Pidgin and Creole Languages

Originally thought of as incomplete, broken, corrupt, not worthy of serious attention. Pidgins still are marginal: in origin (makeshift, reduced in structure), in attitudes toward them (low prestige); in our knowledge of them. Some quick definitions: 1. Pidgin language (origin in Engl. word `business'?) is nobody's native language; may arise when two speakers of different languages with no common language try to have a makeshift conversation. Lexicon usually comes from one language, structure often from the other. Because of colonialism, slavery etc. the prestige of Pidgin languages is very low. Many pidgins are `contact vernaculars', may only exist for one speech event. 2. Creole (orig. person of European descent born and raised in a tropical colony) is a language that was originally a pidgin but has become nativized, i.e. a community of speakers claims it as their first language. Next used to designate the language(s) of people of Caribbean and African descent in colonial and ex-colonial countries (Jamaica, Haiti, Mauritius, Runion, Hawaii, Pitcairn, etc.) Best Answer A pidgin language is a simple language used to foster communication between two people or groups of people who do not speak the same language. It usually borrows vocabulary from both languages, can visual communication such as hand gestures, and often uses only a couple of verb tenses. Its purpose is to transmit vital information. By definition, a pidgin language is not the mother tongue of anyone. However, a pidgin language can over time evolve into a creole language. The most well documented occurrence of this is Haitian Creole. In the early days of the French colony of Saint Domingue (present day Haiti), African slaves and French colonists communicated with each other in a pidgin language because the Africans did not speak French and the French did not speak any of the African languages (indeed, the Africans had just as much trouble communicating with one another as they did with their French masters). This pidgin language eventually evolved and was enriched to what we now call Haitian Creole, the mother tongue of millions of people.

Creole language
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation, search

A creole language, or simply a creole, is a stable natural language developed from the mixing of parent languages; creoles differ from pidgins (which are believed by scholars to be necessary precedents of creoles) in that they have been nativized by children as their primary language,

with the result that they have features of natural languages that are normally missing from pidgins.

Road sign in Guadeloupe Creole meaning Slow down. Children are playing here. The literal translation is "Lift your foot. There are small people playing here".

The vocabulary of a creole language consists of cognates from the parent languages, though there are often clear phonetic and semantic shifts. On the other hand, the grammar often has original features but may differ substantially from those of the parent languages. Most often, the vocabulary comes from the dominant group and the grammar from the subordinate group, where such stratification exists.

Contents

1 Overview 2 History o 2.1 Origin o 2.2 Geographic distribution o 2.3 Social and political status 3 Classification of creoles o 3.1 Historic classification o 3.2 Substrate and superstrate o 3.3 Decreolization 4 Shared features 5 Creole genesis o 5.1 Theories focusing on European input 5.1.1 The monogenetic theory of pidgins and creoles 5.1.2 The domestic origin hypothesis 5.1.3 The European dialect origin hypothesis 5.1.4 Foreigner talk and baby talk 5.1.5 Imperfect L2 learning o 5.2 Theories focusing on non-European input o 5.3 Gradualist and developmental hypotheses o 5.4 Universalist approaches 6 Recent study o 6.1 The creole prototype o 6.2 Exceptionalism 7 See also o 7.1 Related articles o 7.2 Creoles by main parent language 8 References 9 Publications 10 External links

Overview
A creole is believed to arise when a pidgin, developed by adults for use as a second language, becomes the native and primary language of their children a process known as nativization.[1] The pidgin-creole life cycle was studied by Hall in the 1960s.[2] Creoles share more grammatical similarities with each other than with the languages from which they are phylogenetically derived.[3] However, there is no widely accepted theory that would account for those perceived similarities.[4] Moreover, no grammatical feature has been shown to be specific to creoles.[5][6][7][8][9][10] Many of the creoles known today arose in the last 500 years, as a result of the worldwide expansion in European maritime power and trade in the Age of Discovery, which led to

