Crisis and Student Protest in Universities in Kenya: Examining the Role of Students in National Leadership and the Democratization

Process Maurice N. Amutabi African Studies Review, Vol. 45, No. 2, Special Issue: African Universities in Crisis and the Promotion of a Democratic Culture. (Sep., 2002), pp. 157-177.
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Crisis and Student Protest in Universities in Kenya: Examining the Role of Students in National Leadership and the Democratization Process
Maurice N. Amutabi

Abstract: The aim of this article is threefold: to interrogate the crises that have afflicted public universities in Kenya over a period of thirty years, starting in the 1970s and intensifying in the 1980s and 1990s; to examine the impact of student activism and protest on education policy; and to investigate the role of current and former university students in national leadership and the democratization process in Kenya. University students are destined to be the intelligentsia who one day will take over the reigns of power. Students also constitute the largest reservoir of technocrats in Kenya's development milieu, providing highly trained manpower in many sectors. To many they are also the vehicles of ideological dissemination and are often regarded as the representatives of the left and sympathetic to the cause of the common man. As such, to engage the students is to engage the common man. Yet there are lacunae in the research and academic knowledge in this area. Commentators have largely ignored student protest in Kenya despite the fact that universities have a long history of student activism in which students often have engaged authorities in running battles, some of them violent. In the national political arena, university students often rally behind radical politicians and former university students. The political course in Kenya would not be the same today without university students. This article seeks to interrogate their multiple roles.

Resume: Cet article a trois buts: se pencher sur les crises qui ont accable les universitks publiques du Kenya sur une periode de trente ans a partir des
African Studies h i m , Volume 45, Number 2 (September 2002), pp.157-78 Maurice Nyamanga Amutabi is a lecturer at the Department of Development Studies, Institute of Human Resource Development (IHRD), Moi University, Eldoret, Kenya, where he has been teaching since 1992. He is currently a Fulbright Scholar at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. He has published several journal articles and book chapters in the field of development. His latest book is Nationalism and Democraqfor PeopkCentered Development in Afn'ca (Moi University Press, 2000).

157

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annkes 1970, et qui se sont intensifikes dans les annkes 1980 et 1990 ; examiner l'impact des manifestations et de l'activisme ktudiants portant sur la politique en matiere d'kducation; enfin, d'examiner le rble jouk par les ktudiants d'universitk anciens et actuels dans la direction de la nation et dans le processus de dkmocratisation au Kenya. Les ktudiants des universit& ont la reputation d'Etre des prkcurseurs importants de l'intelligentsia, destinks a reprendre les rCnes du powoir. Les Ctudiants constituent Cgalement la plus grande rCserve de technocrates dans le milieu du dCveloppement au Kenya, car ils offrent une main d'euvre hautement qualifiee dans de nombreux secteurs. 11s sont considkrks comme les vkhicules de la disskmination idkologique et sont souvent vus comme les reprksentants de la gauche et comme syrnpathisants a la cause de l'homme du peuple. Ainsi, impliquer les Ctudiants revient a impliquer l'homme du peuple. Pourtant, la recherche et le savoir universitaire prksentent des lacunes dans ce domaine. Les commentateurs ont largement ignork les manifestations Ctudiantes au Kenya, bien que les universitks aient un long historique d'activisme ktudiant pendant lequel les ktudiants ont souvent engagk les autoritks dans des batailles persistantes, certaines d'entre elles marquees par des violences. Sur la scene politique, les ktudiants d'universitk se rallient souvent aux hommes politiques radicaux et aux anciens ktudiants d'universite. La ligne politique du Kenya ne serait pas la mCme aujourd'hui sans ces ktudiants des universitks. Cet article essaie de se pencher sur ces rbles multiples vis-a-vis de la dkmocratie.

Student activism in Kenya traditionally has been informed by a democratic agenda and the desire create dembcratic spaces within and outside the university. First, police spies, informers, and other security personnel in universities are opposed vigorously. Whenever the police have arrived at universities to quell protests or demonstrations, violent confrontations have resulted. Students flush out spies and informers, often inflicting injuries to the suspects. Second, freedoms of assembly, speech, and association have also constituted part of the demands university students make of the establishment. The checkered life of the Student Organization of the Nairobi University (SONU), a channel of grievance articulation which the government has always sought to silence, is one example of this pursuit. SONU has organized political rallies and meetings with or without the government's permission, and even when security forces have dispersed such meetings, stndents have always regrouped immediately. Third, governance issues having to do with particularly inept university administrators have also received the wrath of university students in

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Kenya. Students have always sought to have more representation in management committees such as the senate in order to participate in the decision-making process. They have sought to redress policies such as nepotism, political interference in the university curriculum, and the appointment of charlatans, sycophants, and incompetent managers. Fourth, university students in Kenya have contested policies affecting the general populace at the national level, thereby galvanizing the whole country. They have fought against Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPS), attendant problems such as cost-sharing, and unemployment, and especially against the retrenchment and freezing of employment in the civil service, a situation that affects them directly. The students have also fought against corruption, tribalism, the grabbing of public land, and police brutality. They have participated in popular protests, street demonstrations, rallies, and strikes to assert their position. Fifth, university students have been active participants in fighting against the oppression of radical politicians and other critics by the government, and they have always protested arbitrary detentions without trial and political deaths and assassinations. History has shown, however, that university students in Kenya also celebrate merit and fairness; they deplored, for example, the assassination of Tom Joseph Mboya, a Kenyatta protkgk, and they protested the slaying of Josiah Mwangi Kariuki, a Kenyatta critic. Thus they have sought to reinforce democratic values at every opportunity. In these ways, the acrimonious relationship between the government and university students has come to provide a crucial window into the troubled process of democratization in Kenya. From time to time, crises and disturbances in Kenyan universities have received a certain amount of attention in both the popular press and academic circles, although the main emphasis has tended to be upon incidents involving physical violence. Reports invariably suggest, especially to outsiders, that Kenyan universities are occasionally disrupted by a small group of aggressive and anti-establishment students, whose criminal activities are rooted out, punished severely, and then set aside so that the universities can get on with their main business of educating young Kenyans. Yet the democratic nature of the students' grievances, and the autocratic nature of the institutions and structures under which they operate, are often ignored. It is rarely reported that university students in Kenya are responding to authoritatian leadership, institutional decay, and management crises at the universities and in the country as a whole. The students are always blamed; in fact, they usually are vilified by the media, parents, politicians, scholars, and the public, who fail to listen to their side of the story. The public rarely acknowledges the role that university students have played in Kenya's stniggle for democratization. Meanwhile the political establishment, first under President Jomo Kenyatta and later under Daniel Moi, realizing the significance of student power, have systematically weakened the role of universities in national

