq., Florus Epit. 2. 9 brief account of all the civil wars to the
sq.,
who
gives a 4 sq.,
Bellum cum
Brev.
5.
Antonio
civile
2.
et
Cleopatra;
est.
Eutrop.
commotum
Veil.
Pat.
Hist.
Rom.
19 sq.
138. 23.
bella piratarum.
2.
See Livy Epit. 99, Veil. Pat. Hist. Rom. trop. Brev. 6. 12. sq., Florus Epit. i. 41.
139. 17.
31
sq.,
Eu
eretur
in
144
domibus trucidarentur suis, duo Crassi et filiu. s in conspectu mutuo mactarentur, Baebius et Numitorius
pater
unco tract! sparsis visceribus interirent, Catulus hausto veneno se manibus inimicorum subtraheret, Merula flamen Dialis praecisis venis lovi etiam suo sanguine litaret. In ipsius autem Marii oculis continue feriebantur, quibus salutantibus dexteram
n o
1
s s e t
14 (quoted in Literary Sources of Augustine It will be seen from a comparison of these I-X, p. 43). two passages that Augustine either has made a rhetorical in ference in the words tracti sparsis viscer
2.
Florus Epit.
9.
BCD
unco
ibus from
in
per
medium forum
unci
al
traxere carnificum,
the last statement, or, as Kuhlmann has pointed together out (work cited above, p. 19), there are evidences of the use of another historian doubtless Livy in the divergence of
the narrative of Augustine from that of Florus. Epit. 80 sq., Veil. Pat. Hist. Rom. 2. 24.
See Livy
The great difficulty in the above passage of Augustine is connected with the readings of Caesares a Fimbria or Caesar et Fimbria. The MSS of Augustine read Caesar et Fimbria, which reading the BE (1864) re tains. This is also the reading given in Strange s ed. 1850, and the one observed by Saisset in his French translation. In the passage from Florus (Epit. 2. 9. 14) by which editors seek to correct Augustine the codex Bambergensis, E. III. 22, reads caesare fimbria; the codex Palatinus and codex Vossianus caesar et fimbria which is the C a e reading found in the above passage from Augustine. sares a Fimbria is the correction of Graevius upon Florus, and this correction is adopted in the Bipontine edition
1783,
in
Jahn
edition
(Leip.
1852), in
Seebode
edition
(Leip. 1821), in K. Halm s edition (Leip. 1872), in Rossbach s Other readings are a edition (Leip. 1896). a A. Schott proposed bria,
caesi
Fim-
Funebria. Caesares a Cinnaor caesares fratres. Dombart corrects Augustine from Floras, Caesares a Fimbria Florus 2. 9. 14; caesar et fimcaesi
r
i
s s
(crit.
Little
note on the place); and Hoffmann fol light is thrown on this subject
from our extant histories, but Caesares a Fimbria Fimbria s death is seems to suit better the facts we know.
thus described in Livy Epit. 83:
Fimbria desertus
ab exercitu, qui ad Sullam transierat, ipse se percussit, impetravit de servo suo praebens cervicem ut se occideret,
and Plutarch not that we may lay too much stress on curacy as an historian Vitae, Sulla 25, 6/ocui/ Se 6
jj.Ta/3oX.r)V
his ac
rrjv
3>t/A/3pias
d)S
o.8iaAA.a/<Toi
tv
TW
post Marii maioris pristinas 7. recentissimas caedes additae fuerunt aliae graviores a Mario iuvene atque Carbone earundem partium M a r ianarum, qui Sulla imminente non solum victoriam verum etiam ipsam desperantes salutem cuncta suis aliis caedibus impleverunt.
140.
ac
2.
9.
13
sq., Veil.
Rom.
2.
curia,
tamquam
is
Florus
clearly
the source.
See Fpit.
2.
9.
20
o b
de senatu quasi iugularentur educti. Mucius Scaevola pontifex 140. 15. ...suo paene sanguine extinxit.
sic
146
See
Livy Epit.
86:
Q.
Mucius
fugiens occisus
Scaevola
in
9. 21
Mucius
Orat.
10,
Lucan, Pharsalia i. 126. gustine probably had the account of Florus in mind.
Cic.
3.
De
3.
Au
Urbem deinde Sulla victor 140. 18. intravit, qui in villa publica non iam bello sed ipsa pace saeviente septem milia deditorum (unde utique inermia) non pugnando sed iubendo prostrav e r a
t
.
There
number
the greatest diversity in our authorities as to the whom Sulla thus put to death. Compare Livy Epit.
is
octo milia dediticiorum in villa 88; Florus Epit. 2. 9. 24 publica trucidavit quattuor milia deditorum inermium civium in villa publica interfici iust s Val. Max. 9. 2. i: quattuor legiones contrariae partis fidem suam secutas in publica villa.... obtruncari iussit;
;
:
cd/ros re
tem milia tune Romanorum Romani Sulla m o x interfecerunt and 5. 21. tria atque urbem victor intravit, milia hominum qui se per legates dediderant contra fas contraque fidem datam inermes securosque interfecit;
i,
TOVS 4a/acr;(tAioi;S.
SCp-
Seneca De Clem.
i.
12.
2:
civium
work
;
Romanorum contrucidari
may have been found
in
qui
septem
milia
Septem milia
if
MSS. are correct Augustine would seem to have followed Seneca here who alone gives septem milia;
the
but
it is
to the
number slain by Sulla on his entrance into the city and the number slain in battle before that. Compare the two
cited
above from Orosius. It is very strange that while closely following Florus in this chapter (28) Augustine should disagree with him here. It may be that Augustine has
places
made
a mistake.
donee Sullae suggereretur 140. 24. sinendos esse aliquos vivere ut e s sent quibus possent imperare qui
v
i
c e r a n
2. 9. 25, admonente Fufidio vivere aliquos debere ut essent qui bus imperarent. This is clearly the source. tabula ilia cum magna gratu140. 27. latione proposita est quae hominum ex utroque ordine splendido, equestri scilicet occidenatque senatorio, dorum ac proscribendorum duo milia continebat. See Livy Epit. 88, Florus Epit. 2. 9. 25 proposita est ingens ilia tabula et ex ipso equestris ordinis flore ac senatu duo milia electi qui mori iuberentur, Veil.
Pat. Hist.
i.
Rom.
2.
Val.
Max
9. 2.
in
Evidently Florus is here Augustine s authority. connection with the cruelty of Sulla his epitaph given by avrov Plutarch Vitae, Sulla 38. (ad fin.) TO oe 7rtypa/xyua
:
See also
<acriv
V7roypai//-a/x,
ov KaraXiTretv ov Ke^aXatoi/
K(XK(OS
)(6p<*>V
I<TTIV
us OVT
rwv
<iA.toi/
TIS
CLVTOV
V7Tp^8aXTO.
141.
3.
iantium manus diripuerunt, inmanius homines hominem vivum quam bestiae solent discerpere cadaver abiectum.
From
Florus Epit.
of
2.
Quendam enim
sine ferro
a n
9.
26:
ritu
ferarum, inter
Augustine
48
-
Alius oculis effossis et p a r 141. 6. ticulatim membris amputatis in tantis cruciatibus diu vivere vel potius diu mori coactus est. From Florus Epit. 2. 9. 26: Marium, oculis effossis manibus cruribusque effractis, servatum aliquamdiu ut per singula membra moreretur. Seneca, De Ira 318, M Mario.... L. Sulla praefringi crura, erui oculos, amputari linguam, manus iussit et, occideret quasi totiens quotiens vulnerabat, paulatim et per singulos artus laceravit.
.
141.
8.
quam
t
villae,
.
quaedam
2.
nobiles
civi-
e s
27:
sub
r e
n
9.
una vero,velut unusreus duci iuberetur, sic tota iussa est truci141.
d a
From
Florus Epit,
2.
9.
28:
S u
i
o n e
n o n
obsidet u belli, sed quo modo morte damnati duci iubentur, sic damnatam civitatem iussit Sulla
expugnat aut
d
r e
eleri.
141.
24.
Olim Gallorum
i.
et
Gothorum inruptionem.
See notes pp.
141.
32.
3
paulo ante
and
84. 21.
e
i
Gothi vero tarn multis s toribus pepercerunt ut magts m sit quod aliquos peremerunt.
n a
r
149
Augustine here takes the milder view of the extent of the On the other hand compare Procopius De bello Vandalico I. 2. 12: TOVS re dv^puJTrous aTravras CKTCIVOV ocrot lyzvovro
slaughter.
cv TTOCTIV, o^aoicos /xev 7rp(7/3irras oyaotcos 8e veovs oirre yvyaiKaij/ oirre TraiScav
Eccl.
slain
:
7.
10,
who
says
that
KCU TroAAou
142.
21.
bella Sertorii.
sq.,
Florus Epit.
2.
2.
10,
Eutrop.
Rom.
30.
142.
21.
bella.... Catilinae.
Sail.
Cat.,
6.
Livy Epit.
15.
142. 23.
Lepidi
Epit.
2.
et n,
Catuli bellum.
Eutrop.
Brev.
6.
i
See
Epit. 90.
Florus
sq.
Livy
142. 24.
ad Pompei
2.
et
Caesaris (bellum).
6.
13,
Eutrop. Brev.
19 sq.,
Livy
Gaium Caesarem....tamquam regni adpetitorem quorundam nobilium coniuratio senatorum velut pro rei
143.
2.
publicae libertate
davit.
See Livy Epit.
Brev.
6.
in
13. 92
sq.,
Eutrop.
2. 9.
25,
2.
Veil.
Hist.
Rom.
2.56, Cic.
De
Div.
23, Phil.
it is
But in this, as in the rest of this chapter, 29. to say which particular writer or writers Au impossible
12.
eadem
patriae
It
libertate
cannot be Florus.
Veil.
uncertain.
See Cicero
In
Pat.
ISO
Hist. Rom. 2. 64. 2 Haec sunt tempora quibus M. Tullius continuis actionibus aeternas Antoni memoriae inussit notas,
:
also Id.
2.
66.
men
tion his hostility to Antonius, but speak of .his assassination in the proscriptions to which Antonius was a party. See
Florus
Epit.
1
Epit.
20.
21.
2.
16.
5,
Eutrop.
Brev.
7.
(ad
fin.)
Livy
144.
boves locutos.
3.
See Livy
21.
10. 6
2.
24. 10. 10
27.
n. 4
27,
28.
n. 4
53.
35.
4;
41.
i.
il.
Jul.
Obseq.
15,
26,
43,
Verg.
Georg.
478.
21.
144.
uteris
See Livy
10
a n
e
i
in
e r o
Various prodigies
in Livy.
7
;
in
Compare
but
to
7.
17. 3,
26.
these does Augustine [refer here. 19. He probably had in mind such a prodigy related in one of the This is all the more likely because he has books now lost.
none of
evidently taken the other prodigies from Livy is strange that if the above incident occurred
narrative.
it is
It
Livy repeated by Julius Obsequens in his Prodigiorum liber, as we can prove from his language he knew and in many cases
followed Livy, though not always.
144.
22.
in
not
feminas
i.
et
in
masculinum sexum
See Livy 22,
13
;
gallinas et homines
fuisse
;
conversas.
not recorded in
24.
io. io
this is
Julius Obsequens.
144.
27.
pluit terra.
io. 31. 8
i
;
See Livy,
16. 5.
35. 21. 3
37. 3. 3
42. 20. 5
45.
Jul.
Obseq.
(55), 14 (73).
144-
27.
pluit creta.
24.
10. 7.
See Livy
144.
27.
Jul.
Obseq. 47 (107).
pluit lapidibus.
i.
See Livy
23- 5
5
31.
21.
62. 6
i
3-
38-
8.
Jul.
Obseq.
22.
(in), 54 (114).
Legimus apud eos Aetnaeis 144. 29. ignibus ab ipso mentis vertice usque ad littus proximum decurrentibus ita mare ferbuisse ut rupes exurerentur, ut pices navium solverentur.... Eodem rursus aestu ignium tanta vi favillae scripserunt oppletam esse Siciliam, ut Catinensis urbis tecta obruta et pressa dirueret; qua calamitate pereiusdem anni misericorditer moti tributum ei relaxavere Romani.
No doubt
of
this
was taken from one of the now lost books See Servius on Verg. Georg. i. 472,
fornacibus
Livius, tanta mortem Caesaris ex ante flamma Aetna monte defluxit, ut non tantum vicinae urbes sed etiamRegina civitas adflaretur. Julius Obsequens refers to the same
ut
dicit
Aetnae incendio Catina (Prodig. lib. 32) consumpta. Orosius writes of this (Adv. pag. 13. 3) eodem tempore Aetna mons ultra solitum exarsit et torrentibus igneis superfusis lateque circumfluentibus Catinam urbem finesque eius oppressit ita ut tecta aedium calidis cinericonbus praeusta et praegravata cladis levandae cuius ruerent causa senatus decem annorum vectiThus Augusgalia Catinensibus remisit.
5.
: :
152
tine
and Orosius
differ
Romans
the latter
it is
remitted
eiusdem
is
anni
the
tributum,
and
Lucustarum etiam in Africa 145. 3. multitudinem prodigii similem fuisse, cum iam esset populi Romani prolitteris mandaverunt; convincia, sumptis enim fructibus foliisque lignorum ingenti atque inaestimabili nube in mare dicunt esse deiectam; qua mortuaredditaque littoribus atque hinc acre tantam ortam corrupto pestilentiam ut in solo regno Masinissae hominum milia octingenta perisse referantur et multo amplius in terris littoribus proximis. Tune Uticae ex triginta milibus iuniorum quae ibi erant decem milia remansisse confirmant.
See
Livy Epit.
60,
Jul.
apparuit lucustarum ingenti Africa, quae a vento in agmine mare deiectae fluctibusque eiectae odore intolerabili mortiCyrenis feroque vapore gravem pestilentiam fecerunt pecori; hominumque DCCC milia consumpta tabe proditum est.
Livy
s
account,
in
pag. 5. u. sq. who again differs and gives a fuller account. The former says from Augustine, that in Numidia where there were octingenta milia
plus quam ducenta milia est, apud ipsam perisse traditum vero Uticam civitatem triginta milia militum extincta atque abrasa sunt....apud Uticam sub una die per unam portam ex illis iunioribus plus quam mille quingentos mortuos elatos fuisse narretur.
hominum,
.
153
BOOK
IV.
Note how Augustine says he derived his infor 146. 16. mation for the facts related in the three preceding books and p a r t m parti m ex recenti
:
memoria
ex litteris
147. 23.
iter
stringit
eo
libello
quern
de
8 are taken as a
s
solid
sed
magna lectionum
De Mundo, diversitate, as
edition) of
Hildebrand says.
Eleganter enim et veraciter 150. 27. Alexandro illi Magno quidam compreNam cum hensus pirata respondit. idem rex hominem interrogasset quid ei videretur ut mare infestaret, ille libera contumacia: Quod tibi, inquit, ut orbem terrarum; sed quia id ego
exiguo navigio facio, latro vocor; quia tu magna classe, imperator.
See Cic.
125, 318, 534)
De Re
.
quo scelere impulsus mare haberet uno myoparone, infestum eodem, This is quo tu orbem terrae inquit,
.
pub.
3.
14.
ex eo
Cicero
DCD
in
154
p. 138. 9.
4-
Qualibet
vel
iste
quaedam
rerum (nam
aliae
fideliores litterae ostendunt) constat tamen et inter alios scriptores regnum Assyriorum a Nino rege fuisse longe lateque porrectum.
It is
refers.
Compare Chron.
44).
not possible to say to what sources Augustine here of Euseb. (Jerome, B E vol. 8, col.
153. 9-
Nam
cam historiam persecuti sunt, mille ducentos et quadraginta annos ab anno primo, quo Ninus regnare coepit,permansit hoc regnum donee transferretur ad Medos.
Compare Chron.
of Euseb.
t
(Jerome
BE
vol. 8, col.
50)
mille
347.
trecenti.
On
.
is
2.
in col.
Imperium Assyrii.
annis
with
the
centis
here
agrees
tenuere.
Chronicle
of
Hence
Eusebius
with lustinus.
Compare
BCD,
XII.
n.
in
regnum Assyriorum in eadem epistula Alexandri quinque milia excedit a n norum; in Graeca vero historia mille
-
quibus
habet
ab
ipsius
55
157. 5
his
coli
i
.
cro
p a
r
colunt,
nomine
nuncu-
For the fragments of Varro in the fourth book of DCD see Francken pp. 8-31, Schwarz especially pp. 438-449, Agahd, index p 367.
157. 17.
name
in
Though Augustine does not mention Varro by Chapters 10 and n, there can be little doubt from
the nature of the subject and the similarity with other authen ticated remains of Varro that these passages are to be attrib
20.
Cui
dabant
de
have no doubt that it is to be referred also to Augustine follows in the preceding and succeed ing pages. Probably Varro added this information in his This is sixteenth book of R D entitled "De Diis selectis. treated more fully under Varro in The Sources of Augustine,
passage
I
Varro,
whom
"
p. 40.
Quietum vero appellantes, faceret quietum, cum aedem haquae beret extra portam Collinam.
165. 32.
num Quietis.
a e d e
s
Compare Livy
4. 41. 8,
via
this
i
Labicana ad
located
From
we
dedicated to
e s
tam Collinam,
same deity on the
167.
while
there
was a
u.
.
o ye
JJV
0os TW
OVTL
XcKTCOf OVTCOS J
Trdvrtav
TL
(JLT/JV.
Ot>8
a/3Ct
S eytO, 6 $OS,
7Ti8^ dya0os,
av
CIT;
amos
ovre
our aAAou
rovs Oeovs d
6
Ibid. 380.
U
3816
dAAa
/zr/v
0eos
ye
/cat
TO,
$ov
But the above is rather an inference on the part of Augus from his knowledge of Platonism and Neo-Platonism than a reference to any specific statement of Plato, as no such definite statement is found in Plato.
tine
vocant, ut matronis d e d et appellata est Fortuna muliebris, etiam locutum esse memor iae commendaverint atque dixisse non sernel sed iterum.
168. 13.
quam
Fortunam
quod
a
eius,
See Livy
2.
40.
Lact.
Div.
Inst.
2.
7.
n,
u d
etiam mirabile, quod simulacrum Forfunae muliebris non semel locutum esse traditur; ibid. 2. 16. n, quod Fortuna muliebris periculum denuntiavit; Val.
Max.
of in
i.
8.
4,
Id. 5.
2.
i.
No doubt
this deity
was treated
Varro
work.
169. 5.
u n
See Livy
sq.
Id. 29.
i r.
13,
a e d e
m V
i.
tutis
i.
eo anno ad portam Capenam M. Marcellus dedicavit. Lact. Div. Inst. 20. 12,
20.
19,
Inst.
2. 8.
Ep.
19, 2.
15.
6,
Cic.
N. D.
pub.
2.
i.
23. 61,
3,
36.
88,
De Legg.
i.
i.
u.
28,
De Re
14. 21,
Val.
Max.
8.
et Fides dea credita est et 169. 9. accepit etiam ipsa tempi um et altare.
See Livy 1.21.
i
4,
et
2.
soli
23. 61,
Fidei
3.
sollemne
De Legg.
2.
s t
Cic. N. D.
18.
47,
8.
19, 2.
ii. 28.
169. 14.
in
quattuor species
distribuendam esse
157
titudinem temperantiam.
Augustine s literary source for the four cardinal virtues was Cicero s Hortensius, as we learn from the De Trinitate 14.
De omnibus tamen quattuor v r tutibus)....Tullius in Hortensio dialogo disputans. That this was not the only place in
9.12,
(
i
the works of Cicero where the four- fold division of virtue was found we know from Jerome (Comm. in Zach. works, BE,
quattuor scilicet virtutes iustitia fortitude temperprudentia antia, de quibus plenissime in Officiorum libris Tullius disputat,scribens proprium quoque de quattuor virtutibus librum. A similar list is found in Apuleius
vol. 6, col.
1498)
2.
i
i;
i
Hildebrand
edition, vol.
2,
p.
temperan
and Cicero.
in
mm
ira
cum rex simul 2. 12. 12 infensus periculoque conterritus circumdari ignis minitabundus iuberet, nisi expromeret propere quas insidiarum sibi minas per ambages iaceret,
This comes from Livy
t
magnam
pro
Curio,
cum
abruptam
terram
se
The source is Livy, in whose history there are two ac counts of the origin of the lacus Curtius, i. 13 and It is to the event which took place on the latter occas 7. 6.
ion
(7.
6.
3) that
Augustine here
refers,
Cur-
S8
arma magis Romanum bonum quam virtusque esset? Silentio facto em pla deorum immortalium, quae foro imminent, Capitoliumque intuentem et manus nunc in caelum nunc in patentes terrae hiatus ad.deos manes porrigentem se devovisse, equoque deinde quam poterat maxime exornato insidentem armatum in se specum
t
i
dubitantes
an
ullum
mm
s s e
In the examples
(Mucius, Curtius,
Decii
pater
et
filius)
of
fortitude
the close of this chapter he has not followed Florus, for Florus does not record the case of Curtius, nor has he followed Eutropius or Cicero as they do not give the information here
required.
Augustine
169. 28.
Decio
P.
patri
se
Decius
Decio et voverunt.
Mus pater
filio
the source
at Vesuvius in
the war against the Latins in the year 340 B. C. See Livy 8. 9 sq. Florus Epit. 1.9. 3. P. Decius Mus filius at Sentinum B. C.
brians.
295 in the war against the Gauls Etruscans Samnites and UmSee Livy 9. 40 sq. 10. 28., Florus Epit. i. 12. 7
nam oppressus in sinu vallis alter consulum Decius more patrio devotum diis manibus obtulit caput. Cur denique tarn sero huic 173. II.
tantae
deae tot post (Felicitati) Lucullus aedem principes constituit?
Romanes
This perhaps occurred in the forty eighth book of Livy lost, but Augustine may have found it in Varro s writings. There is no mention of Lucullus building a temple to Felici-
now
tas in
159
Valerius Maximus, Velleius Paterculus, Seneca, Aulus Gellius, From Cic. In Verr. 4. 57. 126 we Tertullian or Lactantius.
that there existed a temple to Felicitas, but Cicero does not say that Lucullus built it. Arnobius, Adv. Natt. 4. i. i
know
mentions Felicitas among other deities who had shrines. L. Licinius Lucullus, the grandfather of the Lucullus who subdued Mithridates, is the Lucullus here mentioned. He was consul 151 B. C. and became notorious for his acts of cruelty in Spain, especially against the Vaccaeans.
t Nam sicut habent eorum 174. 30. cum rex Tarquinius Capitoterae, lium fabricare vellet .... per augurium quaesivit utrum concedere locum vellent lovi; atque ipsi inde cedere omnes
1 i
55. 4,
as not
Ter mini et luventae arae moveri non potuerunt. So also Florus Epit. 1.1.7 cedentibus ceteris diis--mira res dicturestitere luventas et Terminus. Au
gustine by his addition of Mars to the dissenting deities dis This different version Augustine agrees with Livy and Florus. Francken says probably obtained from Varro.
:
adire potui, scriptores Martem lovi non cedentem non commemorant. See
his note p. 22 sq.
magis
confirmatur quod
ceteri,
Hoc quos
ter
Iste alienarum dicitur adulm uxorum; iste pueri pulchri pudicus amator et raptor.
177. 26.
i
These
stories
about
in
the
immorality of
doubtless well
known
therefore be referred to any particular literary source. 1 1 u d s s pare DCD, IV. 26. (p. 179. 9) in
i i
1
Com
cor-
i6o
ruptorem pudicitiaelovem turpissimi histriones cantabant agebant placebant. Cur ergo ludi scaenici ubi 178. 7. haec dictitantur cantitantur actitantur,
deorum
res
divinas scribuntur?
The main source seems
inter
See Livy
7.
2.
3.
ludi
d
i
quoque
t
scaenici.
36.
caelestis
c u n
irae
.
u r
Id.
