PAGES

Vol. xxIV

Contents
of the UNITED NATIONS ASSOCIATION of TURKEY
3 Cveyla s story and thoughts 4 Impress ons from Interns about the UNATR Internsh p Programme 5 An overv ew of the MDGs

2012 Ankara, Turkey www.unaturkey.org

Peace at home,peace in the world.

M.Kemal Atatrk

7 Beyond the European modern ty: the mpact of the Ottomans 11 Enlargement pol cy of the EU 1 The Arab spr ng and ts reflect ons on Turkey 14 Are UNAs effect ve n the UN dec s onmak ng mechan sms?

PAGES
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Cveyla's Story and Thoughts

On 23rd of November 2011, most of the newspapers in Turkey shared a dramatic story of a woman, who was another sacrifice of family honor. Name of her story was berdel which can be translated into English as bride exchange. * Cveyla, our starring, was born in 1937 in one of the tiny villages of Hakkari, the most southeastern city of Turkey. When she turned into 13, the family council decided upon her future; she had to marry a man. Why? The answer is simple; her uncle had abducted a girl to marry and in retaliation Cveyla had to be 'given' as an exchange. This is the beginning of her story; away from her family for 61 years. Cveyla moved to Iran with her husband, who was making money by smuggling and was later killed by Iranian soldiers. She became a widow even before she turned into 18. Then, she moved to Iraq, settled there and changed her name. She married another man and they had 3 children. In the tenth year of their marriage her husband was murdered by military forces of Saddam. The family council of her husband insisted on her to marry another man in their family. The logic behind is as follows; through endogamy, the wealth of the family would not be divided. She refused it; yet such a resistance against the family council cost her dear. She was expelled from the family; from her own house and the next step was indeed tragic. The family council submitted an obituary to authorities to prevent any preemptive attempt for hotchpotch. Being left alone in the streets dragged her into her third marriage in which she had 4 children. Here the 'happy' (!) end comes. One of her daughters wanted to get into contact with her mother's (Cveyla's) relatives in Hakkari, as Cveyla's family was tired of looking for her in these long 61 years. Finally, Cveyla met her own mother in Hakkari. The woman was 110 years old. She had to leave her young and beautiful daughter 61 years ago; and in 2011 the young and beautiful image of her daughter switched to a woman, with 7 children, wrinkles of beaten struggles and advanced in years. Cveyla's story is just one amongst thousands of battered women in the world, who always suffer from gender inequality. Every day, tens of women are deprived of economic freedom, face a variety of violence and may even be murdered. Their lives change without their will and depend upon other's decisions. This tragic story should make us question what we have done for the sake of empowering women. We should aim to have successes and achievements. The UN Association of Turkey, as an association for endeavoring the UN ideals which highlight status of women directly or indirectly, has been and surely will keep on leaning over backwards. Yet, do you consider what you do? We should all be united and act accordingly. If you have any projects regarding women in which you think the UN Association of Turkey can work collaboratively, please get into contact with the Association on e-mail (info@unaturkey.org).

*
http://www.radikal.com.tr/Radikal.aspx?aType=RadikalDetayV3 &CategoryID=77&ArticleID=1070379 3

Impressions from Interns about the unatr Internship Programme

What do you know about the United Nations? Were you familiar with the UNA Turkey? I can easily say that the UN covers a big part of my life. During my first year at university in 2008, I participated in one of the MUN (Model United Nations) conferences in zmir which enabled me to understand how countries were represented in the UN. In my second year, I had a great opportunity to enjoy a

We had a short, pleasant interview with Ms. Nimet Nihan Kaya who was selected among very qualified candidates for UNATR internship programme in period of September-December 2011.

traineeship at the UN and comprehend how the UN actualized the social projects and how team work process functioned. Lastly during my Erasmus term in Italy, I had a chance to voluntarily work at the local UNICEF. All these activities attracted my intention to

The United Nations Association of Turkey (UNA Turkey) and the Youth Section launched an internship programme which started in 2011. The UNA Turkey offers university students an opportunity to take part in works it carries out. The UNA Turkey Internship Program is designed as a programme enabling the selected student to have personal development as well as to gain practical experience in various fields. Why don't you apply for the next period?

the UN. But unfortunately I explored the UNA Turkey very late. At first glance, I imagined more hierarchical place but I realized that everyone does his/her work that nobody has to command the other.

