Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1he
concept o gender is closelv linked to the concept o patriarchv. since gender or manv is seen as
constructed within a patriarchal societv.
8
Kuo deines patriarchv in the ollowing wav:
|.| the social organisation that svstematicallv and unjustiiablv assigns subordinate
status and power to women. relatie to their male counterparts.
9
Patriarchv is a dualistic svstem. where men and women unction as opposites. lurther. the
opposites are hierarchicallv ranked with men aboe women. 1his hierarchv within societv is
necessarv or the patriarchal svstem to maintain its order.
10
\ithin patriarchv. almost exclusielv women become prostituted. 1he ollowing analvsis bv
Luis Prez Aguirre proides a possible explanation:
It is clear that patriarchv is the social structure based on the propertv and possession o
the woman. in which she acquires not rights. but concrete obligations and unctions
subordinated to the man. And it is clear as well that capitalism is a particular orm o social
6
UNDP. United Nations Deelopment Programme: 2003: vvav Deretopvevt Report 200
Reddock. Rhonda: \hv gender \hv eminism`: in Parpart. Jane L.. etc: 2000: )beoreticat Per.pectire. ov Cevaer ava
Deretopvevt
8
See or example introduction in Kuo. Leonore: 2002: Pro.titvtiov Poticy: Rerotvtiovi.ivg Practice tbrovgb a Cevaerea
Per.pectire
9
Kuo 2002. page 5
10
Prez Aguirre. Luis: 1995: a covaiciv teviviva. pages 18-19
5
organisation that has inherited. making them its own. all the pseudo alues o the patriarchal
culture. which it considers perectlv unctional or the man,.
11
I women are seen as propertv within the patriarchal svstem. and capitalism with its
commercialisation o nearlv eervthing in societv has taken oer the patriarchal alues. it is not
strange that also women`s bodies are seen as commodities to be bought. sold and used bv men.
1hus. the capitalist svstem and the patriarchal structures mutuallv reinorce each other - so much
so that it is diicult to see them existing independentlv o one another - maintaining women in a
situation o exploitation and discrimination.
1he eminist discourse on deelopment has increasinglv called or including gender. and
pointed out that both women and men must be lited rom poertv and contribute to and beneit
rom deelopment eorts.
12
1his has latelv been gien attention: through or example the
dierent measurements ocusing on women. but much o the relation between gender and
deelopment remains problematic since gender to a large extent is being oerlooked.
1his essav will ocus primarilv on gender and not the biological sex. since I eel that it is
important to put the women`s situation into a context o their roles and conditions within societv.
I hae howeer made one biological distinction: between biologicallv born women and
transestites.
13
It could be argued that the transestites should be seen as women rom a gender
perspectie. since thev take on a erv eminine gender role and see themseles as women.
loweer. societv in general does not look at them this wav. thev are seen as gavs and commonlv
reerred to as men dressed up as women`. although it is something much deeper than purelv a
masquerade with clothing and make-up. Due to this act. that the transestites are not seen. nor
treated as women. their situation is in manv wavs dierent rom that o other prostituted women.
and or that reason I hae chosen not to include them in mv studv.
2.1.3 POVLR1\
Poertv. seen as the state o shortage where basic needs are not satisied although the
possibilities mav exist. has increasinglv been acknowledged as the most important problem
thought to be oercome bv deelopment. In the millennium declaration bv the United Nations.
11
Prez Aguirre. Luis: 1995. page 21 mv translation,
12
Reddock in Parpart 2000
13
1here are quite a ew man-to-woman transestitestranssexualstransgender in prostitution in Buenos Aires. Some
onlv use emale accessories. such as clothing and make-up. whereas some hae gone through surgerv to hae emale
breasts. but keeping their male genitals. No matter their degree o phvsical transormation thev are in the public
discourse all reerred to. and reer to themseles as transestites.
6
eradicating extreme poertv and hunger stands as the irst among the deelopment goals.
14
1he
concept has traditionallv been deined as haing less than one dollar per dav to lie on. the so-
called poertv line.
15
1his is a rather static deinition. Latelv. this approach has been increasinglv
criticised. since being poor is so much more than a purelv economic condition. and newer
poertv deinitions hae been expanded to include such things as lack o dignitv and autonomv.
1he UNDP concept o human poertv` reers to the denial o opportunities and choices or
liing a tolerable` lie.
16
1hus. the ocus in poertv studies todav has been widened to include not
onlv resources and economv but also social and political dimensions.
In the poertv discourse. gender is oten iewed as a special issue`. \hen gender aspects do
exist. men are oten seen as economic actors whereas women are portraved as a ulnerable group.
implicitlv needing the support and protection o men.
1
1he strictlv economic deinition o
poertv is problematic rom a gender perspectie. since the work traditionallv allocated to women
within a patriarchal svstem. such as housework and caring duties. to a large extent unpaid. is
commonlv depreciated and made inisible. In todav`s societv. productiitv is rewarded and the
majoritv o women`s work is seen as unproductie since it does not generate an income. 1his
leads to the problem that in oicial statistics regarding women`s economic actiitv it oten seems
as i women work about 40-50 o what men do. when in realitv it is rather the opposite.
lurther. in income poertv analvses. the household is oten used as the unit o measurement.
with the implicit assumption that the combined income is diided equallv within the members o
the household. loweer. studies hae shown that men in or example Latin America use
between 30 and 50 o their income or their own consumption. 1he inequalitv in the diision
o resources becomes more eident the poorer the amilies are.