36.
the
doctissimis.
also
Compare
BCD. IV. 31 (ad init.) Quid ipse Varro, dolemus in rebus divinis ludos scaenicos, quamvis non iudicio pro-
simus quern
posuisse. Tito Latinio rustico Romano 178. 17. patri familias dictum est in somnis in senatum nuntiaret ut ludi Romani instaurarentur.
prio,
. . .
See Livy
55,
2.
36,
Val.
Max.
i.
7.
4, Cic.
Be
Biv.
i.
26.
Lact.
2.
7. 20.
Relatum est in litteras doc179. 21. tissimum pontificem Scaevolam disputasse tria genera tradita deorum, unum a poetis, alterum a philosophis, tertium a civitatis. principibus Primum genus nugatorium dicit esse, quod multa de diis finga. ntur indigna; secundum non congruere civitatibus, quod habeat aliqua supervacua, aliqua etiam quae obsit populisnosse.
There can be little doubt that Augustine s authority is here Varro, as Bremer (lurisprudentia Antehadriana, Leipzig
1896,
vol.
i,
p.
auctore narrat.
p.
145.
The
Scaevola here mentioned was Quintus Mucius Scaevola, who was killed by the party of Marius 82 B.C.
179. 28.
solet enim et
iuris
peritis
dici:
These words were evidently a law maxim, and one which cannot be traced to any particular source. This whole passage
p.
i.
plane incertae sedis remark Fortasse haec disputatio in libros recepta non
pp. 102-3) as a fragment after which he adds the of Scaevola
;
e r a t
Termini imperii deficientibus 21. multis ad Hannibalem civitatibus in angustum fuerant coartati.
182.
See Livy
22.
Poenos
hi
Hirpini, Apulorum pars, Samnites praeter hos Uzentini et Graecorum omnis ferme ora, Tarentini, MetaCrotonienses Locrique et pontini, Cisalpini omnes Galli. Eutrop. Brev. 3. 1.
1
Augustine could not be following Florus here, as Florus does not record this defection to Hannibal after Cannae. Appar
ently Eutropius
is
the source.
182. 26. postea in orientalibus partibus Hadriani voluntate mutati sunt termini imperii Romani. Ille namque tres provincias nobiles, Armeniam Persarum Mesopotamiam Assyrian! concessit imperio. Apparently from Eutropius. See Brev. 8. 6. 2 Q u Traiani gloriae invidens statim proi
62
vincias tres reliquit, quas Traianus addiderat, et de Assyria, Mesopo tamia, Armenia revocavit exercitus ac finem imperii esse voluit Euphrat
e n
BE
immoderato ausu 183. i. lulianus. naves iussit incendi, quibus alimonia portabatur; qua exercitus destitutus mox etiam ipso hostili vulnere e x tincto in tantam est redactus inopiam ....nisi placito pacis illic imperii fines constituerentur.
Apparently from Eutropius, Brev.
10.
16.
mulieres
i.
illae
:
sunt
Hebraeae
19
n o n
sicut
Aegyptiae
mulieres:
i6 3
BOOK
193. 32.
V.
figuli
4.
iuxta M.
Varronem doctissimus.
63 B. C.
He was
employed him
ly
the
trial of Catiline in
Subsequent
2. 3). In the civil war he es poused the cause of Pompey (Ad Att. 7. 24) and consequently was obliged to retire into exile in which he died in 46 B. C.
Of the
commentum
de
figuli
rota
re
ferred to by Augustine I can find no other mention, but I sus pect Augustine took it from some work of Cicero no longer extant, as this Nigidius Figulus is most frequently mentioned
in
Cicero
works.
Two
194.
authority here i n q u
.
may be
i
derived
6
(p.
and
9)
close connection of this chapter with the foregoing (f r u s t r a This passage is treated more
itaque adfertur).
fully in the part
p.
21.
illud a nonnullis praedica197. 13. tur, quod quidam sapiens horam elegit qua cum uxore concumberet unde
Literary Sources of Augustine (p. 22) that it may with a high degree of probability be referred to the De Fato of Cicero.
It
might seem as
if
nonnullis
(plural)
a e
164
c a
u r
But
we have several instances in Augustine where he uses the plural number where he really would require only the singular.
Conspicuous among such examples
20. p. 23
i.
solent
Cicero
in
mind.
one which occurs in this where Augustine writes 6) where he has clearly only
is
may do
the
philosophi
in
s
exponent
r e
in
Augustine
10).
n g e
etc. p. 231.
may answer
that
(mathematici),
mind
chiefly this
Other examples of the use of the plural numbers for single authority may be found in DCD IV. 24 in which the word n q u u n t is twice (p. 176. 15 and 29) used, where ap and again in DCD IV. 26, parently only Varro is referred to where the words a doctissimis conscribuntur refer chiefly to Varro, as we learn from DCD IV. 31 (p.
i
i
;
185. 18).
Compare
DCD
34)
III. 31
Legimus apud
(p. 144.
1
i
t -
stand principally,
Illi
huic
sententiae
Greek
Cicero
hand
was
at
et
Compare Confess,
i.
14,
Nam
fa-
tales
i6 5
et
The lines given by Augustine do not occur in Cicero s extant works, but are assigned, as by Mueller, to the fragments of the De Fato. They evidently occurred in one of his philo
sophical
treatises,
as
Augustine
tells
us
in
the context
Stoicos dicit vim fati asserentes istos ex Homero versus solere usurpare,
and
it is
more natural
Dombart
to assign them to the De Fato than to refers them though with a ques
202. 23.
Quam (divinationem)
sic
c o n
scientiam
futurorum, eamque omnibus viribus nullam esse omnino contendat vel in homine vel in deo, nullamque rerum
praediction-em.
See Cic.
De
Div.
2.
passim,
De
Fato.
6.
n, n o n
enim
ar
credo nullo
d
c e r e
percepto
aut
ceteros
tifices versari in suo munere, aut eos qui divinatione utantur futura praei
,
non enim fieri aliquid potest 2 3- 33quod non aliqua efficiens causa p a e cesserit: si autem certus est ordo a o t causarum, quo fit omne quod inquit, fiunt omnia quae fiunt.
r
-
m o t u s ergo sine See Cic. De Fato. 10. 20, causa nullus est. Quod si ita est om nia, quae fiunt, causis fiunt antegressis; id si ita est, fato omnia fiunt; efficitur igitur fato fieri quaecumque
f
i
a n
t,
ibid
n.
19. 44.
66
laudes vituperationes exhortationes adhibentur, neque ulla iustitia bonis praemia et malis supplicia constituta
s u
De Fato 17. 40, ex quo efficitur ut nee laudationes iustae sint nee vitupera tiones nee honores nee supplicia. 210. 31. qui non solum caelum et ternee solum angelum et hominem, ram, sed nee exigui et contemptibilis animantis viscera nee avis pinnulam,nee herbae flosculum nee arboris folium sine suarum partium convenientia et quadam veluti pace dereli. quit: nullo modo est credendus regna hominum eorumque dominationes et servitutes a suae providentiae legibus alienas
See
theory
of
Set
ryv Trpovotav
CTTI
Travra
3.
c/>0aVeti/
/cat,
TO tpyov avrrjs
6 TO, eV
/u/tyoWos r)jjif\r)K6va.i
(Enn.
eo~Tt
2.
6)
and
CTT
/cat
TW
iravrl
/cat rrjv
Trpovoiav rrfv
avTw
Trpa^-cts
TeTaTat 8^
avrcov
/cat
Travra
yivofjitva
ra 8e
Kat ^(3a
Sta^eo-ets
(Enn.
3.
3. 5).
See Livy
220. 4.
27. 25. 7
and note
p. 169. 5.
Scaevolas
et
Curtios
et
Decios.
i6 7
See notes
220. 18.
p.
quam
9. 4,
N. T. an equal number of
16.
2,
times)
loh.
Rom.
12.
i,
Heb.
9.
i, 9. 6.
223. 14.
See note
223. 24.
filios
p.
Brutus potuit
et
occi-
d e
r e
See note
224. 21.
119. 28.
Si
alius etiam
Romanus
prin-
Torquatus, filium, non quia contra patriam, sed etiam pro patria....occidit.
ceps,
See note
224. 29.
p. 38.
cognomine
13.
Furius Camillus....
p. 73. 21.
See note
225. 9.
M
p.
u c
See note
225.
20.
169. 25.
cito
169. 27.
Sise occidendos certis verbis 225. 32. modo consecrantes Decii d e quodam
voverunt.
See note
226. 9.
p. 169. 28.
aedem
sibi
Si Marcus Pulvillus dedicans lovis lunonis Minervae falso ab invidis morte filii nuntiata
etiam
68
See
Publ.
14.
Livy
2.
8.
6,
Cic.
De domo sua
226. 19. Si M Regulus, ne crudelissimos hostes iurando falleret, ad eos ab ipsa Roma reversus est, quoniam sicut Romanis eum tenere volentibus respondisse fertur postea quam Afris servierat, dignitatem illic honesti civis habere non posset.
.
Eutropius that we
for him.
These words bear so striking a resemblance to those of may be certain Augustine had Eutropius be-
Compare Brev.
p.
2.
24 (ad
fin.)
(quoted
in
Literary
Sources
47.)
Valerium, qui in suo d e functus est consulatu, usque adeo pauperem ut nummis a populo conlatis eius sepultura curaretur. 16. See Livy P. Valerius.... anno 7
227. 2.
2.
2. 16. moritur, post 2) (his fourth consulship familiaribus gloria ingenti, copiis adeo exiguis ut funeri sumptus deesset: de publico est elatus, compare also
Val.
Max.
as
4.
4.
i,
4.
i.
i,
who
It
will
also
second
it is
From both
clear he
is
these errors
we may
here following
Quinto anno
L.
Valer
ius, Bruti collega et quater consul, fataliter mortuus est, adeo pauper ut collatis a populo nummis sumptum
habuerit sepulturae,
text he
ii.
and
in the
immediate con
p.
See notes
5.
227. 5, 227.
Quintium
i6 9
manibus coleret, ab aratro esse a d ductum, ut dictator fieret....vichostibus ingentem gloriam tisque in eadem consecutum paupertate
-
a n
s s e
Florus Epit. sed hos 5. 12 Titus Quintius praecipue domuit, ille dictator ab aratro, qui obsessa et paene iam capta Manili consulis castra egregia victoria recuperavit.
See Livy
3.
26 sq.,
i.
Medium erat tempus forte sementis cum patricium virum innixum aratro
suo lictor
in
ipso opere deprehendit. profectus, ne quid a rustici operis imitatione cessaret, more pecudum sub iugum misit. Sic expeditione finita redit ad boves
Inde
in
aciem
Compare Brev.
17 L. Quintius Cincinnatus dictator est factus qui agrum quattuor iugerum possidens manibus suis
i.
c o
b a
Au
gustine
ab
aratro
esse
in
adductum
dictator ab
in cannot be found
in
aratro.
consecutum
si
s s e
gloriam
would corres
2.
pond lis
to
4.
7.
12,
a b
Val.
Max
4.
cum Fabricium didicerit a n muneribus Pyrrhi, regis Epirotarum, promissa etiam quarta parte
t
-
tis
regni
Romana
7o
divelli
ibique
13,
in
sua
i.
paupertate
13. 21,
212,
Unum
Florus Epit.
Eutrop. Brev.
ex
sic
legatis
Fabricium,
admiratus
Romanorum,
cum
eum
pauperem esse cognovisset,ut quarta sollicitare promissa parte regni, ut ad se transiret, convoluerit,
temptusque
4.
est
Fabricio.
14.
Val.
3.
Max.
4. 3. 6,
4. 3, 4. 4.
n,
Cic.
Paradoxa
seems
it
48, Tusc.
23. 56.
Eutropius
alone
to
mention
in
the
quarta
parte regni
unless
occurred
Livy 13 of which we
have only the epitome. That Augustine is here following Eu tropius alone is rendered more probable by the fact that on this same page Eutropius seems to be his sole authority about Va1er um L See note p. 227. 2.
.
227. 17.
ut
quidam
fuisset,
eorum,
ex
illo
qui
bis
consul
iam senatu
-
hominum pauperum
est.
pelleretur n o t a tione censoria, quod decem pondo argenti in vasis habere compertus
see Livy Epit. 14, is P. Cornelius Rufinus Florus Epit. i. 13. 22, Cic. De Orat. 2. 66. 268. Aul. Gell. N. A. 4. 8. 7, 17. 21. 39. Augustine here has not followed Eu but probably Florus. tropius,
;
Quidam
229. 28.
sed
huius
vitii
summitatem
Euseb.
BE
vol.
8.
col.
69 to end of bk. 16, Jerome, Chron. of Eutrop. Brev. 7. 14. 3, 451 sq.
fratre commisit multa Parricidia uxore sorore (?) matre inte.rfectis. Urbem Romam incendit, ut spectaculi eius imaginem cerneret.
233- 15-
Apostatae Juliano...quando
183.
i.
de
quo
superiore
174. 30.
Bellum piratarum
p. 138. 23.
Pompeio.
ab
See note
2 33
33-
bellum
.
Punicum
quoque
tertium
S c
o n e
See note
2.
p.
126.
n.
fugitivorum
138. 9.
in
e r u n t
See note
234. ii.
p.
138.
7.
duo consules perierunt. Ru c u m P 5. 3. 2, Livy Epit. 73, tilius consul parum prospere adversusMarsos pugnasset et in proelio c e c d s s e t L. Porcius consul re Epit. 75, bus prospere gestis fusisque aliquotiens Marsis, dum castra eorum e x pugnat cecidit. 234. 13. quintus ei annus finem dedit. See Eutrop. Brev. 5. 3. 3, quinto demum anno finem accepit. Augustine has here followed EutroSee Eutrop. Brev.
.
pius in an error
shown by Eutropius
tells
own
narrative.
quinto demum
and that
it
For,
-
anno finem
s
accepit,
he
e x c e n
tesimo
u
r
quinquagesimo
i
nono
anno ab
L.
c o n d
(5.
3.
i.)
72
Cornelium
cording
S u
to Eutropius
own
secunthat year the year of its commencement d o so that including both (659 A. U. C.) and the year of its completion (662 A. U. C.) we get only four years, not five as Eutropius and Augustine
,
sexcentesimo sexagesimo
both give.
secunet
c a
1
mitate rei publicae per annos decem et octo Romanas vires extenuavit et paene consumpsit, duobus proeliis ferme septuaginta RomSnorum milia ceciderunt. n t u m e s t See note p. 126. n. Livy 30. 44. 2, septimo decimo anno; Eutrop. Brev. 3. 23. 4, finem accepit secundum Punicum bellum post annum nonum decimum quam c o e 22. i, nee e n m a m p u s Florus Epit. p e r a t decem et octo annos habet, yet again, 40. 2, he says quattuordecim (ortredecim)anni Hannibali suffecerint. Augustine here seems
f
i i
i.
i.
first statement of Florus, perhaps Livy also by the year of hostilities about Saguntum before a for including mal declaration of war. The two battles referred to are the and p u g n a
to follow the
nobilisadTrasymennum pugna
7.
Cannensis, in the former of which, according to Livy 22. 2, quindecim milia Rornanorum in acie caesa,in the latter (22. 49. 15) quadraginta quinque milia quingenti pedites, duo tanta et milia septingenti equites civium sociorumque pars caesi prope Florus does not state the losses at dicuntur. Of Cannae he says (i. 22. 15), sexaginta Trasymenus. milium caede parta nobilitas. Eutro
.
.
.
pius
tells of
173
Com
pare Brev.
3.
9.
2:
Inde
ad
Tusciam veniens
Hannibal Flaminio consuli occurrit. Ipsum Flaminium interemit; Romanorum XXV. milia caesa sunt. He gives the
losses at
Cannae
(3.
10. 4),
e r
e n
in
e o
con
-
Aemilius Paulus, consulares aut praetorii XX, senatores capti aut o c cisi XXX, nobiles viri CCC, militum XL milia equitum III milia et quinsul
These combined losses amount to nearly 69,000, g e n t which may be expressed in Augustine s ferme septuai
.
milia.
Augustine would thus seem to have followed Florus first statement for the number of years during which the second Punic war lasted, and Eutropius record for the losses sus tained by the Romans. Perhaps in both cases he intended to follow Eutropius, but the former statement may have been an unconscious departure from him.
234. 17.
viginti
See note
definite
et
n. In Livy Epit. 16-19 there is no p. 126. statement of the length of the first Punic war; such a statement probably occurred in Livy s own work on that Neither does Florus (Epit. i. 18) make war, not now extant.
Compare Eutrop. Brev. 2. 27. i, anno Punici vicesimo et tertio Catulo bellum contra Afros commissum est,
any such statement.
belli
whic*h
was the
s
last
is
evidently
Au
gustine
authority.
ra g
234. 18. i n t a .
Bellum
Mithridaticum quad
In Livy Epit. 77-102 there is no exact statement as to the length of this war. Livy may have given the number of years
in this lost part of his
i
works.
Compare Florus
Epit.
i.
40. 2,
(Mithridates)
per
quadraginta
annos
174
r e s t Eutrop. Brev. 6. 12. 3, contra Romanes bellum habuit annis quadraginta, lusi
t|;
tinus
years.
(Trogi
i.
7)
gives 46
bellum Samniticum annis tracferme quinquaginta: in quo bello ita Romani victi sunt ut sub iugum etiam mitterentur. See Florus Epit. hos tamen quin n. 8, annis per Fabios ac Papirios quaginta patres eorumque liberos ita subegit facile materia .... nee appareat et viginti triumphorum. Eu quattuor Turn bellum cum Samnitrop. Brev. 2. 9. 3, tibus per annos quadraginta novem actum sustulerunt. Compare Livy 10. 31. 10 Supersunt etiam nunc Samnitium bell a, quae continua per quartum iam volumen annumque sextum et quadragesimum a M. Valeric, A. Cornelio consulibus qui primi Samnio arma n tulerunt, agimus, and Epit. 14 (ad fin.) res praeterea contra Lucanos et Bruttios et Samnites feliciter gestas et Pyrrhi regis mortem continet. Also Livy 23. 5. 8 coeptumque propter vos cum Samnitibus bellum per centum prope annos variante fortuna eventum tulerimus. 23. 42. 6, per annos centum cum populo Romano bellum gessimus. 31. 31. 10 hi homines cum pro iis bellum adversus Samnites per annos prope septuaginta cum magnis nostris cladibus gessissemus. Augustine in his ferme quin quaginta seems to have followed the version of Eutro
234.
tum est
i.
pius.
3.
49 years.
175
235-
I4
Cum
.
Radagaisus,
rex
Go
this
th
We
A. D. 406, only 9 years before the date at which Augustine wrote this book. He says above (line 9)
event occurred
nostra memoria recentissimo tempore and below (line 30) nobis apud Karthaginem dicebatur. Compare Orosius, Adv. pag. 7. 37. 4 sq.
238.
2.
Constantinum imperatorem.
who was Augustine
s
See Jerome, Chron. of Euseb. BE vol. 8, col. 493 Eutrop. Brev. 10. 2. sq., Orosius, Adv. pag. 7. 25. 16 sq.
is
sq.,
It
impossible to say
authority.
quam
authority.
See Eutrop.
interfectus VI Kal. I u e*st imperii (lulianus) anno septimo, aetatis altero et t r cesimo anno. Jerome, appendix to Chron. of Euseb. BE vol. 8, col. 503 sq. lulianus anno uno, lovianus mensibus mensibus octo,
hostili
1
.
manu
o c
60. 15
nus proditor animae suae, et Christ iani iugulator Christum exercitus, in sensit Media quern primum in
(BE
lulia
denegerat; dumque Romanos propagare vult fines, perdidit propagatos. lovianus gustatis tantum r e galibus bonis, foetore prunarum suffocatus ostendens omnibus interiit,
Gallia
-
quid sit
238.
15.
tyrannico
permisit
to
Gratian, son of Valentinian, was born in 359, the throne in and was assassinated in 375,
came
383.
vol.
Compare
14,
Ambrose,
1230)
Enarr.
in
Ps.
61.
17
petitum, a suis destitutum ac proditum: qui dudum in suggestu locatus imperil, subito egens omnium ab ipsis quorum haereditarium fuerat sortitus obsequium, coepit urgeri, ingruuntibus in exitem, inferentibus mortem, nullo auxiliatore, nullo iam socio sui, nullo comite, also ibid. 23.
238.
20.
(BE
Theodosio
vindicatus est
-
participem fecerat, cum haberet fratrem, avidior parvulum fidae societatis quam nimiae p o e |
quern
regni
for
Augustine is here treating of almost contemporary history, which it is hardly necessary to seek written sources.
Compare
Milites nobis qui aderp. 239. 16 ant rettulerunt. The Theodosius to whom Au
gustine here refers 346 and died 395.
is
238. 26. post eius mortem pulsum ab eius interfectore Maximo Valentinianum eius parvulum fratrem.. .. e x
-
c e p
Aegypti eremo constitutum, quern Dei servum prophetandi spiritu praeditum fama crebrescente didicerat. Aegyptius Evidently the same as Johannes monachus qui ob vitae puritatem pro239. 5.
sed ad
Johannem
in
177
phetiae
gratiam
Domino meruit
of
More details are given by Augustine, as in Prosper, Chron. De cura pro mortuis gerenda, 16. 21. A biography of him is found in Rufinus, Historia monachorum, chapter i (BE, vol.
21, col. 391-405),
evidenter namque
ei
Domi-
nus prophetiae gratiam contulit: ita ut non tantum civibus et provincialibussuis....futura praediceret, sed
Imperatori Theodosio, vel quos exitus habiturus esset, vel quibus modis victoriam caperet de t y rannis, sed et quod irruptiones p a s surus esset gentium barbararum, saepe
et
belli
a e d
alium tyrannum Eugenium, qui imperatoris locum non fuerat subrogatus accepto legitime rursus prophetico response fide certus oppressit. hoc Compare Rufinus. Historia monachorum (ad fin.) tamen scire vos volo, quod hodierna die victoriae religiosi principis Theodosii Alexandriae nuntiatae sunt de
239. 12.
in
illius
Eugenio tyranno.
reign of Theodosius and
pagan worship.
Eugenius was a usurper in the a vain attempt to re-establish Compare Zosimus, Hist. 4. 54, 55, 58; Theo-
made
quando in Thessalonicensium gravissimum scelus, cui iam episcopis intercedentibus promiserat indulgen240. 17.
t
i
Compare Prosper,
p. 49,
Immane
Thessalo-
78
quod ait Tullius de quodam 241. 26. qui peccandi licentia felix appellabatur: O miserum, cui peccare licebat!
.
Mueller, in his edition of Cicero Philosophica, vol. 3, p. 407, gives this as one of the fragmenta librorum incertorum, so also Baiter and Kayser, vol. II, p. 140.
BOOK
247. 5.
VI.
monium perhibet
icis
dicat....
p.
Mueller, in his edition of Cicero Philosophica, vol. 90, is not certain from which book this fragment is taken.
248. 24.-24Q. 30.
The complete analysis of Varro s Anfound in this chapter, has been preserved for us tiquitates, by Augustine alone. There is no reason why we should not regard this chapter as taken in substance from Varro and largely in Varro s (3)
own words.
This
is
(p.
32 sq.)
Haec
credamus, huiusmodi distributionem Augustini verbis expressam Varronem immortali suo operi praemisisse, and
Agahd, pp.
15.
I
142.
Here
analysis:
transcribe
from
Dr.
West
MS.
his
graphic
S ANALYSIS OF VARRO S rerum humanarum et divinarum Antiquitatum [De Civitate Dei VI. 3.]
AUGUSTINE
1.
XLI.
I.
II.
II-VII.
Descriptive
mankind.
2.
Ubi agant
ology.
De
locis,
VIII-XIII.
Geography.
3.
Quando agant
Quid agant
De
temporibus,
XIV-XIX. Chron
History.
4.
De
rebus,
XX-XXV.
i8o
II.
RD
II.
XXVII-XLI.
[sacris],
1.
XXVII-XXIX.