What were your expectations from the UNATR Internship Programme? Could you tell us? My expectations from the internship programme were to enjoy as much as experience I could get, to get involved in the youth projects and working closely with

Nihan, Could you please introduce yourself to our readers? I graduated from Private Ar College in Samsun and I had the first ranking. Later on, I started my undergraduate studies at University of Ankara in Department of International Relations. I am now a senior student and planning to have graduate studies.

my own generation. I can admit that I have found all these three criteria here. But most of all, doing something with my peers and taking control with them was my motivation.

What are your plans for your future? Are the UN and the UNA Turkey involved in these plans? In the near future I want to complete my graduate

How did you hear about UNATR Internship Programme? I noticed announcement of the internship on abilan.com. I was already looking for internship opportunities back to then, so I immediately applied. Indeed, I never thought that I would even have a reply. But now I am happy with my decision.

studies. I am not sure where would life take me to after then; but I would love to take part in the UN positions. Even I could come up with fresh new projects about our association.

An Overview of the Millennium Development Goals

Nimet Nihan Kaya Intern of the UN Association of Turkey, 2011 International Relations Senior, University of Ankara All United Nations member states have committed to achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015. Since they were first adopted, the MDGs have raised awareness and shaped a broad vision that includes framework for the development activities of the United Nations (Acharya, 2010, 1). At the September 2010 MDG Summit, world leaders put forward an action plan. Already, the MDGs have helped to millions of people to get out of poverty, save lives and ensure that children attend school. They have reduced maternal deaths, expanded opportunities for women, increased access to clean water and freed many people from deadly disease. At the same time, the report shows that there is still have a long way to go especially in empowering women and girls, promoting sustainable development, and protecting mankind from the effects of crises, conflicts, natural disasters or volatility in prices for food and energy (Margaret, 2010, 5). Progress tends to pass those who are lowest on the economic ladder or are disadvantaged because of their sex, age, disability or ethnicity. More than 10 years have passed since world leaders established goals and targets to free humanity from extreme poverty, hunger, illiteracy and disease. The Millennium Declaration framework have inspired development efforts and helped to set global and national priorities and focus subsequent actions. But more work lies ahead. Here are some of the highlights (United Nations, 2011, 1-4): Poverty continues to decline in many countries and regions. Despite significant setbacks after the 2008-2009 economic downturn, the world is still on track to reach the poverty-reduction target. By 2015, it is now expected that the global poverty rate will fall below 15 per cent, well under the 23 per cent target. This global trend, however, mainly reflects rapid growth in Eastern Asia, especially China. Some of the poorest countries have made the greatest strides in education. Burundi, Madagascar, Rwanda, Samoa, Sao Tome and Principe, Togo and the United Republic of Tanzania have achieved or are nearing the goal of universal primary education. Considerable progress has also been made in Benin, Bhutan, Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Guinea, Mali, Mozambique and Niger, where net enrolment ratios in primary school increased by more than 25 percentage points from 1999 to 2009. With an 18 percentage point gain between 1999 and 2009, sub-Saharan Africa is the region with the best record of improvement. Child mortality The number of deaths of children under the age of five declined from 12.4 million in 1990 to 8.1 million in 2009. This means that nearly 12,000 fewer children are dying each day. Between 2000 and 2008, the combination of improved immunization coverage and the opportunity for second-dose immunizations led to a 78 per cent drop in deaths worldwide. These averted deaths represent one quarter of the decline in mortality from all causes among children under five. Increased funding and control efforts have cut deaths from malaria Through the hard work of governments, international partners, community health workers and civil society, deaths from malaria have been reduced by 20 per cent worldwide nearly 985,000 in 2000 to 781,000 in 2009. This was accomplished through critical interventions, including the distribution of poisontreated mosquito nets, which, in sub-Saharan Africa alone, are sufficient to cover 76 per cent of the population at risk. The largest absolute drops in malaria deaths were in Africa, where 11 countries have reduced malaria cases and deaths by over 50 per cent.

To conclude all these outcomes are inspiring but unfortunately life standards of the people are much more volatile than the researches. We have to insist on those goals that UN promised to all humankind through our societies, NGO's and our votes for parliaments.
References: Acharya, Daar, Singer (2010). Biotechnology and UN's Millennium Development Goals.