18
Since this essav ocuses on the economic crisis in Argentina and the situation or poor
women in prostitution within it. I hae chosen to use an economic deinition o poertv. 1he
poertv line can be useul when it comes to statistical data. In this studv. howeer. it is necessarv
to be a bit more lexible. since the perception o being poor is erv subjectie. I hae thereore
not stuck strictlv to the one dollar per dav-deinition. but rather deined poertv as not haing
suicient economic resources to coer the liing expenses or haing just enough. but nothing or
14
UNDP 2003. page 1
15
UNDP 2003
16
(agatav. Niler: 1998: Cevaer ava Porerty
1
Johnsson-Latham. Gerd: `Att orsta kinnors och mns attigdom och utsatthet: deinitioner. omattning. orsaker
och uppmrksamhet i attigdomsstrategier`: in Utrikesdepartementet: 2004: Ma/t ocb priritegier - ov /v.ai./riviverivg
ocb tattigaov. Det.tvaier. page 29
18
Ibid.. pages 33-34
7
unoreseen expenses. 1o a large extent I hae let the women in mv studv subjectielv deine
whether thev see themseles as poor or not. Although this essav ocuses on economic poertv.
the women in mv studv would all classiv as poor een i I had used a wider deinition including
powerlessness and lack o opportunities and choices. 1heir condition o being economicallv poor
in combination with being women in a patriarchal svstem and exercising prostitution. one o the
most stigmatised actiities in societv. ineitablv leads to this.
2.1.4 PROS1I1U1ION
1he eminist debate on prostitution is wide and much diided. In the sections 2.3-2.4. the
two main theoretical eminist traditions on prostitution. one more liberal and the other more
restrictie. will be discussed. lor the purpose o this essav I hae chosen to deine prostitution as
haing sex or monev. gien that sex` is deined in a wide wav. including other kinds o sexual
actiities as well as intercourse. 1here is an ongoing discussion between dierent groups in
Argentina about which term to use or the women in this actiitv. 1he ones arguing or the irst
position mentioned aboe commonlv use the term sex worker`. while the ones on the other side
talk about women in a prostitution situation`. Sex work` is commonlv used or adocating
prostitution as a job like anv other whereas women in a prostitution situation` implies that
prostitution in no wav is a job and neither is it a choice. Both these terms are erv normatie and
thereore I hae chosen to aoid using them. 1here is no completelv neutral term. but in this
essav I hae chosen to use the terms woman in prostitution` or prostituted woman` and
prostitution`. I will use the term exercise prostitution` or describing their actiitv. since I do not
agree with the notion that prostitution can be seen as a job.
Distinctions are oten made between dierent kinds o prostitution. or example male and
emale prostitution. child and adult prostitution. ree and orced prostitution. brothel and street
prostitution. and so on. 1he onlv distinction I hae chosen to make or this essav is the one
between male and emale prostitution. Although I hae onlv interiewed adult women in mv
studv. some o them got into prostitution as children. i.e. beore the age o 18. According to an
article in the Argentinian publication rvia.. the aerage age or entering prostitution in Argentina
is 12 or 13 vears.
19
It is diicult. i not almost impossible. or these girls when thev become adults
to get out o prostitution. due to threats rom pimps. lack o emplovment opportunities and the
obligation to economicallv maintain children and other relaties. 1he idea that a situation these
girls hae been in or vears suddenlv becomes something essentiallv dierent the dav thev turn
19
lontenla. Marta: 2001b: `Amor de la calle`: en el continuo de iolencia` rvia.. page 102
8
18. although their actiitv and their lie situation remains the same seems absurd. 1hereore I eel
the distinction between child and adult prostitution is rather diicult to make. \ith regard to ree
and orced prostitution. it can be doubted whether there is such a thing as a completelv ree
choice when it comes to prostitution in a patriarchal societv. although there are dierent degrees
o coercion. with the most extreme being traicking and when iolence is used. Moreoer. when
it comes to the women in mv studv. where poertv is the main cause o their prostitution. the
choice` is oten between letting their children go hungrv and prostituting themseles. \ith
regard to brothel and street prostitution. the conditions the women work under dier between
brothels and the street. but the basic actiitv remains the same. and it is common to hae worked
in both enironments. Separating dierent orms o prostitution can also be a wav o separating
prostitution rom the context o iolence against women
20
and legitimising sexual exploitation. as
it is made permissible and acceptable depending on whom it deals with.
21
1here are two main reasons or mv choice to make the dierentiation between male and
emale prostitution in this essav and ocusing onlv on emale prostitution. lirstlv. that mv
approach is iewing the Argentinian situation as a case o eminisation o poertv and ocusing
on the impact o the crisis on women. 1he other reason is that the men in prostitution are
relatielv ew. 1here are prostituted men. but the oerwhelming majoritv o the people in
prostitution are women. due to their subordinated position in patriarchv as discussed in 2.1.2
aboe. a position that also. I beliee. makes the experience o prostitution partiallv dierent or
women than or men.
2.1.5 SURVIVAL S1RA1LG\
1he term surial strategv` reers to the multiple wavs in which a household or another orm
o economic unit tries to obtain the basic necessities or surial. It does not onlv reer to
dierent wavs o generating income. although this is an important part. but also to such things as
unpaid domestic labour. the use o extra-domestic networks. the negotiation o access to
collectie serices and dierent wavs o reducing costs. Surial strategies are closelv related to
poertv. since it is under inancial pressures the strategies become necessarv. to use the aailable
labour and resources as ullv as possible.
22
\omen orm an important part o these strategies.
both because thev are oerrepresented among the poor. as discussed in the next section and
20
Prostitution as iolence against women is urther discussed in sections 2.3.2 and 2.4
21
lontenla 2001b. page 103
22
Schmink. Marianne: 1984: lousehold economic strategies: Reiew and research agenda`: ativ .vericav Re.earcb
Rerier. page 91
9
because thev oten hae to take on multiple roles and responsibilities to ensure the reproduction
and surial o the amilv.
23
1he act that the struggle or surial in poor sectors o societv so
extensielv depends on and is realised at the cost o women has lead Saskia Sassen to talk about a
eminisation o surial`. In times o economic crisis. the increased unemplovment o men as
well as o women. combined with goernment cutbacks on social serices. contributes to making
the pressure on women to ind new wavs o assuring the surial o the household grow. Among
other things. prostitution has grown as an option or surial.
24
1he surial strategv`-concept has been criticised since it implies the existence o a choice or
the actors as well as conscious behaiour and high leels o rationalitv.
25
It can be argued.
howeer. that een i the onlv options are staring and prostitution. to go into prostitution is still
a choice. i not necessarilv a ree one. I see that point o iew as. besides rom being cvnical. airlv
pointless since it makes the notion o choice` so wide that it can be applied to almost anvthing.