RD RD RD
2. 3.
4.
2.
De Pontificibus, XXVII. De Auguribus, XXVIII. c. De Decemviris sacrorum, XXIX. Ubi agant De locis [sacris], XXX-XXXII.
b.
Sa
cred places.
RD RD RD RD RD RD
5.
6.
7.
a.
De
Sacellis,
XXX.
b.
c.
3.
Quando agant
XXXV.
8.
[sacris],
XXXIII-
a.
9.
b.
10.
4.
De Feriis, XXXIII. De Ludis Circensibus, XXXIV. c. De [Ludis] Scaenicis, XXXV. Quid agant De [rebus] sacris, XXXVI-XXXVIII.
,
Sacred
acts.
RD RD RD RD RD RD
n.
12.
13.
5.
a.
Consecrationes,:XXXVI.
Sacra privata,
b.
c.
Sacra publica,
Quibus agant
Super
human
14.
15.
16.
a.
sacred beings.
b.
c.
XLI.
261. 27.
sicut
quod
pertineat
edition)
5.
64,
ab
number
of deities on
whom
Varro
wrote,
p.
266.
9.
enumerare deos coepit a concephominis....eamque seriem perduxit usque ad hominis decrepiti mortem.... deinde coepit deos alios ostendere qui pertinerent non ad ipsum hominem, sed ad ea quae sunt
et
ipse
Varro
commemorare
tione
h Q
267. 4.
Sq.
In chapters 10 and
that he
is
quoting Seneca
tra
superstitiones condidit
down
to our day.
work which
adversus
Manichaeos
That is in the works mentioned in the note on p. 35. 4. His opposition to Manichaeism began with his conversion in even before that time he had noticed some weak 386
nesses in that system, as he
tells
us in his Confessions.
82
BOOK
273.
18.
VII.
quod facetius ait Tertulfortasse quam v^rius: Si dii eliguntur ut bulbi, utique ceteri r e probi iudicantur.
lianus
-
enim dei ut bulbi m non seliguntur seliguntur, qui probi pronuntiantur. Dombart gives this refer
ing to Oehler s edition,
i
the Ad.
Natt.
2.
is,
accord
-
ence.
vernalem 306. 23. quippe Propter faciem terrae quae ceteris est temporibus pulchrior, Porphyrius, philosophus nobilis, Attin flores significare perhibuit, ideo et abscisum flos decidit ante fructum. quia
This
is
the
first
mention of Porphyry
in
the
DCD.
Au
gustine (using a Latin version) quotes often from him, but most of the works from which he has quoted are now no
longer extant.
In
DCD
X.
29 (p. 449.
multa animae scripposui regressu sit. In DCD X. ii (p. 418. 18) Melius sapuit iste Porphyrius cum ad Anebontem In the passage on \vhich scripsit Aegyptium.
in
his
ipsis quos de
libris
ex
quibus
we are commenting Augustine may have got his information from the De Regressu animae, but compare the words of Por v Arrts 8e /ecu phyry given by Eusebius, Praep. Evang. 3. n.
"ASdWS TY)
T&V KdpTTUV
.i(T\V
fJitV "ArTlS
TO)V
/cat Trplv
Te\ea-ioyovfj(r(u
t? TTJV a"7TpfJt,aTLKr]V
T\ttOCTtV.
83
Eusepassage Augustine had in mind in writing the above. bius seems to be quoting there from some work dealing with
and such a work Stobaeus (Eel. Phys. i. 25) images If these are the mentions under the title irept dyaX/xarcov. words to which Augustine refers they are taken not from the Trepi avoSov i/a^rys (De Regressu animae), but from this Trcpi though Augustine does not mention the latter as he dyaA./xar<ov,
;
nationes,
5.
5.
sq.
totam de hoc Euhemerus pan 7. historiam quam Ennius in Latinum vertit eloquium. me See Cic. N. D. 42. 119, q u a e ratio m a x Euhemero est, quern nostractata ab ter et interpretatus et secutus praen. 33, ter ceteros Ennius. Lact. Div. Inst. res antiquus auctor Euhemerus gestas lovis et ceterorum qui dii p u tantur collegit historiamque contexuit ex titulis et inscriptionibus.... Hanc historiam et interpretatus est Ennius et secutus. Arnob. Adv. Natt. 4. 29. See Literary Sources of Augustine, DCD I-X, p. 10.
dit
i.
i
i.
6.
7,
in
libris rerum
divinarum quos ad
ficem
utt
C.
maximum
Caesarem ponti
-
scripsit.
Italicum genus auctorem h a b Pythagoram Samnium. a quo etiam ferunt ipsum philosophiae nomen e x iste interrogatus quid proortum,
321. 31.
.
fiteretur
philosophum
is
se
esse
re
spond
ero.
The source
See Tusc.
uncertain, probably the Hortensius of Cic 5. 3. 8. sq., De Sen. 21. 78., Lact. Div. Inst.
i8 4
Pythagoras, qui hoc primus noinvenit,.... Itaque cum ab eo quaereretur quemnam se profiteretur, respondit philosophum, id est quaesit o r e m s a p e n t a e. See Literary Id. 3. 14. 5.
3. 2. 6,
men
Sources,
p.
23.
lonici vero generis princeps Thales Milesius, unus illorum septem qui sunt appellati sapientes.
322. 3.
fuit
Augustine
of Cicero.
Compare
Div. Inst.
3.
16.
12,
Horten
intellegi philosophiam non esse sapientiam quod principium et origo eius appareat. Quando, esse coeperunt? inquit, philosophi Thales ut opinor primus.
sius, ex eo posse
Aquam tamen putavit rerum principium et hinc omnia e e menta mundi ipsumque mundum et quae in eo gignuntur existere.
322. ii.
esse
e s
ex
N. D.
i.
10. 25,
5.
16, ibid. 2. 9.
18.
Anaximander
eius
auditor
n-
...
nere
et
eosque mundos modo dissolvi modo iterum gigni existimavit. See Cic. N. D. mandr au em 10. 25, A n a x est natives esse deos longis opinio intervallis orientis occidentisque, innumerabiles esse mundos. eosque
i.
i
i8 5
Acad.
e n
t
prior. 2. 37.
18,
e n
Iste Anaximenen discipulum 24. successorem reliquit, qui omnes rerum causas aeri infinite dedit, nee deos negavit aut tacuit: non tamen ab ipsis aerem factum, sed ipsos ex
322.
et
his
omnia.
322. 27.
N. D.
i.
10. 26,
Lact.
Div.
Inst.
i.
5.
19.
Anaxagoras vero eius audi harum rerum omnium, quas videmus, effectorcm divinum animum sentor
sit et dixit ex infinita materia, quae consta,ret similibus inter se particulis rerum omnium quibus suis et propriis singula fieri, sed animo faciente
d
i
o.
See
Cic.
Acad.
2.
37. 118,
teriam infinitam, sed ex ea particua s similes inter se minutas; eas primum confusas, postea in ordinem a d ductas mente divina. N. D. 26. 322. 32. Diogenes quoque Anaximenis al ter auditor, aerem quidem dixit rerum esse materiam, de qua omnia fierent, sed cum esse compote m divinae r a tionis sine qua nihil ex eo fieri pos
1
,
Anaxagoras
ma-
i.
i r.
set.
See Cic. N. D.
i.
12. 29,
a e r
Apolloniates utitur deo quern sensum habere potest aut quam formam dei?
quo
Diogenes
86 323. 2.
eius Archelaus. Etiam ipse de particulis inter se similibus, quibus s n ita fierent, gula quaeque put a v t
i
i
ut inesse
etiam m
in
e n
the
is
extant
Very
little
known
No doubt
he was dis
cussed
in
other philosophers.
323. 7.
Socrates
Tusc
.
huius
10
discipulus
qui
fuisse perhibetur.
See Cic.
a u d
e r a t
5.
4.
ad
Socratem
Archelaum,
i
Anaxagorae
discipulum,
Socrates ergo primus uni323. ii. versam philosophiam ad corrigendos componendosque mores flexisee m e moratur, cum ante ilium omnes magis
-
physicis,
id
est,
naturalibus,
rebus
i
perscrutandis penderent.
operam
maximam
Socrates m h See Cic. Acad. prior, i. 4. 15, videtur primus a rebus occultis et ab in natura quibus involutis, ipsa omnes ante e u m philosophi occupati fuerunt, avocavisse philosophiam et ad vitam communem adduxisse, ut de virtutibus et vitiis omninoque de malis et bonis rebus quaereret; Tusc. 3. 4. 8, 5. 4. 8, 5. 4. 10, Socrates a u t e m pri mus philosophiam devocavit e coelo ....et coegit de vita et moribus r e busque bonis et malis quaerere. DeFinn.
i
5.
29.
88.
3.
13. 6, 3. 20. 2,
3.
21.
i.
187
v e confessa ignorantia sua dissimulata scientia lepore mirabili disserendi et acutissima urbanitate agitasse atque versasse.
324. 3
1
vel
Cicero
See Acad.
2.
5.
15.
ita
libenter latione,
also ibid.
2.
2.
solitus est
ea
De
dissimuv o c a n
i.
quam
De
Graeci
Div.
2.
cipwi/eiav
72.
150,
i.
Off.
30.
108,
De
Orat.
De
Inv.
31. 53.
324. 6.
publice
damnaverat,
1 i
,
Atheniensium
n duos accusau x t civitas publice tores eius usque adeo populi indignatione conversa, ut unus eorum oppressus vi multitudinis interiret, exilio autem voluntario atque perpetuo poenam similem alter evaderet.
i
We know
Se
discover Augustine s literary source here. no extant account from which Augustine might have taken this. Compare Diodorus 14 37 (ad fin.): dSucou
It is difficult to
of
r^s Kanqyopias yeyevr^ev^s o 8^/xos fjiTfJL\.i^Ot] r^Xt/coOrov avopa Siovrep TOVS /car^yop^cravTas Si opy^s el^c KCU reXos avyp-rj/Jitvov TreKretvci/, which account differs considerably from that
given by Augustine.
KOI TOV? /xev c^DyaSevcrav,
Compare
also
Diog.
Laert.
2.
43:
Still
fcA-etcrat /cat
McXtTOU $e-0dvaTov
which
It is probable that Cicero in one of differs from Augustine. his now lost works related this story, and that Augustine got
probably treated of Socrates and and the Socratic philosophy in the Hortensius, where it would be natural for him to record the death of Socrates.
it
from
him.
Cicero
324
p u
s
22.
dicerent
.
88
See Cic.
Acad.
2.
42.
131,
alii
voluptatem
7.
De
Finn.
7.
i.
8.
26, 2. 6. 18,
6.
2.
7.
20,
5.
20,
Lact. Div.
Inst. 3.
7,
3. 8.
324. 24.
quidam virtutem,
5.
sicut
An-
tisthenes.
See Tusc.
source
9. 26.
No doubt
Hortensius.
probably
in the
in
didicit
illic
habebantur
g y p
-
(Plato)
See Cic.
De
Finn.
5.
29. 87,
turn
e t
?
peragravit
baris
numeros
De
dog.
ut et
i.
b a r-
coelestia
3
acciperedition),
e t
Apul.
Plat.
astrologiam adusque Aegyptum ivit petitum, ut inde prophetarum ritus etiam addisceret. Lact. Div. Inst. 4 4.
2.
325. 7.
et
inde
ubi
.
.
in
.
veniens,
See Cic.
Pythagoreorum
5.
fama
celebrabatur.
De
Finn.
ad
g o
Archytam?
o s
?
Tusc.
i.
17. 39,
n ia
Apul.
De
dog. Plat.
i.
(Hildebrand
edition):
iorem
tiae
venit
et
Tarentinum
Pythagor
et
senmay
Archytam sectatus.
in
Augustine
Itaque cum studium sapienactione et contemplatione versetur, unde una pars eius activa, altera contemplativa dici potest.
325. 15.
89
s a
found
in
Cicero
c on.
Hortensius.
e n
a n c
templativam sapientiam.
in
fine
dialogi
Proinde Plato utrumque iun325. 22. gendo philosophiam perfecisse laudatur, quam in tres partes distribuit: unam moralem quae maxime in actione alteram naturalem quae versatur; contemp. lationi deputata est; tertiam rationalem, qua verum disterminatur
a
f
It is
impossible
in
Such three-fold stoic division into ethics, physics and logic. a division was developed by some later interpreters of or com
mentators on Plato such as we
find in
Cic.
Acad.
i.
5.
19,
iam Fuit accepta a Platone ergo ratio triplex, una de vita et moribus, altera de natura et rebus occultis, tertia de disserendo et quid verum quid falsum quid rectum in oratione
quid
r e
statement, but it is more likely that this three-fold divis ion was an established one in the philosophy of Plato as taught Lactantius Div. Inst. 3. 4. in the schools of Augustine s day.
1
2,
mentions
but he also
gives the three divisions of philosophy, viz: m o r a 1 i s and p h y s c a (Div. Inst. 3. 7. i) the former of which seems
i
to correspond to
AoyiKiy
c a
(Inst.
Epit.
28.
13),
and third
super est
et
(Div.
pars
Inst.
ilia
tertia
quam vocant
XoyiK^r,
dialectica continetur
omnis
3.
13.
Inst.
Epit.
30.
5).
190
or
ethica,
tine s
1
physica
and
Aoyt/c?)
corresponds to
Augus
i
moralem,
.
naturalem
(in
and
s
a
in
o n a
We
Apuleius,
De
dog.
Platonis,
which
Hildebrand
edition
book
i,
primus tripartitam philosophiam copularet sibique invicem necessarias partes neque pugnare in ter se tantummodo sed etiam mutuis adiuvare auxiliis ostenderet. Nam quamvis de diversis officinis haec ei essent philosophiae membra suscepta, naturalis a Pythagoreis, dialectica atque moralis ab ipso Socratis fonte, unum tamen ex omnibus et quasi proprii part us corpus effecit. Alexander Macedo scribit ad 327. 25.
chapter 3) reads
ut
matrem
f
.
sibi
.
.
rum Aegyptiorum quodam Leone pateTimens enim et ille quasi a c t a revelata mysteria petens admonet A exandrum ut, cum ea matri conscripta insinuaverit, flam mis iubeat concre. 1
a r
of letters of Alexander the Great to his mother, Olympias, but we cannot decide which one of these, if any, is the one referred to here by Augustine. I examine the evidence somewhat in detail, because this is professedly one of Augustine s sources.
Compare DCD VIII. 27, sicut Leone sacerdote prodente ad Olympiad em matrem scribit Alexander. DCD XII. 1, a e p s
1
i 1 1 i
Magni Olympiadem suam quam scripsit n a r r a tionem cuiusdam Aegyptii sacerdotis insinuans, quam protulit ex litteris
tula Alexandri
ad
matrem
quae sacrae apud illos haberentur, continet etiam regna quae Graeca quoque novit historia. Such is the informa
tion
which Augustine gives us in reference to this epistle of Alexander the Great to his mother. Plutarch, Vitae. Alex.
/
27, says:
avros Se
AA.
ai S/Dos
ei/
iTTKTToXrf
Trpos TT)V
fj^repa.
<j>r}<r\
CTraveXOwv
<f>pa.cri
tine refers
That this epistle is the one to which Augus we cannot say. Zumetikos (De Alexandri Olympia-
Berlin 1894. p. 44) disque epistularum fontibus et reliquiis. Arrian 6. i. 4 speaks of a letter of thinks that it, is not.
Alexander tO
VTrep
TO>I>
his
mother
y>}9
/cat S?)
IvSaiv r^?
aAXa
re ypai^ai
by Augustine.
Aulus Gellius,
says
In
monimentis rerum ab Alexandro gestarum et paulo ante in libro M. Varronis qui inscriptus est Orestes vel de insania, Olympiadem Philippi uxo-
plerisque
rem festivissime rescripsisse legimus Nam cum is ad Alexandro filio. matrem ita scripsisset: Rex Alexander Hammonis filius Olympiad! lovis matri salutem Olympias ei dicit,
rescripsit
same
tii
letter as
.
Tertullian
quod AegypAugustine (De narrant et Alexander digerit et mater legit de tempestate Osiridis qua ad ilium ex Libya Ammon facit
Pallio 3):
ovium dives.
See also
id.
De Corona
2
7.
Compare
vol. 2. 588)
also Cyprian,
De idolorum
vanitate
(works
BE
Alexander Magnus insigni volumine ad matrem suam scribit metu suae potestatis proditum sibi de diis a hominibus sacerdote secretum;
ita
Minucius Felix, Octavius,
21.
Hoc
92
That this epistle was well-known we gather from the words of Augustine DCD XII. n ilia e p s t o a (p. n n o t u t q u a e m a x m e 527. n) and (p. 528. 8). seems to have been familiar with the contents of Augustine
i
this letter.
He
sacerdos u acaclemicus qui tius, poeta Macedoni Alexandro diversam quid em aGraecorum o p n o n e istorum deorum originem verumtamen ita prodit ut eos homines fuisse declaret? Arnobius Pellaeo Leonte (Adv. nationes 4. 29) speaks of him as
Numquid
speaks of the same Leon De Consensu Evang. i. 23. 32: et Leon ille Aegyp-
vel
omnis
istos,
nobis quos inducitis atque appellatis which may have been deos, homines fuisse
the
same work
331. 26.
as that referred to
above by Augustine.
hinc
concipere
See Cic. Tusc.
v o c a nt
.
24. 57,
3.
notiones
Acad.
2.
quas
2.
De
Finn.
6.
21,
22,
10.
30,
e x
quibus efficiuntur notitiae rerum quas u m TroAeis v o c a n t as Graeci turn dicuntur addidisse ter332 25. qui tium genus bonorum quod appellatur extrinsecus.
cVi/ot
t
.
5.
38.
rum, maxima animi, secunda corporis, in which externa is externa tertia, see also De Finn. 3. 13. equivalent to extrinsecus;
43, and Apuleius De dog. where after the
is
85:
tria
genera
bono
Plat.
2.
secundum autem bonum est a third given accidens et putatur quod corpori rebusque
bonum primum
(Hildebrand and
edition)
193
Nunc satis sit commemorare Platonem determinasse finem boni esse secundum virtutem vivere et ei
333I 5-
soli
evenire posse, qui notitiam Dei habeat et imitationem nee esse aliam ob causam beatum; ideoque non dubiamare esse hoc tat philosophari Deum
.
mum bonum
333-
2 9-
Ip
ac
sum-
Augustine .of course did not read Plato in the original, and he has not in mind here any particular passages of that What Augustine gives above is found in substance in author. No doubt the writings of Plato, but is not explicitly stated.
he
is
ratio temporum supputata chronica historia continetur quae Platonem indicat a tempore, quo p r o Hieremias, centum ferme phetavit annos postea natum fuisse, qui cum octoeinta et unum vixisset ab anno o mortis eius usque ad id temp us quo Ptolomaeus rex Aegypti scripturas Hebraeorum de propheticas gentis ludaea poposcit et per septuaginta inter pretandas viros Hebraeos. .. curavit anni reperiunhabendasque tur ferme sexaginta.
.
Jerome
of
Chron.
of
Euseb.
(BE
vol.
8,
col.
367)
in the
year 1386
or in the third year of the thirty-seventh Olympi Abraham 1592, or in fi rst year of the
Plato nascitur Athenis which statements make a much longer period than the cen Plato tum ferme annos of Augustine.
m
o r
i
in
the year of
Abraham
1672, or
first
of the one
194
and ninth Olympiad and Ptolomaeus divinas scripturas Philadelphus... in Graecam vocem ex Hebraea lingua
hundred
;
.
per
v
i
LXX
in
the year of
Neither of these statements agrees with those of Augus the first of Jerome (1592-1386) gives 206 years for
of Augustine,
ferme sexaginta.
what authority Augustine has based his Another place where he has recorded the cor cum quando rection here given on the statement in Aegyptum, a u perrexit
Hieremiam
is
disse
Retract
vel
2. 4.
scripturas
Et
propheticas
found
in
in
porum
historia
tamquam
ea quae mutabilia facta sunt 338. 12. non sint, vehementer hoc Plato tenuit et diligentissime commendavit.
Here we have an inference from Plato rather than a refer ence to any specific statement. Augustine no doubt made It is this statement from his knowledge of Neo-Platonism. found implicitly in Plato. Compare Philebus 22 and 60 B-C.
339- 5.
cipulus condidisset,
.
tare consueverat.
See Cic. Acad.
i.
4.
17:
Peripatetic!
dicti
sunt
in
quia
y c e o
.
disputabant
inambulantes
95
339. 10.
post
. .
mortem
sororis
.
vero
eius
De
Platonis
filius
et
Speusippus, Xenocrates.
See Cic. Acad.
i.
4.
17,
i.
9.
34.
Orat.
3.
18. 67.
Sed habemus sententiam Pla 339. 30. tonis dicentis omnes deos bonos esse nee esse ornnino ulltin deorum malum.
Augustine here is not referring to any specific passage in What Plato, but is giving an inference from his teachings. is not ex he gives as the
sententiam Platonis
is
implied
compare Theaetetus
See note
340.
ii.
178. 17.
i
Omnium,
a n
n q u
in
quibus est
divisio
pertita
Compare
eo-rt
est
is
daemones.
This three-fold division
Plato,
/ecu
assumed
KOL
in Plato
TTO.V
and Apuleius.
/xera^i!
Symposium 202
OvrjTov.
yap
8.
TO
Sai/xoj/ioi/
Oeov re
8e
De Legg,
8480,
8
ibid.
10.
906 A.
KO.\
rj/juv
9toi re
apa
av /crr^uara 6tuv
the
But Augustine had in mind Apuleius when he wrote above words (quae licet apud alios
unum scripsit
the
lib
rum.
1.
30).
s
Apu
edition,
ig6
Plato omnem naturam vol. p. iii.) rerum quod eius ad animalia praecipue
chap.
i.
2.
pertineat,
in
trifariam
whom
;
divisit.
He
then
he
first
Hiidebrand
edition)
then
(tandemque orationem de caelo in terin ram devocabo qua praecipuum animal homines sumus), and in chap. 6 he Ceterum sunt quaedam takes up demons, divinae mediae po testates inter sumnum aethera et infimas terras.... hos Graeci nomine Sai/xoi/a? nuncupant.
ex quo genere numinum So 341. 33. crates habebat adiunctum et amicitia qua dam conciliatum, a quo perhibetur solitus admoneri ut desisteretab agendo, quando id quod agere volebat, non prospere fuerat eventurum.
Compare Apul. De deo
edition,
vol.
2,
Socratis,
chap. 19
Quod autem iricepta 154) Socrati quaepiam daemon ille ferme prohibitum ibat, nunquam adhortatum
p.
:
(Hiidebrand
Enim Socrates, utpote apprime perfectus ex sese, ad omnia congruentia sibi officia promptus nullo adhortatore umquam indigebat, at vero prohibitore nonnunquam, si quibus forte conatibus eius periculum suberat, ut monitus praecaveret, omitteret coepta
quodammodo
ratio praedicta
vir
est.
impraesentiarum quae
capesseret
342. 4.
piosissime
sed
daemonem.
97
See Apul.
De deo
-
last
note
342.
6.
deorumsublimitate
tate et t a m
i
.
hominum
s
humili-
daemonum medietate
Socratis, chap.
3
sentenedition, vol.
See
2,
De deo
p.
118):
Hos
(Hildebrand
in
sublimi aetheris vertice locates; again deos a b h o m n b u s p u r m u m chap. 4 differentes loci sublimitate; chap. 5 si
:
omnino homines
diis
immbrtalibus
procul repelluntur atque in haec terrae tartara relegantur; chap. 6, for the dem quaedam divinae mediae potestates ons, inter summum aethera et infimas ter ras, and he also speaks of them as corpore aeria
(chap. 13).
342.
8.
ab cul discretes,
vol. 2, p.
ii 8):
humana contagione
(Hildebrand
edition,
pro
though here not avowedly on the au of Plato; compare the rest of the chapter, also chap. thority 6 on Plato s authority (respond erit enim Plato
pro
sententia sua mea voce), N e q u e enim i 1 1 o s a c ur a rerum humanarum sed contrectatione sola removi. Compare Plato.