Margaret C. Hogan, Kyle J. Foreman, Mohsen Naghavi, Stephanie Y. Ahn, Mengru Wang, Susanna M. Makela, Alan D. Lopez, Rafael Lozano, Christopher J. L. Murray (2005). Maternal mortality for 181 countries, 19802008: a systematic analysis of progress towards Millennium Development Goal 5.

United Nations (2011). The Millenium Development Goals 2011.

BEYOND THE EUROPEAN MODERNITY: THE IMPACT OF THE OTTOMANS

Sezin Soy
MA Student in European Studies Joint Programme of Akdeniz and Hamburg Universities

(Sugar, 1977, p. 3). It was commonly believed that when Ottoman forces conquered Constantinople in 1453, this discovery conferred the Ottomans further legitimacy in the Islamic world. Between 1451 and 1566 (golden era-during the time of Mehmet the Conqueror and Suleyman I) there was a fair taxation system and an impartial distribution of positions, a rational organization of the administration and military, and order in the empire. It placed that the empire was governed by justice, wars were effective and spoils of war went to the production of excellent mosques utilizing the public (Baer, 2008). As Baer (2008, pp.21-22) stated that; the opening gambit of the Ottomans upon conquering Christian cities was to transform to cathedral churches into Friday mosques in the captured urban areas. The city showed the biggest transformation of its sacred geography was the former Byzantine capital of Constantinople, which was rebuilt-up to suit an Islamic dynasty, the process originated by the conversion of Hagia Sophia, which is the religious and political center of Orthodox Christianity, into the foremost royal mosque of the city, and the construction of varied sultanic mosque complexes. In honoring of successes abroad, sultans also enjoined churches in the imperial capital to be transformed into mosques. The reform of sacred spaces carried on to be an significant core element in the process of transformation. In 1512-1520, the years of Selim's reign witnessed significant developments in Europe, tending in the establishment of the Habsburgs as 'the overshadowing power in the west'. During this period there engendered also great ascendant figures of the first half of the 16th century. In 1520, Selim's only surviving son Suleiman, 'known to his subjects as Kanuni, the Lawgiver and to Europe as the Magnificent (For Suleiman's reign R.B. Merriman's Suleiman the Magnificent [Harvard 1944], a similarly named in popular work by Harold Lamb [London 1952]), completed the group of impressive personalities whose clashing aspirations and ambitious filled the coming years' (Vaughan, 1954). Suleiman's foreign policy, in terms of its general long-term direction, was steadily his own- which expanding his power into Europe at the disbursement of the Habsburgs and in alliance with France. 'The FrancoTurkish alliance may indeed, under the auspices of the commercial co-operation, have stabilized in the Sultan's favor of the European balance of political and
7

The Concept of European History: The Ottoman Empire

20th Century's histories coped with the early modern period and the last century of Ottomans specified the premise that 'the nation-state is the culmination of the historical process'. In the middle of 1950s, modernization supporters stated that 'if a society did not voluntarily modernize - that is Westernize-that process would be forced upon it' (Abou-El-Haj, 2005, p.73). Specifically, in the last four centuries the traditionally labeled ages of 'European exploration, European expansion, European imperialism and European retreat - especially western Europe' has assumed itself geographically and politically at the center of the world (Goffman, 2002, p. 5). However, there was an alternative: Ottomans Since a Euro-oriented view of history in the West has started to be replaced by 'a true world history concept, the history of the Ottoman Empire', that has endured (for over five centuries) in a very significant part of the world, was not a nomadic empire models of which would be found in Eurasia. Even if the 13th century some nomadic features played an absolute role in the Ottoman frontier society, Ottoman had soon enhanced a typical Islamic sultanate (nalck, 2008). In aspiring to built a new world Islamic sultanate empire, Mehmed the Conqueror was interested not only to extend the territory of Byzantium, but to improve upon it internally a new state, with more developed institutions(social, legal and economic) (Kinross, 2003, p. 128). That state, known in the West as the Ottoman Empire, was called 'The divinely protected well-flourishing absolute domain of the House of Osman' (with this name the two basic elements of the empire are indicated: the Islamic and Turkic aspect)

