Professional Documents
Culture Documents
and the Roma. In order to see how this process manifests in day to day life
‘folk’ ‘ethnic’ and ‘national’ elements mixed with western pop, this new musical
capitalism. Far more that being a new genre it has become a site for
insecurities. The discussion will demonstrate the cultural, social and political
new political and economic era. In analysing this phenomenon the relationship
between Bulgaria’s re-imagined past, newly found European present and the
ambiguities that link them will come to light. This essay aims to situate social
conflict within these wider processes and the relationship between what is
contestation which surrounds chalga exemplifies not only ethnic tension, but
class division also. Furthermore, this essay aims to explain the complex
constitutes community, which may account for why Bulgaria has avoided
1
91364
the motivation behind these campaigns situating them in the quest for
apparent. This will show how the opposition between east and west was
Next the discussion will bring to light the significance of folklore in asserting
process of using folklore to stress similarity and shared culture. This process
something that serves political ends and in this case acts as a re-invention of
The discussion will then turn to the transition from communism to capitalism,
and the emergence of chalga. This new musical genre surfaces in the midst of
has facilitated the opportunity for new behaviours and the expression of
contested identities. Here, the heated debate surrounding the new genre will
2
91364
be closer examined. In particular the analysis will reflect on how the re-
imagined past affects the imagining of the future. In this way the discussion
will illustrate that chalga captures the past and the present, while mediating
and resisting the notions tied to modernity. In this process, chalga is a source
nation built on ethnicity. The discussion will then situate the significance of
Finally I will turn to the question of variations of nationalism, and address the
Bulgarian case. The discussion will explore how and why Bulgaria has
avoided the fate of its neighbours. It will bring into question if and how cultural
both collective and conflicting, will show the nature of social relations. This will
suggest what community and nation might mean for local populations. More
ethnic and economic relations. Out of this, oppositional aspects will surface,
but in the Bulgarian case these oppositions are simultaneously partly diffused
ritual practice and chalga. It could be said that a notion of community in which
3
91364
invaded by the Ottoman Turks. Turkish rule lasted five centuries and
Bulgarian scholars often refer to this as “the darkest period in the history of
the Bulgarian people” (Silverman 1983, p.55). In the wake of World War two,
East and West took on new meanings in Bulgaria (Neuburger 2004, p.55). As
the Soviet sphere spread west the concept of ‘Eastern Europe’ and the
Europe and the United States). Although the purpose of the new Soviet State
was a military and ideological opposition to the capitalist West, this did not
imply identification with the East. Bulgaria along side the rest of the Block
(Neueberger 2004, p.69). In his vision, “visible vestiges of the Ottoman past
were used as a way to determine the degree of progress along the path to a
4
91364
intensified fears of the Islamic threat within. The re- remembrance of the
Ottoman past facilitated this fear and the Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP)
Revolution” (Emilov 1997, p.63). This entailed the control of culture, which for
the purpose of this essay will be examined through folklore. But in order to
grasp the social climate in which this took place, a brief account of the
misdeeds for the sake of the ‘nation’ and especially, for the sake of progress
and modernity (Neuberger 2004, p.28). This process took the form of
‘problem’. This was because Marxism was at the core a material ideology,
p.57). Due to this, aspects of Muslim way of life were fundamental to the
5
91364
well as Bulgarian way of life was the site for academics and ethnographers to
into a new socialist way of life for all citizens of Bulgaria. Although both ways
were targeted, the war on the eastern, Muslim way took on far more extreme
measures. To name a few, Turkish attire such as the fez, the veil and shalvari
(2004, p.74). The Party thought of Turko- Arabic names as major obstacles to
were obliged to supply ‘scientific proof’ concerning the origins of all Muslims in
political action of the Zhivkov regime. In light of the above, we can see that a
specific political process took place; difference was moulded into sameness,
As assimilation was taboo in the new political rhetoric, the Party assumed a
ethnic sameness (Emilov 1997, p.70). This was the claim that a significant
Ottoman soldiers and Bulgarian women (2004, p.74). Through this claim a
continued Turkish and Roma affinity with Turkey were seen as threats to
6
91364
which nearly one million ethnic Turks were forced to change passports and
acquire a Bulgarian Slavic name (Emilov 1997, p.65). This echoed the
translated within the communist rhetoric as a ‘rebirth’ into both the ‘socialist
nation’ and the Bulgarian one (Neuburger 2004, p.58). The coercive campaign
process’ whereby individuals who had been ‘mislead’ into believing they were
ethnic Turks were now ‘educated’ to recognise and embrace their ‘authentic’
communist period not only exemplifies the re-imagining of the Ottoman past; it
It has been noted that in many countries concern for national history and
7
91364
‘purity’, Zhivkov claimed that “Turkish music left hardly a trace among the
with the attempt to create one unified nation, which was the project of
these which chalga challenges at the present time, as will become apparent
identity. With its strong ties to the past and it’s potential to manipulate national
But this process has been inconsistent: on the one hand, its aim was to
religious, ethnic, and regional” (1983, p.55). These traits were incompatible
coupled with direct innovation to serve political aims” (1983, p.55). This
By turning tradition into folklore, the government was able to select what was
8
91364
was a deliberate means by which the state appropriated tradition for its own
subsumed under historical goals” (Kaneff, 2004, p.139). Music and other
regime and were the products of a specific process. This process “created a
socialist ‘other’ by separating the pre-communist traditional past from the new
and traditions” (2004, p.140) . We can see from the above that, folklore is
exemplified next.