T
Symposium
342.
203. A,
0os
Se drOpw-n-w ov /JLCLyrvTo.1.
deos
dili-
Nam
de
omnibus
moribus generaliter
de
98
plurimum mail.
This seems to be a rather unfair criticism on the part of Augustine of the statements of Apuleius in the De deo SoWe cannot see how Augustine could say nihil cratis.
boni dixit.
is
inter homines coeli2, p. 128) vectores hinc precum inde colasque donorum, qui ultro citro portant hinc petitiones inde suppetias ceu quidam
against this:
edition, vol.
interpretes
et
salutigeri....
These and
other like offices of the daemons mentioned by Apuleius make Augustine s criticism (nihil boni dixit) untrue. Of
course Apuleius has also very unfavorable things to say against In chap. the demons, for which compare chaps. 12 and 13.
1
demons:
u n
posteriore numero praestantiori longe dignitate, superius aliud augustius genus daemonum qui semper a corporis compedibus liberi certis potestatibus curant. serpentibus qui etiam depo343. 18. sita tunica senectutem deponere atque in iuventam redire perhibentur. See Pliny H. N. 8. 27. 99, anguis hiberno situ membrana corporis obducta feniculi suco impedimentum illud exuit nitidusque vernat, ibid. 8 31. in; Theophrastus auctor est angues modo et stelliones senectutem exuere. As Augustine has elsewhere, in the DCD XV. 9 XV. 12, mentioned Pliny and quoted from,
autem non
it
is
likely
his authority,
if
required.
99
corpus habent terram repetunt requiem vel ad pastum, quod daemones, inquiunt, non faciunt.
tis
vel ad
Compare De deo
vol. 2, p.
:
Socratis, chap. 8
(Hildebrand
edition,
Semper enim illis victus 134) omnis in terra, ibidem pabulum, ibi dem cubile; tantum quod aera proximum terrae volitando transverberant. Ceterum cum illis fessa sunt remigia
pennarum terra
the
do,
seu
portus
est.
That
demons
is
not come to earth for rest or food, as the birds rather implied than stated by Apuleius. Compare De
do.
9.
Nam et ilia ratio Platonis, 344. 16. qua elementa quattuor proportione contexit atque ordinat, ita duobus extremis, igni mobilissimo et terrae inmobili, media duo, aerem et aquam interserens.
Compare
TravTos
Plato,
Timaeus
31 B, oOcv IK
$eos
TTU/DOS
Kat
yfjs
TO
rot)
Sr)
apxcyxei/os
^vvnTTUivai
(TMfjia 6
eVot et
.... 32 B,
oirra>
/xecro) Bets,
TOV avrov Xoyov dTrepyao-a/xeros, o rt ?rep Trvp ?rpos KOLL 6 rt dr/p Trpos TOVTO vStop ?rpos y^v,
v8<op
^weSvycre
IO.
oparov
/ecu
OLTTTOV.
Id.
De Legg.
889 B,
c/>ucrei
<atri.
maeus.
chap.
7
Augustine found this in Cicero s translation of the Ti See DCD XIII. 16. Compare Apul. De dog. Plat, i,
and chap.
11.
Et ipse quippe Apuleius cum 344. 22. ceteris terreste animal hominem dicit.
See Apul.
De deo
dicit ad eos pertinere divina345. 4. tiones augurum, aruspicum, vatum atque somniorum....
200
See Apul.
vol. 2. p. p.
De deo
142).
346
19.
Perturbatio
Traces
est
enim
ilia
quae
voluit dicitur; animo vocare verquia passiva, bum de verbo -n-dOos passio diceretur motus animi contra rationem. num reliquae q u o See Cic. Tusc. 3. 4. 7; que pertubationes animi, formidines, iracundiae? Haec enim libidines, fere eius modi q.uae Graeci appel
G
r
a e c e
unde
-rrdOr]
lant,
quae Graeci TrdOfj nobis perturbationes appelvocant, lari magis placet quam morbos. ibid. 4. 6. n, De Finn. 3. 10. 35. Passio is a later Latin word
ibid
4.
5.
10,
to ecclesiastical Latinity.
isti
(daemones) ad deos
ferant
preces
hominum
i.
p e
et
inde
s
ad
De deo
Socratis
Ceterum sunt quae dam divinae mediae potestates inter sum mum aethera et
infimas
terras aeris spatio, per
in
(Hildebrand
edition):
nostra et merita hos Graeci nomine Sat/x.ovas nuncupant, inter homines (?) coelicolasque vectores, hinc precum unde donorum, qui ultro citro portant, hinc petitiones inde suppetias ceu quidam utriusque interThe original of this is pretes et salutigeri.
found
in Plato s
i
.
Symposium 202 E.
Compare
.
also Apul.
. . .
De
dog. Plat,
chap. 12;
tros
deorum
201
comei
qui
hoc
fecerit
supplicium
constitutum?
We cannot say in which of Cicero s works this reference was found, and this fragment of Cicero seems to have remained unnoticed by the editors of his works. Augustine s. words ap
pear to be the only authority for ascribing such a statement to It would be most natural to assign it to the De LegiCicero.
bus.
quid? non et tabulis legum ipsarum verba sunt; qui fruges excantassit ?, res also Apuleius Apologia 47 Magia ista. est legibus delegata, iam inde a n t n quitus duodecim tabulis propter credundas frugum illecebras interCompare
Pliny,
N. H.
28.
2.
17:
in
duodecim
dicta.
Apuleius ipse numquid 349. 9. Christianos iudices de magicis bus accusatus est?
This was the case which was brought by
Sicinus Aemilianus and Sicinus Pudens,
apud
arti-
Pontianus,
at the instigation of
Herennius Rufinus, against Apuleius on the charge of having used magic arts and spells to win the love of Prudentilla a widow and mother of his friend Pontianus. See Apuleius Apologia or De Magia, which was the defence of the author on this occasion. Has Augustiue any authority for writing apud Christianos iudices? So far as I know there is no authority for it and it is probably a misstatement.
,
in
486
Fuere
3.
p.
i
a x
mus, Africae proconsul, et alii qui in consilio erant. Quod (ut alia testimonia taceam) in hac ipsa oratione eo clarissime pra.esertim adparet, loco ubi Apuleius Mercurii sigillum
in
manus Maximi
tradit.
2O2
349* 2 7-
For the question as to the unity of the Apologia see Hildebrand s edition, vol. i, proleg. p. 40; and Oudendorp s
edition vol.
3,
p.
485.
It
of the Apologia
being an
duo b r Nam diversa de illis Hermes 354. 19. Aegyptius, quern trismegiston vocant,
oratio
and not
i
.
sensit et scripsit.
Under the name of Ep^s Tpicr/xeyto-ros very numerous works were in circulation in the early Christian centuries. These works professing to be from Hermes were of a NeoPlatonizing
tendency
The work
of
Hermes
Xoyos reXetos translated into Latin by Apuleius under the title of Asclepius, sive Dialogus Hermetis Trismegisti, a dialogue
between Hermes and his pupil Ascelepius (Huius Aegyptii verba sicut in nostrarn linguam
interpretata sunt).
ut
s
i. 6. 3,
ei
i
multarum
T
ira
rerurn
et
artium
i
e n
a
.
rismegisto
Dei
11.
cognomen
12; Hermes, quern numero deorum apud Aegyptios haberi, eum scilicet qui ob virtutem artium multarumque scientiam Termaximus nominatus est.
p o n e n
t
Cicero
De ait
in
in
355. 6.
sq.
this
page see As
358.
5.
sq.
363. ii.
modo
iste
20 3
ilia
aufer-
See
2,
Apul.
p.
Asclepius
chap.
37
(Hilde-
brand
edition, vol.
13.
327 sq.)
367.
sicut
Leone sacerdote
proscribit
Alexander.
See note
p. 327. 25.
204
BOOK
368. 14.
IX.
See Lact. Div. Inst. 2. 14. 6: hos enim putant deos esse. ibid., 4. 27. 14 nisi quod idem sunt daemones quos v u g u s deos esse opinatur?....ergo idem sunt daemones quos fatentur execrandos esse, idem d q u b u s supplicant. Compare Plotinus Enn.
1
i
3.
5.
is
/cat et
Lactan-
tius
evidently Augustine
authority.
368. 15.
ius,
can,
nomine .daemonum.
i.
quamquam
et
cleos,
sed
r a r
In Lactantius
who
we find Juppiter, Apollo, Neptune and Vul are elsewhere acknowledged as gods, called demons.
7.
9,
4.
27. 12 sq.
t
i
s u
o v e
q u e
nuncupatum.
So far as I know Zeus is not called Saifuov anywhere in the works of Homer as we have them, except perhaps by implica
tion in Iliad,
Soj/xar
i.
222
es aiyio^oto
Atos
aAAous.
Augustine probably got this, but from Lactantius Div. Inst. 4. 27. 15 s u m m u m ilium q u
Homer,
-
ere
I
mero
o n
i
o v
ant Ho d a e e m
infer
b u
s
Augustine
g g language a b
a d
r e
a v
as
we cannot
from
that
Homero fateantur
he referred to direct Homeric authority, or even to indirect Homeric authority of a Latin version.
205
Apud plerosque. enim usita369. 2O. tum est dici alios bonos alios malos daemones. It a duo genera See Lact. Div. Inst. 14. 5; daemonum, unum coeleste alterum terrenum. Hi sunt immundi spiritus malorum quae geruntur auctores, quorum idem diabolus est princeps.
2.
De
Abst.
Id.
2.
Ad Marcellam
fin.)
21
for
bad demons
De
Abst.
2.
38 (ad
58.
370. 15. n q u i t
,
12
(Hildebrand
edition, vol.
P-
I39-)
371. 9.
i
de
his
animi
motibus,
quae
G r a e c trdOr), nostri autem quidam, sicut Cicero, perturb ationes, quidam affectiones vel affectus, quidam vero, sicut iste de Grace o expressius, p a s siones vocant. See ndte p. 346. 10. By the words sicut iste de
-
Graeco
others
expressius,
in
so.
is
passiones
literal
-rrdOr)
Augustine
(quidam)
not
3.
calling the
passiones.
i
.
Cicero himself says that for a more This, however, literal translation he would make Trd6r)=m o r b Compare
Tusc.
e
4.
7,
;
morbos,
De
Finn.
3.
et
10. 35,
id
verbum esset
s
v e
b o
q u a
a e c
TrdOr)
non
word
conveniret
p a
s s
i
ad
omnia.
all
Moreover the
Cicero or
in
in
any
371. 13.
affectiones
206
4.
7 sq.,
3.
6.
12, 3. 9.
19, 4.
19. 43,
ici
Quidam, Hoc
et pas
Aliis autem, sicut Stoicis, 371. 19. cadere ullas omnino huiusce modi passiones in sapientem non placet.
See Cic.
De
Finn.
3. 10.
35
itaque
his
sapiens
i
semper vacabit, Tusc. 4. 17. 38; atque idem ita acrem in omnis partis aciem n tendit, ut semper videat sedem sibi ac locum sine molestia atque angore vivendi, ut, quemcumque casum for-
hunc apte et quiete faciet non aegritudine ferat; quod qui solum vacabit, sed etiam peturbationibus reliquis omnibus.
tuna
invexerit,
in
Caesaris laude
In the quotation which Augustine proceeds to give from pro Q. Ligario 12. 37, he omits the word p 1 u r m i s
i
.
num
quos poetae quorundam homiossores et amatores deos non procul a veritate confingunt.
377. 6/
See Apul.
2,
De deo
edition, vol.
P.
139).
377 24. Denique hinc esse dicit Homericam illam Minerva m quae mediis coetibus Graium cohibendo Achilli
intervenit.
See Apul.
2, p.
De deo
Socratis
u, (Hildebrand
edition vol.
138).
20 7
378. 3 1 -
gaudentes
This
is
quoted as
Hildebrand says
4
n o n
m
vol.
g n a
2.
codd.
from
122-3.)
utriusque
Socratis,
script oris
(Hildebrand
s
dissensione
p.
De deo
edition
381. 23.
Is
cum
de
humanis
animis
ageret: mortalia
This reads
Pater,
illis
in
Zevs Se Trarrjp the original (Enn. 4. 3. 12) The reference IS eXc^o-as Trovov/xo as Ovrjro. aunov TO. Sccr/xa TTOIOH/. here given by Dombart.
382. 15.
Dicit quidem
et
si
et
ex
animas homihominibus
sunt;
lares,
manes
preceding chapter,
the lines
viz.
Plotinus.
i
is
We see, however, from which are condensed from See Apul. De deo the subject.
,
2,
pp. 146-7).
382. 27.
Inde
m
i
.
.
autem
beatos
.
lari sint
2,
Graece
a n
i
.
cvScujuovas,
See Apul.
p.
De deo
Socratis
15
(Hildebrand
144)
ewW/xovas
bonus
t
est
animus
virtute perfec
est.
Habetis, inquit, interim bina 383. 9. animalia; deos ab hominibus plurimum differentes loci sublimitate....
208
See Apul.
P-
De deo
Socratis
4.
(Hildebrand
edition vol.
2.
I2 3)-
dicimus, sic a Platone praedicariasseverat, quod ipsesit solus qui non possit sermonis humani quavis o r a
-
tione vel modice comprehendi; vix autem sapientibus viris, cum se vigore animi quantum licuit a corpore r e moverunt, intellectual huius Dei, id quoque interdum velut in altissimis tenebris coruscamine rapidissimo lumen candidum intermicare.
-
See Apul.
p.
De deo
Id.
Plato affirmet
i
in
omnes
difficilem.
Lact.
Inst.
Epit. 3.
i
;
sermone comprehendi. id. Div. Inst. 1.8. cuius (Dei) vim maiestatemque a n tam esse dicit in Timaeo Plato ut earn neque mente concipere neque verbis enarrare quisquam possit ob nimiam et inaestimabilem potestatem. 12. 30 lam d e Plato Compare also Cicero N. D. nis inconstantia Ion gum est dicere, huius mundi qui in Timaeo patrem nominari neget posse, in Legum au tem libris sit omnino deus quid anquiri oportere non censeat. Minucius
i
:
sublimior enim ac maior est quam ut possit aut cogitatione hominis aut
t
-
i.
209
non contaminantur sidera, cum videntur, quos deos omnes visi3QO. 12.
si
biles
Apul.
De deo
Socratis
eodem visibilium deorum num115): cetera quoque sidera qui cum PI a ero
In
(Hildebrand
edition, vol.
2,
p.
tone sentis
392.
12.
o c a
(?)
Ubi est illud Plotini ubi ait: est igitur ad carissimam patriam, et ibi pater et ibi omnia.
Fugiendum
The
(Enn.
orroXos
e/cei.
i.
6.
77
8),
<euyw/xcv
Sr)
^tA^i/
es
TrarpiSa
ovv
KOL
<f>vyrj
....
/cai
17
Trarpts Se
<j>vyrj
YJ/JUV
o0/7rep
KOL Trarr/p
ri s
ovv o o-roA.os
Dom-
Nos autem, sicut scriptura loquitur,.... angelos quidem partim bonos partim malos, numquam vero bonos daemones legimus.
394. 17.
The passages
erous.
21.
num
i
Reg.
29. 9;
4.
Par.
13.
12;
103. 4;
Mai.
5.
3.
i;
Mat
i
u,
6.
Tim.
21,
spoken
lucl. 6.
of.
Cor.
3;
Daemones enim dicuntur (quo395. 8. niam vocabulum Graecum est) ab scientia nominati. daemones autem See Lact. Div. Inst. 14. 6, dictos aiunt quasi 8a^/xoi/as, grammatici rerum scios, which is id est peritos ac
2.
also the derivation given in Plato Cratylus 398. B. KOU Saiyyuovcs rjarav Satytxov as aurous (Lvo/xarrci
.
on
</>poi/t/xoi
210
erare quos a summo Deo conditos deos scribit eorum auctor et magister Plato.
Cicero did not get this reference (Tim. 41 A) directly from Plato, but from Cicero s Latin version of the Timaeus, as we learn from BCD XIII. 16, where Augustine quotes ver batim Cicero s Latin version of the passage to which he refers
:Platonis haec verba sunt, sicutea Cicero in Latinum vertit (p. 575. 17).
here
21
BOOK
402. 8.
X.
que sanctarum
e s
t
,
s Concordance to the Septuagint, Concordance to the Vulgate, and Moulton and Dutripon Geden s Concordance to the Greek New Testament, on Aarpet a and s e r v t u s
i
.
ea servitus quae debetur 402. g.~ S e d hominibus, secundum quam praecipit apostolus servos do minis suis subditos esse debere, alio nomine Graece nuncupari solet.
That
Aarpeia
is
is
SouAeca.
The
distinction
between
SovAeia
and
in
Compare Quaest.
Ex. 94 SouAeia
n o
,
Aarpeia
et al
;
Deo,
Unde
in
scripturarum locis,
certior appareret, non CX bono CultU, sed feocre/Seiav vo-e^etav, quod quod ex Dei cultu com positum resonat, dicere maluerunt.
ut
distinctio
asserit sensum Platonis explanans, ne illam quidem, quam credunt esse universitatis an imam, aliunde beatam esse quam nostram, idque esse lumen
Saepe
multumque
Plotinus
212
quod ipsa non est, sed a quo creata est et a quo intellegibiliter inlumi-
nante intellegibiliter lucet. Datenim similitudinem ad ilia incorporea de his caelestibus conspicuis amplisque corporibus, tamquam ille sit sol et L u nam quippe solis ipsa sit luna. obiectu inluminari putant. Dicit ergo ille ma gnus Platonicus animam rationalem, sive potius intellectualis dicenda sit, ex quo gen ere etiam immortalium
beatorumque
in
animas esse intellegit, caelestibus sedibus habitare non quos dubitat, non habere supra se naturam nisi Dei qui fabricatus est mundum, a quo et ipsa facta est.
Compare Plotinus Enn.
owa/xei
Kai Suvarwrepa.
vcra
i5s
2.
9.
2, ^.eVet re
dAAa ry
yap
ra>
ocrov
Trpos
avrrj
rotrco
e^ovo-a,
StScocrt
act
eAAa/xTrerat
also
ibid. 2. 9. 3, 3. 9.
4. 3.
1 1,
e/ctvo5 6
8e
Ki
^Atos
^fx>)
ovros yap
fjprrjfj.fv
TU>
Aoyov
avrr)
e</>er)s
TOVTW
auri}s
ra Trepara
ibid. 5. 6. 4.
and TOVTOV TO^ ^Atov, TOVTW i^Ataj, These references have not been given by Domra
Trpos
bart.
unde
See N. D.
et
2.
religio
28. 72,
q u
autem omnia quae ad cultum deorum pertinerent diligenter retractarent et tamquam relegerent sunt dicti religiosi ex religendo. Compare Lact. Div. Inst. hoc vinculo pietatis obstricti 4. 28. 3, deo et religati sumus: unde ipsa re ligio nomen accepit,non ut Cicero in-
213
terpretatus est
Inst. Epit. 64. 5.
religendo,
ibid. 6, 10.
2,
410. 14.
ut
.sacrificium res divina est, ita hoc quoque vocabulo id Latini vetSee Cic.
eres appellaverunt.
De
N.
Div.
2,
10.
25,
si
extra fatum,
p o
t e s t
.
nihil
3.
levari
in
D.
18. 47,
divina
Epid.
3. 3.
sacrificium.
3. 3.
See Plautus
-
34(415),
Facturum
and Amph.
i. 2.
vi-nam
3-
domi,
S),
vina facta
37
mecum prandeat.
109 (184).
re di Terence Eun.
(S
Hecyra
quos
2.
et
16. 4:
et
ii
quos vere
maleficos vulgus ap
pellat.
Nam et Porphyrius qua n dam 415. 18. quasi purgationem animae per theurgian... disputatione promittit; reversionem vero ad Deum hanc artem
.. Nunc praestare cuiquam negat enim hanc artem tamquam fallacem et in ipsa actione periculosam et legibus prohibitam cavendam monet; nunc
. .
autem....utilem
dicit esse mundanae parti animae.... Hanc enim dicit per quasdam consecrationes theurgicas quas teletas vocant idoneam fieri
atque aptam susceptioni spirituum et angelorum et ad videndos deos. Ex quibus tamen theurgicis teletis fatetur intellectual! animae nihil purgationis accedere, quod earn faciat idon-
214
concederent. Ergo
gare non potuit quae vel ipsae invideant purgationi animae, vel artibus serviant invidorum, querelam de hac re Chaldaei nescio cuius expromens: v r in ChalConqueritur, inquit, daea bonus, purgandae animae mag no in molimine frustrates sibi esse successus, cum vir ad eadem potens tactus invidia adiuratas sacris precibus ne -postulata potentias alligasset
<
poenas cultum daemon um a q u b u s circumveniebatur horrescere; ipsamque theurgian quam velut conciliatricem angelorum deorumque commendat apud tales agere potestates n e
i
et persunt spicienda quae Denique animam rationalem sive. intellectualem in sua posse dicit e v a dere, etiamsi quod eius spiritale est nulla theurgica fuerit arte purgatum; porro autem a theurgo spiritalem purgari hactenus, ut non ex hoc ad n mortalitatem aeternitatemque perveniat. Quamquam itaque discernat a daemonibus angel os, aeria loca esse daemonum, aetheria vel empyrea disserens angelorum, et admoneat utendum alicuius daemonis amicitia, quo subvectante vel paululum a terra possit elevari quisque post mortem, aliam vero viam esse perhibeat ad angel orum superna consortia; cave n dam tamen daemonum societatem expressa quodam modo confessione testatur, ubi dicit animam post mortem luendo
earn
ad
vere
et
ligavit ille,
in-
2I 5
et muniter daemonibus hominibus adtribuit; deos tamen ab Apuleius eis aetheriae sedis altitudine separans et Platonis asserens in ilia discretione sententiam. 417. 5. Porphyrius per nescio quam theurgicam disciplinam etiam deos obstrictos passionibus et perturba-
non solvit. Quo indicio apparere theurgian esse tarn boni conficiendi quam mali et apud deos et apud homines disciplinam; pati etiam deos et ad illas perturbationes passionesque deduci quas comquit, dixit
et
iste
tionibus dicit.
We
which
is
are led by the nature of the subject of these extracts, chiefly the purification of the soul, to assign them to
s
Porphyry
lost
work
Trepi
dvdSou
if/vxys
416. 29. pati etiam deos et perturbationes passionesque quas communiter daemonibus nibus Apuleius adtribuit.
ad
et
illas
deduci
homi
s
Compare Apul.
edition vol.
2,
De Deo
140 sq.)
:
Socratis
12-13
(Hildebrand
p.
deus nullam perpeti vel vel opis amoris temporalem perfunctionem, et idcirco nee indignation e nee misericordia contingi, nullo angore contrahi, nulla ab omnibus
Quapropter
debet
alacritate
gestire,
velle
sed
nee
repentinum
et
vel
cuncta et id daemonum mediocritati congruunt. Sunt enim inter nos et deos ut loco regionis ita ingenio
haec
246
passionem. Nam proinde ut nos, pati possunt omnia animorum placamenta vel incitamenta, et ira incitantur et misericordia flectuntur et donis invitantur et precibus leniuntur et contumeliis exasperantur et honoribus mulcentur aliisque omnibus ad similem nobis modum variantur:
ut in fine comprehendam, daemones sunt genere animalia, n passiva, genio rationabilia, animo corpora aeria, tempore aeterna. Ex his quinque quae commemoravi tria a principio eadem quae nobiscum, quartum proprium, postremum com mune cum diis immortalibus habent, sed differunt ab his passione. Quae
quippe,
passiva non absurde, ut arbitror, nominavi, quod sint iisdem quibus nos perturbationibus mentis
propterea
o b n o x
i
i .