1he criticism against the surial strategv`-concept or implving conscious behaiour and high
leels o rationalitv can be seen as reducing the people incorporated in the concept. as i thev
would not be able to behae rationallv within the limits o their social context. \hen using the
concept o surial strategv` it is important not to ocus onlv on the indiiduals or the
households as isolated entities. but to put them into a wider social and structural context. 1o do
this enables a more oerarching and generalising understanding o an indiidual surial strategv.
2.2 ILMINISA1ION OI POVLR1Y
A much discussed and widelv used concept within Deelopment Studies is that o
`eminisation o poertv`. It is deined in the UNDP working paper Cevaer ava Porerty in the
ollowing wav:
It can mean either one or a combination o the ollowing:
a, \omen compared to men hae a higher ivciaevce o poertv.
b, \omen`s poertv is more .erere than men`s
c, Oer time. the incidence o poertv among women is ivcrea.ivg compared to men.
26
lor a number o reasons. emale-headed households are more likelv to be poor. 1hus. one o
the wavs o looking at and measuring eminisation o poertv has been bv looking at the
incidence o poertv among emale-headed households in comparison to the male counterparts.
23
Gins. Mara Lmilia: Jerarquias de clase v gnero: aportes para la comprensin de las estrategias de substistencia
de las mujeres`: in Lipszvc. (ecilia. etc: 1996: De.prirati.avao to priraao: vviere. y trabaio.. pages 5-6
24
Sassen. Saskia, 2002: Las contrageograas de la globalizacin` Cotiaiavo Mvier. page
25
Ginz in Lipszvc. etc. 1996. page 88
26
(agatav 1998. page 4
10
1he existence o poertv in emale-headed households is not completelv consistent. but or
example in Latin America. these households tend to be oer-represented among the poorer
sectors o societv.
2
1hat a household is headed bv a emale. means that the household has a
woman as the main responsible or the household. which in turn oten means that there is either
no adult male in the household or that the male has little or no income. 1hus. not onlv are the
emale heads o households disadantaged on the labour market because thev are women. but the
other members o the household are also less likelv to be working-age males.
28
1he women are
then aced with the double role o both being the breadwinner and at the same time taking care
o the domestic responsibilities.
1his makes these households more ulnerable to poertv.
29
1he
women in the emale-headed households are in Latin America disproportionatelv ound in the
inormal sector.
30
A reason or this is that or the women to be able to combine these two roles.
the emplovment opportunities are eectielv narrowed down. 1he inormal sector jobs hae
lexible hours on the one hand. but on the other hand lower income and less securitv.
31
Lconomic crisis leads to ewer jobs being created in the ormal sector. and with ewer ormal
sector jobs aailable. unemploved workers and new entrants in the labour orce are oten
conined to inormal sector jobs. In addition to this. manv jobs within the ormal sector are
becoming inormalised` as companies increasinglv use subcontracting in the production
process.
32
It is oten in times o economic crisis that women are compelled to enter the labour
market. and thus requentlv reduced to the inormal sector. 1hus. more and more women are
incorporated into the least alued sectors o the economv. as a resource o cheap labour.
33
According to \ilson. the inormal and the ormal economic sectors are not two completelv
separate entities: rather the inormal sector subsidises the ormal. 1he unprotected nature o the
workers in the inormal sector and their direct and indirect use bv capitalist irms make up their
unctionalitv or the capitalist svstem. 1he workers within this sector are an inisible` proletariat.
o which women orm a large part. 1hev are subjected to a double exploitation. both as inisible
proletarians and as the subordinated sex.
34
2
Kabeer. Naila: 2003: Cevaer Maiv.treavivg iv Porerty raaicatiov ava tbe Mittevvivv Deretopvevt Coat.. page 81
28
Schmink 1984. page 92
29
Birdsall. Nancv. etc: \omen. poertv and deelopment`: in Buinic. Mavra. etc: 1983: !ovev ava porerty iv tbe
tbira rorta. page 9
30
\ilson. 1amar Diana: 1998: Approaches to understanding the position o women workers in the inormal
sector` ativ .vericav Per.pectire.. page 105
31
Birdsall in Buinic 1983. page 9
32
(onnellv. Patricia M.. etc: leminism and deelopment: 1heoretical perspecties`: in Parpart. Jane L.. etc: 2000:
)beoreticat Per.pectire. ov Cevaer ava Deretopvevt. pages 66-6
33
Prez Aguirre 1995. page 59
34
\ilson 1998. pages 114-115
11
An option or manv poor women. haing to be able to combine income earning with
household duties together with the limited number o options aailable or women. has proed
to be entering into prostitution. As cited in Scambler:
Recruitment to the ranks o prostitute is not appropriatelv characterised as onlv
concerning a small group o highlv deiant women. It is secured bv women`s relatie poertv
still being such that or large numbers sex is their most saleable commoditv.
35
Prostitution due to poertv. howeer. is ar rom alwavs a desirable wav out. not least since the
social stigma caused bv common perceptions o prostituted women. makes their experiences o
poertv een worse than those o women earning their income in other wavs.
36
\ithin the
economies o so-called deeloping countries. where the eminisation o poertv can be most
eidentlv obsered. tourism is oten promoted as a deelopment strategv. (loselv linked to the
tourism industrv is the entertainment industrv. o which prostitution commonlv orms an
important part. 1hus. the importance o the sex industrv or anv economv rises with the absence
o other jobs. proits and reenues.
3
As Sassen presents it:
Not onlv are households. indeed whole communities. increasinglv dependent on women
or their surial. but so too are goernments. along with enterprises that unction on the
margins o the legal economv.
38
2.3 WAYS OI VILWING PROS1I1U1ION
1o generalise the eminist discourse on prostitution. it can be said that there are two main
wavs o iewing prostitution. On the one hand. there are eminist theories with a liberal iew on
prostitution. that argue that it is eervone`s ree choice what thev want to do with their lies. and
that it is an opportunitv or women to use the structures in societv to their adantage. On the
other hand. there are eminist theories with a restrictie iew on prostitution. that argue that
prostitution is a orm o oppression o women and that it is a svmptom o the patriarchal
structures we hae in societv todav.
In this section I will present these two theoretical traditions on prostitution and then sum up
with a discussion about these two wavs o iewing prostitution in order to present a theoretical
ramework that can be used to interpret the results o mv studv.