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issues through irredentism and autocratic policy instruments. This has reduced the democratic space at universities, and students have responded by seeking to create new spaces for negotiation and protest. Unlike public universities in Europe and America, which enjoy forms of autonomy, the most basic matters of policy and structure in Kenyan universities are legislated and enacted by the government, thereby weakening and obstructing all contributions of the university community. More than a dozen new universities and university colleges or campuses have been opened since 1986 without any consulation or participation on the part of trained academics or education specialists. This poorly conceived and poorly planned expansion of Kenyan universities has been quite damaging to Kenyan education and to the public sphere as a whole. Academic standards have gone down, with universities producing underprepared graduates in congested learning environments without adequate facilities and unqualified staff. University students have constantly protested against these problems through strikes and demonstrations. The number of strikes at public universities has systematically increased with the rate of decay at these institutions, indicating a direct relationship between decay and student protest. This is especially visible in the new education system that was hurriedly implemented in 1985, known as the 8-4-4 . system. since the inception of this ill-conceived system, strikes at universities strikes have increased almost tenfold. The plethora of poorly educated graduates on the streets, combined with Kenya's poorly managed national economy, has created a massive unemployment problem, turning students into activists at the national level protesting poor government policy. With the university education in shambles, the impact has permeated the whole education sector from primary school level to university. Kenya has therefore become enmeshed in a vicious circle of crises in its education sector. It is in this context of coercion, corruption, and political interference in university administration that student activism and protest have been shaped in Kenya. This article looks at disturbances in Kenyan universities not only as a form of protest and resistance against poor governance and oppression but also as a demonstration of leadership and the capacity for mass mobilization among university students. Evidence from many different historical and contemporary sources is drawn upon in order to explore the significance of this largely neglected aspect of activities of Kenyan youth. In the process, it will become apparent that protests by university students should be taken seriously as a reflection of their alertness and responsiveness to national democratic demands. The history of protest also should be seen as a reflection and indication of mismanagement and a lack of democracy in the school system, particularly in the universities, and in public affairs in general. Violent confrontations have resulted from managerial ineptitude and antidemocratic structures and institutions. Blame should be placed not on the students, who are accused of belligerence and recalcitrance, but

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on the managers of universities, who truly have failed to address the root causes of the problems. This discourse is concerned with the emergence of student politics in Kenya's public universities, especially with the current crop of leaders who found their ascendance to national importance through student politics and activism. The universities to be examined are the University of Nairobi, Moi, Kenyatta, Egerton, Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology, and Maseno University. The article looks at the reciprocity between student leadership and national leadership and highlights the place of protest, marches, strikes, sit-ins, and other aspects of mass action in the democratization process in Kenya. It problematizes the general trends in or criteria for election of student leaders at national universities and implications for democracy in Kenya. It is the argument of this article that student activism has undergone several transformations since independence. University students of the 1960s were generally politically inactive as they were supplied with basic requirements and guaranteed positions in the ranks of the bourgeoisie. However, after 1970 changes occurred that made university students abandon their ivory tower mentality and begn a systematic engagement in political action, including violent confrontation. The political apex of student activism was reached in the mid-1970s and lasted to the mid-1990s, by which point student action was more likely to be accompanied by demands for democratic reform. University students have been leaders of protest, activism and dissent, strikes, and demonstrations in many countries (Brickman & Lehrer 1970; Ericson 1975; Foster & Long 1970; Lipset 1993; Lipset & Wolin 1965; Light & Spiegel 1977; Miser 1988; Smith 1968). University students have been formidable champions of democratization throughout the developing world. From South Korea, Indonesia, and the Philippines to Haiti, from Yugoslavia to Romania, the story has been the same (Emmerson 1968). In one demonstration of student power, the former university law professor Vojislav Kostunica was catapulted into power through a popular uprising after the students of Belgrade University organized mobs that saw Slobodan Milosevic leave power after thirteen years of dictatorship. In Africa, the role of university students in politics has been felt in almost every country (Abdallah 1985; Barkan 1975).Ali Mazrui says that "in the 1960s and 1970s African students were often the vanguard of democratic defiance in many African countries. In Ethiopia radicalized undergraduates were one of the causes of the 1974 revolution that overthrew Emperor Haile Selassie. Students were certainly instrumental in radicalizing the armed forces in the direction of 'Marxism-Leninism"' (1995:166). The role of Steve Biko in apartheid South Africa and the black South African universities has been well documented (Nkomo 1984), as have been the Soweto Riots, which were engineered by students (Kane-Berman 1978; Mafeje 1978; Nolutshungu 1982). Since the February 1968 university student riots in Egypt, Erlich says, "The campuses of Egypt have not been