military power between king and emperor'. The Magnificent Sultan Suleiman is not for only was a great military 'campaigner' but also he was a man of the pen. He was at once 'Protector of Islam', 'Defender of its Faith', a great legislator. In the course of his reforms; 'Suleiman, in the grandeur of this Golden Age, was at once Sultan-Caliph of Islam and a Grand Signor in the traditions of the European Renaissance. Combining in his person the sacred majesty of the Eastern with the Western world, he sought to transform Istanbul into a capital worthy, in its architectural splendors, of the great cities of this blossoming 16th century civilization' (Kinross, 2003, pp. 185-198). The territorial proceeds followed out by the Ottoman Empire, most of which was within the eastern Europe and the Balkans between the mid-15th century and the end of the 16th century. Europe had called out precise preconditions of the modern economy but, even as late as the turn of the 16th century, 'it still lacked an environment of relative peace and internal stability'. What makes the Ottomans significant from the viewpoint of European history is that the Empire regularly observed westward for expansion during its period of military achievements. In fact, most if not all of the early sultans (including Mehmed I, the Conqueror) cogitated themselves as inheritors to the eastern Roman Empire and diversity combiner of the wider Roman Empire (Iyigun, 2008). As Baer (2008) articulated that; the Ottoman Empire was very much a European Islamic Empire, thus Ottomans conducted up to one-third of what is today considered Europe, and not only interaction but also complex relations between the Ottoman Empire and central & eastern Europe (among Muslims and Christians and also Jews). The Ottomans was a 'full and active member' of the European states between the 16th and 18th century; in the 17th century 'it was integrated into Europe as it ever would be'. And 'Western European denigration of the Empire-and by extension its head, the sultan- at the end of the 19th century as the sick man of Europe conceals a background of the Ottoman European history when the empire and sultan were anything but'. In the Ottomans, where innovative Islam transformations were a central in its history, the society and market transformations appear as a central notion, too.

The Ottoman State and Social Structure Modern history of Europe begins under stress of the Ottoman conquest. Lord Acton, (1834-1902). The Ottoman Empire, meanwhile, raised as mixture of many cultures and traditions. Its legitimacy, however, also was based on a universal belief the faith of Islam. Because the sultans envisaged of themselves and their society as Muslim and of their state as Islamic. 'Every innovation demanded a justification in terms of the doctrines of Islam' (Goffman, 2002). As Abou-El-Haj (2005) stated that: a noteworthy instance is Perry Anderson (Anderson, Perry. Lineages of the Absolutist State. London: NLB, 1974) whose book focalized on European absolutist states, but on the other hand has included a chapter on the Ottoman Empire. Anderson highlighted what he regards as the sui generis character of the European historic axis by stressing the aspects in which Ottoman Empire diverged from Europe. He regards also Ottoman history as not only different but also as inferior in the period of early modern Europe. Meanwhile, he truly wishes to tackle Ottoman history from a progressive viewpoint. In this way, his treatment combines some further intricacies for those Ottoman historians who endeavor to establish counterpositions against the dominant paradigm. Some developed Ottoman historians, with their putting particular emphasis on the Empire's decline and modernization have enforced a perspective in that Ottoman state and society come forth both diverged from and inferior to other(their) European counterparts. These Ottoman historians who are researching toward a revision of these unscientific perspectives need to cope with not only European centered paradigm or modernization-oriented but also progressive axis submitted by Anderson. To state the matter in Anderson' words: In fact, the long and intimate presence on European soil of a social formation and state structure in such contrast with the prevalent pattern of the continent, provides an opposite measure against which to assess the historical specificity of European society before the advent of industrial capitalism and also goes further The long term decline of the Ottoman Empire was determined by the military and economic superiority of absolutist Europe. Anderson diminishes Ottoman state and society to a sort of ground to the drama of world history.