35
O`Neill. Maggie: Prostitute women now`: in Scambler. Graham. etc, 199: Retbiv/ivg Pro.titvtiov: Pvrcba.ivg .e iv
tbe ]0.. page 10
36
Nencel. Lorraine: 2001: tbvograpby ava Pro.titvtiov iv Perv. page 216
3
Sassen. Saskia: Global cities and surial circuits`: in Lhrenreich. Barbara and Russell lochschild. Arlie: 2002:
Ctobat !ovav: ^avvie.. Maia. ava e !or/er. iv tbe ^er covovy
38
Ibid.. page 265
12
2.3.1 PROS1I1U1ION AS LMPO\LRMLN1 lOR \OMLN
1he eminists whom I hae chosen to call prostitution liberal` argue or a destigmatisation
and decriminalisation o prostitution. 1hev argue that prostitution is work. and thereore oten
use the terms sex work` and sex worker` instead o prostitution and prostitute. terms which thev
ind stigmatising and with negatie connotations. Lricsson argues in his article that there is
intrinsicallv no dierence in the kind o relationship that exists between a prostituted woman and
her customer. and the relationships in most serice proessions. 1he dierence we see is onlv
caused bv cultural blindness and sexual taboos. 1he argument that prostitution is work is also
supported bv the statement that the prostituted woman does not sell her bodv: she merelv sells
sexual serices.
39
O`Neill goes een urther in her argument and points out that sex work
challenges the whole patriarchal structure bv going against the stereotvpes o women`s work as
domestic. within the priate sphere and with long hours and emininitv as ragile. passie.
nurturing and emotional. 1he women in prostitution challenge this when thev go against it and
bring into the public sphere the serices that women are usuallv expected to perorm in priate
and or one man onlv. and oer them to manv men. 1his destabilises patriarchal power oer
women`s bodies. sexualities. images and representations.
40
1he argument can be used to claim
that prostitution empowers all women. as done bv the Lnglish (ollectie o Prostitutes:
\e argued that or some women to get paid or what all women are expected to do or
ree is a source o power or all women to reuse the sex thev don`t want.
41
Another strong argument rom the liberal side is that o reedom o choice. Lervone should
hae the reedom do decide what thev want to do with their lies. including i thev want to
prostitute themseles. 1here are women who choose to prostitute themseles. because o the
rewards that come with the work. such as higher pav than most women get. oreign trael and
unusual reedom. not to mention that there are women who like their work.
42
Although it is
admitted that the choice to go into prostitution oten has economic causes. this cannot be used as
an argument against prostitution according to Lricsson. le argues that the economic actor
might hae contributed to the prostituted woman`s choice o proession. but so did it most likelv
in the case o the lawver as well.
43
Although the choice to go into prostitution is oten made due
39
Lricsson. Lars O.: 1980: (harges against Prostitution: An Attempt at a Philosophical Assessment` tbic.. page
353
40
O`Neill in Scambler 199. page 4
41
Lnglish (ollectie o Prostitutes: (ampaigning or legal change`: in Scambler. Graham. etc: 199: Retbiv/ivg
Pro.titvtiov: Pvrcba.ivg .e iv tbe ]0.. page 83-84
42
Scambler. Graham: (onspicuous and inconspicuous sex work: 1he neglect o the ordinarv and mundane`: in
Scambler. Graham. etc: 199: Retbiv/ivg Pro.titvtiov: Pvrcba.ivg .e iv tbe ]0.. page 120
43
Lricsson 1980. page 346
13
to lack o other choices. this does not change the act that it is still regarded as a ree choice. as
O`Neill shows in her text:
Some women make independent liestvle choices due to the realities o economic need
in a climate o economic recession. inadequate beneits. unemplovment and increasing
debt.
44
lurthermore. eminists who hold a liberal iew o prostitution oten argue that women are
not necessarilv oppressed in prostitution. loweer. thev do recognise patriarchal structures and
that these can lead to oppression. as stated bv Scambler:
And i much emale sex work vet remains deeplv svmptomatic o patriarchv. this does
not preent manv women rom dominating most o their encounters with most o their
clients. 1here is assertion and resistance to patriarchv een here.
45
Although this is recognised. thev do not see it as an argument against prostitution. rather as an
argument against how societv is ormed todav
Lricsson also compares a moderatelv successul call girl and a tvpical middle-class housewie
in suburbia and asks who is the more oppressed o these two: the housewie who is economicallv
totallv dependant on her husband. or the call girl who in that respect stands on her own two
eet.
46
1here is nothing in the prostitution contract per se that makes it oppressie: it is rather the
economic circumstances and the social stigmatisation o prostituted women that oppress.
1hereore. those are what should be abolished. not prostitution.
2.3.2 PROS1I1U1ION AS OPPRLSSION Ol \OMLN
On the other side o the argument are the eminists who hold that prostitution should be
campaigned against as a human rights iolation. According to them. prostitution cannot be
justiied. at least not in the societv we lie in todav. because o the patriarchal structures that
permeate eervthing in societv and aect women`s as well as men`s lies and choices. It is these
structures that make prostitution oppressie. or in Pateman`s words:
1he storv o the sexual contract reeals that the patriarchal construction o the
dierence between masculinitv and emininitv is the political dierence between reedom
and subjection. and that sexual masterv is the major means through which men airm their
manhood.
4
44
O`Neill in Scambler 199. page 15
45
Scambler in Scambler 199. page 120
46
Lricsson 1980. page 354
4
Pateman. (arole: 1988: \hat`s wrong with prostitution` )be evat Covtract. page 20
14
A actor contributing to prostituted women`s subordinated position. apart rom women`s
general subordination in patriarchv. is the ulnerable economic position women in prostitution
erv oten ind themseles in. 1he prostituted women`s abilitv to impose limits on the kind o
powers oer her person she transers to the clients through the prostitution contract is stronglv
aected bv her economic situation. 1hus. the more inanciallv desperate she is. the less reedom
does she hae to dictate the exchange.