The
first
words of
this quotation
of Apuleius
are the direct opposite of the words deos pati which latter, however, are not the words of Apuleius but of Porphyry. Compare the words beginning chap. 10, E c c e
etiam
nunc alius Platonicus quern doctiorem ferunt, Porphyrius, per nescio quam theurgicam disciplinam etiam ipsos obstrictos passionibus et perturba
tionibus dicit.
(Epistula ad
oux
Se re
Compare
5.
the words
of
Porphyry
Anebontem
Partheny s edition p. XXXI) oWe eju,7ra$ts, dXXa KOL ot Ocol Kara rov "OfJLrjpov
o-TptTTTol
his
5. 6.) in
A.e
a-n-dOeta
of the
gods
TO
jjitv Srj
0wv
a,7ra$es
yo/xei
i/o/x^o/xei/
2I 7
418.
18.
ius
cum Aegyptium
Melius sapuit
ad ubi
iste
Anebontem
Porphyr-
By these words Augustine seems to be passing to another work of Porphyry from which he had not been quoting prev The letter of Porphyry to Anebo, the Egytian, has iously.
not been preserved entire, but only in fragmentary form. All the extant fragments of it have been put together by Thomas
Gaie in his edition of lamblichus De Mysteriis (London 1670), and by Partheny in his edition of the same (Berlin 1875). It was printed before these only in the Poemander at Venice in
1483.
et ideo non in aethere sed in acre esse sub luna atque in ipso lunae
Et ibi quidem omnes d a e 418. 20. mones reprobat, quos dicit ob n trahere humidum vaporem prudentiam
i
globo.... Quosdam namque benignos daemones more appellat aliorum, cum omnes generaliter inprudentes a e a
f
t
-
this
information in regard
to
Miratur quod non solum dii 418. 27. alliciantur victimis sed etiam compellantur atque cogantur facere quod homines volunt.
See Ep. ad Anebontem 28 (Partheny
TTO.VV
edition p.
ra
e
XXXVIII.)
U>S
Se
fJLC
Opa.TTL
SIKCLLOV
TTOUS
(I)S
KptlTTOVS TTapflKoXov^VOl
eTTlTttTTOl TCU
KCU
flvai
(l^iolWes
rov
$epa7rovra,
JJL^V yar/
a8i/ca
avrot
KaOap<2
ovri
d^pootcrtoji OVK
av KO.\OVVTL vTraKOV(raiV, avrol Se ayetv t? Trapai/o/xa d^poStVia TOVS r^wras OVK OKVOVO-LV. This fragment of Porphyry is preserved
by Eusebius, Praep.
Evang., book
5,
chap.
7,
(191 D) and
218
bid. chap. 10 (197. 13). But Augustine s knowledge of Por phyry s letter was not derived indirectly through Eusebius, for two reasons: (i) Augustine shows a larger acquaintance with the letter to Anebo than could possibly be gained from the
seems
disconnected fragments given by Eusebius. (2) Augustine to have had the actual book of Eusebius (in a Latin
version) before him, so that he knew exactly from what part of the epistle he was quoting. X. Compare (p. 419. 33
(p.
421.
16)
Such words of
given by Eusebius.
Quaerit etiam veluti dubitans divinantibus et quaedam mira facientibus animae sint p a s siones an aliqui spiritus extrinsecus veniant per quos haec valeant; et potius venire extrinsecus conicit, eo quod lapidibus et herbis adhibitis et alligent quosdam et aperiant clausa miraeius modi ostia, vel aliquid biliter operentur.
419.
6.
utrum
in
For
graph
thus
ra
:
this
fragment of the
s
3. 27,
OLTTO
letter
to
24,
(Partheny
Mysteriis
edition, p.
XXXVI)
it is
Iva.py-r)
in
lam-
blichus,
De
from which
TWV epyaiv
ras
given by Partheny
fioravas
TOVTOV Se Seiyyuaro.
TOVS KaA-ovyueVous,
Ke/cAetcr/xeVa
(jcrre
<f)peiv
re
avoiyziv
K
KOI
Trpocupecrcts
^lera^aA-Xetv
T(ov
419. 12.
Unde
quoddam
prium,
a a x natura omniforme, simulans deos et daemultimodum, mones et animas defunctorum, et hoc esse quod efficiat haec omnia quae videntur bona esse vel prava; ceterum
2I 9
circa e a quae vere bona sunt, nihil opitulari, immo vero ista nee nosse, sed et male conciliare et insimulare atque inpedire nonnumquam virtutis sedulos sectatores, et plenum esse temeritatis et fastus, gaudere nidor,
ibus,
fAV f.o)6ev
Kat
adultationibus capi,
s
Compare Partheny
TiOf.vro.1
edition 26 (p.
a7ra.Tr)\r)<s
TroAurpOTToi/,
/,
v-rroKpivofjicvov
7raj/royu,op<ov
re
0ous
Kal
Safyxovas
KOL
i/ar^as
17
Kat Sta
eTret ets
TOVTW
Trdvra SvvacrOaL
rwv SOKOVFTCOV
etyai
dya^aii/
et^ai.
KO.6a.7ra.
Kara
raiJraj
aAAa
rots
ts
TwOd&iv
TrXrjpCLS T
Kat
ctvat
/x7ro8t^ti
TU<OU
Tro/XXaKis
dperr/v
4 J 9- 35 Quareit enim cur tamquam melioribus invocatis quasi peioribus impetretur, ut iniusta praecepta hominis exsequantur; cur adtrectatum re Veneria non exaudiant inprecantem, cum ipsi ad incestos quoque concubitus quoslibet ducere non morentur; cur animantibus suos antistites oportere abstinere denuntient, ne vaporibus profecto corporeis polluantur, ipsi vero et aliis vaporibus inliciantur et nidoribus hostiarum, cumque a cadaveris contactu prohibeatur inspector, plerumque ilia cadaveribus celebrentur.
p.
418. 27.
monem
sunt celebrata rumoribus vel de Iside vel de Osiride marito vim habere cogandi eius, maximam
quendam
ea
quae
apud
Aegyptios
220
ut faciant imperata, quando ille, carminibus cogit, ea se prod ere qui vel evertere comminatur, ubi se etiam Osiridis membra dissipaturum terribiliter dicit si facere iussa neglex-
deos
e r
of the Epistula ad Anebontem to which Au here refers is preserved by Eusebius Praep. Evang. 5. gustine 10 (198 A), and by lamblichus De Mysteriis 6. 5. Partheny,
The passage
in his edition of
lamblichus
TO
iv
De
Mysteriis,
p.
XXXIX,
8et^t Kal
par. 3.,
gives
Trj<s
it
thus:
e/c<ai
TO yap Xeyei?
et
on
"Io-iSos
/cat
A/3i>Sa>
rrjv
/3apw
se ab eo
prope ad epistulae finem petit doceri quae sit ad beatitudinem via ex Aegyptia sapientia. Ceterum illos qui bus conversatio cum diis ad hoc esset ut ob inveniendum
421. 16.
fugitivum vel praediumcomparandum, aut propter nuptias vel mercaturam vel quid huius modi mentem divinam inquietarent, frustra eos videri dicit coluisse sapientiam; ilia etiam ipsa numina, cum quibus conversarentur, etsi de ceteris rebus vera praedicercle beatitudine ent, tamen quoniarn nihil cautum nee satis idoneum monerent, nee deos illos esse nee benignos daemones, sed aut ilium qui dicitur
fallax aut
Partheny,
v/xoji/ rrfv
p.
Z)
ovv Trap
eis
v$aifjLovLav o8ov
/JLOLTyV ttLiTOtS
rj
f)
Kat
Iv rtvi
KeiTat
Vp(T.(l)<S
OVCTLO.
....
Mvrjs
(TO(f)La.
rj
i]
XwpLOv
8
ya/xou
et
TV\OL
Ivo^X^a-aanv
et
ou TTapttTat
aAAcov
TCL\.rjd (.crro.ro.
Xeyovo"t,
221
oe TOIS
awpoJTrois, ovx
6
A.yo^u,j/os
^cray
dya0oi
8atyu,oj/S,
dAA
e/ceiyos
TrAdVos
Trav
avOpwTrwv
<u<ru)S
di/aTrXatr/xa.
quern
ad
modum
a
Lacedaemonii, quod
See note
424. 13.
p.
72. 3.
Omnia quippe quae praehominibus vel angeli vel homines possunt,in unius esse Omnipotentis
stare
in
2.
doctrina de
i)
Deo
as containing
To>8e
ro9 Travros
cuo-OrjcrLV
rrjv
OVCTLO.V
KOU
a-vcrraa-tv
/ceKTny/xeVov,
S^Xov
Xoyou
/cat
De providentia certe Plotinus 424. 16. Platonicus disputat eamque a summo Deo, cuius est intellegibilis atque ineffabilis ad pulchritude, usque haec terrena et ima pertingere flosculorum atque foliorum pulchritudine comprobat; quae omnia quasi abiecta et velocissime pereuntia decentissimos formarum suarum numeros habere non posse confirmat nisiinde formentur, ubi forma intellegibilis et incommutabilis simul habens omnia perseverat.
in
3. 2. 13 (given by Dombart). There are other references, not given by Dombart. Thus Enn. 2. 9. 16 Plotinus speaks of the working of divine
Compare
also Enn.
2.
3.
3,
5.
i.
Compare
120:
Age
caelestibus
rebus
ad
222
terrestres veniamus, quid est in his n quo non naturae ratio intellegentis appareat? Principio eorum, quae gignuntur e terra, stirpes et stabilitatem dant iis, quae sustinent, et e terra sucum trahunt, quo alantur ea quae radicibus continentur, obducunturque libro aut cortice trunci quo sint a frigoribus et caloribus tutiores. 2.51. 127: Ut vero perpetuus mundi esset ornatus magna adhibita cura
i. .
. .
.
providentia deorum, ut semper et bestiarum genera et arborum omniumque rerum, quae a terra Quae quistirpibus continerentur. dem omnia earn vim seminis habent in s e ut ex uno plura generentur....
est
a
essent
426. 13.
Ilia
namque
visio
est et tanto pulchritudinis ut sine hac quidignissima, buslibet aliis bonis praeditum atque abundantem non dubitet Plotinus n felicissimum dicere.
amore
i.
6.
7,
6
rj<s
fjitv
rv^wv,
/zaKapios,
oi/w
S
i
T$ea//eVos
aTv^s
also
Se ovros 6
i.
/AT)
TV^WV.
i.
For
9,
this
5.
D
/cat
compare
ibid.
6.
8,
6.
also
3.
17.
if/V^T) d<wTlCTTO9
^l
t^Tl
avraJ
57>
X??
(^>di^ao"^at
^xoros c/cetVou
:
/cai
<^wrt,
dAX aurw
6.
Si
ov Kal opa
ibid
5.
5.
8,
6.
7.
34
sq.
6. 9.
7,
9. 8.
first
of these references.
427.
pje p e
r
20.
inusitati
Livy
27.
23.
4.
Compare
i
31.
n,
ubere
223
creto pontificum
et
Romae
pare also
supplicatio diem
et
a
1.
ad
Jul.
omnia pulvinaria,
i
Com
20 (79),
Obseq.
ta
facies....
Compare
31.
2,
cum
grandinem
.
quoque ab eodem prodigio novendiale sacrum publice susceptum eo anno caelum ardere est. 10. 6: visum, terra ingenti motu concussa est.... libri per duumviros sacrorum
Romanis
3.
a d
t i;
also
4.
21.
5,
10
31.
8,
21.
62. 4,
22.
i.
8.
i
sq.,
24. 10. 6,
25. 7. 8, et al.
Compare
also
Jul.
Obseq.
(55),
ii (70),
12 (71), 20 (79),
21 (80), et passim.
tate
vi ac potesfieri satis evidenter a p est quod effigies deorum p aj* e t u^t Aeneas de Troia P e^n atium, quas de loco in locum fugliens advexit,
427. 23.
eorum
,
migrasse referuntur.
Compare
Virgil,
;
632 et passim
Aen. i. 6, i. 68, i. 378, 2. 717, 4. 598, 5. a r r o also Servius on Virgil Aen. i. 378
:
marmorea
advecta
de
ab
.
.
deos
Dardanum
sigilla
lignea
Phrygiam,
427.^27.
Phrygia
Aeneam
in
cula secuit.
SeeJLivy
36. 4:
t
a
e
q u
hoc
tavi,
inquit
novacula
22 4
cissurum ....tum ilium baud cunctanter discidisse cotem ferunt. Cic: De Div. 17. 32; Tarquinius autem s e c o g tasse cotem novacula posse praecidi. Turn Attium iussisse experiri. Ita cotem in comitium allatam inspectante et rege et populo novacula esse
i.
i
s c
2.
s s
m
;
Compare Florus
Epit.
i.
i.
5.
Lact. Div.
Inst.
16.
1 1
ab
augure
lapis
novacula
incisus est. If Augustine got this not from Varro but from another source, it is impossible to say whether that source would be Livy, Cicero or Florus as all three give sub
stantially the same account, and Augustine s brief to give us sufficient evidence to decide.
notice
is
too
427. 27.
culapio
h a e
s
i
Aesa d
-
lapi
signum
transferrent, anguem qui se in navem eorum contulerat, in quo ipsum numen esse constabat, deportaverunt. Com
urbem Romam pestilentia liberavit Epidauro accersitus. 427. 28. quod navem, qua simulacrum matris Phrygiae vehebatur, tantis hominum boumque conatibus inmobilem redditam una muliercula zona a
1
given.
8.
2,
is
Inst.
16.
n;
quod
serpens
ad
of
traxit.
the
mulierculae
was
Claudia
13. 27.
See Livy
De Harusp. Resp.
2. 16.
navis secuta
n: quod est.
Claudiae manum
225
cuius
de Vestalis, quod virgo corruptione quaestio vertebaTiber! tur, aqua inpleto cribro de controneque perfluente abstulit
427. 3 2
-
v e
r s
The
story
is
found
fully related
in
Val.
Max.
8.
i.
aquam et in aedem tuam perferam audaciter et temere iactis votis sacerThis dotis rerum ipsa natura cessit.
was probably found
in the
Vestalis incesti virginis criminis reae castitas infamiae nube obscurata emersit. Quae conscientia certa sinceritatis suae spem salutis ancipiti argumento ausa petere est: Vesta inquit, arrepto enim cribro si sacris tuis castas semper admovi manus, effice ut hoc hauriam e Tiber!
Tucciae
virgo
Vestalis
incesti
damnata
est,
here might imply she suffered the though usual death penalty, which is the opposite of what we learn from Augustine and Valerius Maximus. Compare Pliny H. N.
damnata
ex tat Tucciae Vestalis incesti 28. 2. 12; deprecatio qua usa aquam in cribro tulit anno urbis DXVIIII. But Augustine s source here was Varro, as we learn from DCD XXII. n (vol. quod Varro commemorat, II, p. 586. 12) Vestalem virginem, cum periclitaretur de stupro falsa suspicione, crib" rum implesse aqua de Tiberi et ad suos iudices nulla eius perstillante parte portasse. Francken, Fragmenta Varronis, p.
:
121 sq.
p.
427.
16-34.
to
Varro.
226
to
sufficient
one one of the lost works of data on which to assign an opinion the opposite of (For
to
quamvis
aliorum, dicit bonum deum vel g e n ium non venire in hominem nisi malus fuerit ante placatus.
The language here used would
to assign the passage to the
lead
us
on conjecture
and such a senti Trept ment may have been found in that lost work. But the same sentiment is found in a fragment of another work of Porphyry IK AoytW (iAo(ro<tas preserved for us Trept by Eusebius Praep. Evang. book 4, chap. 23 (174 C) oOev /cat Trap AtyvTrriots /cat
av68ov i/^x^
rrj<s
Trapa
<otVtt
/cat /cat
oXcas
a>a
Trapa
TO.
Oiia
rro^ots
rrjs
t//,dVres
tv
rots
ran/
tepots
$ea)v
CTrtpp^crovrat,
TrposovSt^erat
Trpo
^p^crKetas
rj
e^eXawoi/rwv
8ta
rtov tepewv
rourous Sta
T^S TOV depos TrX^y^s, tVa rovrwi/ aTreX^oj/rcov Trapovcrta rov 6to This seems beyond doubt to be the passage to which yeV^rat.
Augustine
the
e/c
refers,
as of Porphyry, for in BCD XIX, XoytW 23 he mentions that work and gives large quotations from it.
<iAocro<t
Dicit etiam Porphyrius divinis 436. 19. oraculis fuisse responsum nos non purgari lunae teletis atque soils..... Denique eodem dicit oraculo expressum principia posse purgare.... Dicit enim Deum Patrem et Deum F ilium, quern Graece appellat paternum n tellectum vel paternam mentem; de Spiritu autem sancto aut nihil aut non aperte aliquid dicit, quamvis
i
22 7
quern
i
medium
non
g o Augustine does not make any statement as to the work of He is prob Porphyry from which he has given this extract. from the -n-cpl avoSov i/or^s ably quoting (De regressu animae) On p. 446. 27 he refers to the same passage, and also on p. 447. 25, and in the same chapter he says he has quoted much from the same work of Porphyry.
t
Si enim tertiam sicut Ploti436. 33. nus ubi de tribus principalibus substantiis animae naturam disputat, etiam iste vellet intelligi, non u t que diceret horum medium.... Postponit quippe Plotinus animae natur am paterno intellectui.
i
The
sion
Trtpl
first
is
devoted to a discus
TWV rpiuv
20.
Pater
(BE.
8.
et
32):
De Haeresibus
nam
~.
tum?
671):
Ad Orosium
i.
4.
4,
(BE
8.
Priscillianus
Sabellianum
anti-
228
ubi
ipse
Pater
34.
Filius,
qui
i.
et
13:
Spiritus
sanctus
vero esse
perhibetur.
Contra Maximinum
Alium
commune.
Jerome Comm.
7.
Patrem, alium esse F ilium, quoniam non est Pater ipse qui Filius, et nobis contra Sabellianos est dogma
Sermo
in
71. 3. 5 (BE. 5. 448). Ep. ad Eph. chap. 4., vv.
Compare
5. 6.
also
vol.
propter 527): Sabellium, qui eundem Deum Patrem arbitratur et Filium, confundique dum eandem divinitatem in personas, Eusebius H. E 7. 6 utroque deprehendit.
col.
Hoc
autem
(BE.
dico
ovros d
TroAAr/v xovros Trepi TOV Traj/roKparopos 0eov, Trarpos TOV Kvpcov T^ irjcrov Xpicrrou, aTTiortav re TroAAryv Trepi TOV /Jiovoyevovs vraiSos OLVTOV KOL
TrpwTOTOKov Traces KTiVecos, TOV cvai ^pto7r^(rai/ros Ao you, avai(r6r](TLav TOV a-yiov TTj/eu/xaros, and Epiphanius, Haer. 62.
442. 14.
dixit
alios
qui
et
autem qui in terris ea quae Patris altitudinem eius profunditaUnde optime .. temque declarant admonet etiam ipse Platonicus imitandos eos potius quam invocandos.
sunt
.
It
is
Porphyry
i/ar^s
this
impossible to say with certainty to which work of fragment belongs probably to the Trepi avoBov
largely.
DCD X. 9 (p. 416. 9): Quamquam itaque discernat a daemonibus angelos, which
Compare
is
Wolff (Porevidently from the De regressu animae. phyrii de philosophia ex oraculis haurienda librorum reliquiae. Berlin, 1856. p. [46) thinks this fragment may belong to the
Trj<s
Trept
IK Xoyicov
229
444- 3 1
Non
enim
te
decepisset
ut
t
vestra,
ipse
sanctum
s
immortal-
work of Porphyry, entitled Kara Xpio-riavaiv. Our knowledge of this work is so small that we cannot assign Augustine s
reference, even
if it
its
place
among
book
the
say,
fifteen
books composing the Kara Xpio-riai/wi/. however, that it probably was not found in the
treated of
We may
first
which
third,
which
of
modes
interpreting
or in the fourth,
which
antiqui period and Jewish early comprised or in the twelfth or thirteenth, in which were his criti ties, If the above statement oc cisms of the book of Daniel.
the
Mosaic
formed of
think this
it?
is
Xpio-riai/wv how did Augustine become in Did he read that work in the original? We improbable, and that it is likely Augustine read the
Kara Xpioriavcov in a Latin version. Even this it is not neces to suppose, because the attack of Porphyry on Chris sary
tianity
called forth
many replies from the Christians, it is very easy to see how Augustine may have got hold, from what was popularly known of Porphyry s views, of such an interesting admission as that the enemies of Christianity acknowledged Christ to be divine. Compare Augustine, De consensu evang. i. 15. 23: Quid
so
quod isti vani Christi laudatores et Christianae religionis obliqui obtrectatores propterea non audent biasphemare Christum, quia quidam philosophi eorum, sicut in libris suis Porphyrius Siculus prodidit, consulerunt deos suos quid de Christo respondere n t autem oraculis suis Christum laudare compulsi sunt. May the statement of
i 1
,
230
Augustine, on which we are commenting, have been taken e* AoytW from Porphyry s ncpl
rrj<s
Confiteris tamen etiam spiri446. 13. talem animam sine theurgicis artibus et sine teletis, quibus frustra discendis continentiae elaborasti, posse virtute purgari. Aliquando etiam dicis quod teletae non post mortem elevant animam, ut iam nee eidem ipsi, quam spiritalem vocas, aliquid post huius vitae finem prodesse videantur; et tamen versas haec multis modis et repetis.... Sed bene, quod metuendam dicis hanc artem vel legum periculis vel ipsius actionis.
Here again we have
di/o Soi;
/wx? s
a fragment, no doubt from the (De regressu animae) to which we should also
Trepi
add
ilgnorantiam certe et propter multa vitia per nullas teletas purgari dicis, sed per solum TTUTPIKOV vow, id est paternam mentem sive Intellectum, qui paternae est conscius volline 26
below
earn
u n
446. 29.
Hunc
autem
Christum
esse
non credis: contemnis enim eum prop ter corpus ex femina acceptum et propter crucis opprobrium.
The connection of these words with the foregoing would perhaps suggest that they came from the same work of Por
phyry,
namely
Trepi di/oSov
i/or^s
first part,
however,
The
esse
non credis,
is probably only an inference drawn by from the words of Porphyry. We know from the Augustine opening words of chap. 29 that Porphyry did treat of t r e s
et
eius
Filium
intellectum
231
mentem, et horum medium, quern putamus te dicere Spiritum sanctum, et more vestro appellas tres decs.
seu
Here Porphyry may have paused and
Christ
as
said
Augustine gives
it
more
likely
Porphyry
Kara
Uteris etiam hoc verbo aperubi Platonis sententiam sequens nee ipse dubitas in hac vita hominem nullo modo ad perfectionem sapientiae pervenire, secundum intellectual
448. 10.
tius
viventibus omne quod deest providentia Dei et gratia post hanc vitam posse compleri. Vos certe tantum tribuitis 449. 6. animae intellectual! quae anima utique humana est ut earn consubstantialem paternae ill! menti que.m Dei F ilium confitemini, fieri posse dicatis.
tamen
These seem
from the
Porphyrium
in
his
ipsis
bris ex
multa
quos
de
In these words Augustine states the source from which he much above (beginning X. 9).
DCD
connection with
De
regressu animae.
232
Platone quippe auctore ani dicitis mundum et animal beatissimum quod vultis esse etiam
449- 3 1
-
mal
esse
sempiternum.
Another fragment, no doubt, of the rrepl avoftov i/ar^Js. This reference from Plato is Timaeus 30 B (as given by Dombart). To this fragment of Porphyry we should add as evidently a
a continuation:
Solem quoque istum et cetera solum in libris vestris corpora esse fatemini quod vobiscum omnes homines et conspicere non cunctantur et dicere; verum etiam
450.
2.
sidera
non
putatis, peritia haec esse beatissima et perhibetis cum his corporibus sempiterna. sicut a sancto sene Simpli451. 2. ciano, qui postea Mediolanensi e c clesiae praesedit episcopus.
altiore,
ut
animalia
This Simplicianus
dius to the
is
mentioned
De
viris
illustribus
cianus
multis
Augustinum adhuc presbyterum agitare ingenium et expositioni scrip turarum vacare, ut etiam novus quidam A m
brosius
Origenis
8.
epyoSiw/cr^s
i.
i,
videretur.