On the other hand, it should be comprehend that his narrow explanations in Ottoman affairs because of his following of the available secondary literatures and also his point of views equated the Ottoman Empire concept of state with the principal European states. The Ottoman state and society were fundamentally unique with the statement that Ottoman history is analogous and commensurable with other histories. As far as 17th century is concerned, there are deep-seated concordance between the Ottoman Empire and Europe. One is; the possibility of an economic and social revolution and the other one is involved with the altering character of the state. Conclusion: the Ottoman Impact on the Formation of the Modern Europe The Ottoman state has become a core element in the balance of power of European modernization concept for over five centuries (since the West started to be supplanted by 'a true world history concept'). During the first phase of the Italian wars from 1494 to 1525 the Ottoman state was an essential factor in Italian diplomacy (Fr. Babinger and J. Kissling in their researches were founded on the Italian archival material and also Pfefferman, Schwoebel, S. Fisher and D. Vaughan in their subject indicated how the Italian courts preserved the diplomatic relations with the Ottoman Sultan) and also in 1525 the French conformed to the Italian way when their king was taken prisoner by the Emperor. The Ottoman welcomed this issue to invade Hungary in 1526. In 1533, the French king appreciated the Sultan support (Ottoman Alliance) as a principal power to check the Habsburg supremacy in Europe(as the second stage of the Italian wars, in which there was a time when the western challengers for Italy distinguished that balance of power was vanished in favor of the Sultan). In the 16th century, namely; in the rise of formation the nation-states in the west, the Ottoman Empire played a substantial role in the balance of power in Europe. This role can be noticed (when these nations demonstrated to be the champions of the European opposition to the Habsburg endeavors at supremacy) to continue in the Ottoman support to the English and Dutch in the period of after 1580. The Ottoman pressure against the Habsburgs in Hungary was a substantial role in the extension of Protestantism in Europe (nalcik, 1974). Also it must mention that the Ottoman support to this issue within

the Habsburg Empire contributed to the detainment of Habsburg hegemony in Europe. As (Palabyk, 2005) articulated that; although generally undervalued; Ottoman contribution to the beyond of the modern European state system was a noteworthy evolution for the European history. First and foremost, by continuously struggling with the Habsburg Empire, it contributed to the prevention of a Habsburg-dominated Europe, which might deprive the centralizing states of the continent of maintaining their centralization processes. Secondly, without continuous OttomanHabsburg contention, it would be very difficult for Protestantism to evolve so strongly in Europe. Though Ottoman support towards the European states reactant to the Habsburg aspirations and the dissident factions in the Habsburg Empire was not materialized as effective as it had been prescribed, even the intimidation of the Ottoman threat was used effectively by these antiHabsburg groups to cope with the Habsburgs. In sum, without the Ottoman-Habsburg struggle, modern European state system could not emerge so quickly and impressively after the Thirty Years' War. The Ottoman and Habsburg Empires into an essential clash were even named by some historians as the 16th century world war. This clash would also have substantial meaning for the emergence of the modern European state system. Within this context, Ottoman-Habsburg clash, politically, socially and economically, has contributed much to the emergence of the modern European state system. Considering the political contributions of the Ottoman Empire, it can be concluded that Ottoman direct and indirect support to two major western European states, namely, England and France within the Habsburg Empire. To conclude, in order to trace the emergence of the modern European state system, early modern period should be articulated carefully, since it involves many clues for this theme. For instance, a closer look to the impact of the Ottoman Empire Opposite to the schematic historiography of the period, which asserts that the Ottoman Empire was 'an outsider to the European system and only contributed to the emergence of the modern European identity by acting as the 'other' of 'Europe', Ottoman Empire, as a part of the European system', played a substantial role in the emergence of the modern state system in Europe. Thus, without the Ottoman diplomatic and economic relations with the European states, contemporary Europe would have a very discrete presence today.

References: Abou-El-Haj, R. '. (2005). Formation of the modern state: the Ottoman Empire, sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. Syracuse University Press. Baer, M. D. (2008). Honored by the Glory of Islam; pp.13-45. Oxford University Press. Goffman, D. (2002). The Ottoman Empire and early modern Europe. Cambridge University Press. Inalcik, H. (1974). The Turkish Impact on the Development of Modern Europe. In K. H. Karpat, The Ottoman State and Its Place in World History (pp. 51-60). Leiden: E.J. Brill. nalck, H. (2008). Turkey and Europe in History. Istanbul: Eren Yayincilik Ltd. yigun, M. (2008). LUTHER AND SULEYMAN. University of Colorado and IZA. Kinross, L. (2003). The Ottoman Empire. London: The Folio Society. Palabyk, M. S. (2005). Contributions of the Ottoman empire to the Construction of Modern Europe. Ankara: The Master Thesis Submitted to The Graduate School of Social Sciences of Middle East Technical University. Sugar, P. F. (1977). Southeastern Europe under Ottoman Rule, 1354-1804. Seattle and London: The University of washington Press. Vaughan, D. M. (1954). Europe and The Turk: A Pattern of Alliances 1350-1700. Liverpool: Willmer Brothers and Co. Ltd.