48
Pateman urther explains the prostituted women`s
disadantage in the relation:
lor example. the prostitute is alwavs at a singular disadantage in the exchange`. 1he
client makes direct use o the prostitute`s bodv and there are no objectie` criteria through
which to judge whether the serice has been satisactorilv perormed.
49
1he argument that prostitution is oppression o women is oten drawn een urther. that
prostitution is not onlv oppression. but also slaerv. In a citation in the book bv Nencel.
prostitution is closelv linked with slaerv:
|.| prostitution is deined as: sexual slaerv o women desperatelv trving to surie.
women with little or no education or workplace skills. women with a limited amount o sel-
esteem due to the status o women in our patriarchal societv. a condition which has existed
or centuries. It is not possible to call that which is slaerv a proession.
50
1he argument that prostitution is slaerv is closelv linked to the argument against prostitution as
just another orm o work. Pateman argues that it looks erv much like slaerv to hae bodies or
sale in the market. Len though the bodv neer can be separated rom anv orm o labour power.
it is onlv in prostitution that the buver obtains unilateral right o direct sexual use o a woman`s
bodv.
51
1he prostitution-restrictie eminists also hold orward other arguments whv it is not
possible to see prostitution as work. or example structures in societv:
Rather. because |.| current sexual behaiour is constructed within and as a weapon o
patriarchv and heterosexism. sex work cannot simplv be another orm o work in
contemporarv culture
52
Prostitution is also. as or example O`(onnell points out. dierent rom other orms o work
because o the dangers attached to the job. lardlv anv workers run such high risks o being
assaulted. and urthermore. because o common iews o women in prostitution. those who
attack can rest airlv assured that there will be no or minimal consequences o their actions.
53
48
O`(onnell Daidson. Julia: 1998: Pro.titvtiov. Porer ava reeaov. page 65
49
Pateman 1988. page 208
50
Nencel 2001. page 46
51
Pateman 1988. pages 203-204
52
Kuo 2002. page 149
53
O`(onnell 1998. page 64
15
2.4 IRAMING PROS1I1U1ION
Prostitution is not an easv issue. and I ind manv o the arguments. both or and against.
alid. I will. howeer. in this section trv to discuss the arguments and through this discussion
create a ramework through which the results o the studv can be interpreted and understood.
lirst o all. I think it is necessarv to take the discussion at two leels. At the structural leel I
agree with the restrictie eminists that prostitution. at least in the context o the patriarchallv
structured societv we lie in todav can onlv be seen as a orm o oppression o women. In
Pateman`s words:
Prostitution is the use o a woman`s bodv bv a man or his own satisaction.
54
1here is nothing empowering in that. At the indiidual leel. on the other hand. I realise that
prostitution mav be the outcome o a rational choice made bv economic necessitv and the best
alternatie due to lack o other good alternaties.
I see prostitution in two wavs as a consequence o the patriarchal societv and women`s
subordination within it. lirstlv. as a direct consequence o men`s superior position to women.
where women are oten seen as objects that are there or the pleasure o men and thereore
become saleable as anv other objects. Secondlv. indirectlv through the discriminating gender roles
and the limited income opportunities or women. which lead to poertv. as discussed in the
section about eminisation o poertv aboe. Poertv and economic desperation. in turn. oten
lead up to prostitution.
Although I am aware that poertv is ar rom the onlv actor leading to prostitution. it is what
I am concerned with in this essav. and I will thereore limit the discussion mainlv to prostitution
and poertv. In an economicallv desperate situation. prostitution might erv well be a iable
surial strategv with manv adantages` compared to the other alternaties aailable. lor
example. prostitution sometimes generates a higher income than manv other jobs. it is oten
independent. and has a great deal o lexibilitv. loweer. these adantages`. or rather dierences
between prostitution and other alternaties generallv aailable or women rom the poorer
sectors o societv. onlv become a necessitv because o the structures and norms in societv putting
the main responsibilitv or the amilv and the household on the women. 1hus. the adantages`
help orcing the women into prostitution. as it is an actiitv thev can combine with their other
duties. something which is not possible with manv other income alternaties that almost alwavs
require long working hours. an impossibilitv or women with small children and nobodv else to
54
Pateman 1988. page 198
16
take care o them. Although it can be somebodv`s choice to go into prostitution. I do not regard
the choice in this context as a ree one. 1he choice` is made because there is irtuallv nothing
else to choose. 1he reedom to choose is narrowed bv the societal structures.
A common argument bv the liberal eminists is that prostitution is no worse than other jobs
aailable to women in a certain situation. Although this might be true. it is not an argument that
can be used or legitimising the institution o prostitution. Just because there are other wavs o
getting an income that are just as bad as prostitution. does that mean prostitution should be
accepted
Prostitution in the context o poertv leads to powerlessness. \hen prostitution increases
due to increasing poertv. as in the case o Argentina. the competition` or clients hardens. 1his
leads to weaker possibilities or the indiidual prostituted women to impose limitations on their
clients. which places them in an een more subordinated and oppressed situation.
1o conclude. I see prostitution or indiiduals as in some cases a not impossible alternatie in
a context o poertv. loweer. prostitution as an institution is extremelv oppressie. both due to
patriarchal structures. where men`s supremacv oer women is consolidated through prostitution.
and also due to economic structures which place women in particular in a erv ulnerable
situation.
17
3. ML1HOD
In this chapter the methods used when conducting the studv are described. I also go through
its limitations.
3.J QUALI1A1IVL ML1HOD
1he studies and analvses in this essav are mainlv based on a qualitatie method. concentrating
on a deeper understanding o the case. through interiews and literature. rather than ocusing on
statistics and more quantitatie inormation. \hen necessarv or complementarv inormation and
when aailable. quantitatie statistics are used. lurthermore. this is a qualitatie case studv. where
prostitution in Argentina is seen as a case o eminisation o poertv. 1he aim. as mentioned
earlier. is to illustrate how prostitution can be understood as a surial strategv in a context o
eminisation o poertv. 1here is no clear diiding line between qualitatie and quantitatie
methods. but mv choice o using a more qualitatie tvpe o method or carrving out mv studv has
implications on the results and conclusions possible to arrie at. laing an in-debt ocus. rather
than making use o ast amounts o data. makes generalisations o the results more diicult. I
thereore suggest that the results o the studv be seen as an example showing how prostitution in
a certain context can be understood.