Retract
2.
i.
8.
2.
3,
i;
Augustine
addressed
also
two books De
whom
We
16.
him:
Epp.
451.
num
post
usque
ad
233
certis-
e s
Phaedrus 246 B, 249. B, But Augustine did -42 D. not get this from Plato, but from the Latin version of PlotiE,
nus.
Compare Enn.
451. 18.
3. 4.
2.
Porphyrio tamen iure d s plicuit (i. e. animas hominum post mortem revolvi usque ad corpora bestiarum) ut salt em in solos homines 451. 32. humanas animas praecipitari posse beluinos autem carceres sentiret, mini me Dicit evertere dubitaret.
i
etiam ad hoc Deum animam mundo dedisse ut materiae cognoscens mala ad Patrem recurreret nee aliquando iam talium polluta contagione teneret
452
8.
quod
mundatam
et
passuram esse confessus est. V d hoc Porphyrius purga453tamque animam ob hoc reverti dixit ad Patrem ne aliquando iam malorum polluta contagione teneatur. Cum autem dicit Porphyrius 455- 3in primo iuxta finem de regressu animae libro nondum receptum in unam quandam sectam quod universalem contineat viam animae liberandae
t
vel a philosophia verissima aliqua Indorum moribus ac discipvel ab aut inductione Chaldaeorum lina,
234
aut alia
qualibet
seem
via,
nondumque
in
to be taken in substance
The
last
fragment,
first
451. 18.
Hanc
(with
sententiam
et
Porphyrii
3. 4.
2.
/cat
doctor tenuit
Compare
7rao~a
TToivra
77
Plotinus.
TO i/ar^
at 8
17
e7rip.\iTai TOV aij/v^ov, eVt TavTYjs /xa/Vicrra 8e ovpavov 7rept7roA.et aAAoTe cV aAAois et Seo-ii/,
77
aAAat aAAeos.
t
Iv dtcr^r/rtKco
01!^ roi/
8et,
ev Aoyt/co)
eV
aurw
T(T
<^>i;riKaJ
....
Ocrot
^xev
a.v6pd>Trov
e^crav, ^wa.
ev rourots TO
aAA
OV/JLOV,
ra aypta
Sta<opa
17
00*01 8e
GJIOI/
/XT
TOU
eTTl
OLKoXacrra TOJV
Kat yao-Tpt/xapya
/XCT
aAAa wOeia
ato-^7yo-ews
auToov,
^i/
*at
rj
fj.d\i(TTa ev^pyet
^>tXo/xoi;o"ou
TO
;
^DTI/COJ/, /cat
TOU? 8e
/^v
KaOapLovs 8e
et
/xr/
TO,
aAXa
ets TO.
w8tKa.
TOI>S
8e a.A.dya)?
8e
/5ao-tXeas, deTovs,
5
aA-A?;
/ca/aa
Trapecrj.
t?
/xcTecopoXoyovs
opi/ets
ai/u
ets
TOP
ovpavov
act
atpo/zeVous,
aperrjv,
Yj
/xeTeoopo
8e
T^V
7roA.tTt/cr)v
ar^pcoTros
TO,
>)
8e
rJTTOv
fJL\LTTa
TOta^Ttt.
BoUlllet in
above cited passage of Augustine says, Plotin n affirme pas que les ames humaines passent dans le French transla corps des betes" (Les Enneades de Plotin. v l- 2 P- 534)Paris 1859, tion. Bouillet, however, seems to refer only to Enn. i. i. 12, but the same can hardly be
a foot note on the
*
-
said of Enn.
3. 4. 2.
cited above.
2 36
III.
AUGUSTINE
as to
KNOWLEDGE OF GREEK.
Augustine
s
The question
the extent of
acquaint
ance with Greek necessarily projects any investiga Was his knowledge of Greek so rudi tion of his sources. mentary and limited as to be of no practical use to him?
itself into
Or was he
so thoroughly versed in
Greek
literature as to be
able to consult at pleasure any writer in that language whom he pleased ? Or, while not so rudimentary as to be of no ser
and not so comprehensive as to give freedom, was it in case of necessity he could consult a Greek The one author ? Each of these views has had advocates. extreme view has been adopted by Gibbon (Decline and Fall,
vice,
such that
chap. 33, vol. 3, p. 407 in Bury s edition): "According to the judgment of the most impartial critics the superficial learning For the of Augustine was confined to the Latin language."
opposite view
we may
cite the
words
i.
of
5,
2.
Ea tamen quantulacumque Graeci sermonis notitia quam sibi comparaverat usque adeo feliciter usus est, ut nisi ipse pro innata modestia eius se r u dem professus esset, litteris Graecis
-
eruditus videri potuisset. Epiphanii commentarium legit de haeresibus aut certe breviarium nondum Latinitate donatum, eius Deinde aliorum patrum Graecorum libros pervolvit e quibus testimonia non pauca deprompsit adversus haereticos: denique crebra Graecarum v o cum interpretatio quae passim in eius ac complurium opusculis occurrit, collatione ex locorum Scripturae
adprime
Nam
237
codicum Graecorum cum Latinis restitutio documento esse possunt Augustinum baud ita mediocriter Graece
s
s s e
though
it
will
so extreme as
some consider
appear later that this view is not To decide between such op it.
we
and answer two questions: (i) What does Au himself say as to his knowledge of Greek ? and (2) gustine to what extent do Augustine s works show a use of Greek ?
propose to ask
I.
WHAT
HIS
KNOW
LEDGE OF GREEK
Quid autem erat 13. 20, Graecas litteras oderam puerulus imbuebar, ne nunc quidem mihi satis exploratum est. Adamveram enim Latin as non quas primi magistri sed quas decent qui grammatici vpcantur. Nam illas primas u b legere et scribere et numerminus onerosas are discitur, non habebam omnes quam poenalesque Graecas again 14. 23, Cur ergo Graecam etiam grammaticam oderam talia c a n tantem? Nam et Homerus peritus texfabellas et tales ere dulcissime vanus est et mihi tamen amarus erat
Compare Conf.
i.
causae quibus
cur
i.
Here Augustine is speaking solely of his early and schoolboy days. Many who afterwards became boyhood proficient in Greek have felt just as Augustine felt on their
p u e
r
And Augustine first introduction to the elements of Greek. does not here speak as one who so hated Greek that he never learned it. He looks back with surprise to his early days and wonders why it was he did not like Greek (ne qui
nunc
est).
ilia
Besides
by
(nulla enim
verba
nov-
238
ut
Conf.
14. 23).
We
Homer
know, however, from the above cita at school, however distasteful the
3.
r,
task was.
In
De
Trin.
prooemium
we
read,
Quod
si
e a
quae legimus de his rebus, sufficienter edita in Latino sermone aut non sunt aut non inveniuntur, aut certe difficile a nobis inveniri queunt, Graecae autem linguae non sit nobis tantus habitus, ut talium rerum libris legendis et intelligendis ullo modo reperiamur idonei, quo genere litterarum ex iis quae nobis pauca interpretata sunt, non dubito cuncta quae utiliter quaerere possum us contineri.
was not
In these words Augustine means that his knowledge of Greek sufficient for him to read the Greek fathers who had
written on subjects connected with the Trinity. The passage some acquaintance with Greek, and that certainly implies
rather limited.
We may
De
well suppose that in such an import Trinitate, on which the author spent so
many
years, he
celled in this
would have read the Greek fathers, who ex very subject, if his knowledge of Greek had
home
in
It is only fair to state, however, that a logical writings. piece of Greek on such an abstract and difficult subject as the Trinity would not be the easiest- kind of reading for one
knowledge
2.
of
that language.
38. 91,
et
dem Graecae linguae perparum assecutus sum et prope nihil: non tamen impud enter dico me nosse oAov non o\ov s e c u n esse unum sed totum, et dum totum. Augustine uses these words in a controK.a.6
-
ego qui-
239
versy,
is
some modesty
little
in
them.
He
about Greek, just enough So much for what Augustine says for his present purpose. himself about his knowledge of Greek, from which we would conclude that while he was not a master of that tongue, and
know much about Greek, he could somewhat when necessary. If we can prove that his knowledge of Greek was neither exact nor extensive, his own words also prove that he has made no such pretension. These three are the only passages where Augustine com ments directly on his own knowledge of Greek.
while he did not claim to
use
it
II.
TO
WORKS SHOW A
KNOWLEDGE OF GREEK?
We turn now to ask to what extent do Augustine s works What use did he make of what show a knowledge of Greek ? amount of Greek he knew ? Does an investigation in this mat ter prove that Augustine knew more or knew less Greek than he himself has stated, as we have seen above ? I. First, let us examine Augustine s use of Latin trans In Conf. 8. 2. 3 he says c o m lations from Greek authors.
memoravi
nam linguam
dam
transtulisset,
in his
possession:
ex
(7.
9.
quos Graeca
or
13).
ask
who
are
the.
Platonici,
In Neoplatonists, to whom Augustine refers in these words ? BCD, VIII. 12 he gives the chief Greek Platonists as Plotinus
lamblichus and Porphyrius. Of an acquaintance with the works of lamblichus we find no trace whatever in the writings of Augustine. Loesche (De Augustino Plotinizante in doctrina de Deo, p. 26) says
Turn
lamblichum semel
vix
tantum
v
i
nominatum
degustasse
le
Ne"o-
d e
24 p. 41). The other important Neoplatonistwhom Au mentions is Apuleius, whose works are in Latin. From gustine the above statements, and from the fact that Augustine so frequently mentions, and cites from the writings of Plotinus
platcnisme,
and Porphyry, we may safely decide that these are the Neoplatonist writers whose works he read through the Latin
We should expect that if Augustine had had an easy reading knowledge of Greek he could not have
version of Victorinus.
failed to read or at least occasionally consult in the original the
writings in which was embodied the system of philosophy to which he himself was so much attached, and from the in and specially is this so fluence of which he never escaped when we consider that the original Greek of Porphyry and Plotinus was far better suited to express philosophic ideas and abstract subtilties than was the Latin of his version. We should thus expect Augustine to have used Plotinus and Por phyry in the original (had his knowledge of Greek been suffi cient) as a modern English-speaking scholar reads French and
;
German
treatises.
ask next whether Augustine read Plato and did he read him in the original ? The writings of Plato cannot be in
We
cluded
in
the
quosdam
libros
Platonicorum
quos Victorinus... .in linguam Latinam transtulisset. Nor have we the slightest
lated the works of Plato.
suggestion from any source that the same Victorinus trans In fact we can find no trace what ever of any complete Latin version of Plato in the days of Au We know that Cicero translated and paraphrased gustine. Did Augustine then read Plato for himself portions of Plato.
There is one passage from which we in the original ? might feel tempted to infer that he did so, namely De beata vita 1.4: Sed ne in philosophiae gremand
fateor ium celeriter advolarem, uxoris honorisque illecebra detinebar; ut cum haec essem consecutus turn demum me, quod paucis felicissimislicuit, totis velis omnibusque
241
remis in ilium sinum raperem ibique Lectis autem P a conquiesceretn. tonis cuius te paucissimis libris,
1
esse
studiosissimum
taque cum eis, quantum potui, etiam illorum auctoritate qui divina mysteria tradiderunt. We cannot, however, build
an argument for Augustine s direct knowledge of Plato (or portions of Plato) on this passage when we take into account the fact that five manuscripts read Plotini for Platonis. Even apart from this, and taking the passage as it stands, this single statement may not count for much, being unsupported by any other direct or indirect references, and other considerations must be given due weight. Augustine s knowledge of Plato is more general than specific, nor is it so great as is generally His knowledge of the doctrines and philosophy of supposed. Plato is such as he could well derive from an intimate acquain
tance (such as he had) with the Neo-platonist philosophers. These latter who revived Plato and sought to re-establish his
influence in the form of Neo-platonism had of necessity to bring forward again the fundamental teachings of their master.
accepi,-
colla-
From this source Augustine could derive a very considerable second-hand knowledge of Plato: and many of the doctrines of Plato which he mentions and discusses are common to Plato and to the Neo-platonists, and he found them chiefly in Plotinus. This has been well stated by Grandgeorge (Saint Augustin et
le Ne"o-platonisme,
Paris
"
1896,
chap,
i,
p.
53)
les
doctrines
dont il s agit etaient pour la plupart communes a Platon et aux neo-platoniciens, et les ressemblances que on signale avec Platon se retrouvent pour Plotin. Que reste-t-il done du
1
Peu de choses
si
on recherche
ce qui, en lui, a et exclusivement inspire par Platon et son ecole proprement dite des ressemblances assez grandes, une impulsion assez considerable si 1 on considere ce que ses
;
theories offrent de
tonisme."
commun avec le platonisme et le no-plaIn addition to the knowledge of Plato derived from Neo-platonism, no doubt Platonism itself as a system was dis-
242
cussed
days of Augustine, and thus have the opportunity of learning the teachings of Plato from the lectures of his professors. Even if Piatonism or the system of Plato was not discussed in and for
he would
itself,
it
in
must
an
as
of necessity have been studied, at least in its elements, introduction to Neo-platonism. may conclude
We
then that Augustine derived his knowledge of Plato, not from the original not from any complete Greek, and also Latin version, but from versions of some portions of Plato such
as those
made by
tells
Augustine
Nempe
ea
who
be
Platonis Cicero in
from the
discusses
in
Latinum
writings
Plato,
vertit. BCD.
Cicero informs
in
XIII.
of
and
lost
us
general, of his
often
as
doctrines,
the
as
now
Hortensius
(which
s
must
see
Literary Sources, p. 23), from such of the fathers as Lactantius, from his intimate acquaintance with the translated writings and theories of the Neo-Platonists, especially of Plotinus, and from
Returning to our subject Augustine s use of translations from de Haeresibus 83, we learn that Augustine read the Church history of Eusebius in the Latin translation of Rufi-
historian! scrutatus Rufinus a se in Latin am essem, translatae linguam subsequentium etiam temporum duos libros addidit.
nus:
Cum Eusebii
cui
to
In a letter to Jerome (Ep. 28. 2) he requests the latter to send North Africa a translation of the Greek commentators in
order that he
may be
able to consult
them
in a
Latin version:
-
Petimus ergo et nobiscum petit omnis African arum ecclesiarum studiosa s o cietas, ut interpretandis eorum libris
243
Graece Scripturas nostras quam curam atque optime tractaverunt, non graveris. Potes operam impendere enim efficere ut nos quoque habeamus tales illos viros, et unum potisqui
simum
quern
tu
in
tuis
litteris
sonas.
In this case a translation was not at hand, yet Augustine pre ferred to send to Jerome for such rather than to attempt the
When
he quotes
Homer,
it
is
in
Latin version, as
in
DCD
.
V. 8:
illi
quoque
Cicero
versus
in we see that Augustine on all occasions preferred a Latin version when he could ordinary The fact that Augustine shows this propensity for get it.
...quos
From
knew very
little
itself, would lead us to think he about Greek, but we cannot draw a complete
use
of
Greek
words and
through
his
phrases.
There
are
many
such
scattered
works.
quod
V.
21,
Aarpeiai/
5.
^vOos
t
Graece fabula
mun
p a
;
VII.
i,
d e
OcoTyra; VII. 6,
8,
VII.
35,
So also VIII.
7>
evvotas;
VIII.
Traces;
X.
I,
0pr)<rKia,
cwre/Seiai/, ^eocre/^ciav,
Aarpeia.
X. 28,
TrarpiKov vovv
id
est
paternam mentem
sive
intellectum.
O
he
p h
XI. 13, <A.y//.a; XIII. 24, TrveS/xa, Trvorj. In De Haeres. 4. he gives the numerical equivalents of the letters composing the cabbalistic word d/?pao-a; in 17 he ex
i
plains
a e
from
o<is;
51, 6/xotovcrior
52,
Ilyev/xa-
To/Aaxot>s;
57, evyirai
in
63
explains
244
re/Was;
adhibito spiritu etiam rationali vel intellectual! h oc enim quibusdam placuit appellare quod Graeci dicunt voepdv. Enarr. in Ps. 118, sermo 17. 2, disciplinam quam Graeci ap pellant TraiSetW; ibid, sermo n. 6, TrXeW enim L a t ine plus est: es habitus e s t a plus habendo appellata est 7rAeoveia; ibid. quo verbo significatur amor pecuniae; Sermo. 45. 5, evangelium enim Latine E e m o bonus nuntius est; Sermo 207. Graece misericordia est; syna quippe De Gen. ad litteram 2. 17. 35, experimenta quae Enarr. in Ps. 77. a.7roTA.eo-/x.aTa v o c a n Propositiones autem quae Graece appellanIn BCD XVIII. 23 Augustine translates t u r TrpopXrifjiaTa. est Latine lesus o9 wos o-wTTJp quod l^o-oi Xpto-ros Christus Dei filius salvator, and in the
ibid.
14.
i.
i, #eoo-/3cia
<j>i\apyvpLa
i,
i,
same chapter he explains the mystic monogram ixOfa. Such are examples of Augustine s knowledge of Greek words and
their derivations.
He was
nyms,
e.
g:
Enarr. in Ps.
n
i
118,
equivalent to
and
o-(dSpa to
d e
In
i
Quaest. in Kept.
i.
tur
X.
I
iuratio,
enim maledictum.
:
In
DCD
In
i
he distinguishes Aarpeca, Opya-KCia etxre /Seia and Ep. 197. 2 he distinguishes xpo^ous from Kaipovs
^
i
0eocre/3eia.
s t r
autem utrumque hoc verbum tempora cum Ktupovs, appellant sive XP^VOV s v e habeant haec duo inter se non neglegendam differentiam: Kaipovs quippe ap pellant Graeci tempora quaedam, non tamen quae in spatiorum voluminibus transeunt, sed quae in rebus ad ali-
245
quid opportunis vel import unis s e n tiuntur, sicut messis vindemia calor frigus pax bellum et si qua si in ilia: autem ipsa spatia temporum Xpwovs
-
This cannot be said to be a superficial distinction of Augustine; he thoroughly understood how to on the part He also knew the difference discriminate these two words.
v o c a n
t
.
between
wr)v
s e
tp-t)
and
ySiov
/3ios
vocant, De Trin. 12. 7. n. d c BCD Quod itaque Graece a a u m nostri aliquando tur a s p r a vel quando inspirationem etiam Dei dicitur, quando tionem, vero numquam interpretati sunt;
d XIII. 24
i i
Tri/eO/xa
sive hominis....sive pecoris....sive istum corporeum, qui etiam ventus dicitur. In Quaest. in Lev. 5
nisi
s
(hoc enim n o m e n est omnium utensilium) and generale ayyelov (nam et hoc Latina lingua vas dicitur, sed ayyelov illud magis intelliin gitur vas quod liquorem c a. p
he distinguishes between
O-KCVOS
i
Quaest. In Quaest.
in
in
Num.
Deut.
3,
between
he says
dAAoyei^s and
dAXd^nAos.
23
est TiKTctv quod est ex nere autem est ywvS.v. 8^os=p e b s ox^os=t u r b a
1
,
In Locut.
.
in
Gen.
48.
In Locut.
in
Gen.
50.
These in distinguishes between eVra^iao-at and 6anf/at. all of cited stances are only a small part of what might be All such instances show is that Augustine knew like tenor.
2
he
between synonyms. His etymo course, crude, even when they are correct, as
Third. We now pass to a more interesting topic, namely, 3. We begin Augustine s use of Greek in his exegetical works. From the opening with the Quaestiones in Heptateuchum.
246
Cum Scripturas sanctas, Septuagint quae appellantur canonicae, legendo et cum aliis codicibus secundum Septuaginta interpretationem conferendo In Quaest. in Hept. n percurreremus
.
i.
mentions the versions of Aquila and Symmachus, but we cannot find evidence for his having consulted them in Greek Aquila dixit o b t n u t
(Gen.
7.
24) he
nam
ibid 43 praevaluerunt; Graeci habent caecitate: 19. (Gen. 1) quod magis significat, si dici aopaa-ia Hoc aopacria e avidentia possit, illi sunt quaerebant qui percussi
i.
1
.
. .
Symmachus
a e u m Here Augustine not only consulted the on the passage in question, and showed that the Greek word expressed more than the word representing it in the Latin version, but he also found the word aopacria occurred in
LXX
another place
blindness.
LXX
6.
18)
i
of a similar kind of
La t
ni
codices.
;
a
,
iuramento meo, vel, iuratione m e a 6 Graeci habent a maledicto meo o u r a maledictum. enim dicitur apa
*
p/<os
LXX dpas /xov; ibid. i. 69 (Gen. verbum de hac re exerceri: qui 24. 63) exercitationem Graecum nesciunt, corporis putant. Scriptum est autem G r a e c e dSoXeo-x^o-at aooXtvxw vero ad animi et exercitationem saepe pertinet, vitio deputatur. ibid 74 (Gen. 25. 27) homo simplex: Quod Graece dicitur aTrAao-ros inter pretati hoc Latini simplicem sunt: proprie autem a-rrXao-ros n o n fictus, unde aliqui Latini interpretes sine dolo interpretati sunt. ibid. i. 80 (Gen. 27. Quod habent Latini codices e x 33) autem Isaac pavore magno pavit
Here he examined the
a-n-o TT}S
:
i.
<
247
v a
d e
Graeci habent
ibid.
i.
i^a-rfj Se
lo-aa/c
Latini codices 2) fjityaXyv Graeci codices non .... *v a d e f u sed vade hoc est, habent g e beata vel felix ibid 91. (Gen. 30. n) a-rroopaOt. Graeci habent tvrvxn quod facta sum: bonam fortunam significat. In magis
o-<f>6opa.
82 (Gen. 28.
i.
this
same
place, however, Augustine falls into the mistake of Ibid. i. 93 (Gen. 37. 42) he also
maxime quia ibid. 105 (Gen. 33. 10) articulo in Graeco dictum est; quo articulo evidentissime solet veri fieri non unius Dei significatio: m d X t Trpoo-wTrov ro9 $eov, sed d X t e n hoc intelligunt Facile autem 0eoO. qua distantia dicatur qui Graecorum eloquium a u dire atque intelligere
est.
i.
sine
Trp6cr<D7rov
critical
observation on the part of Augustine in the use of the LXX. In ibid. i. 117. i (Gen. 35. 26) he says that some would read
facti sunt
instead of
In
ibid
i.
nati
(Gen.
sunt
41.
erri
LXX
7rt
eyeVovro.
7rr)yf)<s
132
i)
TT?S
rov
7roTa.fj.ov
ibid. i. 152 (Gen. 46, sage on which he is commenting, on this disputed passage he again consults the LXX. 26-27) Less important passages in the first book of Quaest. in
Hept. are
31. 70.
examination of the Quaest. in Gen. we would infer that Augustine throughout consulted the LXX.
this
From
We
dum.
find the same phenomena in the Quaestiones in ExoCompare Quaest. in Ex. 47 (Ex. 12. 37), where Au
instructum
the same word
is
LXX. vel
in
-n-Xr/v
T^S
aTroo-Kcvrjs,
a e
censum.
8,
He
it
used
Gen. 43.
where
is
substantia.
248
LXX.