of the nation. Its crucial role was to uphold and appropriate notions of national
the battles and heroes that were part of these national struggles for freedom
9
91364
‘authentic’ Bulgarian culture, the state controlled the type of culture that could
be produced.
popular music) and Western classical music (Rice 2002, p.25). These were all
the state and its citizens. Narodna Muzika especially contained political
implications within its name. Narodna in narodna muzika derives from the
Bulgaria (1983, p.60). In its meaning as ‘the people’ its reference is to ‘folk’.
the way in which ethnicities and identities are put into play in musical
10
91364
ways in which dominant categories are enforced and resisted” (Stokes 1994,
p.8).
on the putative social ‘essences’ which fill the gaps within them” (Stokes 1994,
p.6). This means that music is not something that constitutes authenticity, but
traces of identity ‘in’ music, to the question of how music is used by social
analyse how social actors erect boundaries, maintain boundaries such as ‘us’
and ‘them’ and how terms such as ‘authenticity’ are used to justify these
(1994, p.6). We can see from the Bulgarian example that music can be highly
apparent next.
character that it previously had lacked. The most prominent genres in this
respect were rock music sang in Bulgarian and a popular genre of traditional
11
91364
source of benefaction for musicians (Rice 2002, p.26). This happened in light
of petty trading where people were allowed to sell homemade goods, skilled
command that did not produce consumer goods the public wanted, people
muzika. This was done by improvising and emphasising styles not contained
Turkish, Serbian and other Balkan music. Due to this, it was feared it would
Nevertheless by the mid 1980s ‘wedding music’ had gained great popularity
among the public. “For regions and communities within the context of the
modernising nation state that do not identify with the state project, music and
dance are often convenient and morally appropriate ways of asserting defiant
musicians generally. For its fans, the genre represented a home-grown form
folklore in almost every way imaginable (Buchanan 2007, p.239). For the state
12
91364
The state sponsored musical genres played into dominant but contradictory
away of nationalism’ (Gellner sited in Rice 2002, p.27) this has not happened
shared culture. At the same time it sought to eradicate the Ottoman legacy by
trying to control and limit the popularity of ‘wedding music’, which celebrated
and continued the legacy. Furthermore it challenged the dominant and false
Zhivkov implemented ‘The Great Excursion’ which would be one of his final
persist on the local level. Turkish objections to the ‘Rebirth’ conditions began
and spread throughout the country. Clearly the revolutionary ‘Rebirth Process’
had not been successful (Neuberger 2004, p.81). One week after the
13
91364
Excursion”. He called for all Bulgarian Muslims who thought they were of
Turkish origin and wanted to “visit” Turkey to apply for visas and leave the
spent the last decade convincing its citizens that Turks were Bulgarian, had
the State and nation and should leave forever (2004, p.82). On November 10th
1989 the Communist party ended its forty-five year rule (Ganev 1997, p.62).