55
3.2 1HL IILLD S1UDY
1he ield studv was made in Buenos Aires. Argentina. during two and a hal months. between
December 16
th
2003 and March 1
st
2004. During mv stav. I conducted interiews with people
connected to prostitution as well as women in prostitution. I also used mv time in Argentina to
look or more inormation and documentation on the issue and participating in meetings and
seminars o interest. lurthermore I conducted participatorv obseration at a workshop or
prostituted women.
3.2.1 IN1LRVIL\S
I interiewed in total twele persons. who are listed in alphabetical order in the list o
reerences. lie o the interiews were with women currentlv in prostitution and seen with
other people in some wav related to prostitution. such as representaties o prostituted women`s
organisations. members o eminist organisations working with the prostitution theme and
55
lor a urther discussion on qualitatie and quantitatie methods. see chapter our in Assarson and Sensson: 1996:
.tt traga ocb .rara. v ivtroav/tiov titt .tat.retev./aptig vetoa
18
members o orders o (atholic nuns working with women in prostitution. 1he women in
prostitution were contacted through .MM.R ^aciovat and ..ociaciv .MM.R Capitat. two
organisations in Buenos Aires or women in prostitution.
56
I also tried to contact prostituted
women in other wavs. such as calling on ads in the newspaper Ctarv. but those attempts were
unruitul. I did not contact anv women directlv on the streets. due to securitv reasons. since the
prostitution areas are generallv seen as rather dangerous neighbourhoods. and especiallv or an
alone. oreign-looking woman. 1hus. the women in prostitution I interiewed were not chosen
because thev were statisticallv representatie. but rather because thev were willing to share their
experiences with me. 1his o course aects the inormation gien to me: howeer I do eel that
these women can be considered as roughlv representatie or the poor women in prostitution in
Buenos Aires. 1hev were kev inormants. just as the people connected to prostitution that I
interiewed. 1he latter were people inoled in dierent organisations. some o which I looked
up and contacted mvsel and some that I was reerred to.
\hen interiewing people connected to prostitution. I had airlv pre-determined questions.
whereas the interiews with women in prostitution were more semi-structured. leaing more
space or the interiewees to elaborate on the answers. Some kev questions were almost alwavs
used. howeer. like the ones presented in section 1.2 about the purpose o the studv.
In this essav. when reerring to the women in prostitution I interiewed. I hae in some cases
changed the name o the interiewee and omitted some reealing details. 1his is done at the
request o the interiewee to keep her anonvmitv. \hether I am using a changed name or not is
indicated in section 6.1.1 when presenting the women I interiewed as well as in the list o
reerences.
3.2.2 PAR1I(IPA1OR\ OBSLRVA1IONS
I participated at least once or twice a week in a sewing workshop or women in prostitution
at ..ociaciv .MM.R Capitat. taking part in their ordinarv actiities. listening to discussions and
taking notes. Apart rom mv ie interiews with women currentlv in prostitution. I was through
the contacts with the women in this workshop able to widen mv understanding o the issue. and
some o mv conclusions are based on inormation rom these contacts. It was also arranged or
me to accompanv one o the prostituted women I was in contact with to the street when she
56
AMMAR stands or Asociacin de Mujeres Meretrices de la Argentina. which means Association or \omen
Prostitutes o Argentina. lor a urther description o the organisations. see section 5.5.
19
exercised prostitution to get an insight in the dailv lie o prostituted women. but this
unortunatelv neer happened due to circumstances I could not control.
3.3 WRI11LN MA1LRIAL
lor the theoretical part o the essav I hae mainlv used books as reerences. lor the
deinitions and the part on eminisation o poertv. I consulted literature rom the United
Nations Deelopment Programme. research articles published in dierent magazines and books
on the dierent issues. \hen it comes to prostitution. I hae used books and research articles
regarding gender issues and more speciicallv prostitution. Most o these are written bv women.
Since there is a ast bodv o literature on prostitution. I hae not been able to coer it all. I hae
thereore chosen to ocus on the literature concerning Latin America and connecting prostitution
and poertv. lor other parts. as or example inormation about the current situation in Argentina.
I hae also used articles and dierent internet sources. 1he reason is that there are erv ew
books on this. since the situation is so recent. Some o the inormation in the essav also comes
rom unpublished sources that I got rom dierent organisations in Argentina.
Some o the written material I collected at libraries in Uppsala and Stockholm. whereas some
was acquired during the ield studv in Argentina. I hae some materials in Swedish. but most is in
either Lnglish or Spanish. the majoritv being in Spanish.
3.4 LIMI1A1IONS
1he essav does not gie an oerall picture o how the situation or Argentinian women in
general has changed since the crisis. Since it is about prostitution. and women orced to enter
prostitution due to poertv. it naturallv ocuses on women who were alreadv beore the crisis on
the margins o societv. I am aware that poertv neer is the onlv reason whv someone chooses to
enter into prostitution. and that it does not at all explain the demand. which o course is one o
the main reasons or the existence o prostitution. I onlv gie a brie historical oeriew: the main
ocus is limited to the time around the crisis until todav. 1he studv is also geographicallv limited
to Buenos Aires. the reason or that being that most organisations working with these issues and
most documentation centres are located in Buenos Aires. Manv women rom other parts o the
countrv as well as rom abroad also exercise prostitution in Buenos Aires. As mentioned earlier I
hae not interiewed anv prostituted woman under 18 vears o age. nor anv woman currentlv
prostituted at a brothel. It has not been a conscious choice o mine to exclude these groups: it is
merelv due to the diicultv o access. Almost all women in prostitution under 18 vears o age are
under the control o a pimp. and since both pimping and brothels are illegal. it is irtuallv
20
impossible in such a short time and without the necessarv connections to come into contact with
anvone in these situations or the purpose o making a studv. loweer. these categories hae not
been completelv excluded rom the studv. since some o the women I interiewed started in
prostitution beore the age o 18 and hae preiouslv worked in brothels. As explained. I hae
also chosen to exclude transestites in prostitution rom mv studv. although thev see themseles
as women. 1he reasons or making this exclusion were discussed more extensielv in section
2.1.2. but basicallv it is because their situation is so dierent rom that o other women in
prostitution.