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at rest.. . . The problems of students and university in the Land of the Nile continue to fester to this very day" (1989:2). In Zambia in 1991 "students . . even played the singularly constructive role of bringing the government and the militant opposition together into discussion about what to do about the new proposed constitution" (Mazrui 1995:167). Thus university students continue to play an important role in the national politics in their countries (see Association of African Universities 1995). In Nigeria, students have remained focused on checking the excesses of various regimes and on resisting external interference, especially from Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPS).Nnamdi Azikiwe, the founding president of Nigeria, began his career as a university student at Lincoln College in the United States, as did Kwame Nkrumah. The Biafra war was declared at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka campus, amidst exuberant student euphoria and support. In Sudan students "helped to force President Jafaar Nimeiry out of power in 1985" (Mazrui 1995:166). In Ivory Coast (Cote d'Ivoire) General Robert Guei wanted to steal the October 2000 general election from the history professor-turned politician Laurent Gbagbo but was prevailed upon to step down from power by crowds that coalesced around university students. Ironically, President Henri Konan Bedie had sacked General Guei in 1995 as military chief after Guei criticized the government for using armed forces to suppress university student riots. In Kenya the university students have had a role in national politics since independence. Kenya would still be wallowing in dictatorship today were it not for orchestrated street demonstrations by the University of Nairobi students in the period leading up to multiparty politics. They joined mobs and civil society groups and the National Executive Convention Committee (NCEC) in making Kenya almost ungovernable through protests, forcing President Moi and KANU to concede to multiparty and other democratic institutions and structures. Before then, Kenyatta's regime, having crushed all the opposition, had only one real threat, university students and the university community. In Kenya, the university students of the 1960s were not as actively involved in politics as those of the period after 1972 and especially the past two decades. Many factors account for this indifference. They lived much more comfortably. The government paid all their fees and the halls of residence were not congested. They also had handsome allowances for their books and stationery, and lived in serene and cleaner surroundings. They were guaranteed jobs upon graduation in the ficanization program that went right into the 1980s. The students were thus very comfortable and aloof from the happenings of the suffering masses. They only looked forward to their day of graduation and the great jobs that awaited them. Because of their careerist mentalities and their relatively good prospects for becoming members of the technocratic upper class, they were indifferent to politics. They lived in a state of "political quietude" (Prewitt 1975). Students considered themselves to be the indispensable technocrats on

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whom their nation's development ultimately depended. They could not fight the ruling elite that held the purse strings to their future. They regarded themselves as a special group of people far removed from the peasants in the countryside. Sustained confrontations between the students and the government such as the ones we have witnessed since 1974 were thus very rare. The students were more concerned about their own material well being. Thus university students got involved with the events in the larger society only when their fortunes changed. The privileges of the university students have been curbed drastically, and the loans that replaced free education are not easy to come by as the Higher Education Loans Board (HELB) which manages university student loans is forced to dispense its meager resources to too many needy cases. The lecture theaters and libraries are not only congested but also run down. The hostels have become overcrowded, sanitary conditions have worsened, and food quality has deteriorated. University buildings are dilapidated, malung the university conditions not different from any slum or poor neighborhood in Kenya. The libraries, which are the nerve centers of any learning institution, are inadequate. The government has increasingly come under blame for this situation. The civilian population and the students have become bedfellows, the civilians for their economic woes and the students for their poor living conditions. Thus from the late 1980s on, when cost sharing was introduced in Kenya through SAPS, the fate of university students has increasingly become inextricably linked to that of the masses. Students have been forced to become societal watchdogs as it has become clear that as stakeholders, they must participate in order for their stakes to count (Nafukho 1998). Especially after the 1969 disturbances involving Oginga Odinga and the deaths of Ronald Ngala and J. M Kariuki, the University of Nairobi, then the only university in Kenya, became a branch of a totalitarian government. It lost the last vestiges of academic autonomy when in 1971 a career civil servant, Josphat Karanja, a &kuyu like President Kenyatta, was plucked from his diplomatic posting in the United Kingdom and made the first vice chancellor, overseeing career academics from other ethnic groups whose loyalty the Kenyatta government doubted. This decision to hire an inexperienced individual to head a premier national academic institution ushered in mediocrity and a series of crises in the university system in Kenya from which it has not been able to recover. Because of opposition by lecturers and students to Karanja's ethnic appointment, the university came under the daily control of the security services, especially the dreaded "Special Branch." The faculty and administration were officially required to quell student activism and staff radicalism, particularly on the part of the Faculties of Arts, Law, and Education, whose activities were the most visible and were set to become the source of the students who were agitating for more freedom on campus. The government transferred the

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Faculty of Education to Kenyatta University College to divide the student and academic community. However, the students and lecturers continued to organize jointly, and student riots at the University of Nairobi often spread to Kenyatta University College. If one campus closed due to riots, the other inevitably followed suit. Thus strikes and demonstrations over oppressive rules and laws, human rights, and corruption continued at the university unabated. What is striking about these exchanges is that the university students have bequeathed to Kenyans and to the democratization process the power to riot, to protest, and stand up for their rights. Street demonstrations in Nairobi and other towns are almost synonymous with university students. Ali Mazrui, one of Africa's foremost scholars, says, "The relationship between the government and students is often the most difficult.. . . Since government relations with students are often the most troubled, they are the main cause of political confrontations on Third World campuses" (1995:165). This is certainly true for Kenyan universities. As Kiewiet has noted, the student riots in many universities have been caused both by internal and external factors, especially oppressive governments (1971:50). This again is the case for Kenya. Usually the local factors have been the immediate causes and actually the excuse for protesting against external factors in the domestic and international environments. As potential decision-makers, university students represent a potential threat to those who control the various sectors of Kenyan society. Most important, even in a period of ostensible peace, the truce between the students and the authorities is always an uneasy one. The first violent confrontation between students and the security forces in Kenya occurred in 1969 when the first vice president of independent Kenya, Adonijah Jaramogi Ognga Odinga, was barred from addressing university students in Taifa Hall at the University of Nairobi. It was during this time that the Kenya government had introduced the educational loan scheme for university students. It was therefore an accumulation of grievances that led to this most violent confrontation. A political "dissident" after falling out with the regime of the first President Jomo Kenyatta, Odinga was perceived to be at the left of the center (dubbed Communist by his detractors) and was therefore popular with students, among whom Marxist and Leninist ideologies were popular. It was the time, for example, when Walter Rodney, Dani Nabudere, and Issa Shivji among others were promoting communist and socialist ideas at the University of Dares-Salaam in neighboring Tanzania in the wake of the dependency, underdevelopment, and neocolonialism debates. It was also at the time when Mahmoud Mamdani, Ali Mazrui, and Apollo Nsibambi (the current prime minister of Uganda) were also very active in debates at Makerere University. In the late 1960s, 1970s, and early 1980s the University of Nairobi was enjoying its golden age and was indeed at its zenith with regard to influencing events and thinking at the national level. The presence of perceived