This event has been attributed by some not only to the people’s mistrust of
the corrupt government, but “to a reaction against the nationalistic excess of
With the new free market came the rise of economic inequality. This in turn
highlighted once elaborately kept under the surface oppositions; us/ them,
rural/ urban and nation/ state. In other words, a deconstruction of what was
once hailed as ‘the Bulgarian national identity’ was taking place. The
(Rice 2002, p.30). State sponsorship of the arts including folk was no longer
available. Due to this, folk music which supported the state, had lost much of
(Kaneff 2004, p. 87). Although it was still shown on some national television
channels, it was largely ignored by private, market driven radio stations (2002,
14
91364
p.30).Wedding music was also loosing its role as a tool for opposition to the
state. The new economy had left many people too poor to hold lavish musical
The new genre goes by a variety of names, such as popfolk, etnopop and
popular music; older Bulgarian music; Balkan Romani music; Western pop
and rap and Afro- Cuban music (Buchanan 2007, p.144). Chalga is political,
as its songs and videos are rich in social criticism. They comment on social
problems through mockery and contain aggressive jokes which stray far from
various: politicians, the state, the new elites, the Bulgarian mafia, policemen,
macho culture, the sex business, and Arab sheiks to name a few (2007,
p.146). We can see from this that it is at once a response to the ‘transition’
and a site for modelling new behaviours made possible by it. Furthermore it is
Importantly the style is both Balkan and Bulgarian and its roots are often said
to be found in ‘wedding music’. The labelling of this music has been fluid and
contentious and provides a starting point for analysing its significance (2002,
p.30). The term Chalga derives from Turkish language, and references the
15
91364
genre, at least in some respects, to Turkish culture and the Ottoman legacy
when considering that the term only gained its negative connotations following
2002, p.201). Journalists and commentators held that it was a sign of bad
taste and a synonym for badly made music (Rice 2002, p.31). Intellectuals
and elites condemned it partly due to its sex-filled song lyrics which are mainly
music videos and performances there is a lot more going on than girls
swinging their hips seductively. The following example of one major hit “100
political and sexual freedom for women, made possible by democracy (Dimov
2001, p.77):
16
91364
and power” over society. This is represented in chalga by social symbols such
business deals (delavera) and lots of money. Chalga songs seem to reflect
new values and behaviours brought about by the tensions stemming from the
name a few (Rice 2002, p.34). So while the elites claim chalga is ‘cheap’, for
the rest of the nation it becomes a way of confronting and ridiculing economic
hardship and dislocated identities. But while this example illustrates class
defining factor, which troubles some elites, academics and politicians, is the
For them, this aspect veers away from the notion of a pure Bulgarian identity,
which aims to distance Bulgarians from any multi-ethnic traces of the past
(Levy 2002, p.201). Chalga’s association with Roma culture distinctly adds to
their derogative comments. Rom musicians on the other hand regarded the
term positively. For them the meaning was situated in the impressive,
17
91364
masterful, celebratory good (Peicheva and Dimov sited in Rice 2002, p.31).
From these oppositional perspectives we can see that Chalga captures the
association with Roma and Turkish cultural influences and in turn, its
associations and how those seem to influence whether they regard the genre
and its label in neutral, positive or negative terms as will be illustrated in the
next instance.
in the making of a new Bulgarian national identity (Rice 2002, p. 36). In this
European elite model and monoethnic nationalism. These values still hold true
18
91364
Furthermore, chalga itself contains some aspects of these ideas (2002, p.36).
tradition and its extraordinary popularity among Bulgarians place the genre
Bulgarian (2002, p.37). In addition, its modern themes and ironic lyrics, such
modern global culture. Through chalga people can make light of the difficult
economic situations they find themselves in, hoping that progress associated
with western European global markets will come their way (2002, p.37). The
contestation this genre fuels is not only rooted in what some elite term
‘cheap’, it also stems largely from its ‘eastern’ qualities. In this way it is highly
“revived old national identity syndrome” (Levy 2002, p.200). Chalga seems to
fly in the face of values held high during the communist period and according
p.37).
national feelings (Rice 2002, p.37). The conflict resulting from contesting
19
91364
‘local other’ (Turks and Roma), rather than the ‘distant other’ (the West). This
Bulgarians are worried about their position in the world (2002, p.38). In
extent to which chalga brings together historical, political and social factors,
significance further.
multiculturalism” (Levy 2002, p.202). Its popularity has become the subject of
influences coming from the local cultures of Roma and Turks (Silverman
1983, p.55). The debates this genre has stirred has revealed views of the
national as single, uniform concept, which remains vague with respect to the
p.202).