21
4. 1HL SI1UA1ION IN ARGLN1INA
In this chapter some issues important as background knowledge or the understanding o the
essav are presented within the national context o Argentina. 1he situation or women in
Argentina is described in general terms. and also the economic crisis causing the current situation
as well as its implications or women.
4.J DISCRIMINA1ION OI WOMLN IN ARGLN1INA
Argentina is a stronglv patriarchal societv and women are structurallv discriminated at all
leels. 1he problem does not mainlv lie in legal obstacles. as thev hardlv exist: women are
ormallv allowed equal rights and participation at almost all leels in societv. It can rather be
related to cultural conceptions o the place and alue o men and women in societv and a svstem
based on the man as the norm.
An important part o the discrimination o women is in relation to work. 1here are two basic
characteristics o this work discrimination: salarv discrimination and occupational segregation.
Although women generallv hae higher leels o education. thev earn between 25 and 50 less
than men under otherwise equal conditions.
5
with the disproportion increasing with the leel o
education and with age.
58
1he act that 28.8 o the households in Argentina are headed bv
emales worsens this salarv discrimination een more. since not onlv the women themseles
suer rom it. but also close to a third o the Argentinian amilies become directlv aected.
59
Apart rom being among the lowest paid on the labour market. women also perorm the majoritv
o the unpaid work within the homes. \omen work on aerage hours outside the homes and
then within their home 4 hours per dav. 1his means that thev on aerage hae a workdav o
around 11 hours. o which onlv are remunerated and moreoer. those hours are among the
worst paid in the labour svstem.
60
\omen in Argentina made up 41 o the workorce in 2002.
but their presence on the labour market is ar rom eenlv distributed oer the dierent
proessions. 1hev are ound in the traditionallv emale jobs. mainlv the serice sector where
especiallv the categorv domestic serices` stands out with 92 o the emplovees being women.
1hese jobs are among the lowest paid in Argentina.
61
5
Lvpszvc. (ecilia: Discriminacin de gnero en la Argentina contemporanea. Bree diagnstico`: in UNI(Ll.
United Nations (hildren`s lund: 2003: Di.crivivaciv ae gevero y eavcaciv ev ta .rgevtiva covtevporavea. pages 103-104
58
RIMA 2002
59
Lipzvc in UNI(Ll 2003. pages 105-106
60
Ibid.. pages 10-108
61
Ibid.. pages 100-102
22
1he situation regarding sexual and reproductie health is also a clear indicator o the situation
or Argentinian women. Maternal mortalitv rates are high in relation to other health indicators in
the countrv as well as in relation to other countries in the region: it is 39 per 100.000 children
born alie. Although sexual education is ormallv a part o the national curriculum. erv ew
schools proide anv. and as a direct consequence. onlv just oer hal o all sexuallv actie women
between 15 and 49 vears o age use anv orm o contraception. and the rates lower with the
socioeconomic leel. Neither the emergencv contraception pill nor the intrauterine deice are
usuallv proided in public health serices as thev are considered abortie. Voluntarv sterilisation
is prohibited as well as abortion in most cases. Abortion is in the penal code considered a crime
against the lie o people` except in cases o danger o the mother`s lie and health. rape and
incest. loweer. not een legallv allowed abortions are alwavs perormed in time and in manv
cases legal authorisation is asked or bv the doctors een though such a procedure is not
necessarv. Although it is illegal. estimations sav that around 40 o the pregnancies end up in
abortion and complications rom clandestine abortions is the irst cause o hospitalisation in
gvnaecological serices. Adolescent pregnancies are common: 15.5 o the children born alie
hae mothers less than 20 vears o age.
62
1his lack o adequate sexual and reproductie health
laws and serices strikes hardest on women. 1hev are the ones haing to take the direct
consequences when being hospitalised or abortion or dving giing birth. Due to cultural patterns
that consider the women as the onlv ones responsible or childbearing thev also hae the weight
o the responsibilitv and the condemnations rom societv. as especiallv voung women who hae
children without being married or in a stable relationship oten are considered loose`. Anv
equialence or voung men haing children mavbe een with manv dierent partners does not
exist.
Argentinian men and women are in most cases ormallv equal beore the law and Argentina
has ratiied the UN (onention on the Llimination o All lorms o Discrimination Against
\omen. but een in the legal sphere some exceptions exist. especiallv when it comes to the laws
concerning marriage. lor example. i the origin o goods is not determined or the eidence is
doubtul. the administration and disposal o these goods during marriage accrue to the husband.
1he legal age o marriage also diers between the sexes. being 16 or women and 18 or men.
corresponding to patriarchal ideas about marriage and the role o women within it. as it allows
men to hae a greater amount o vears o preparation. education and experience to ulil the role
62
RIMA 2002
23
o supplier`. Rape within marriage is not mentioned in the law.
63
In some cases the law does
establish airmatie action to promote the adancement o women. lor example. it is mandatorv
or political parties to hae at least 30 women on their lists or elected posts. In practice.
howeer. the 30 quota has become a maximum instead o a minimum. All heav posts are still
held bv men: the directie board in the chamber o deputies is composed o ten members and the
one or the senate bv nine. all o which are men.
64
Argentina has neer had a emale president or
a emale goernor in anv proince. except in San Luis when a woman assumed the position due
to the resignation o the male goernor who took the presidencv o the nation in December
2001.
65
4.2 1HL LCONOMIC CRISIS IN ARGLN1INA
1o ind the roots o the economic crisis in Argentina. the politics o the 1980`s and 1990`s
must be analvsed. 1he countrv returned to a democratic svstem in 1983. ater seen vears o
militarv dictatorship. 1he militarv junta let a countrv heailv indebted and with the economv in
ruins. 1he president that took oer power. Ral Alonsin. who pursued a politics o priatisations
and market liberalisations. did not manage to get the economv back in order and at the end o his
presidential period Argentina ound itsel in economic crisis. with no possibilitv to pav the
oreign debt and with huge inlation. (arlos Menem came to power in 1991. and he continued
the economic politics with een greater intensitv. Most state companies were sold. public serices
and social securitv were priatised and the Argentinian peso was tied to the American dollar. A
alse image o stabilitv was created and it seemed like the economv was going better. But at the
end o Menem`s period in power. a large portion o the Argentinians was impoerished and
discontent with the economic policv and the countrv saw its greatest concentration o economic
power in its historv. 1his led to a loss or Menem in the 1999 election. but the same economic
policv as beore was continued ater the election and new loans were taken to pav o old ones.