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leftist luminaries or radical lecturers like Ngiigi wa Thiong'o, Taban Liyong, Okot P'Bitek, E. S. Atieno-Odhiambo, Maina wa Kinyatti, Willy Mutunga, Ali Arnin Mazrui, Kamoji Wachira, Edward Oyugi, Micere Mugo, Mukaru Ng'ang'a, Oki Ooko Ombaka, Michael Chege, Peter Anyang' Nyong'o, Gibson Kamau Kuria, Shadrack Gutto, Nicholas Nyangira, Katama Mkang, Kibutha Kibwana, Ngotho Kariuki, Kariuki Gathitu, Chris Wanjala, and William Ochieng' caused a lot of excitement among students and increasingly aroused the suspicion of the secret police (special branch) and politicians. By then there was only one university in Kenya, the University of Nairobi, and Kenyatta was its constituent college. The university was academically vibrant and tumultuous, a hub of political activism and Marxian sloganeering. Popular and political literature, public speeches, and pamphleteering became widespread. In articulating the democratic initiative, national leaders visited the university to give talks on different aspects of national development. In these exchanges, the university community helped in shaping or influencing policy, as some important decisions were made in such meetings. The national rating of leaders such as Tom J. Mboya and Josiah Mwangi Kariuki was gauged by how well they responded to and answered student questions during such encounters. This was an attempt at creating a democratic space within the university community and providing a middle ground between the university and the society at large. Besides street protests, theater has also been instrumental in allowing university students to reach the public and create democratic spaces. Theater, especially political and social satire emanating from the university, became the order of the day in schools, colleges, and in villages. Performances of plays, songs, poems, and dance produced by university dons were also popular in the end-of-term "Harvest of Plays" festivals in Education Theatre I1 at the University of Nairobi and Harambee Hall at Kenyatta University College. There was a university traveling theater troupe that went across the country during vacations. Kenya's leading novelist and playwright, Ngiigi wa Thiong'o, took theater to a higher level of political significance when he introduced the idea of community theater, starting in his own village at Kamiriithu near Limuru. Here, villagers intermingled with university students and lecturers as they enjoyed political satire and the caricaturing of political leaders. The government acted swiftly and in 1980 banned and demolished the theater because of its increasing popularity, which the government feared would lead to widespread disaffection. Ngiigi wa Thiong'o's books were banned from schools and were for many years not prescribed as texts or included in the educational syllabi. The government followed this by detaining Ngiigi together with some of his leading students. Ironically, many of the books that catapulted Ngiigi to worldwide fame were written at this tumultuous period of sporadic encounters with security forces including The Dmil on the Cross (1980), The Trial of Dedan Kimathi (with Micere Mugo) (1976), I Will Marry When I Want (1977),

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The Black Hermit (1963), and Petals of Blood (1977). His earlier books, such as Weep Not Child (1964) and A Grain of Wheat (1967) now became even more popular, while others like Petals of Blood got proscribed by the government. But the community theater concept had already bred imitators all over the country, politically galvanizing many villages. The use of theater for civic education and the fostering of the democratic course by Ngiigi wa Thiong'o was taken up by literary scholars and other playwrights. Francis Imbuga's Man of Kafira (1984), a play based on a political plot that reenacts Kenya's political happenings in comical satire, became the prototype for the kind of plays that were performed in many theaters. In fact, Man ofKafira initially was banned as being "too political." Imbuga's Betrayal in the City (1987) and Kibutha Kibwana's Kanzala (1998) are other examples of the role of theater in democratization. Such attempts to radically influence the populace through the written word have been met with a hostile response from the government. The attendant altercations have only helped in increasing the democratic space in Kenya. Lookixlg at the strikes of 1970s, one notices certain essentially democratic characteristics. In 1972, Ronald Ngala, the minister for works and housing, had been killed in a car accident in very suspicious circumstances on the ixlfamous Nairobi-Mombasa road. University studexlts rejected the government's explanation for the cause of his death. Three years earlier in 1969, the flamboyant, charismatic, and shrewd minister for ecoxlomic planning, Tom Joseph Mboya, had also bee11 assassinated in broad daylight in Nairobi in what was to be the beginning of mysterious political assassinations. Although Mboya was not very popular among university studexlts because of his capitalist and West-leaning tendencies, he was nevertheless admired for his articulateness and capacity to push academic discourses at the university each time he was invited. Uxliversity students were unflinching in their belief that the blame for his slaying lay at the doorstep of the government. Without showing bias toward either man, students respoxlded to both deaths with demoxlstrations and protests. This concern for human rights shows that the studexlts were not narrow-minded in their disagreements with the government. In 1972, when students demanded an uxlderpass on the Uhuru highway, their strike was violently put down by the GSU and fifty-six students were arrested, charged with participatixlg in a riot, and required to pay a fine of three thousand Kenya shillings or spend six months in jail. The vocal student mouthpiece, the University Platform, was banned, and the last issue ofJuly 27,1972, describes the events of the strike vividly. However, the critical point to note here is that due to concerted student pressure, the underpass was built shortly afterward. It was one of those government projects built in record time in Kenya, lasting only six months in early 1973. It remains the only underpass crossing Uhuru Highway in Nairobi and is used not only by students of the University of Kairobi but also by other Kenyans from all walks of life.