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ENLARGEMENT POLICY OF THE EU

Muzaffer KILI
Professional of Political Science and International Relations

The enlargement policy of the European Union (EU) has always been a highly debated issue among political scientists and politicians. The six states, West Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, Netherlands and Luxembourg that initiated the European Coal and Steel Community in 1951, could not anticipate what they created would turn out to be a huge European Union with 27 states and nearly 500 million inhabitants. However, the accession of the new members to the EU never followed a smooth line. Many problems emerged during the enlargement process and each enlargement had a profound impact on the Union. It is obvious that in a small research paper it is impossible to analyze the whole history of enlargement and how it affected the Union. Therefore the aim of this paper is to provide the reader a general framework of the enlargement policy of the EU/EEC including the history of enlargement, some problematic aspects of the enlargement policy. When we look at the history of the enlargement we see the first enlargement as Britain, Ireland and Denmark enlargement in 1973. Before the start of the accession negotiations Britain was regarded by France as a potential Trojan horse and rejected in the 1960s (Krok and Zielonka, 2007, 370). However, the member states accepted Britain in 1973 to strengthen the economy of the Union and counterbalance the French power. This enlargement had a crucial effect on the Union laying the groundwork for the acquis communautaire which the actual members and future members must comply with. However, the acceptance of two Euro skeptic states Britain and Denmark made it difficult for the Union to define the common aim of the organization (Bache and George, 541). The second and third enlargements were generally accepted as The Mediterranean or Southern Enlargement which comprised of the accession of Greece in 1981, Portugal and Spain in 1986 (Krok and Zielonka, 2007, 370). At that time these countries had passed to democracy after a long time of dictatorship and they wanted to consolidate their democracy by joining the Union. These were relatively poor countries at that time. By taking these countries, the EEC was

trying to stabilize the region and this showed that EEC could act in favor of geostrategic and political reasons even if the economic reasons were not prioritized. This enlargement had shifted the policy interest in favor of southern Europe and by taking Spain and Portugal the EEC increased its relations with the Latin American countries (Bache and George, 542). However, the accession of Greece would create a lot of trouble for the Union especially when its problems with Turkey escalated. The fourth enlargement is generally named the EFTA Enlargement or Nordic Enlargement by the accession of Austria, Finland and Sweden in 1995. The end of the Cold War had a substantial effect on this enlargement. Until the end of the Cold War these countries were neutral and they hesitated to take part in the Union. After the end of the Cold War these countries had established economic ties with the EEC and joined the European Economic Area (Krok and Zielonka, 2007, 370). Especially the transnational companies in these countries vastly invested in the EEC and they influenced their governments to become a member in order to have a say in the decision making of the EEC. Although these countries were rich and culturally similar to the EEC countries, the increase in the number of the members had created a problem in the decision making, especially in the extension of the qualified majority voting in the Council of Ministers, which could create underrepresentation. This profound dilemma of enlarging and deeper integration would continue in the future enlargements (Bache and George, 547). The fifth enlargement was the Eastern Enlargement by the accession of ten Central and Eastern European States namely the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia plus Cyprus and Malta on 1 May 2004. After the fall of Soviet Union these countries had become democracies and they did not want to get into Russian influence again. The elites in these countries were in favor of neo liberal economic transfer of the countries and needed the help of the Union for this. Besides, the tensions in
11