20
91364
inside the nation, while the western (distant other) has been considered as
(2002, p.203). Against this background, chalga has become a problematic site
raising not only issues of identity, but tolerance, pluralism and cultural
relativism (2002, p.203). Underneath the moral panic concerning ‘good taste’
threatened by ‘bad music’ lies a fear “that this music would result in the
desired cultural purity played out against ‘others’ who are perceived as being
not only different but inferior” (Shechner, cited in Levy 2002, p.203). What is of
Bulgaria (due to its musical styles from neighbouring countries) and internal
(Rom musicians and elements) (Rice 2002, p.39). In this process it diffuses
the neat distinctions of national ideology between “our” culture and “other”
uniqueness of Bulgarian culture. From this we can see that “in contrast to folk
attempt to assert national discourse. This concern is not simply aesthetic, but
21
91364
can be found in both its musical features and in the extreme critique it has
evoked from the elite. A famous conductor in an interview in 1998 said that
chalga was the only thing that would make him emigrate from Bulgaria (Dimov
1995, p.10). Additionally this new genre not only evoked public scrutiny, but
Bulgarians who signed it, were “bad”, “vulgar” and “strange” sounds coming
from the experiences of the local Roma and Turks (Levy 2002, p.207). This
petition expressed concern about an ‘invasion’ by ‘their’ music, echoing the re-
it “brings ‘bad taste’ and other ‘disgusting’ characteristics to which our children
All this public noise in Bulgaria seems to mirror 1950s U.S.A when
direct musical parallel to chalga, its cultural significance and ability to stir
highly strung debates in Bulgaria “could be seen as ‘the black music of the
chalga as “the Balkans in Bulgaria” and “above all Balkan” (Stetalova sited in
Rice 2002, p.39). This points out that its popularity represents “a broadening
22
91364
who make chalga their cultural choice reverse the standard nationalist
discourse which favours ‘ours’ while denigrating the foreign (1995, p.95). But
not fully explain their disgust. If the genre is understood as Balkan, then in
theory it should minimise its contested link to Roma and Turkish influence. It is
situation, which liberated the local culture from old ideological taboos and
created a space for more visible identification of different local ethnic groups.
But the democratisation process has not been effective enough in eliminating
the negative attitudes associated with Turkish and Roma culture (Levy 2002,
p.209). Cultural elites cling to an older point of view that identifies the nation
with its majority ethnic culture. By occupying a space within which ‘authentic
counter discourse, that attacks and discredits the discourse of the elite and
the “nationalist idea of cultural purity and authenticity” (Rice 2002, p.40). Rice
goes on to suggest that, the commentary of the elite implies that they
gut level. This is then expressed as an aesthetic disgust with the music
some as “simply not from our world” (Statelova sited in Rice 2002, p.44). In
addition, their derogatory comments may stem from noticing that, their ability
23
91364
to set, monitor and control taste and public ideology is being outwitted by
p.40). We can see from this, that these ideological tensions resonate in a
Ottoman legacy, its current place in Bulgaria and how this relates to its
European status.
Maria Todorova (1997) points out that there are two views regarding the
Ottoman legacy. One is that Balkan nation-states and their cultures represent
a complete break with the Ottoman past; the other argues for a “complex
that “on a level of popular culture and everyday life, proved much more
persistent” (1997, p.180). The first model represents political affiliation and fits
with the Bulgarian elites aspirations. Bulgarian politicians have tried since
1989, to move Bulgaria out of the Balkans conceptually and into an integrated
Europe (Rice 2002, p.41). But this move has been prevented culturally at
24
91364
(1) the status quo of the Russian, Hapsburg and Ottoman empires;
(3) the emergence of small states that were “appallingly fragile and
For Gellner, the countries of Eastern Europe were interrupted in this historical
The Bulgarian case seems to have been at stage two and three during the
folklore. For him the point of interest was whether particular countries would
2004:57). The former Yugoslavia clearly emerged in stage four, but this
conflict over national identity between the elite and the popularity of chalga
25
91364
cleansing hidden behind the mask of the “Great Excursion” at the end of the
communist period (Neueberger 2004, p.75). But this played out differently
than in the case of its Balkan neighbours (Creed 2004, p.56). Currently, it
intellectuals drag their feet” (Rice 2002, p.42). Chalga seems to articulate
identity, which is not rooted in the state and majority etnicity (2002, p.43).
Through this process this new genre could be providing a way for Bulgarians
differences” (2000, p.70). We can see this accruing politically in 1989: with the
fall of Zhivkov, the new communist party announced the reversal of the
protected (Ganev 1997, p.62). From this perspective the conflict may be a
26
91364
this case the boundaries are imagined as within the nation and because of
exclusions of the violent type, such as those of its Balkan neighbours because
For example, rather than outlawing religious practice in the 1940s, the BCP
capitalism (Todorova 2008, p.141). But while this insight has revealed the
27
91364
For Creed, this is because the theory has concentrated on the imaginative
nationalism are not simply due to its imaginary quality, but to the fact that it is
the transition in which identity categories become diffused. This means that in
Community is not just “a conceptual tool for defining social relations, but a
this Creed observes Bulgarian mumming rituals, which will be explored next.