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In 1974 there were three serious crises at the university that led to police brutality and serious injuries to students, student expulsions, and university closures totaling six months. The first was student protest at what they claimed was an abnormally high failure rate in the Faculty of Architecture. This grievance was merged with the broader protest against a massive expatriate presence in the university. The concern for the expatriate presence in Kenya was a national grievance shared by many Kenyans, but the university students were also championing their own interests, as they were the likely beneficiaries upon graduation. The students organized for a boycott of exams, but police broke the boycott and the university was closed. The second incident occurred later in the year, when the police again brutalized students as they protested against the British policy in South Africa and Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia). The third incident was the government's introduction of a loan system for students to finance their education. The students, who by then were used to free education, vigorously resisted this imposition. Provoked for these three reasons, students went into an orgy of rioting as an expression of the many grievances against the state which had accumulated over time. It was a major strike. All the students were expelled and had to reapply for readmission when the university reopened six months later in January 1975 (Amutabi 1995). The second time that the University of Nairobi experienced a major riot was on March 2, 1976. However, the riots of March 2, 1977, surpassed all previous ones in intensity and amount of property destroyed. This was during the annual commemoration of the '7. M. Kariuki Day" (Mghanga 1998; Weekly h i m , March 7, 1977) in memory of J. M. Kariuki, the popular Nyandarua North Member of Parliament (MP) and populist politician who was allegedly killed by elements in the government of President Jomo Kenyatta. The 1977 demonstrations and riots were particularly violent and spread throughout the year because of several reasons. First, in March, the students in the Faculty of Commerce had protested against administrative irregularities in the sitting and marking of exams, and seventy students were suspended in the riots that followed. Second, the 1977 riots occurred after the Soweto riots of June 16, 1976, in South Africa in which six hundred black South Africans were killed. June 16, the day of the Soweto uprising, became another important feature among the students' annual calendar of events. From the South African events, the University of Nairobi students realized how militancy appeared to be celebrated by the media. Third, this is the time that hatred for pro-apartheid regimes such as Margaret Thatcher's Britain, Helmet Kohl's West Germany, Israel, and other rogue regimes all over Africa like Hastings Kamuzu Banda's Malawi intensified, and in the Eastern region especially, socialism and communism were embraced more and more. Fourth was the slaying of Steve Bantu Biko on the September 12, 1977, which coincided with the beginning of the first term in Nairobi after students had just returned to the university after a long vacation. University

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students in Kenya easily identified with Steve Biko, the undisputed leader of the Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa whose activities were carried out in schools and universities. After his killing by the apartheid Pretoria regime, his portrait was hung in almost every student room on campus and it became as familiar as those of revolutionaries like Ernesto Che Guevara and Fidel Castro. Fifth, and perhaps more fundamental, was that Ngiigi wa Thiong'o, perhaps the most popular and famous lecturer on campus besides Okot P'Bitek, was detained in December 1977,just before Christmas break. The students could not contain their hatred for a government that was becoming increasingly dictatorial in the twilight years of Kenyatta's regime. With the death of Kenyatta in August 1978, the country got a new president and the university a new chancellor, President Daniel Arap Moi. President Moi released all of Kenyatta's detainees and students responded with pomp and fanfare accompanied by joyous demonstrations on the streets of Nairobi. For a change, the students were unmolested by the security forces, and it seemed possible that there would be a new era of understanding between the university students and the authorities. In October 1979, only ten months after the students had demonstrated their support for Moi, they took to the streets again, this time protesting the KANU government's barring of Oginga Odinga and five former KPU members from contesting in the 1979 parliamentary elections. They also demanded that Ngiigi wa Thiong'o be reinstated as professor of literature at the University. Moi's government resorted to what was to become its trademark "solutiox~" its to university problems: it immediately closed the institution less than two weeks after the new academic year had commenced, and the president decreed that "Christmas vacation" be brought forward to October 13. By the time "Christmas vacation" was over (November 12), six student spokesmen had been summarily expelled and the student organization, the Nairobi University Students Organization (NUSO), which was the predecessor of SONU, proscribed. With no avenue for channeling their grievances, the students rioted in the dining halls in 1980 and the university was closed yet again, for the second time in five months. The democratic fervor among students was, however, not dampened by these closures. Students pushed the democratic course to new levels in national events, in courts, and through street protests throughout the 1980s and 1990s when Moi's government became more dictatorial under the oneparty dictatorship. In 1982, Titus "Tito" Adungosi, the chairman of the Student Organization of Nairobi University (SONU), was arrested and charged with complicity in the August 1, 1982, attempted military coup that sought to overthrow President Daniel Moi's four-year-old government. Adungosi was jailed for ten years on September 24,1982. He died in prison in 1988, thus becoming one of the martyrs of the democratic course in Kenya. Another student leader, Peter Nicholas Oginga Ogego, was also jailed for ten years on October 7, 1982, for sedition. He was initially sen-