Russia were threatening the security of Europe and the EEC countries wanted to take the CEEC's into the Union to provide the security of the region (Bache and George, 550). However, the accession of these countries reignited the dilemma of deepening and widening, as the existing members did not want to share their power with the newcomers. The quality majority voting system of Council of ministers, the abandonment of the national veto in more policy sectors were highly debated issues. The Eastern Enlargement vastly changed the enlargement policy of the Union. The 1993 Copenhagen Criteria were introduced during this enlargement that defined the rules of the game which the candidate countries must obey in order to join the EU. Politically a stable democracy, rule of law, human rights and the protection of minorities, economically a competitive, functioning market economy and loyalty to the acquis communautaire were needed to be able to join the EU (Bache and George, 551). After the last enlargement with Romania and Bulgaria in 1 January 2007 the enlargement started to be questioned in the sense that where this enlargement would stop. The former Yugoslavian republics Croatia and the republic of Macedonia gained candidate status and the other former Yugoslavian countries are expected to be granted candidate status in the future. Besides, the former Soviet Union states such as Armenia, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and even some of the North African countries like Morocco are expressing their interests for the Union. Though membership for these countries is not on the agenda, the issue of Turkish membership is highly controversial for the EU. Turkey had applied before any of the states that became members in 2004, through signing the Ankara agreement in 1963. Since that time the relations between the Union and Turkey had a fluctuating character, depending on the position of Turkey and the Union. The announcement of the candidate status of Turkey in 1999 Helsinki summit was a turning point in terms of the relations. However, after that the Europeanization of Turkey started to be questioned more. By some countries Turkey was regarded as Too big, too poor and too Muslim while by some other as an important strategic partner without which the Union would not be complete (Bache and George, 550). Opponents of Turkish membership argue that
12

culturally; Turkey is not a part of the European civilization and would be a threat to the European identity. Besides, geographically Turkey is not a part of the Europe and accepting Turkish membership will open the door of the Union for other non European states. Moreover, as the poorest country of Europe Turkey will have an enormous political power in the decision making and represented at the same level as Germany and France, which will alter the whole political balance in the Union (Ylmaz, 16). Proponents argue that the strategic position of Turkey near the Middle East, Caucasus and Russia which have important energy sources, is very important for the Union. Besides, economically; the trade relations with Turkey are highly crucial and the dynamic Turkish population would be a solution for the rapidly ageing population of Europe. Moreover, culturally; including a western oriented Muslim country will contribute to the cultural richness of the Union and will be a message to the world that European Union is not a Christian Club. The future will show how the EU will conduct its enlargement policy and it is not possible to predict from the present. However, when we look at the past of the union, we see that the union is used to living with huge disparities both culturally and economically. Culturally say, Ireland has a much more conservative culture than Germany has or the culture that prevails in the Mediterranean region is much more different than in the Scandinavian region. Economically Austria's Gross National Income per capita is more than double that of Portugal and Luxembourg's GNI per capita is nearly twice as high as Austria. The EU will manage to enlarge and will have to survive with these disparities if it wants to realize its founding principle, which is to bring peace, democracy and prosperity to Europe. Bibliography Bache, Ian and Stephen George. Politics in the European Union. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Krok-Paszkowska, Ania and Jan Zielonka. European Union Enlargement. In European Politics. Edited by Colin Hay and Anand Menon. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. Ylmaz, Bahri. The Relations of Turkey with the European Union: Candidate Forever? In Center for European Studies Working Paper Series. No:167.