extensive European colonial empires and an intense slave trade. Like most non-official and minority languages, creoles have generally been regarded as degenerate variants or dialects of their parent languages. Because of that prejudice, many of the creoles that arose in the European colonies have become extinct. However, political and academic changes in recent decades have improved the status of creoles, both as living languages and as object of linguistic study.[11][12] Some creoles have even been granted the status of official or semi-official language. Linguists now recognize that creole formation is a universal phenomenon, not limited to the European colonial period, and an important aspect of language evolution (see Vennemann (2003)). For example, in 1933 Sigmund Feist postulated a creole origin for the Germanic languages. Other scholars, such as Salikoko Mufwene, argue that pidgins and creoles arise independently under different circumstances, and that a pidgin need not always precede a creole nor a creole evolve from a pidgin. Pidgins, according to Mufwene, emerged among trade colonies among "users who preserved their native vernaculars for their day-to-day interactions". Creoles, meanwhile, developed in settlement colonies in which speakers of a European language, often indentured servants whose language would be far from the standard in the first place, interacted extensively with non-European slaves, absorbing certain words and features from the slaves' non-European native languages, resulting in a heavily basilectalized version of the original language. These servants and slaves would come to use the creole as an everyday vernacular, rather than merely in situations in which contact with a speaker of the superstrate was necessary.[13]

History
Origin

The English term creole comes from French crole, which is cognate with the Spanish term criollo and Portuguese crioulo, all descending from the verb criar ("to breed" or "to raise"), ultimately from Latin creare ("to produce, create").[14] The specific sense of the term was coined in the 16th and 17th century, during the great expansion in European maritime power and trade that led to the establishment of European colonies in other continents. The terms criollo and crioulo were originally qualifiers used throughout the Spanish and Portuguese colonies to distinguish the members of an ethnic group that were born and raised locally from those who immigrated as adults. They were most commonly applied to nationals of the colonial power, e.g. to distinguish espaoles criollos (people born in the colonies from Spanish ancestors) from espaoles peninsulares (those born in the Iberian Peninsula, i.e. Spain). However in Brazil the term was also used to distinguish between negros crioulos (blacks born in Brazil from African slave ancestors) and negros africanos (born in Africa). Over time, the term and its derivatives (Creole, Kreyol, Kriol, Krio, etc.) lost the generic meaning and became the proper name of many distinct ethnic groups that developed locally from immigrant communities. Originally, therefore, the term "creole language" meant the speech of any of those creole peoples.

Geographic distribution

As a consequence of colonial European trade patterns, most of the known European-based creole languages arose in the equatorial belt around the world and in areas with access to the oceans, including the coastal regions of the Americas, western Africa, Goa and along the west coast of India, and along the coast of Southeast Asia up to Indonesia, Macau, the Philippines, Malaysia, Seychelles and Oceania. Many of those creoles are now extinct, but others still survive in the Caribbean, the north and east coasts of South America (The Guyanas), western Africa, Australia (see Australian Kriol language), and in the Indian Ocean. Atlantic Creole languages are based on European languages with elements from African and possibly Amerind languages. Indian Ocean Creole languages are based on European languages with elements from Malagasy and possibly other Asian languages. There are, however, creoles like Nubi and Sango that are derived solely from non-European languages.
Social and political status

Because of the generally low status of the Creole peoples in the eyes of prior European colonial powers, creole languages have generally been regarded as "degenerate" languages, or at best as rudimentary "dialects" of the politically dominant parent languages. Because of this prejudice, the word "creole" was generally used by linguists in opposition to "language", rather than as a qualifier for it.[15] This prejudice was compounded by the inherent instability of the colonial system, leading to the disappearance of creole languages, mainly due to dispersion or assimilation of their speech communities.[16] Another factor that may have contributed to the relative neglect of creole languages in linguistics is that they do not fit the 19th century neogrammarian "tree model" for the evolution of languages, and its postulated regularity of sound changes (such as the earliest advocates of the wave model, Johannes Schmidt and Hugo Schuchardt, the forerunners of modern sociolinguistics). This controversy of the late 19th century profoundly shaped modern approaches to the comparative method in historical linguistics and in creolistics.[17][18][19] Because of social, political, and academic changes brought on by decolonization in the second half of the 20th century, creole languages have experienced revivals in the past few decades. They are increasingly being used in print and film, and in many cases, their community prestige has improved dramatically. In fact, some have been standardized, and are used in local schools and universities around the world.[20][21][22] At the same time, linguists have began to come to the realization that creole languages are in no way inferior to other languages. They now use the term "creole" or "creole language" for any language suspected to have undergone creolization, terms that now imply no geographic restrictions nor ethnic prejudices.