Crisis and Student Protest in Universities in Kenya 169

tenced to serve six years but the term was increased by four years after the government prosecutor, Matthew Guy Muli, said he "had not shown remorse" (RPP 1983:14). A third student, David Onyango 0100, was given a five-year jail term, having been tried for "writing, possessing, and publishing" a seditious document, which was in fact an incomplete class essay in his own handwriting. Conducting his own defense when his lawyers withdrew after intimidation from the government, 0100 said that it was "high time the court defined what was meant by 'sedition'. Where is the demarcation point where somebody says here is where constructive criticism stops and is where sedition begins?" ( a l Nation, October 27, 1982). 0100's Diy words reverberated in courtrooms in sedition cases for some time until the sedition clause was removed from the constitution in 1997. These two court cases demonstrate how the students took the battle for democracy to the judiciary. There have been varying eyewitness accounts which have indicated that during the coup in 1982, "two, possibly three buses crowded with students and other youths were machine-gunned on August 1st" (RPP 1983: 14). The crime the students had committed was "celebrating the news of the coup." After the attempted coup, the university closed for a record fourteen months in another example of the link between a government crisis and the university, but the students had already indicated their displeasure and lack of confidence in the Moi government by supporting the coup. University students, as representatives of democratic forces, have often engaged dictatorial machinery in Kenya. In 1985 personnel of Kenya's paramilitary unit, the General Service Unit (GSU), are alleged to have killed Philip Wandera by clubbing him to death as they forcibly dispersed a student prayer meeting in the University of Nairobi sports grounds on February 10, 1985. Although the government later alleged that fellow students trampled Wandera to death as they ran away, eyewitness accounts have vehemently discounted this version. They insist that the GSU personnel set upon innocent, unarmed, and defenseless students with truncheons, clubs, and guns, maiming and shooting to kill. This is one of the incidents that attracted worldwide media attention to the Moi regime's dictatorial tendencies, with Amnesty International among other rights NGOs condemning the killing. At Moi University, which was located at the center of the Kesses Forest and purportedly strike-proof, a student was killed in 1987 during student riots that saw the university closed for a long period. At Egerton a student running away from the GSU jumped to his death in the university's swimming pool in 1996. At Kenyatta University police shot three students dead in 1998 during an intervention in a student disturbance on Thika road. For the first time in Kenya's history, thanks to multiparty politics, international pressure, and decline of Moi's power, the police involved in the Kenyatta University incident were arrested and charged with the murder. This had very much to do with the increased democratic space championed by students and the NGOs' human rights

170 African Studies Review

campaigns coupled with donor scrutiny. These examples indicate that university students have paid for democratization in Kenya even with their lives. The death of Philip U7andera has been commemorated ever since as part of the struggle for democracy at the University of Nairobi. Individual student leaders have often fueled the democratic fervor in Kenya. Robert Wafula Buke, the SAFINA party activist, was expelled from the University of Nairobi in 1987 during his final year and arrested, falsely accused of espionage, charged with spying for Libya, and jailed for ten years. Before his arrest and incarceration he had led students in a relentless strike for a whole week, the longest ever in the university's history. This was after he had just served as SONU chairman for only two weeks, the shortest term ever. However, Buke was rearrested immediately on completion of his term on March 27, 1995, this time accused of being a member of a fictitious February Eighteenth Movement (FEM) which was in many ways similar to Mwakenya, created by the security forces to harass real and imagined government critics. Buke was released on May 13, 1995, and charges against him were withdrawn. He has remained an active participant in civic education campaigns in Kenya through the NGO sector in which he now works and the SAFINA political party with which he has been associated. He is one of the founder members of the Muungano wa Mageuzi, still fostering the democratic ideal of creating democratic space in Kenya. At Egerton University, Churchill Suba Meshack and his comrades were expelled from the university in 1995. They claimed that the main reason for their expulsion was for alleging that certain names of people who had never studied at the university had been included in the graduation roll and that they were mainly names of wives of the rich and the influential in Kenya. They also accused the university of having selectively waived degree requirements for certain students from a particular tribe. Egerton University in paid advertisements in two national newspapers denied these allegations. In 2000 and 2001, however, Egerton University unearthed massive fraud and irregularities in student enrollment in which staff in the admissions office were implicated. The students who benefited from this fraud were especially found in diploma courses and had used forged certificates and transcripts to gain admission. These revelations made the claims of Churchill Suba Meshack and colleagues quite plausible and proved them to be defenders of democratic accountability and transparency. During the dark ages of one-party dictatorship in Kenya, it was university students who often challenged the authorities on national issues. The emergent revelations about the once-dreaded Mwakenya underground movement indicate how deeply students were involved in politics in those days. Kangethe Mungai, Tirop arap Kitur, Lumumba Odenda, George Oduor Ongwen, and Gacheche wa Miano are all former activists in the underground movement and were all University of Nairobi students at some point in the 1980s. Although the Mwakenya movement was feared and sent the government into heightened alert with many prosecutions of

Crisis and Student Protest in Universities in Kenya 171

"Mwakenya elements" left, right, and center, Mwakenya became an almost generic term that described opponents of Moi's government. As Harakati Journal stated,
Recent revelations about the once underground Movement Mwakenya by former activists bear great significance to Kenyan revolutionaries in Kenya and the world. The few revelations exposed certain significant aspects of Mwakenya as a Movement while they also provided some valuable clues which new revolutionary [movements] in Kenya and abroad could learn from.. . . For the first time, those who were active in the Movement have admitted that the Movement was not as big as the hysterical Dictator Moi had projected it, and that Mwakenya had not started any military training of its cadres as had been alleged by the KANU state in the wake of the 'Mwakenya Crackdown' in 1980s." (Harakati 2000:l)

The Mwakenya movement also churned out influential publications like Mpatanishi (Kiswahili for reconciler.) and Pambana (Kiswahili for struggle). Because of the KANU crackdown on the readers of these materials, which were termed seditious and therefore proscribed, they were read in hiding. The security forces, especially the Kenya Police's "Special Branch," which operated like Nicolai Ceaucescu's "Securitate" in Romania, planted these publications on government critics. These publications littered university campuses but were always collected by the Special Branch whenever they were dropped in the student mailboxes. These pamphlets were the progenitors of what has come to be known in Kenya as the gutter press, publications which, despite the name, came to play a huge role in Kenya. The role of the gutter press in Kenya's second liberation and revival of democracy cannot be gainsaid. The ideas contained in the Mwakenya literature shaped much of the opinions of university students in the 1980s. Stories in the Anvil, the student newspaper that had replaced the Uniuersity Platfom of the 1970s, reflected some of these ideas although the publishers, the School of Journalism, University of Nairobi, disguised them somewhat. They were partly to credit for the intensification of confrontations between students and the authorities. It is not surprising, therefore, that it is those who left the university in the late 1970s and 1980s who are active in national politics today in Kenya. They include James A. Orengo, Mukhisa Kituji, Willy Mutunga, David Murathe, Njehu Gatabaki, Saulo Busolo Wanambisi, Wycliffe Musalia Mudavadi, Julius Sunkuli, Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka, and Gitobu Imanyara. Radical political newsletters like Harakati now found on the Internet were creations of these former students and have remained active in Kenya's second liberation. Dissident politicians joined them, together with critics of Moi's regme like Koigi wa Warnwere. The majority of those who were accused of being members of Mwakenya were taken to courts after regular hours, usually past five in the