The Arab Spring and its reflections on Turkey

Halit mit DKKER Founding President of Diplomacy Turkey Relations between the Arab population of the Middle East and the people of Turkey have a long history. This geographic association has led to concepts of brotherhood and friendship. More recently, this has led to a joint interest in establishing relationships and foreign policy based on stability, security and welfare. In this context, the diplomacy that Turkey initiated in the Arab world needs to be viewed in a special context. This initiative, especially for the institutionalization of Turkish-Arab League is no doubt a great foundation. The Middle East has been living one of the most critical periods in modern history, with regional problems creating chaos and the politics have become increasingly complex. Attempting to solve these problems, independently of each other, would be a mistake. The first step is to take Palestine issue in the Middle East to the center of all the problems. We should not forget that the Palestinian hopelessness, anger or air of pessimism has seized the entire region; the air creates a climate of radicalism that only feeds these problems. At this point, we need to start mobilizing the Mecca Consensus that was signed between the Palestinians in every area. The Mecca Consensus is in accordance with the letter and spirit of unity and solidarity, and is the basis for consolidation. Creating a sense relief for the Palestinian people will inevitably be seen as opportunities for the advancement of the peace process. The Arab League should be determined through a pragmatic political program that will emphasize a dialogue with the Palestinian people and their needs, by adopting a constructive attitude in approaches to supporting Palestinian UN recognition as stressed in many international forums by Turkey. The Israeli government has inconsistent and oppressive policies. Adopting the perspective of peace outlined in the Arab Peace Plan is extremely important in solving the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Turkey's recent "Arab Spring" visit to its nearest neighbors Iraq must be analyzed while taking recent events into consideration. The murder of dozens of people every day is an additional and separate dimension of sectarian conflict. Ending this chaos and corruption is obligatory to protect the territorial integrity and political unity. A divided Iraq will have repercussions for the entire region. Uniting around the idea of "Iraqi" solidarity will be the most helpful in creating a decision-making body. In addition, if the Iraqi government embraces a strong central government in this region, inner peace and stability, peace will be sine qua non. The development of Iran's nuclear program demands a shared principle of transparency with Iran's neighboring countries. Finding a solution to the problem promptly and through diplomatic channels requires savvy diplomacy and experience in the region. Turkish foreign policy has continued to work to ensure political stability in Lebanon. Assistance for the reconstruction of Lebanon and the contributions to UNIFIL show Turkey will remain determined on this issue. Throughout the Syrian crisis, Turkey's geopolitical strategic position has been one of connecting the east and the west. The responsibility of ensuring the safety of the security of the Mediterranean Sea will be partly shouldered by Europe and the U.S., but no doubt significant responsibility will fall to Turkey. The negative effects of polarization and dissociation have been felt everywhere. Turkey seems to want to spread optimism in the region through their recent work in Iraq. This movement to instill hope to the people of the region will be the biggest factor in which avoids polarization and the trend of growing instability. Turkey has adopted an approach that embraces everyone, or almost everyone, eliminating much of the ethnic and religious exclusivity that has isolated countries that could have otherwise been allies and partners.
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Are UNAs Effective in the UN DecisionMaking Mechanisms?

The United Nations Association of Turkey (UNA Turkey), on December 19, 2011, opened a poll, asking whether WFUNA and all UNAs around the world were effective in decision-making mechanisms of the UN. Since then, there have been 157 votes. 43.9 percent of total votes indicate that only some of the UNAs are effective, whereas 28.7 percent shows that none of them is effective. As being obvious on the diagram, taken directly from our web-site, www.unaturkey.org, 31 people out of 157 think the UNAs are effective; yet must develop their capacities. Lastly, 12 voters, which correspond to 7.6 percent of total voting, take the UNAs into consideration and consider all of them very effective.

Interestingly, the poll puts forward a negative outcome. It highlights that the UNAs should take more active role in the UN decision-making mechanisms. Having a deep-rooted history, the UNA Turkey tries to increase its capacity day by day with new projects, in addition to recruiting new and active volunteers in its entity. Thus it is ready and very eager to partake in many UN-related events. If you and your UNA would like to work with the UNA Turkey in common projects, please get into contact with the Board of Management and Coordinating Committee of the Youth Section.

Elections of the Youth, 2012

New members of the Coordinating Committee of the UNA Turkey Youth Section were elected on October 20, 2012, Saturday. According to the results, Ms. Ekin Erdoan, a person whom we know very well in previous Coordinating Committees has been elected as the chairperson of the Youth Section. Mr. akan Korur, as one of the most active members, is now the vice-chairperson of the Youth Section. Mr. Sayra Kololu, student at Bakent University and Ms. pek Aksakal, student at Bilkent University, are now on in charge of projects, whereas Ms. Nimet Nihan Kaya, who is the first intern of the UNA Turkey, has become the head of PR. Mr. Mertcan Cengiz, as an
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accountant, is going to deal with money and we certainly believe assets of the Youth Section are safe with him. Having a deep-rooted history, the UNA Turkey tries to increase its capacity day by day with new projects, in addition to recruiting new and active volunteers in its entity. Thus it is ready and very eager to partake in many UN-related events. If you and your UNA would like to work with the UNA Turkey in common projects, please get into contact with the Board of Management and Coordinating Committee of the Youth Section.

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of the UNITED NATIONS ASSOCIATION of TURKEY

Birlemi Milletler Trk Dernei Atatrk Bulvar 223/7, 06680, Kavakldere, Ankara, TURKEY Phn: (0090) 312 427 2216 Fax: (0090) 312 427 4283 www.unaturkey.org info@unaturkey.org For youth section; youth@unaturkey.org