Classification of creoles
Historic classification

According to their external history, four types of creoles have been distinguished: plantation creoles, fort creoles, maroon creoles, and creolized pidgins.[23] By the very nature of a creole language, the phylogenetic classification of a particular creole usually is a matter of dispute; especially when the pidgin precursor and its parent tongues (which may have been other creoles or pidgins) have disappeared before they could be documented. Phylogenetic classification traditionally relies on inheritance of the lexicon, especially of "core" terms, and of the grammar structure. However, in creoles, the core lexicon often has mixed origin, and the grammar is largely original. For these reasons, the issue of which language is the parent of a creole that is, whether a language should be classified as a "Portuguese creole" or "English creole", etc. often has no definitive answer, and can become the topic of long-lasting controversies, where social prejudices and political considerations may interfere with scientific discussion.[24][25][26]
Substrate and superstrate

The terms substrate and superstrate are often used when two languages interact. However, the meaning of these terms is reasonably well-defined only in second language acquisition or language replacement events, when the native speakers of a certain source language (the substrate) are somehow compelled to abandon it for another target language (the superstrate).[27] The outcome of such an event is that erstwhile speakers of the substrate will use some version of the superstrate, at least in more formal contexts. The substrate may survive as a second language for informal conversation. As demonstrated by the fate of many replaced European languages (such as Etruscan, Breton, and Venetian), the influence of the substrate on the official speech is often limited to pronunciation and a modest number of loanwords. The substrate might even disappear altogether without leaving any trace.[28] However, there is dispute over the extent to which the terms "substrate" and "superstrate" are applicable to the genesis or the description of creole languages.[29] The language replacement model may not be appropriate in creole formation contexts, where the emerging language is derived from multiple languages without any one of them being imposed as a replacement for any other.[30][31] The substratum-superstratum distinction becomes awkward when multiple superstrata must be assumed (such as in Papiamentu), when the substratum cannot be identified, or when the presence or the survival of substratal evidence is inferred from mere typological analogies.[32] On the other hand, the distinction may be meaningful when the contributions of each parent language to the resulting creole can be shown to be very unequal, in a scientifically meaningful way.[33] In the literature on Atlantic Creoles, "superstrate" usually means European and "substrate" non-European or African.[34]

Decreolization

Since creole languages rarely attain official status, the speakers of a fully formed creole may eventually feel compelled to conform their speech to one of the parent languages. This decreolization process typically brings about a post-creole speech continuum characterized by large scale variation and hypercorrection in the language.[35]

Shared features
It is commonly assumed that, compared to other languages, creoles have a simpler grammar and more internal variability. However, these notions may be little more than prejudices.[36] (See also language complexity.) Phylogenetic or typological comparisons of creole languages have led to divergent conclusions. Similarities are usually higher among creoles derived from related languages, such as the languages of Europe, than among broader groups that include also creoles based on non-IndoEuropean languages (like Nubi or Sango). French-based creoles in turn are more similar to each other (and to varieties of French) than to other European-based creoles. It was observed, in particular, that definite articles are mostly prenominal in English-based creole languages and English whereas they are generally postnominal in French creoles and in the variety of French that was exported to the colonies in the 17th and 18th century.[37] Moreover the European languages which gave rise to the creole languages of European colonies all belong to the same subgroup of Western Indo-European and have highly convergent grammars; to the point that Whorf joined them into a single Standard Average European language group.[38] French and English are particularly close, since English, through extensive borrowing, is typologically closer to French than to other Germanic languages.[39] Thus the claimed similarities between creoles may be mere consequences of similar parentage, rather than characteristic features of all creoles.

