1

A Critique of Philippine Nationalism

From Reformism to Radicalism to Opportunism Introduction: Sowing the Seed of Nationalism Ferdinand Magellan set the standard pattern as to the method of assimilation by employing the time-tested tactic of divide-and-conquer. In siding with Humabon against Lapulapu. Future Spanish colonialists learned well from the slain Portuguese navigator; by sending a few hundred troops at the start, they were able to subjugate a great many barangays. Thus began the Philippines experience as a colony of Spain. Life under a foreign banner is at its best, mildly bearable; under Spain, it was brutal and oppressive. Economically, the Philippines was of little use to Spain as the latter came In search of gold and spices. Therefore, all the colonialists could do was to exploit the natural and human resources to the hilt. This they did with barefaced rapacity. With the implementation of the infamous encomienda system, the Indios were required to pay exorbitant tributes and render what was, in effect, slave labor. Those who would (and oftentimes, could) not comply were, according to Fray Domingo de Salazar, tortured, killed and even crucified.1 The alcalde-mayor, who was the most corrupt bureaucrat in the history of official corruption, made flagrant abuse of his absolute power by employing fraud in the collection of already unreasonable taxes. The ubiquitous friars, not content with their numerous political functions, became landlords either by outright chicanery or the notorious pacto de retroventa at the expense of the hapless natives. It was not surprising that the pre-19th century Spanish rule of the Philippines was marked with a series of uprisings. But these were localized. The Tamblot and Bankaw revolts were essentially frustrated attempts to revive the old religion that had been suplanted by Christianity. Those inspired by Sumuroy in the South, and Maniago, Malong and Almazon in the north, were arrested with aid of a large number of native Filipino auxiliaries from other regions. The Dagohoy revolt, the longest, most remarkable, was confined to Bohol. Diego Silang, who courted the British support, led the Ilocos rebellion staged during the Seven Years War.2 Most of these revolts were defeated or put down because of the superior weapons of the Spaniards and support extended by auxiliary native troops from the other provinces. However the revolution of 1896, which historians have marked as the birth of the Filipino Nation, would be different because it was a struggle for separation and independence. The last three hundred years had witnessed only sporadic resistance. What contra-distinguished the 1896 revolution from its aborted predecessors? Clearly, the wide spread presence of a national consciousness arising from the need to counteract and terminate Spanish injustice. Hitherto, the ilustrados and creoles had maintained a discreet silence as regards colonial oppression. But when they themselves became the surprised victims of unchecked abuses, many lost no time in joining reformism or the revolution. Thus, the liberation movement acquired a national character. Although numerous factors, such as the influx of liberal ideas from the West, were involved, it was mainly Spanish tyranny and injustice working on a grand scale which precipitated the struggle against Spain. The series of struggles and uprising would culminate to

the struggle for independence. The emergence of nationalism, which means having a sense of nationhood and national identity, underwent an evolution. Nationalism understood as Filipino nationalism had to evolve from the various phases of the struggle of the people in the Philippine who experience the tyranny and oppression under the Spanish rule. It began as struggle against discrimination and for assimilation into a struggle for independence and nationhood, from Indio to Filipino, from reformism to revolution. At this point, we shall examine how the transformation took place. Material basis of the Emerging National Consciousness3 The transformation of the political economic situation and the changing international trade system created a material condition which provided the reproduction of a collective consciousness that would later evolve into a national conscious. Foremost of which was the growth and development of agriculture and commerce that resulted in fundamental changes which would have a bearing on the class composition of the colony. The transformation of the Philippine economy improved the economic status of a number of transitional economic and social groups composed of Creoles (Spaniards born in the Philippines), Chinese mestizos and urbanized indios, usually descendants of town principales. These were the people who directly participated in agricultural production and commerce following the opening of the Philippines to world trade. From them evolved the Filipino elite of the colony, the educated class, the ilustrado. Their prosperity enabled them to send their children to school or even to Europe. Europe at this time was very much influenced by liberal and revolutionary ideas. These ideas, as well as the works of well-known liberal thinkers and philosophers, found their way into the colony and were absorbed into the mainstream of thought of this emerging group. For example, the French Revolutions Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, and the ideas of masonry - free-thinking, and anti-Catholic friars - found many adherents among educated Filipinos. As their status improved, their desire for political and social equality with the Spaniards became more acute. They resented government bureaucracy and friar rule and saw both sectors as obstacles to their continued economic development. The ilustrados with their new found knowledge and skills were seldom given government positions. The few lawyers and physicians who were given jobs had only temporary appointments. Filipino priests, who were University trained, were used as co-adjutors of Spanish priests or were assigned only the poorest parishes, rich parishes being reserved for the Spanish clergy.4 All these developments served to undermine further the already dwindling ties between the Philippines and Spain. Because the presence of the powerful foreign trading houses (backed by their governments) was a threat Spain felt powerless to confront directly, she chose instead to make it harder for all concerned by instituting more taxes, higher tariffs and new levies. Everyone, naturally, resented all these. The most articulate protests came from the ranks of the Filipino elite whose sons were educated in Manila and Europe and who espoused the ideas of nationalism that had seeped into the colony from foreign shores. Spain tried to counter these by constantly harping on the racial and cultural inferiority of the Filipinos that only served to heighten national consciousness and helped disseminate the emerging nationalist sentiments among the people.