In the rural context mumming is an agrarian ritual intended to drive off evil
spirits and bring fertility to the land, animals and people (2004, p.60). Actually,
known by many distinct local terms. Our interest here is the participation and
Bulgarian nationalism. There are four categories of participants. The first are
28
91364
skins and synthetic imitations of traditional folk costume (2004, p.62). The
“bride” or “virgin” and her escort, called “groom” or “fiancé”, (2004, p.62). The
third category, most important in this essay’s analysis is the villagers dressed
marked as Middle Eastern or Turkish (2004, p.62). The actors are usually
younger teenagers who dress in rags and blacken their faces with soot,
‘dark other’. We can see in this the link to negative notions of minorities,
stemming from the Ottoman past. Interestingly, this role is also sometimes
The ritual begins by dancing around the square (of the village) and continues
by the mummers visiting each village house (2004, p.63), demonstrating the
29
91364
fashion, such as “instigating fights with the men of the house”. ‘Battles’ also
take place between neighbouring villages (2004, p.63). This points to the
description is one of many variations, but the point here is not symbolic
analysis as such, instead our point of interest is community and how in this
case, the demonstrations of solidarity and goodwill will are interwoven with
contrary images.
gathering, but by the visit of each separate household. The disguises of the
urban residents with villas in the countryside often watch, but do not take part,
Roma (2004, p.63). Furthermore, the conflict between mummers and hosts is
p.57). But at the same time, the role of Roma is an important part in the ritual
30
91364
(Creed 2004, p.57). The parallel here to chalga can be firstly found in
historical roots and its relation to folklore. The status of mumming rituals was
controlled and repressed, much like folk music. Furthermore, chalga also
2004, p.141). But like ‘wedding music’ rather than suppressing it, the states
efforts to eliminate it, actually helped sustain it. Mumming like ‘wedding music’
uniform hegemonic, modern project, now in its capitalist guise” (2004, p.60).
‘authentic Bulgarianness’.
31
91364
The role of the Roma is ambiguous and complex; they are both insiders and
name of the village written across the back, accompanied by a fez”. The
some villages, ‘stolen’ by the ‘gypsy’ (2004, p.65). This scenario re-enacts
through ritual. The Ottoman past is clearly re-enacted in this scenario showing
the re-remembrance of history. The Roma define a separate group and both
their distinctiveness and marginality are graphically emphasised yet they are
community life, much like chalga does. But in the latter, this happens through
rituals and none expressed any cense of insult (2004, p.68). On the other
32
91364
a degree of inevitable conflict. Creed suggests that: “The possibility that rural
(2004, p.68).
Conclusion
This essay has examined Bulgaria nationalism using chalga to situate current
tensions and identity politics and mumming rituals to explain its particularities.
discourse offers a rich analytical ground. In this musical genre, history, politics
and culture meet and express the tensions, newly found freedoms and
site for deconstructing the Bulgarian ‘authentic identity’ making visible its
hybrid elements and expanding identity politics. Chalga not only satirically
expresses social change and economic turmoil in the transitional period, but
and the purpose of folklore within it, I have demonstrated the political and
33
91364
insisting on class as well as blood based sameness of the Roma and Turks,
through chalga and takes part in making of a new Bulgarian national identity.
this essay has raised issues concerning tolerance, showing ethnic conflict as
the underlying current. With this in mind, I have drawn attention to the
differs from its Yugoslav neighbours. Drawing from mumming ritual practice,
conflict to be present not only in ethnic idioms but also in collective community
notions. Lastly, it suggests that cultural specificities may play a part in how
34
91364
Bibliography
Buchanan, D. ed. (2007) Balkan Popular Culture and the Ottoman Ecumene.
Kaneff, (2004)
Nation) in Bulgarian Rural Ritual. American Anthropologist 106 (1) pp. 56-70
portret na suvremennata etnopop muszika v Bulgaria) [The folk boom and its
35
91364
Ganev, V. (2004) History, Politics and the Constitution: Ethnic Conflict and
pp. 66-89.
Levi, C. (2002) Who is the ‘Other’ in the Balkans? Local Ethnic Music as a
Press.
25-46
36
91364
Press.
Identities: Nation and Memory. Pp. 1-23. New York, New York University.
37