Creole genesis
There are a variety of theories on the origin of creole languages, all of which attempt to explain the similarities among them. Arends, Muysken & Smith (1995) outline a fourfold classification of explanations regarding creole genesis:

Theories focusing on European input Theories focusing on non-European input Gradualist and developmental hypotheses Universalist approaches

Theories focusing on European input

The monogenetic theory of pidgins and creoles The monogenetic theory of pidgins and creoles hypothesizes that they are all derived from a single Mediterranean Lingua Franca, via a West African Pidgin Portuguese of the 17th century, relexified in the so-called "slave factories" of Western Africa that were the source of the Atlantic

slave trade. This theory was originally formulated by Hugo Schuchardt in the late 19th century and popularized in the late 1950s and early 1960s by Taylor,[40] Whinnom,[41] Thompson,[42] and Stewart.[43] However, this hypothesis is no longer actively investigated. The domestic origin hypothesis Proposed by Hancock (1985) for the origin of English-based creoles of the West Indies, the Domestic Origin Hypothesis argues that, towards the end of the 16th century, English-speaking traders began to settle in the Gambia and Sierra Leone rivers as well as in neighboring areas such as the Bullom and Sherbro coasts. These settlers intermarried with the local population leading to mixed populations, and, as a result of this intermarriage, an English pidgin was created. This pidgin was learned by slaves in slave depots, who later on took it to the West Indies and formed one component of the emerging English creoles. The European dialect origin hypothesis The French creoles are the foremost candidates to being the outcome of "normal" linguistic change and their creoleness to be sociohistoric in nature and relative to their colonial origin.[44] Within this theoretical framework, a French creole is a language phylogenetically based on the French language, more specifically on a 17th century koin French extant in Paris, the French Atlantic harbours, and the nascent French colonies. Two descendants of the non-creole colonial koin are still spoken in Canada (mostly in Qubec and among the Acadian people of the Eastern Maritime provinces), the Prairies, Louisiana, Saint-Barthlemy (leeward portion of the island) and as isolates in other parts of the Americas.[45] Approaches under this hypothesis are compatible with gradualism in change and models of imperfect language transmission in koin genesis. Foreigner talk and baby talk The Foreigner Talk (FT) hypothesis argues that a pidgin or creole language forms when native speakers attempt to simplify their language in order to address speakers who do not know their language at all. Because of the similarities found in this type of speech and speech directed to a small child, it is also sometimes called baby talk.[46] Arends, Muysken & Smith (1995) suggest that four different processes are involved in creating Foreigner Talk:

Accommodation Imitation Telegraphic condensation Conventions

This could explain why creole languages have much in common, while avoiding a monogenetic model. However, Hinnenkamp (1984), in analyzing German Foreigner Talk, claims that it is too inconsistent and unpredictable to provide any model for language learning.

While the simplification of input was supposed to account for creoles' simple grammar, there are a number of problems with this explanation:[47]
1. There are too many grammatical similarities amongst pidgins and creoles despite having very different lexifier languages. 2. Grammatical simplification can be explained by other processes, i.e. the innate grammar of Bickerton's language bioprogram theory. 3. Speakers of a creole's lexifier language often fail to understand, without learning the language, the grammar of a pidgin or creole. 4. Pidgins are more often used amongst speakers of different substrate languages than between such speakers and those of the lexifier language.

Another problem with the FT explanation is its potential circularity. Bloomfield (1933) points out that FT is often based on the imitation of the incorrect speech of the non-natives, that is the pidgin. Therefore one may be mistaken in assuming that the former gave rise to the latter. Imperfect L2 learning The imperfect L2 (second language) learning hypothesis claims that pidgins are primarily the result of the imperfect L2 learning of the dominant lexifier language by the slaves. Research on naturalistic L2 processes has revealed a number of features of "interlanguage systems" that are also seen in pidgins and creoles:

invariant verb forms derived from the infinitive or the least marked finite verb form; loss of determiners or use as determiners of demonstrative pronouns, adjectives or adverbs; placement of a negative particle in preverbal position; use of adverbs to express modality; fixed single word order with no inversion in questions; reduced or absent nominal plural marking.

