Berry 1

Michael Berry WRD 103 Analytic Summary September 17, 2012 The Hypocrisy of an American Holiday Few people could stand up and give a speech on the Fourth of July, let alone one admonishing the public at large for celebrating it. Frederick Douglass, however, did just that in his speech, The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro, given at Rochester, New York in 1852. He made blistering remarks about the hypocrisy of Americans celebrating their freedom while condoning the enslavement of others. He paints a dark image of an America that is turning back on its mandate, but his painting is lined with hopes of redemption for the American people. At its core, Meaning is a speech about why Douglass believes that the country has turned its back on the ideals that it venerates on July Fourth, and that as long as a large portion of the country is still enslaved because of a different skin color, the holiday is a sham, a lie. Douglass starts his speech with humility and reserve, in an attempt to gain the respect and empathy of his audience. He reminds his audience of his roots and thanks them for taking their time to listen to him. After this quick ethos-building introduction, Douglass goes on to discuss the Fourth of July and how it is celebrated. America is still a relatively new country, he says, and so the problems she faces can be easily overcome. Only seventy-six years ago the celebrated Founding Fathers were considered treasonous rebels who were acting out of their minds, in a futile struggle against an overbearing monarchy with an overwhelming military force. July Fourth is a special day, he argues, particularly because it celebrates massive acts of political bravery working to dismantle an oppressive and unjust system of rule.

Berry 2

Douglass then turns to the subject of the present in relation to the past. Of the founding fathers, he believes, With them, nothing was settled that was not right. With them, justice, liberty, and humanity were final; not slavery and oppression. You may well cherish the memory of such men.(Douglass 3). This glowing representation is turned into a lecture, Your fathers have lived, died, and done their work, and have done much of it wellmen eulogize the wisdom and virtues of their fathers, but to excuse some folly or wickedness of their own. (4). Douglass continues to contrast the political bravery of the countrys foundation with the twisted, warped versions of their ideas of liberty in practice in his day. On page seven, Douglass clearly states his intention to discuss the matter of slavery, and begins to deconstruct the arguments that have been used in an attempt to morally legitimize the practice. He speaks with indignation, asking Must I undertake to prove that the slave is a man? The point is conceded already.(7). He goes on to discuss all the ways in which slaves are human, and denounces those that continue to spread such a blatant lie. Such rhetorical questions continue as he dares his audience to find a contemporary place where such injustice and cruelty are practiced more commonly and in ways more potent than in America (8). Douglass follows up this dare with detailed descriptions of the daily travails of slaves and the cold indifference shown to them. To that end, he implies the nation has lost sight of its mandate of freedom (9-10). ` As Douglass nears the end of his speech, his attention and disappointment turn to the

matter of the church. He sees the church as an abomination in the sight of God, (12) whose teachings are horrible blasphemy. (12). He believes the church is not only guilty of helping uphold slavery in contrast to their very teachings, but are also guilty because they have failed to aid in the effort of abolishing slavery (13). Douglass sees the churchs leaders actions as decidedly immoral, not only from his moral standpoint, but from their own stated morality. Their

Berry 3

actions defy all reasonable understanding, and Douglass displays this by contrasting the church to the Church of Englands actions in the fight against slavery there. They are lying to themselves as well as to the American public. He then turns to the public at large, admonishing their hypocrisy and lambasting their society (15). He sees their complacency and outright apathy in the face of the pain of a slave, and at times the malice directed towards slaves, and grows indignant about the injustices and atrocities the public commits under a pretense of false lawfulness and piety. Douglass wraps up his speech by reiterating his hope for a better future where slavery ceases to exist, and the Constitution is not warped from its purpose as a document of freedom. In this, he mentions that if the document truly did contain the purpose of perpetuating slavery, then the country should not be celebrating its creators and instead joining in criticism for reasons earlier mentioned (15-16). Overall, Douglasss style is powerfully persuasive and sharp as a knife. His pervasive use of the second person when describing the holiday and the white American public serves to distance himself from the holiday as well as highlight the injustices which he discusses. He is versed in the use and power of three. In numerous places, things are described with three adjectives, or there are three actions being taken, and so on. This is a powerful memory tool, and he wields it well. Douglasss diction illustrates his intelligence to his audience, essential when one considers contemporary societal conditions. His word choice is powerful and evocative. His eloquence augments his arguments and lends credibility to his evidence. This speech echoes through time as a call to action against injustices.

Berry 4

Work Cited: Douglass, Frederick. "The Meaning of July Fourth to the Negro." Rochester. 5 July 1852. Address.