172 African Studies Review

evening after the court's official closing hour. It is hard, therefore, not to suspect Kenya's judiciary of complicity. The continuing and former students of the University of Nairobi who were detained or imprisoned because of Mwakenya-related aspects included Gacheche wa Miano, Gupta Ng'ang'a Thiong'o, James Opiata, Mwandawiro Mghanga, Wanderi Muthingani, Philip Tirop, George Oduor Ongwen, David Njuguna Mutonye, and David Murathe. From the academic staff of the University of Nairobi, those who were prosecuted included Ngotho Kariuki, Kariuki Gathitu, Katama Mkangi, Gibson Kamau Kuria, and Karimi Nduthu. Karimi Nduthu, who was the leader of the Release Political Prisoners (RPP) lobby group, was murdered in 1999, and the authorities refused to set up an inquest in his death. Another sector with a large student involvement that has had an immense impact on the democratization movement in Kenya is the world of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and Community-Based Organizations (CBOs). Many former student activists, denied government jobs because of their perceived radicalism, have found themselvesjobless upon completion of their studies. Many of the NGOs, however, embraced these activists, infuriating the Moi government, which in turn has criticized and vilified the NGOs because of their support of these government critics. In 1991 the government enacted legislation (the NGO Act) requiring the NGOs to submit annual audited reports to the NGO Coordinator. This requirement, however, has not stopped political activists from gaining power and authority in the NGO world. Former student leaders and activists such as Kangethe Mungai, Tirop arap a t u r , Lumumba Odendo, George Oduor Ongwen, Gacheche wa Miano, and Wafula Buke, among others are now actively involved in NGO activities, especially those dealing with human rights (Amutabi 1998). The current national leadership in Kenya is composed of many former student activists who became important nationally, includingJames Orengo, Chelegat Mutai, Mashengu wa Mwachofi, Willy Mutunga, Gibson Kamau Kuria, Mukhisa Kituyi, Robert Wafiila Buke, Shem Ochuodho, Rumba Kinuthia, David Murathe, Mirugi Kariuki, Gacheche wa Miano, Saulo Busolo Wanambisi, Geoffrey Kabando wa Kabando, and of course the fiery, articulate, and very charismatic James Aggrey Orengo, the FORD-K MP for Ugenya and the national vice chairman of FORD-Kenya political party. James Orengo, a former president of the Student Organization of Nairobi University (SONU) was first elected MP in 1980, Kenya's youngest at the time. His defiant and boisterous acts and penchant for dissent are unequalled. Named in 1999 as one of Kenya's top one hundred personalities, he is today the most consistent opposition MP in the Kenya parliament and the most well-known member of the progressive group of Kenya's political left that is popularly referred to as the 'Young Turks." He has been criticized for not being able to shed his campus image, of always being found where the action is, be it a street demonstration, a protest rally, an "illegal"

Crisis and Student Protest in Universities in Kenya 173

meeting, or a radical opposition rally. Security forces have arrested him on many occasions, parading him before courts of law throughout the country on charges of "incitement to violence." Evidence has emerged that it was Orengo who provided the name "Forum for the Restoration of Democracy in Kenya" (FORD) for the movement that shook Kenya's political landscape and which almost sent the Kenya African National Union (KANU) and with it President Moi packing in 1992. In September 2000 Orengo, together with his former comrades at the university-Mukhisa Kituyi (MP-Kimilili), Shem Ochuodho (MP-Rangwe), and David Murathe (MP-Gatanga) among others-launched the now famous movement sweeping through Kenya known as the Muungano wa Mageuzi [Movement for Change]. The Movement has become so popular that its meetings are attracting mammoth crowds never seen in Kenya in the recent past. Its first meeting in Mombasa, held at the same venue where President Moi had held his meeting the previous week, attracted a historical crowd, numbering about half a million, several times bigger than Moi's crowd. This has sent a clear message to the political establishment about the Movement. The president has voiced his opposition to the Movement on several occasions, alluding to the dangerous nature of the schemes that the leaders, together with university students, are putting together to topple his government. In the past, 'Jeshi la Mzee" (a group of youths allegedly hired by KANU's Nairobi branch to harass and intimidate perceived opponents and critics of Moi) has been dominant in violence in Nairobi. But recently university students led by self-styled Godwin "Karl Marx" Ochilo and SONU 92 have curbed its threat and dominance. In 2000 it was very clear that the university students are increasing their capacity to neutralize the dreaded Jeshi la Mzee. One can point to many major policy shifts in government that have been occasioned by students' actions. In 1972, as we have seen, students went on strike demanding an underpass on Uhuru Highway that separated the university lecture theaters from the halls of residence. Although the strike was violently broken and many students injured and others arrested, the underpass was built and remains in use up to this day. In 1980, university students rioted in the dining halls over what they described as poor and substandard meals. The university was closed and a committee was appointed to look into student complaints. The University Senate Probe Committee on Recurrent Student Disturbances discovered that there was considerable substance to student complaints about deteriorating catering services. The report established gross mismanagement of income from the halls of residence, catering and computer units, vet and coffee farms, university bookshop, and the institute of adult studies. No proper records were kept in all these sections. It was discovered that students were being fed substandard food. There were large numbers of nonexistent cooks on the catering department payroll. Chinese mushrooms and expensive spirits were purchased with studentdesignated funds but were never consumed