Imperfect L2 learning is compatible with other approaches, notably the European dialect origin hypothesis and the universalist models of language transmission.[48]
Theories focusing on non-European input

Theories focusing on the substrate, or non-European, languages attribute similarities amongst creoles to the similarities of African substrate languages. These features are often assumed to be transferred from the substrate language to the creole or to be preserved invariant from the substrate language in the creole through a process of relexification: the substrate language replaces the native lexical items with lexical material from the superstrate language while retaining the native grammatical categories.[49] The problem with this explanation is that the postulated substrate languages differ amongst themselves and with creoles in meaningful ways. Bickerton (1981) argues that the number and diversity of African languages and the paucity of a historical record on creole genesis makes determining lexical correspondences a matter of chance. Dillard (1970) coined the term "cafeteria principle" to refer to the practice of arbitrarily attributing features of creoles to the influence of substrate African languages or assorted substandard dialects of European languages.

For a representative debate on this issue, see the contributions to Mufwene (1993); for a more recent view, Parkvall (2000). Because of the sociohistoric similarities amongst many (but by no means all) of the creoles, the Atlantic slave trade and the plantation system of the European colonies have been emphasized as factors by linguists such as McWhorter (1999).
Gradualist and developmental hypotheses

One class of creoles might start as pidgins, rudimentary second languages improvised for use between speakers of two or more non-intelligible native languages. Keith Whinnom (in Hymes (1971)) suggests that pidgins need three languages to form, with one (the superstrate) being clearly dominant over the others. The lexicon of a pidgin is usually small and drawn from the vocabularies of its speakers, in varying proportions. Morphological details like word inflections, which usually take years to learn, are omitted; the syntax is kept very simple, usually based on strict word order. In this initial stage, all aspects of the speech syntax, lexicon, and pronunciation tend to be quite variable, especially with regard to the speaker's background. If a pidgin manages to be learned by the children of a community as a native language, it may become fixed and acquire a more complex grammar, with fixed phonology, syntax, morphology, and syntactic embedding. Pidgins can become full languages in only a single generation. "Creolization" is this second stage where the pidgin language develops into a fully developed native language. The vocabulary, too, will develop to contain more and more items according to a rationale of lexical enrichme

Pidgin
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation, search Not to be confused with the Pigeon bird. For the instant messaging client, see Pidgin (software).

A pidgin ( /pdn/), or pidgin language, is a simplified language that develops as a means of communication between two or more groups that do not have a language in common. It is most commonly employed in situations such as trade, or where both groups speak languages different from the language of the country in which they reside (but where there is no common language between the groups). Fundamentally, a pidgin is a simplified means of linguistic communication, as it is constructed impromptu, or by convention, between individuals or groups of people. A pidgin is not the native language of any speech community, but is instead learned as a second language.[1][2] A pidgin may be built from words, sounds, or body language from multiple other languages and cultures. Pidgins allow people or a group of people to communicate with each other without having any similarities in language and do not have any rules, as long as both parties are able to understand each other. Pidgins can be changed and do not follow a specific order.[3] Pidgins usually have low prestige with respect to other languages.[4]

Not all simplified or "broken" forms of a language are pidgins. Each pidgin has its own norms of usage which must be learned for proficiency in the pidgin.[5]

Contents

1 Etymology 2 Terminology 3 Common traits among pidgin languages 4 Pidgin development 5 See also 6 Notes 7 References 8 Further reading 9 External links

Etymology
The origin of the word pidgin is uncertain. Pidgin first appeared in print in 1850. The most widely accepted etymology is from the Chinese pronunciation of the English word business.[6] Another etymology that has been proposed is English pigeon, a bird sometimes used for carrying brief written messages, especially in times prior to modern telecommunications.[7]