Again Quaest.
in
Graeco dictum esset aTroAvrpwo-erai scriptum esset sicut scriptum est E ipse redimet Israel; nam e aTToAuTpwo-eTat scriptum est. In hoc a u
8),
Quod
t
si
in
t
m loco
aTToXvTpwo-tt
Quaest.
in
Ex. 94
non SovXeva-ys (Ex. 23. 35), In Quaest. in Ex. 114 (Ex. 28. 3) he would correct XaTpevorys. the Latin version which gave intellect us instead of
s e
Hie Graecus
habet
for
ato-^o-ews.
is
notices
rationale
in
LXX here gives. Quaest. 131 (Ex. duo latera faci-es in duobus lateribus; quoniam Graecus habet efc
not of Aoyiov which the
30. 4),
TO,
Svo
K\(.rtq Troi^crcts eV
Nam
/cAiVr?
latera
latera sunt. Unde qui-rrXevpa. dam Latini sic interpretati sunt, In duas partes facies in duobus lat eribus. Non autem ait Graecus pr; est sed icAm? quod a quod partes
s
u n
/xe
e r a
He
KXirrj is
i,
found
in
Graecus rr}s ot/aas o-ou). Quaest. 15 hoc quidam Latini inter yvcoo-rtos, pretati sunt manifeste, cum Scriptura non dixerit ^avepois. Potuit ergo fortasse scienter. aptius dici....
Ps. 127. 3 (eV K\LT(n
habet
In Quaest. 154 (Ex. 33. 19) he comments on the Latin ren dering of the two words eAe^o-w and oi /cTip?jcraj of the LXX. Quaest. 157 (Ex. 34.
cus
p o n a
t Quaest. 168, Demptionem sane interpretati sunt Latini quod Graecus habet
d<cupe/za.
For the other instances of the employment of the Septuagint in the Quaest. in Ex. not noticed above see Quaestiones
n,
2.
9.
249
Thus we find in the Quaestiones in Exodum a more fre quent comparison of the Latin version with the Septuagint
rendering. In the Quaestiones in Leviticum (Quaest. in Hept., book 3) we do not find the LXX used to the same extent, but we do
find
it used often enough to lead us to infer that Augustine had that version before him throughout. Compare Quaest. in
Lev. 15 (Lev. 6. 20), post meridiem quod Graecus habet BeiXivov .... fresa si tamen hoc recte interpretatum est ex illo quod Graecus habet ep Quaest. 29 (Lev. amens factus est alii quod 24)
tKT(*-
9.
e x p a v
con-
Graeco
e/ccrra<m
dictum
<ooyoi/oi)vTa
quod
i
est
e ^eo-r^
U n d e
U r
quae
Graecus
habet
12.
nostri
quidam
vivificantia
Quaest. 40 (Lev.
interpretari maluerunt.
6)
Hanc enim per filio aut super filia vim huius praepositionis esse Intellexerunt hoc loco, ubi Graecus ait
<
vlw
rj
7Tt
Ovyarpl.
Quaest. 41
s e
p o
a
tuit et
*
d<rp,
id
1
est
.
a c
Quaest. 50 (Lev.
tpyao-ytxeVo) Scp/xart,
ait
48) a u
est
a c u
to note
word
in
is
also
used
r
in
i
the
book
of
Kings
ry
Reg.
20. 19)
die
23)
is
o p e
a r
(eV ry
faepa
Ipyao-Lfj.r) ).
Quaest.
criticism
90 (Lev.
25.
in profanaAlii codices habent in contionem firmationem quam mendositatem in alterutris in acciGraeco prius disse arbitror propter verbi similem
on the part of
.
Augustine:
25
s
t
o n u u r
,
(3f(3t]X.<DcrL<s
/?e/?cuWt?
dici-
use of Greek in
n,
17, 20,
In the Quaestiones in Numeros (Quaest. in Hept. 4) it is evident that he consulted the Septuagint there also, though
in
i. 1 6) he wonders why the tribal officers are called x L ^ La PX OL ln the Greek, his difficulty seeming to be the derivation of the word according to which such officers should be over only a
dAXoyevr)?
et
non magis
oAA.o (uAos,
quod
hominem; quo
Script ura
of
in
in
Here Augus
the
different
meanings
Quaest.
evopKiov
these
the
LXX.
(Num.
51)
Graecus
in
habet
iuramentum
16. 30)
quo
verbo
per
videtur
exsecrationem.
.
significari We
.
ostendet Deus Quidam interpretati sunt in hiatu ostendet Dominus; credo putantes dic
In visione
.
Quaest. 28 (Num.
.
quod Graece positum Quam dixit superius a q u a m Quaest. 39, contradictionis, ipsam dicit hie m a non enim ait dj/nAoyias s e d edictionis
tum
xaoTxori,
<aoyxari.
AotSopias.
of
ava.Of.^.0.
In Quaest. 41 (Num. 26. 3) he gives the derivation 0.73-6 TOV avw nOevai.
The other
be
found
in
49,
52, 55.
We
see that,
all
LXX
251
through,
he mentions
in
its
Quaest.
Numeros.
frequently does he mention
in
in
Still less
the Quaest. in
15.
Deut.
TTpwTOTOKov.
Kept.
Quaest.
7),
23
(Deut.
19),
not TO
represented
in
Latin by
by
hunc malignum.
Quaest.
55
r
hoc malignum
Quaest.
32.
5)
52
19)
ava/jidpT rjTov.
(Deut.
Quod
est
in
a e c o
reKi/a /j-co/x^ra.
Thus there
are
four references to
the Septuagint in the Quaestiones in Deut. There are the same number (four) of references to the
Septuagint
6),
in
Nave (Quaest.
rov cuwvos.
:
in
Hept.
1
Compare Quaest.
9.
7)
ecos
12 (los.
4)
In Quaest. o n n u 1 i
codices et Graeci et Latini habent.... alii vero qui super humeros s u o s veraciores videntur non habent su sed super asinos. S m per humeros ilitudo enim verbi in Graeca lineua o mendositatem facile m fecit.... ovw non multum ab invicem q u p p e e dissonant. In Quaest. 19 (los. 16. 10) he thinks the
,
CO/AOJI/
in
terpreters after the event, as indeed it is found in the LXX, but not in the Hebrew or in Jerome s version. In Quaest. 24
(los. 23.
14)
the Itala to
percurro
or
find a similar
ludices (Quaest. in Hept. 7) we employment of the LXX version. In Quaest. 41 he gives the Greek words for Epud or Ephud though they do not occur in the verses on which he is writing. Compare also Quaest. 45 (lud 9. 23) where he notes that the Greek word which occurs in that verse occurs also in Ps. 42. 3, where it is
translated
e
In the Quaestiones in
t t
as in the
Itala of
lud.
9.
23.
252
From the above investigation in the Quaestiones in Kept, we see that Augustine used the Septuagint, more or less, through out; that he could consult it intelligently, give the different
shades of meaning of different Greek
words,
it,
that
he at
tempted
elementary
textual criticism on
that he could
amend
We
or justify the Latin versions by comparing them with it. next take- up the seven books of the Locutiones in
in
Heptateuchum
which we
find similar
above in the Quaestiones in Heptateuchum. Compare Locut in in Gen. 3. Graeco scriptum est i, n o n which shows that he must O-O^OOTCITOS, have looked up the LXX. Again Locut. in Gen. 3. 15 in medio tui et in Graeci habent medio mulieris, where he had consulted the Greek
(f>povL/jLMTaTo<s
ava
/xe<rov
TT}S yui/aiKOs).
this
i
in
Gen.
p o e n
3.
17;
t
The Other in 6. 6,
t
instances in
Graeco
n v e n
a v
i
Sicvo-jOr],
<
quod magis,
i
quam
recogisignificare
falls
perhibetur.
tively and on his own authority make this statement but back on a perhibetur. 6. 14, Graeci nee
arcam
habent, sed n ex transverse 16, Graece dicitur CK TrXaytW 574; ....quod 7.4; 10.9; 14.22 fefellit interpretem quod Graecus habet a-n-apTLov quod Latine
;
u ms
t e
g
;
as
;
it
is
;
translated
in
Jerome
version.
16
17.
24.
16
26.
28
33.
13
-
Et oves et habent Latini codices e tan boves fetantur/ Graeci habent tur super me, as indeed the LXX has cV e/xe; 34 u s t a 29, Graeci o-w/xaTta servos appellant sed quia non o-w/xarta sed tissima locution e,
f
i
m accipias nos
o-w/xara
e s
43.
18,
where on the
Itala:
u
s
t
-
servos et asinos t r o s he comments non utique subauditur codLatini nam quod servos,
in
n o
253
ices
TrcuSas
servos
legitur,
i
habent,
in
Graecis
quod
t
nullo
.
modo
48.
i
;
s
;
p o
2
s s
u n
e s s e
44.
48.
invenit lingua Latina appellaret quemadodum id non enim ipsi est, sepeliunt, mortuorum terrae mandant corpora quod non est Graece evra^iacrat s e d @auf/ai. id I agunt quod e x ergo hibetur corporibus humanis.
18
50.
non
ei/ra</>iao-ras
evra<ia(7Tat
In the Locutiones de
similar
Exodo (Locut.
in
Hept.
2)
we
find a
LXX
5
,
version.
Compare
Locut.
Ex.
i.
22;
3.
22;
4.
sed
as
LXX
4
of
the
tamquam
On
nix
(eyei/iyfliy
x t(^ v )-
5-
terram quam incolue-runt in 5 et incoluerunt in ea, he says s c qua enim habet Graecus quod ut ique et in Graeca absurde videtur lingua son are, et tamen Septuaginta interpretum auctoritas tanta est quos ita
i
loqui
Greek
non
^v
8.
piguit.
7rapa>K7;Kacriv
rrjv yrjv
ev
6.
.
12
.
7. 7. 15; 3; agger em terrae TO x^A T ^5 10. 23 Quod Latini habent Et tribus nemo vidit fratrem suum Graecus habet Et non vidit diebus, nemo fratrem suum. This shows us that in Au gustine s LXX the words rpets fjfMcpas were not found, as they
;
8.
16
10
yf]<s.
MS. and
in
some
others.
/cat
12.
7515.
Ae yeu
.
sic
enim
habet
Graecus
dirav
Iri 20. 24; 21. 6. 28. 24 (LXX 28. 29) he falls into a mistake joining ra dAvo-ioWa with the preceding words
254
/cpwo-o-o vs,
instead of joining
is
In the Locutiones de Levitico (Locut. in Kept. 3) there a less frequent use of the Septuagint, though it has still been used. ibi Compare Locut. de Lev. 5. 10
aLT(p ;
ii.
12.
Graecus
12. 2
;
quod enim
46
13.
carat,
ait
Graecus
et
*4- 35
d/ca^apros wv
a.Ka.OapTo<s
quasi dicerin
deNumeris (Locut.
Hept.
4).
Quaerendum
positum
Graece
interpretes hoc paene ubique intern nisi Et ideo pretati sunt 15. 28 vita positum est, quia Latine non potuit exprimi quod Graece dictum est aKovo-iacrflear^s, non enim potuit dici n o lentata; 18. 6 So/za SeSo/xeVov. 20. 30; 29.
;
i.
we
In the Locutiones de Deuteronomio (Locut. in find the used to about the same extent.
LXX
Hept 5) Compare
Locut. de Deut.
refers to the
avSpi (Saa-KOiva)
28;
n.
3;
n.
28.
54 where he
LXX
of
Prov. 23. 6;
Graecus habet
e"c
63;
31.
dicitur
est
autem fascinus dicitur. e uno verbo autem Gra 29 facietis quod iniquitatem
j3d<TKavo<s
a.vo/j.r)<TCT.
32. 14.
gaeso. interpres Symmachus scutum appellasse perhibetur. Septuaginta autem ista secundum quos interpretes, tractamus, qui posuerunt gaeson, miror si et in Graeca lingua hastam
vel
only one
employment
18 on
in
Hoc
lanceam
This
is
Gallicanam
intelligi
voluerunt.
in
the book in
255
We
learn from
it
for Augustine.
that the Septuagint was the norm of authority Moreover, he informs us that here at least he
of
Symmachus
(Symmachus perhibetur).
7).
GraeCUS
Thus both
Seppa
avrrjs.
7- I2
Quaestiones and Locutiones in Hept. would seem to have had a copy of the LXX before Augustine him, and to have made frequent reference to it. He evidently and has only consulted it throughout in these seven books mentioned its readings where he thought them noteworthy.
in the
;
in
observe the same use of the Septuagint version other and much larger exegetical work the Augustine Enarrationes in Psalmos. Compare Ennar. in Ps. 3. 5 eyw 8e
shall
s
4.
We
6;
6.
3;
9.
7;
71. 8;
Graecis codiciest b u s n o n quod impedivit, crweTroSio-ev s e d legimus quod est potius compedivit, 87. 7 Quod enim Graece diverse interpretati positum est sunt nostri. Nam ubi Graeci codices iram h a b e n ibi Latine dicere 6py?) nullus fere dubitavit interpres; ubi est plerique non a u t e m 0u/zos positum r a m esse dicendam.... putaverunt tui In alio psalmo (41.8).... fluctus me ingressi sunt, vel sicut super super quidam melius transtulerunt enim est m.e transierunt; SifjXOov Graeco, non eia-yXOov. 92. 6; 98. 9; 105. 2; 105. 31
71. 17
,71.21; 77.18
quoniam
in
eVtTroSto-ei/
OV/JLOS
ri
118 sermo
4.
i;
118.
n.
118. 29. 3;
119. i; 123. 8;
135
i.
seems
Augustine, according to the above citations and references, to have had the Septuagint at hand in writing his great
it
256
so frequently as
mention
we should suppose he would, still he does enough to give us to know he could use it. When we turn from the three works of Augustine which
it
we have been considering above to his commentary on the book of Job we are rather disappointed to find no reference to the Septuagint, and evidently no use made of that version in
This concludes our investigation of Augustine s this work. use of Greek, especially of the Septuagint, in his writings on the Old Testament books. Though he does not seem to have
from the Quaestiones in Hept. and the Locutiones Hept. and the Enarrationes in Psalmos we he employed the Septuagint version. know In fact he seems to have had it before him and to have consulted it often in the He was not only able to read it, course of those writings. but, to some extent, to use it critically and to verify or emend In face of all this we cannot his Latin version from its text. "But in his exeunderstand how Dr. Philip Schaff wrote: getical and other works he very rarely consults the Septuagint or Greek Testament, and was content with the very imperfect
employed
it
Itala or the
vol.
2,
p.
looi,
improved version of Jerome." (Church History, footnote, and repeated in The Nicene and
vol. i, prolegomena p. 9, footnote). Next we ask did Augustine make use of the New Testa ment in the original Greek ? We do not find any trace of the use of the original in the two books Quaestiones Evange-
Post-Nicene Fathers,
liorum nor
in
dum Matthaeum.
the Quaestiones septemdecim in evangelium secunStill more strange is it that the lengthy work
letters of
quod
t
est
i
e n
t r
quod est Oriens, SuVis Occidens, ap/cros quod est Sep/xeo-^/fyta quod est Meridies; also
di aroAr)
the numerical
value of the
different
as 46, the number of years which In Tract. 38. ing of the temple.
of loh.
8.
25,
he says
Principium me credite.
257
Graeco namque eloquio discernitur non potest in Latino. Apud quod Graecos enim feminini generis est
In
p
r
i
n c
hoc natus sum of hoc natus sum.... In Joh. Graeco namque evangelio nihil est huius locutionis ambiguum, where he had
he says
ad
Tract 100.
In evidently referred to the Greek text efc rovro yeyeV^/uu. i he does comment on the different renderings of the word Soao-i of loh. 19. 14, and again in Tract. 105. 3
on Soao-ov in the Greek text of John 17. i. Lastly, in Tract. With such trifling 117. 2, on the Trapaa-Kevy of John 19. 14. this work on John appears to have been written exceptions It is true Augustine without reference to the Greek text. have consulted the Greek text without having thought it may necessary to make any more remarks than those given above. But this is by no means probable, as surely he would have found, had he consulted the Greek text, some things better worth a remark than those which he has chosen; for example of John 21. 15 sq. he did not remark upon the aya-rrav and In addition to this we have evidence that he neglected the Greek text outside of the gospel of John while writing the In Tract. 79. i he gives Heb. n. i as Est Tractatus.
<iA.iv
autem
thus by
fides
ing here, and occurs again in Tract. lates, or acquiesces in the translation
Augustine trans
eX-m^o^tvuv of the
TW
Greek text
an obviously incorrect rendering which he could not if he had consulted the Greek. The
sperandarum
profanas verfor
2
Tim.
2.
16,
mis
was read translating It is more here but on very inferior manuscript authority. likely that Augustine has not carefully examined the Greek
as
/caii/o<u>vias,
and
KaLvo(f>(Dvta.<s
258
as he repeats the
same error
in
Sermo
299.
renders
In Tract. 104. 3 he correctly gives another instance of his not having examined the Greek in for eis Sogav of Phil. 2. n. text, as he writes
it
vaniloquia.
gloria
he had consulted the Greek text he would easily have es caped the difficulty which he found in ergo
If
lesum
ad
Caiapham
He
says
in
adducunt praetorium
si
Sed
ad
Caia
text
a-n-b
pham cur
TOV
Kaia<a
in
praetorium?
The Greek
ets
TO TrpaiTwpiov
all difficulty
and
saved him the trouble of finding an explanation to suit the Latin In regard to this verse he has shown the same un words.
necessary perplexity in De consensu evangelistarum The vnlgate correctly renders a C a a p h a
i .
3.
7.
28.
In the rest of Augustine s works on the New Testament books there is the same lack of evidence of his employment These works are the Expositio quarunof the Greek text. dam propositionum ex epistola ad Romanus, the incomplete work Epistolae ad Romanos expositio and the Expositio episWe should have looked for evidences of an tolae ad Galatas. acquaintance with the original specially in the two last named works, and the absence of such is all the more striking if we read, for example, Jerome s Commentary on Matthew or the Epistle to the Galatians, in both of which he was fully convers
ant with the original language. The same neglect to use the text of the Greek
New Tes tament may be seen in the work De consensu evangelistarum. For example in 2. 30. 72 on Invicem onera vestra enim proand p o r t a t e
Unusquisque
contrarium. If he had known the Greek it would not have been necessary for him to assume the words onera and onus here are to be taken in different senses. He would have found two distinct words in the Greek text:
prium onus portabit (Galat. 6. 2, 6. 5) he says, Nisi oneris nomen sub diversis significationibus acceperis, procul dubio putabis eundem sibi in loquendo esse
259
TO. f3dpyj
(verse 2) and TO
iStov tfropriov
(verse 5).
In his Expos-
itio epistulae
ad Galatas, 58 and
27
59,
difference or contradiction at
all.
listarum 3
7.
Caiapham
about
3.
a d
See also
24.
65
But though Augustine in all the above named works shows little or no acquaintance with the Greek text, we know from other facts that he could and did consult it. This we should naturally expect him to do in the New Testament text when we know, as shown above, that he had a considerable knowledge of the Septuagint Greek, and could with a certain
amount
in
of facility consult that text. Augustine in a letter to which he tries to dissuade him from translating
satisfied with correcting
text, also expresses his appreciation of
Jerome
s
-
Proinde non p a r vas Deo gratias agimus de opere tuo quo evangelium ex Graeco interpretatus es, quia paene in omnibus nulla offensio est cum Scripturam Graecam
contulerimus
6.
BE
vol. 2. 243).
From
we compared Jerome s version of the gospels with the Greek original, or he compared at least enough of that version to pass judgment. He also seems while so doing to have had a judgment of his own in the matter. He would agree that Jerome was correct in most points (paene in omnibus nulla of fensio est), but not absolutely all. The above cited words in themselves would seem to be evidence enough for Augustine s ability to read, and for his actual reading of, the Greek of the New Testament. But there is more evidence yet from actual examples of In DCD XIII. 24 his having used or known the Greek text. and TTVOT) with refer he discusses the difference between -Mtv^a. ence to the Greek text of Gen. 2. 7 and of loh. 20. 22 to prove that Inspiravit Deus in faciem eius
infer that he
260
v t a p r t u m (woty) Accipite spiritum
s
i
i
i
was a
i
different
act
:
(Trveu/xa)
sanctum
2.
from and
for the
same discussion he
cites
Cor.
n, Matt.
28. 19,
24 evidently with the knowledge of the Greek text in these places. In Ep. 149. 28 he notices the omission in Col.
John
2.
4.
MSS.
18 of the negative in some MSS, evidently meaning Greek Compare also Ep. 193. 10 on different readings of i
quod in plerisque codicibus omnes resurgemus Et omnes quod nonnulli codices habent In DCD XX. 19 he approves of the ren dormiemus.
Cor. 15. 36,
legitur
dering
in
in 2
templum Dei
Thess.
2.
rather than
in
mp
Dei
Quaest.
4,
sicut
in
text
Graeco
est.
In
TOV 0eo.
Greek text
New Testament
Latinus interpres quas progenies Graeci vocant, quae in evangelic ycyeas appellantur. Again in generationes
Quaest. in Ex. ato-0rjo-ws in Ex.
1
14
28.
when commenting on
3
the rendering of
e.
he says
(i.
Hebr.
14
5.
14)
enim
h a b e
t
quod
aio-^o-ts,
posuit
the Greek
sensus
word
in
Graecus
5.
Heb.
being
ala-Oy]TijpLa.
autem
fuerit
Tra/aaTTTw/xaTt
apostolus praeoccupatus
delicto,
is
the word in
He was
we
Greek text
41:
of Eph.
5.
27 as
rem
N
Posset ergo quod ad solum coloattinet (nrlXov dicere quo verbo usus est apostolus ubi ait de ecclesia:
o n
habentem
In Quaest. in Deut. 39 while commenting on the TOI/ trovypov of Deut. 24. 7 he recalls the similar expression in i Cor. 5. 13
auferte
malum
habet
ex
Nam
Graecus
rov -n-ov^pov
....Nee
ait
TO
26 1
id
irovrjpov
est
hoc
est
g n u
sed
u
s t
i i
TOV
quod
in
h u n c
malignum.
i
In
t
i
Ennar.
Ps.
118 sermo
a s
factus est ex semine David secundum carnem.... quia nulla in eo variat codicum auctoritas. Etsi enim in quibusdam Latinis exemplar^ bus non n a t u s ex semine factus sed legitur cum Graeci factus habeant, David, unde non ad verbum sed ad sententiam t-ransferre voluit dicendo natum Latinus interpres. Here again he has consulted
the Greek text (Rom.
<rap/<a.
from Rom. 10. 3 g n oand then draws a distinc tion between SiKaioo-was and SiKcuw/xara, which latter word occurs in the verse (56) on which he is commenting, the He must therefore former in the Greek text of Rom. 10. 3. have been familiar with the Greek of Rom. 10. 3. Compare also Contra Faustum Manichaeum n. 4 q u
i
I.
Greek of
Secundum Graecum
et
n o
qui
diligenter
eo
17;
posuit
(Ep. 149.
2.
morior per In Sermo 180. 5. 5 vestram gloriam ofi Cor. 15. 31 he comments: iuratio est, non quasi sic ait per vestram gloriam morior, quasi vestra gloria me facit mori,.... AmbiguitaIntem Graecus sermo dissolvit.
262
spicitur
tur
vr) rrjv
ibi
GraCGUS d X erit iurat. Quotidie auditis Graecos et qui Graece nostis vy rov Otov q u a n d o
v/xcrepav Kav^rjcriv.
ubi
vr/
rov Otov
i
In Sermo 169.
in the Greek text of Phil. 3. 3 different readings Oeov and and gave his preference to the former reading: qui spiri-
Dei servimus. Scio plerosque Deo codices habere qui spiritu servimus. Quantum autem inspicere potuimus plures Graeci hoc habent qui spiritui Dei servimus.
tui
In
De sermone Domini
in
monte
i.
9.
22 he gives
q u
(ei*^)
irascitur
but in Retract,
fratri
i.
suo sine
causa
19.
qui
irascitur
He was familiar with the question as to eV Greek text of Matt. 6. 4, for in De sermone Domini
2.
<avepu>
in
the
in
monte
multa Latina exemplaria Et Pater tuus qui videt in absc ondito, reddet tibi palam sed quia in Graecis quae priora sunt non invenimus palam, non putavimus hinc esse aliquid disserendum.
9 he says
:
sic
habent
But Augustine did not always consult the original text. he done so he would not have fallen into some errors of which he is guilty, nor would he have laid undue stress on the For example on John 19. Latin versions of different texts.
Had
34
(In
loh.
evang.
tract
120.