174 African Studies Review

by the students. The report recommended, inter alia, that "what was lacking was not money but management." It added that student unrest was increased by lack of dialogue between students, university administration, and the government. Student protest had led to unearthing of serious corruption once again. Following this report, Student Organization of the University of Nairobi (SONU) was reestablished in 1982. In May 1982 the government announced that it intended to "instill discipline" by changing the terms on which student loans were to be acquired. According to the new plan, parents or guardians would be required to deposit land title deeds before their children would be granted loans to attend the university. The students vigorously opposed this new loan scheme on the grounds that it would discriminate against the large number of poor students or those without property and make the university inaccessible to many. Furthermore some parts of Kenya's communal lands, the students correctly argued, have not been surveyed and demarcated by the Lands Department and inhabitants do not yet hold title deeds to their parcels. Other parts of Kenya are also still trust lands like much of northern Kenya. Thus in July 1982 SONU organized a boycott of the new loans forms. On July 28, 1982, SONU issued an ultimatum to the minister for higher education requiring that he consult with students about this issue. Although these plans were overtaken by events when four days later there was an attempted coup, these forms were shelved permanently. In February 1985, students in the Faculty of Education at Kenyatta University succeeded in lobbying the government to recognize them as professionals upon graduation from the university. Despite the acrimonious and violent confrontation that ensued, a professional scheme of work was prepared in earnest and was implemented by the Ministry of Education to the satisfaction of students and is now still in operation in Kenya. Although forty-three students were expelled in the aftermath of the struggle, the students achieved what they wanted. At the University of Nairobi in 1986, students collaborated with Wangare Mathaai's Green Belt Movement (GBMa local environmental NGO) and succeeded in protecting Uhuru Park from the KANU political party, which wanted to appropriate part of the park for a sixty-story headquarters. The students pulled down the fences and removed building materials on the site, with the result that KANU abandoned the project and the site altogether and the park was saved. Since 1998 the university students, the GBM, the National Convention Executive Committee (NCEC), and other NGOs have been active in the campaign to ensure that Karura Forest remains intact by removing beacons from plots allocated illegally by the government to political supporters. Students have also been participants in the Release Political Prisoners (RPP) activities since 1992 and since 1977 in Operation Firimbi, which specializes in protecting public lands in towns. In 1992, SONU 92 was reinstated after concerted pressure from students taking advantage of the euphoria of multiparty politics. It has been

Crisis and Student Protest in Universities in Kenya 175

active in creating a democratic space in Kenya. It is diffic~iltto envisage how multiparty politics would have appeared in Kenya without the university students. The case of Francis Kajwang, a student at the Law College, is interesting and illustrative of the autocratic and high-handed tendencies at Kenya's universities. In mid-1991 Kajwang was summoned before the university disciplinary committee for his role in trying to revive SONU on the campus. In the end, however, the committee was embarrassed and was unable to take any action against him. Nevertheless, a letter of expulsion, postdated and signed by the relevant authorities, was discovered and released before the hearings had taken place (R.P.P. 1993). The case was predetermined, the hearing of the student was only a formality, and his fate was a foregone conclusion. One cannot rule out such malpractice in other decisions made at the universities, which are aimed to please the establishment. Between December 2000 and the first week of January 2001, over three hundred students were suspended or expelled by university authorities in Kenya. The SONU 92 officials, including Godffrey Kabando (Kabando wa Kabando), Kamau wa Mbugua, Michael Oliewa, Otieno Aluoka,Judy Muthoni, Moses Kuria, Jane Muigai, Allan Nguri, Cannon Ponge Awuor, and Moses Awili put up a spirited and sustained pressure for the removal of an inefficient and allegedly unqualified director of the Students Welfare Authority (SWA), the office charged with students' accommodation and catering needs at the University of Nairobi. Although the officer was eventually removed, the university was closed and SONU was banned once again. From the foregoing, we can see that university students have been part and parcel of the democratization process in Kenya, beginning at their universities. They have organized protest marches, riots, sit-ins, and even countered violence by hired thugs like the "Jeshi la Mzee." They have questioned dubious university policies and government decisions even where the general public has been indifferent. They have thus been initiators of change besides being part of it. The prodemocracy rallies at Kamukunji in Nairobi and other towns have also benefited from student participation. The Muungano wa Mageuzi (MM) has particularly been effective in ensuring student participation. In 2000 alone, President Moi was reported to have warned students at five graduation ceremonies and in many public rallies to stay away from Muungano wa Mageuzi and its activities, suggesting, paradoxically, the importance of the movement rather than its weakness. In many of Kenya's universities the university management is often to blame for not facilitating dialogue. University vice chancellors are political appointees of the chancellor (meaning, the president) of all the six public universities on whose whims they are appointed rather than on academic merit and administrative expedience. The democratic space and ideas of students are often stifled by administrations serving the desires and interests of the ruling class. In many universities all over the world, including

176 African Studies Review

South Africa, search committees that include representatives of the whole university community conduct interviews for vice chancellors and their deputies and the potential candidates have to prove themselves against other candidates. This is lacking in Kenya as people with sometimes questionable academic background have often ended up in key positions in the university This means that the Kenya government has to learn the skills to tolerate and have respect for dissent. Many outspoken student leaders in Kenyan universities are often branded "radical" and expelled. James Orengo, Robert Wafula Buke, Miguna Miguna, Njenga Kabeberi, Churchill Suba Meshack, and Hassan Hussan are a few of the victims of universities' draconian and repressive laws in Kenya. Some have been framed and charged on trumped-up charges and incarcerated for many years. The government has often unleashed its forces on campuses without due regard for the university managers. There has been a proliferation of spy and informer network in Kenyan campuses for a long time. All this has often resulted in conflict. Democratic ideals cannot evolve in such circumstances. The government must cease its intimidation and reduce its presence on campuses for the students and professors to engage in meaningful, peaceful dialogue. History has shown that violence only breeds more violence, and democracy is not a violent ideology.

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