Terminology
The word pidgin, formerly also spelled pigion,[6] originally used to describe Chinese Pidgin English, was later generalized to refer to any pidgin.[8] Pidgin may also be used as the specific name for local pidgins or creoles, in places where they are spoken. For example, the name of the creole language Tok Pisin derives from the English words talk pidgin. Its speakers usually refer to it simply as "pidgin" when speaking English.[9][10] Likewise, Hawaiian Creole English is commonly referred to by its speakers as "Pidgin". The term jargon has also been used to describe pidgins, and is found in the names of some pidgins, such as Chinook Jargon. In this context, linguists today use jargon to denote a particularly rudimentary type of pidgin;[11] however, this usage is rather rare, and the term jargon most often refers to the words particular to a given profession. Pidgins may start out as or become trade languages, such as Tok Pisin. Trade languages are often full blown languages in their own right such as Swahili. Trade languages tend to be "vehicular languages", while pidgins can evolve into the vernacular.[clarification needed]

Common traits among pidgin languages

Since a pidgin language is a fundamentally simpler form of communication, the grammar and phonology are usually as simple as possible, and usually consist of:[citation needed]

Uncomplicated clausal structure (e.g., no embedded clauses, etc.) Reduction or elimination of syllable codas Reduction of consonant clusters or breaking them with epenthesis Basic vowels, such as [a, e, i, o, u] No tones, such as those found in West African and Asian languages Use of separate words to indicate tense, usually preceding the verb Use of reduplication to represent plurals, superlatives, and other parts of speech that represent the concept being increased A lack of morphophonemic variation

Pidgin development
The creation of a pidgin usually requires:

Prolonged, regular contact between the different language communities A need to communicate between them An absence of (or absence of widespread proficiency in) a widespread, accessible interlanguage

Also, Keith Whinnom (in Hymes (1971)) suggests that pidgins need three languages to form, with one (the superstrate) being clearly dominant over the others. It is often posited that pidgins become creole languages when a generation of children learn a pidgin as their first language, a process that regularizes speaker-dependent variation in grammar. Creoles can then replace the existing mix of languages to become the native language of a community (such as the Chavacano language in the Philippines, Krio in Sierra Leone, and Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea). However, not all pidgins become creole languages; a pidgin may die out before this phase would occur (e.g. the Mediterranean Lingua Franca). Other scholars, such as Salikoko Mufwene, argue that pidgins and creoles arise independently under different circumstances, and that a pidgin need not always precede a creole nor a creole evolve from a pidgin. Pidgins, according to Mufwene, emerged among trade colonies among "users who preserved their native vernaculars for their day-to-day interactions". Creoles, meanwhile, developed in settlement colonies in which speakers of a European language, often indentured servants whose language would be far from the standard in the first place, interacted extensively with non-European slaves, absorbing certain words and features from the slaves' non-European native languages, resulting in a heavily basilectalized version of the original language. These servants and slaves would come to use the creole as an everyday vernacular, rather than merely in situations in which contact with a speaker of the superstrate was necessary.[12]
Pidgins and creoles

Pidgins and creoles

Discuss some of the basic differences that characterize pidgins and creoles, based on your understanding of what is meant by the following quote: Pidginisation is second language learning with restricted input, while creolisation was first language learning with restricted input. (Mesthrie et al, 2009, p. 287) Pidgins are defined as a type of spoken communication with two or more languages. It has fundamental grammar and vocabulary. It is also meant to facilitate people who do not speak a common language. Lastly, it is not spoken as a native language. An example is the Lingua Franca which was first created among traders. This is called business language. They are created because traders come from different places and have different tongues; therefore a common language is formed. Creoles, on the other hand, refer to any pidgin language that becomes the first language in a speech community. A creole is created when the utterer of a pidgin language become gains a strong hold over utterers of another. This can be in the form of social or political hold over. Therefore, the pidgin language used in speech between these two groups may become the first language of the minority community. One such example is Gullah (derived from English), spoken in the Sea Islands of the southeastern U.S. - http://www.reference.com/browse/creole Differences between Pidgins and Creoles:

1) Pidgin is a linguistic communication that comprised of components of two or more other languages and is used for communication among people. It can also be called business language. It is not a first language. Whereas, creole is a language that was at first a pidgin but has transformed and become a first language.