2)
u n u
lancea latus eius says aperuit, Vigilanti verbo evangelista usus est, ut non diceret latus eius p e r c u s s vulneravit aut quid aliud, sed aut
he
i
aperuit.
26 3
if he had t a p e r u only consulted the original where he would have found tW^ei/, for which percussit would have been a more correct rendering, though it would not fully express the original. It is not at all probable that here Augus tine examined the Greek text and found r/voLgw which is indeed given by one MS. From Augustine s own statement cited above, and from the examples of his familiarity with the Greek text here given, we conclude that he was to a certain extent conversant with the original text of the New Testament or at least he could without much difficulty consult a text where he evidently thought it necessary, and could thereby correct or confirm his Itala version. Had we no examples whatever for his having
i
;
New Testament, still we should examine the Septuagint that he could make use of the Greek text of the New Testament, and in ad dition to this presumption we have the positive evidence just
gone
to
the original in
the
conclude from
his ability to
cited.
4.
Fourth, we turn next to Augustine s use of Greek in In these, too, we shall find that he
has a limited, but fairly accurate, working knowledge of that language which serves him in time of need.
13.
16 sq.,
14.
ibid
17
est
dia
lectic
denominata
G
a
r
admitteret, disputatoria vocaretur, sicut grammaticam litteraturam Latine linguae utriusque doctissimi appellaverunt. Sicut enim a litteris
a quae, fortasse Latine
usus
est
e
grammatica quoniam
-
dicuntur, sic dialectica nomen a c disputation Graece cepit, quoniam disputatio In ibid 14. 18 v e SiaAc^s appellatur. SiaXoyr) Habes in hoc eodem testimonio quod de actibus apostolorum commemoravi,
a e c e
ypd^ara
litterae
26 4
SieAeyci-o
occurs.
He
and
Ps. 103. 34
(Sj.aA.oy7J)
Is. I. 1
and adds
et
multis
aliis
divinarum.
Scripturarum locis lege ubi inveneris hoc verbum et inspice codices Graecos in eisdem testimoniis sanctarum Scripturarum et videbis unde sit a p
-
pellata dialectica.
amined
all
Augustine had evidently ex such passages himself in the original in order to re fute his adversary; and he relied on his knowledge of Greek,
6,
Quod
sunt,
interpretati
omnium
bestiarum,
Latinam
linguam
i)
translata est. Having here examined the LXX he found ^povt/xwraros and thus
ilia
litteras Petiliani 2. 38. 91,
Compare Contra
his
where he states
contention
without hesitation,
Et ego quidem
i
Graecae linguae perparum assecutus m sum et prope nihil; non tamen non e s s e dico me nosse pudenter
-
6A.oi/
u n u
sed
et
Ka# o\ov
this,
s e c
it is
u n
dum totum.
In
Such a statement as
true, en
Nee movere debet ut hoc loco aeternum diuturno* accipiamus, quod alibi pro scriptum est In aeternum et in s a e culum saeculi. Latinus quippe intern aeternum et pres noluit dicere Sed quoniam in aeternum aeterni. saecuid quod alw Graece dicitur et lum et aeternum interpretari potest
on
Ad ite
5.
aeternum
26 5
commodius
erunt
saeculi.
In
alii
in
t.e
saeculum
t
rpretes transtulet
in
saeculum
I in ignem aeternum. e dictum est Non enim dictum est ai&va s e d cuowov quod si a saeculo declinatum esset
saeculare
Latine
.
diceretur
non
^aeternum
But the best examples of Augustine s controversial em ployment of Greek occur in the work Contra lulianum Pelagianum i. 6. 22. Here Augustine is discussing the question of infant baptism against Julian, who had cited the words of John Chrysostom, and by his own interpretation had tried to make them teach his view. Augustine consulted the words of Chrysostom and pointed out the incorrectness of Julian s
translation.
Ego ipsa verba Graeca quae lohanne dicta sunt ponam Ata TOVTO
KCUTOI d/xapr^/xara ofy l^ofra,
/cat
q U O d
e S
infantes baptizamus quamvis peccata non habentes. Vides certe non ab eo dictum esse p a r v u non coinquinatos esse peccato los non habere pec sive peccatis, sed et nulla cata intellige propria
Latine
d e o
et
contentio
ent
ibid.
i.
est.
26.
And
Quid enim apertius id quod ibi dixit Venit semel quam Christus et paternis nos cautionibus invenit astrictos conscripsit quas
6.
he says
Adam.
lica
Ille initium obligationis o s tendit, peccatis nostris fenus accrevit. Audistine hominem in fide Catho-
eruditum et erudientem, dispaterni chirotinguentem debitum n graphi quod haereditarium nobis debitis eis ab per quorum haesit, nostra peccata fenus accrevit? Audis
et
i
266
quid parvulis in baptismo relaxetur propria debita contraxetamen a paterno chiroimmunes esse potuerunt? grapho Verba quippe eius non interpretata
1
sic
g u n
u r
in
Graeco:
^/xcts
"Spiral
oVa^
6 Xpton-os,
eypac^ei/
ASa/x
e
CKCU/OS rr/v
TOV
8aveicr/Jibv
yv^rja-a/jicv
rats
d/xaprtats.
Quae
se
verbum
verbo
i
chirographum paternum quod scripsit Adam. Ille initium induxit debiti, nos fenus auximus posterioribus peccatis. Numquid contentus fuit dicere paternum chirograph n m nisi adderet nostrum
?
Though Augustine was able in these two passages to ex amine the original for the purposes of controversy, we should not assume that therefore he could read any or all of the Greek fathers. Some considerations mentioned above forbid besides the Greek in both of us to think he could do so to be plain and easy, so as to cause nothese passages happens difficulty to one who possessed only a very limited reading
;
knowledge.
5.
remain to be considered.
In
i
quid m h natus ferme proderat quod annos viginti, cum in manus meas venissent Aristotelica quaedam quas ap decem pellant categorias--quarum nomine, cum eas rhetor Carthaginiensis, magister meus, buccis tyfo creConf.
28
Augustine
writes
commemorat et alii qui pantibus docti habebantur, tamquam in nescio quid magnum et divinum suspensus inhiabam legi eas solus et inteliexi?
267
quaedam
in
Greek.
any genuine This pseudo-Aristotelian production was not written in Greek, else Augustine would hardly have read Moreover, he says it came it, and it was, in fact, a Latin book.
Decem categoriae
of Aristotle.
is
not the
name
of
work
at his hands when he was almost twenty years of age which age, so far as we can make out, his knowledge of Greek was altogether inadequate to read such a philosophical treatise or indeed a treatise of any kind, and it may be doubted whether his knowledge of Greek in later years would have been sufficient to ensure his reading Greek philosophical works. In regard to Augustine s use of Epiphanius, we cannot be quite certain whether he read him in Greek or through a version. Epiphanius was styled TrevrayAaxro-os from his knowl but his of Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Syriac and Egyptian edge Panarion on heresies and his anakephalaiosis of the same were both written in Greek. Augustine describes his work in the
into
introduction to
De
Haeresibus.
s t e r
vero
Epiphanius Cyprius episcopus, abhinc non longe hum an is rebus exhaeresibus cle em ptus, octoginta sex libros etiam ipse conscriploquens historica narratione memorans sit, omnia, nulla disputatione ad versus falsitatem pro veritate decertans. Breves sane sunt hi libelli et si in unum redigantur, nee ipse erit nosaliorum quibusdam libris tris vel Augustine comparandus. longitudine
mentions him
infer that
in several places in the
De
Haeresibus,
(10. 22.
32. 41. 42. 43. 45. 49. 50. 51. 57. 81).
From
this
in
we would
the origi
nal or in a version, in his composition of the De Haeresibus. He speaks of him again in a letter to Quodvultdeus (Ep. 222)
Cyprius
Epiphanius
utriusque
268
octocolligens temporis haereses cum Epiphanest. ginta complexus ium Philastrio doctiorem invenerimus ....Vide ergo ne forte librum sancti Epiphanii tibi mittere debeam;ipsum enim arbitror Philastrio doctius hinc locutum, qui possit apud Carthaginem in Latinam linguam verti facilius atque commodius, ut tu potius praestes nobis quod quaeris. From these words seems
.
it
natural to infer that there did not exist a Latin version of the
Panarion or the epitome of the Panarion which Augustine might consult. Yet he seems to be familiar with the contents It seems probable then that of Epiphanius work on heresies.
Augustine read the epitome of the Panarion in Greek but of this we cannot be certain. In regard to Plotinus and Porphyry there can hardly be He any question that he did not read them in the original. was familiar with both these authors and quotes from them. In DCD XIX. 23 he gives a quotation from the e/c Xoyiuv
;
<iXoo-o<t
as of
Porphyry,
quern
ad
modum
Latinam
ipsa
ex
is
He does not, it is true, phyry which he had before him. mention the name of any author of a version either of Por phyry or of Plotinus, though so thoroughly conversant with Dr. Philip Schaff (Saint the writings of these two Platonists.
Melanchthon, Neander, N. Y. 1886, p. 88) says: probably read Plotinus and Porphyry in the original." But from the extent of Augustine s knowledge of Greek, which we have shown above, and from the limited use he made of Greek, it is unlikely that he should have read either Por His knowledge of both was phyry or Plotinus in the original. While there is absolute lack Latin versions. entirely through
Augustin,
*
,
He
269
made
LXX,
while he seems
to have preferred translations on all occasions, while he did not consider himself equal to the task of reading the Greek
fathers on the subject of the Trinity, would he, in all proba bility, be able to read the philosophic writings of Porphyry and Plotinus ? We do not think so, but believe, as stated
above
(p.
re
ferred to the
quosdam
of Conf. 8.
2.
libros
Platonicorum
s s e t
3.
What does Augustine mean by the words of sermo 225. 3. ad infantes: Inveni te Latin um, Lati3, num tibi proferendum est verbum.
Does this mean that Augustine here that he could speak Greek to the children if they were implies Greek ? He is referring simply to the propriety of speaking Latin to Latin children, telling them that in the same way if they were Greeks he ought (deberem) to speak Greek to them, without hinting whether he himself understood Greek enough to speak it. Having thus completed our examination of the works of
Augustine with a view to discover the extent of his knowledge of Greek, we have seen that he. himself claims to have known very little about Greek, that on all occasions he seems to have
preferred a Latin version of a Greek author, that he did not consider his knowledge of Greek extensive enough to make a
large reading acquaintance with original writings of the Greek fathers, that he did not read even his favorite Platon-
c u s
esses
Graece
ad
te
tibi
et
proferre
ver
sometimes made mistakes in other hafnd we have found that there is a large number of single Greek words and Greek phrases in his works, that he could with a con siderable amount of precision distinguish between Greek synonyms nearly all of them technical terms, that he was
ists
in
the
of
original,
that
he
his
use
Greek.
On
the
270
by no means ignorant of the derivation of Greek words, that he was conversant with and could consult for the simpler and
primary
critical
sion, or at least
and exegetical purposes the Septuagint ver portions of it- -the Heptateuch and Psalms,
LXX he could confirm or correct the Itala; that he knew something of the original language of the New Tes tament though apparently not to the same extent as that of the Septuagint; that from the New Testament Greek text he occas
that from the
ionally ventured to correct his Latin version; that for contro versial purposes he regarded his knowledge of Greek as sufficient
to presume upon it in order to confute his opponent; that he perhaps read the epitome of the Greek work of Epiphanius on heresies in the original. In his commentary on Job he seems not to have consulted the LXX, and in his works on the New Testament we are disap
pointed to find so little use made of the Greek text. After all the evidence given above, it would be very far from the truth to assert Augustine knew little or nothing about
Greek.
tine
later
In his early days this may have been so. But Augus on applied himself to the study, and no doubt a
of his earnest temperament would spare no efforts to master that language for practical purposes. We may say then that Augustine s knowledge of Greek was different at
it increased with his years and That he was not ignorant of the advantages and value of such a study we may see from De doctrina Chris tiana 2. 13. 19: non apparet (sententia) nisi
man
his use of
lingua inspiciatur quam interpretantur; et plerumque a sensu a u c toris devius aberrat interpres si non sit doctissimus; aut linguarum illarum ex quibus in Latinam Scriptura pervenit petenda cognitio est, so also ibid. 2. 14. 21 and 2. 15. 22 (ad fin.), Latini ergo ....codices Veteris Testamenti, si necesse fuerit, Graecorum auctoriLibros autem tate emendandi sunt.
in
ea
27I
Novi Testament! si quid in Latinis varietatibus titubat, Graecis cedere oportere non dubium est, et maxime qui apud ecclesias doctiores et diligentiofes reperiuntur.
We
after
life
cannot,
therefore,
limit
Greek of
his school
The disgust for the study of Greek arising out of the bad method employed by his teacher evidently did not con
days.
tinue..
Clausen
examination of Augustine
to determine his
knowledge of Greek was not sufficiently com prehensive, and some important passages he has failed to note.
concludes
his
He
investigation
thus:
In
si
his
a
o b
servandis corrigendisque,
discesseris, Augustinum verum feliciter assecutum esse neminem fugit; quare tantum, si quid ut abest video, linguae ignarus Graecae dici debeat, ut res grammaticas bene edoctus et subtilis verborum indagator existimandus sit. At facile tamen patet cognitionem hanc, ultra elementa non quae linguae ad sufficere prodeat, nullo modo libros Graecos nedum eos qui d a lecto Hellenistica conscripti sunt, intelligendos. (Aurelius Augustinus Hipp. Sacrae
i
admodum
paucis
is
The latter part of this conclusion scripturae Interpres p. 39). too strong, even against Augustine s limited knowledge of Greek. Such an opinion as that of Clausen is at variance
with the facts which have been given above. knowledge of Greek did certainly extend u 1
Augustine
t
r-a
ele
menta
null^o
modo sufficere
eos qui
linguae
and
Clausen
other
statement
ad libros Graecos
nedum
dialecto
Hellenistica
272
conscript!
equally erroneous.
sunt
intelligendos
is
also
Reuter (Augustinische Studien. Gotha 1887. pp. 170-182) has given the question of the extent of Augustine s knowledge of Greek a fuller and better treatment than Clausen, though
He has taken different he has not exhausted the material. passages from those given by Clausen and collected other evi Die Stellen, welche er zu diesem Behufe dence as he says:
"
andere als diejenigen, welche ich gefunBeide Sammlungen konnen einander erganzen." His conclusions are fairer and more (p. 171, footnote 2). Er \var jedenliberal to Augustine s knowledge of Greek: falls imstande, nicht bloss Worter, sonclern auch ganze Satze
hat, sind
"
zu verstehen, wenn auch nicht ohne Anstrengung, nicht ohne in Irrungen zu geraten, nicht ohne Aufwand von Zeit.
Um
diesen sich zu ersparen, griff er offenbar fur gewohnlich zu einer lateinischen Version, wenn diese vorhanden, ein Exemp
lar
dieser
In Fallen aber, wo er in derselben ihm zuganglich war. Unverstandliches oder Anstossiges fand, verglich er Ich bezweifle somit duichaus den griechischen Urtext.
nicht, dass er fahig
gewesen ware, wenn auch mit Miihe, ein vollstandiges griechisches Buch auszulegen, falls damit ein dringendes personliches Bediirfnis zu stillen ware" (p. 178The facts given above bear out these statements of 179). He has arrived at a conclusion which I consider cor Reuter. rect and well supported, though he has not exhausted all the evidence and has omitted to mention some important notices
in
Augustine s acquaintance with have attempted to collect every important statement the of his own in regard to Greek and every use of Greek to be found in of which have been given above most important the Confessions, in the City of God, in all his exegetical and
Greek
De
Trinitate,
De
doctrina Christi
De sermone Domini
in
monte, De haeresibus,
De consensu
273
a true estimate of Augustine s knowledge of Greek may be gained, does not by any means warrant us in concluding that
the great North African father had a mere elementary knowl edge of Greek, confined only to the school rudiments and to
an acquaintance with a few words and derivations and pas His knowledge of Greek was imperfect, limited and sages.
incomplete, but cannot be described as merely elementary: it was altogether less than his ability to use it his method of it was more perfect than his employing knowledge of it was
;
extensive.
could have
Besides we have reason to believe that he made more use of his Greek than he did. The
fact that he used the Septuagint in the Quaestiones in Heptateuchum and also in the Locutiones and more or less in the
Psalmos proves that he could also have con throughout on the book of Job if he had cared to do so. And we may gather from the few examples of his em ployment of the Greek text of the New Testament that he could have used it more extensively if he had felt so inclined. The fact that Augustine could have done so, but has not done so, leads to conclude that his knowledge of Greek was not so extensive that he could use it with ease but he has given us abundant examples of having called his knowl edge of Greek into frequent service, so that we cannot say it
Enarrationes
it
in
sulted
amounted
to
little.
the other hand we may not exaggerate his knowledge of Greek. While we learn from his exegetical and contro versial works that he had a considerable knowledge, the fact that he did not employ Greek more, especially in the former class of works, shows that his Greek was not very exten
sive.
On
This is further borne out by the consideration that Au gustine s serviceable Greek knowledge appears to have been His largest limited entirely to Biblical and Patristic Greek. field in Greek learning was the Greek of the Septuagint, next in order comes his knowledge of the Greek of the New Testament, and finally, but a very small amount of Patristic Greek. Of the Greek classics he was almost entirely ignorant and did not consult any of them in the original.
SOME THESES.
I.
New
A.
Add
(i)
(De Fato)
DCD
mentum
V. 3
(p.
m
r e
spcndisse ferunt Nigidium hac quaestione turbatum, unde et Figulus appellatus est. Dum enim rotam figuli vi quanta potuit ilia bis intorsisset, currente
numero
de
atramento
uno eius loco summa celeritate percussit: deinde inventa sunt signa, quae fixerat, desistente motu, non parvo intervallo in rotae illius extremitate distantia. Sic, inquit, in tanta r a p a citate caeli, etiamsi alter post alterum tanta celeritate nascatur, quanta rotam bis ipse p e r cussi, in caeli spatio plurimum
-
tamquam
in
n o
(2)
r
moribus
m
.
casibusque
illud
a
gemi-
DCD
V.
5 (p.
197. 13),
nonnullis
praedicatur, quod quidam sap iens horam elegit, qua cum u x ore concumberet, unde filium mirabilem gigneret.
275
B.
Editors
of
Cicero
BCD
era
VIII. 19
(p.
349. 5),
scelerataque
nonne
est
decim tabulis,
id
Romanor-
Add to the hitherto acknowledged fragments of Varro, De Rebus Divinis (book 16 De diis selectis): BCD IV. 10 (p. 159. 20), C u (Vestae) P h o e n i
ices
iungerent
II.
writings
is
con
Rome and
the state
Roman
intense and deeply patriotic feeling, nor of heartless indifference, though nearer to the latter than
to
the
former.
To
in
s
surprisingly
calm
least
he
so
appears
terrible
of
calamity.
in
Augustine pride her achievements of the past, not in her present. He was more of a Christian than a Roman.
Rome was
centered
III.
by general or
22
expressions,
e.
g.,
BCB II.
dum
m
o
s
eorum
for Sallust.
e o
1 i
doctissi(p. 86.
28)
e o s
(p.
i
c r
s e r
u n
(p.
t t
e r
mandaverunt,
for Livy.
276
BCD III. 15 (p. 16. 14) q u d a m scriptores DCD V. 5 (p. 197. 13) a n o n n u s DCD V. 20 (p. 231. 6), p h o s o p h for Cicero. DCD III. 19 (p. 128. 17) his q u oq u e fatentibus for Floras. DCD IV. 10, IV. 24, nqu u n t DCD IV. 26, a doctissimis; DCD VII. 9, n q u u n t for Varro. DCD VIII. n q u u n t for Apuleius. DCD IX. i (p. 368. 14,
1
i
;
i 1
17)
fateantur
for Lactantius.
It
should be
noticed, however, that in such instances Augustine uses these plurals also in a kind of generic sense.
He means the particular writers whom he has in mind to stand as representatives of the pagans gen
erally.
IV.
On
Greek, a very slight working knowledge of patristic Greek and apparently working knowledge no working knowledge of classical Greek.
of biblical
V.
The
lost
Augustine
of philosophy.
VI. Augustine alone has preserved for us the information of the sack of Nola by the Goths after that of Rome in
410.
A.
in
facts in
the
first
ten
i.
DCD
2,
cepisse, ut inrupto.oppido lus feriretur, qui in illo illo templo fuisset inventus.
note
p.
5.
n u
vel
(See
30.)
277
2.
BCD
u
s
.
I.
5,
Cato,
sicut
scribit Sal-
lust
(See note
p. 9. 31.)
3.
4.
DCD
i
II.
16,
non
a
p.
easdem leges
s s e
.
(See note
17,
72. 9.)
5.
6.
decem milibus aeris damnaretur. (See note p. 73. 21.) DCD II. 23, Metellus.... qui habuit quinque filios consulares. (See
DCD
II.
note
7.
p. 86.
n.)
DCD
adulteras autem feminas, quamvis aliqua damnatione,nulla tamen morte plectebant. (See
III. 5,
note
8.
p.
102.
n.)
DCD III. 13, ipso interfecto ut maior deus esset regnum solus obtinu
i
(See note
III. 20,
p.
112. 17.)
9.
DCD
nam
a
daveribus
10.
c a
per
suo
Eu-
defunctus
tropius.
11.
est
consulatu
2.)
(after
See note
p. 227.
DCD
d e d
V. 22,
i
quintus
nihil
ei
annus
p.
finem
(See
(after Eutropius.
See note
234. 13.)
12.
DCD
note
VIII. 14,
p.
boni
dixit.
342. 34.)
13.
DCD
IX. 4, irdOrj .... quidam vero sicut iste (Cicero) de Graeco e x pressius, passiones vocant. (See
-
note
p. 371, 9.)
278
B.
2.
BCD DCD
i
u g a
(See note
p. 59.
25.)
Marius.... perfrui
(See note p. 85. 23.)
diis
3.
In
autem Marii oculis ipsius continue feriebantur, quibus salutantibus dexteram porrigere
1
n o
4.
s s e t
DCD
III. 31, qua calamitate permoti misericorditer euiusdem anni tributum ei relaxavere Romani. Octoginta hominum milia perisse referantur. (See notes p. 144. 29,
X
45- 3-)
GENERAL ANALYSIS.
I-X. FIRST PART: LITERARY SOURCES OF BCD, Sources mentioned by Augustine. I. II. Sources not mentioned by Augustine.
Pages 9-59-
I-X,
64-234
64. 87.
p.
p.
in.
153.
163.
p. p.
p. 179.
p.
182.
p.
p.
183.
204.
211.
S
p.
KNOWLEDGE
OF GREEK. 236-273
?
of his
knowledge of Greek
237
2 39
2 39
in his writings.
versions.
243
245 245
In the
LXX.
4.
5.
New
256
263 269
Summary and
SOME THESES
:
conclusions.
274
ERRATA.
[The page numbers mean pages
Page.
Line from Top.
of this dissertation.]
10
22
34
23
o d o
r e
m
(correcting Kuhlr s
31
19.27.31
14 16
12
for
for
supra
1
i
read
super
1
mann)
34
b
r
i
read
b e
36
45
insert
for
ity
s s
46
14-19
Sallust,
is
for the
Servile war, as
urges,
15-
De
Sallustii
historiarum
a n n o
P-
47 50 54
25
9
for
a n n n o
read
23 36 28
14
54 61
70
(?)
80
85
33
13
praeterierunt
132 155
18
23
1
159
183 201
27-28
27
for Liviy read Livy for 625 read 125 for Q u e t u m read Q u for Epitone read Epitome insert BOOK vin
i
My
He
misunderstanding of Augustine s words. does not mean that Apuleius was tried
202
19
1
219 220
for
u a
r e
read
u a e
31
224 244
250
33
2
10
253
28
for for mulierculae read for TeAeras read for \L\iapxot, read for TO read TO
0eA.o>
read
^e Aw
e r c u
BR
65 A65A5
1906
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