66
1he crisis deepened in 2000 and 2001. as the economic recession increased the capital light.
1he possibilitv that the dollar exchange rate would soon change led to a svstematic low towards
more stable inancial positions. such as the American dollar. 1he impossibilitv or the inancial
sector to return deposits in the original currencv in ace o an eentual change o exchange tvpe.
63
RIMA 2002
64
Lipzvc in UNI(Ll 2003. pages 122-123
65
RIMA 2002
66
Berezan. Lduardo: 2001a: `Argentina pa grnsen till nersammanbrott: Om inansiell kris och ardagsandor`
1arta.potiti/ev. aag.tragor 1. 200] and Lubertino. Maria Jos: 2002a: covovic cri.i. iv .rgevtiva: . rea/er teaeratiov ava
bope. tor gtobat teaerati.v`
24
led to a massie withdrawal o deposits in the local inancial sector. and the last wav out to
impede a total breakdown became the corralito`.
6
when the goernment decided to reeze
people`s bank accounts. lrom one dav to the next. on the 4
th
o December 2001. people ound
their bank accounts inaccessible. except or a withdrawal limit o 250 pesos or dollars per week.
A political crisis ollowed and between December 20
th
2001 when lernando De la Rua resigned
and Januarv 1
st
2002 when Lduardo Duhalde entered oice. Argentina had no less than ie
dierent presidents. In Januarv o 2002. the conertibilitv law was abandoned and the peso
dealuated. A dollar todav costs three pesos instead o one. As o December 2002 the (entral
Bank had lost more than 20 billion dollars o its reseres and the inancial sector a sum close to
35 billion dollars in deposits.
68
All this had o course a strong impact on the population. Popular protests against the
situation in the countrv grew. and when the banc accounts were rozen the protests culminated
into large demonstrations all oer the countrv on the 19
th
and 20
th
o December 2001 as people
went out on the streets. banging on pots and pans to make their oices heard.
69
1he popular
rebellion had on the 20
th
two results: 32 people killed bv the police repression and the
renunciation o president De la Rua. who had to lee the goernment building. surrounded bv the
protesting masses. in a helicopter.
0
Poertv in Argentina had bv October 2002 risen to 5.5.
1
with the numbers or Great Buenos Aires being a bit lower: 54.3. a number that can be
compared to the poertv rate in that area onlv two vears earlier. which then was 28.9
2
. 1he
unemplovment rate rose to 24 and the real wages decreased bv oer 40.
3
Between December
2001 and March 2003. the prices o staple ood - which can be seen as most representatie or
the poor households` consumption - rose much aster than those o proisions in general. the
latter increased with about 64. while the staple ood prices increased bv more than 8.
4
Another change that the crisis. including the economic recession prior to the crash. brought
was a change in alues among the population. oten mentioned in literature and bv mv
interiewees. 1his is hard. i not impossible. to measure statisticallv and is thereore a side eect
o the economic crisis that is more diicult to airm with certaintv. Argentina is oten described
6
`(orralito` means plav-pen.
68
Del (armen leijo. Mara: 2003: ^vero pa.. vvera pobre.a: Second ampliied edition. chapters 11 and 12
69
Geijer. lerman: 2003: )a/ivg Devocracy ac/: . tieta .tvay ot ..avbtea. Popvtare. ava tbe ettect. ot tbe rebettiov ot tbe ]
tb
ava 20
tb
ot Decevber 200] iv vevo. .ire.. .rgevtiva. pages 23-24
70
Del (armen leijo 2003. pages 11-118
1
Ibid.. pages 101-102
2
Ibid.. page 152
3
Lindroth. Johan: 2003a: |tri/e.avaty. vr ] 200: Perovi.t ravta. bti .rgevtiva. vye pre.iaevt
4
Del (armen leijo 2003. page 123
25
as haing been a democratic. pluralistic. inclusie societv where education had an important
position. all alues that hae now diminished.
It`s brutal. because all the alues were destroved: I`m not saving the traditional ones -
mom. dad and the children - no. no. all the alues that made up lie in societv. Lervthing
was destroved.
5
\ork was important in the Argentinian societv. workers generallv took pride in what thev did and
the possibilitv o social mobilitv thanks to working hard was not utopic. Now. the poor are not
onlv the ones who are unemploved. but there is poertv een among the workers. their salarv is
not enough to support their households. 1his is a dierent kind o poertv. since it is much more
inisible. It is hidden within the households and is onlv detectable through the multiple indiidual
strategies directed at oercoming it. Poertv todav in Argentina is also much more lexible. it is
not a static condition. but more o a rotation around the poertv line. one week aboe it. and the
next week below it.
6
Argentina has latelv been slowlv recoering. although the situation in the countrv is still grae.
1he GDP is increasing again. as well as the industrial actiitv in the countrv.
1he unemplovment
rate was in the irst quarter o 2004 down to just oer 14. loweer. another 15 are under-
occupied. and not een 40 o the population is ormallv emploved. 1he poertv rate. howeer.
has hardlv decreased at all and in Mav 2003. oer hal o the population. 54.. was still under
the poertv line.
8
4.3 1HL IMPAC1 OI ARGLN1INA'S LCONOMIC CRISIS ON WOMLN
1he economic crisis in Argentina has aected the Argentinian women disproportionatelv
hard and it is possible to use the concept o eminisation o poertv or describing the situation
in the countrv. O the emale population. 56 are below the poertv line.
9
and the emale-
headed households hae increased bv more than seen percentage units during ten vears to now
represent 28.8 o the total numbers o households in the countrv.
80
1he structural adjustment
programs with the state retiring more and more rom its social responsibilities. and the rising
poertv. has increased the responsibilities or women. since it has gien them a heaier workload
5
Del (armen leijo 2003
6
Ibid.. chapters 1. 4 and introduction