2) Structural difference: Creole languages have the Subject Verb Object word order whereas Pidgin can have any possible order. Also, reduplication is a common and general process in Creole languages but its very not very often found in Pidgins.

3) One important difference between Pidgins and Creoles is that pidgins do not have first language speakers while creoles do. However, this is not easy to make out because there are more and more extended pidgins beginning to acquire native speakers. Extended pidgins refer to when a pidgin becomes a creole. The cultural side of a pidgin usually defines this. This means that more pidgins are becoming first languages.

4) Another difference is that creoles may originate through abnormal transmissions but as children acquire them, they must, therefore, comply with the blueprint' of language that can also be referred to as how the language is going to constructed and formed. Blueprint here is comparable to how we relate to a blueprint of a house. However, for pidgins, as they are a result of a second language, although they have to be learnable by adults, they do not have to be acceptable by children. This means that pidgins do not have to comply with the blueprint' of language. Pidgins before they become accomplished languages in a community, are always second languages and usually after teenage. Explanation of quote:

According to the definition, what Mesthrie et al meant when he said Pidginisation is second language learning with restricted input is that pidgins is not used as a first language. Following the definition laid out above, it is a language that is borne out of the contact between two different languages. As such, it has restricted contact as the contact between the speaker and the second language is not frequent. Also, it has been noted that pidgins are nothing close to the foreign language as it has only rudimentary grammar and vocabulary. As mentioned above, research has shown that all creole languages have the Subject Verb Object language rules whereas any possible order is allowed for pidgins. This means that while creole languages need to follow a given set of rules for word order, pidgins do not have to. Instead they can be formed in any way. For example, the pidgin Ojibwe has a free word order. This shows that pidgins is second language learning because learners do not follow a given set of language rules as the grammar is still not fixed and internalized. This goes to show as what Mesthrie has said; pidgins are essentially second language learning with restricted input from the native speakers of the second language themselves. The second part of the quote claims that creolization is first language learning with restricted input. As mentioned in the definition, through creolization, a pidgin becomes a language on its own. This language is then similar to non-creole languages in terms of grammatical and language rules. This claim stems from the crucial difference between creoles and pidgins - the presence of native speakers and also a need to follow the blueprint of the foreign language. In creoles, the presence of native speakers now means that there are more interactions between both languages. Also, reduplication is a usual process in Creole languages but its rarely seen in pidgins. The repetition of a root to show intensity, plurality, duration and frequency shows that the second language learner has become more familiar with the foreign language. This implies that the learners are now almost on the same level as the native speakers in terms of familiarity with the first language and its grammar. This shows us that creoles are in effect first language learning. The need to now follow a blueprint of the foreign language and the added presence of native speakers means that creolization is in effect, a first language learning. To be a native speaker, one must be able to follow that language's linguistic rules. In creoles, we see that it is a requirement to follow the foreign language's rules. Thus, this tells us that the learning of creoles now assimilates to the foreign language as compared to pidgins. The later part of the second quote requires us to explain why there is still restricted input. The previous second language speakers who are now native speakers of the foreign language means that the people who still speak the foreign language as a

second language now have immediate role models they can learn from. However, as these native speakers are still few in numbers, creoles are therefore said to be first language learning with restricted input.

Best Answer Pidgins and creoles are two types of artificial language. A pidgin is formed when two cultures first come into contact with each other; since neither speaks the other's language, an artificial basic language is created as both sides try to communicate. The word itself is a corruption of the English word business as pronounced by 19th-century Chinese. A creole is what a pidgin evolves into, if it's maintained for more than one generation. It's named for the Creole people of Louisiana, whose ancestors were African slaves but who weren't permitted to speak their native tongue in the presence of their English- and French-speaking owners. So they invented a form of French-English with a strong African flavor, and passed the new language on to their children.