All these produced a climate of discontent that pervaded all social levels. From the ilustrados to the lowly indios, all became one in their resentment of Spanish colonial policies and practices. Since the increased economic activity brought about by foreign trade had improved transportation and communication facilities, the various parts of the country were now closer to one another. The people came to realize the similarities of their grievances and the existence of a common source of their misery. The Propaganda and Reformism Lack of economic opportunity and discrimination of the Indios and mestizos by the Spaniards led to the ever increasing resentment. As in the previous centuries, peasant discontent, due to the unjust situation in which they labored, ignited a series of protests in the countryside of Manila in the latter half of the 19th century. However they tried to obtain justice through the existing colonial system but to no avail. In 1888, the tenants of the Calamba estate, owned by the Dominicans, protested against rising land rental, intimidation and threats of ejection. They took their grievances to the courts but, as was to be expected, they lost their case. Their opposition only led to the banishment of many prominent citizens of the town of Calamba.5 This has created a perception among the Filipinos that the friars were the oppressors. In that same year, 1888, a demonstration was held in Manila, demanding the expulsion of the friars and the exile of the Manila Archbishop Pedro Payo, O.P.6 This was followed by a profusion of pamphlets and leaflets containing anti-friar sentiments, most of which denounced the political role that the friars played in the Philippines, their ownership of vast estates, and the alleged abuses they committed against the natives.7 The increasing resentment felt by the natives against the Spaniards was matched by the disdain with which the Spaniards regarded the indios. The Spaniards waged a campaign of open denigration of the natives and all those associated with them. The racist-campaign against the indios was aimed at reinforcing the idea that the indios were impossible to expose to curiosity and philosophical studies,8 thus justifying the policy of consigning them to only subordinate positions in the clergy and government. This racial bias, hurled relentlessly at the natives, must have inflicted great damage on their self-image, but it proved to be a unifying factor among the geographically separated and linguistically divergent ethnic groups. Being grouped together in one category, however base it must have sounded, served to imprint on the indios that they were a race apart: a painful awareness that spurred them to fight for the recognition and respect which they thought they deserved. Thus, to such anti-indio campaign, the native ilustrados, as well as their creole and Spanish mestizo sympathizers waged a propaganda movement which not only refuted the racist lies aimed at the natives but also exposed their grievances to authorities in Spain, and enabled them to lobby for reform. Most of the activities of this movement were held in Spain. In December 1888, the Filipino nationalists in Spain founded La Solidaridad, an organization exclusively for Filipinos. The first president of La Solidaridad was Galicano Apacible, a cousin of Rizal, While Lopez Jaena served as vice-president. Rizal, who was in England at the time, was

elected honorary president. They believed that if reforms, which the movement sought from Spain, would be granted then the colony would become a province of Spain. 9 The reforms were: (1) legal and political equality between Spaniards and Filipinos; (2) grant freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, and of redress of grievances from the government; (3) Philippine representation in the Spanish Cortes, the highest lawmaking body in Spain; and (4) expel the friars from the Philippines and to promote the secularization of the parishes.10 The propaganda movement took an anti-friar character. It was not surprising considering that most of the propagandists were affiliated with Free Masonry.11 It contributed to the growing perception that the friars were the pillar of Spanish rule and tyranny. There was the growing consensus among the leaders of the propaganda to regard the friars as the principal hindrance to their goals: It was necessary to eliminate them as the main pillars of Spanish rule, hence to destroy their prestige, both before the ordinary [native] who looked to them for guidance, and before the Spanish government which used them to maintain itself.12 There were other events, of varying significance and impact, that occurred during the last years of the Spanish reign.13 But suffice it to say that all these contributed to a greater or lesser degree to the cause of nationalism. However the leaders of the propaganda movement believed that assimilation, not independence, was the answer to the Filipinos misfortune. Under assimilation, the Philippines would become a province of Spain, with Filipinos having the same rights and privileges as their Spanish counterparts. In other words Filipinos would be equal with the Spaniards no longer discriminated. Towards this end, the Propagandists sought to bring to the Spanish publics notice the evils that afflicted the Philippines in order to win the sympathy of the Spanish people and authorities so that proper measures and reforms could be initiated in the Philippines. The primary instrument of the propaganda movement was La Solidaridad, a bi-monthly journal devoted to articles supporting liberal ideas and exposing the sufferings of the Filipino people. The first editor of La Solidaridad was Lopez Jaena, who served for eight months before passing the editorship to del Pilar. The most outstanding writers of La Solidaridad were Jose Rizal, Mariano Ponce, Antonio Luna, Jose Ma. Panganiban, Pedro Serrano Laktaw, and Eduardo de Lete. In order to avoid reprisal from the Spaniards, these writers used pen names, with Rizal using the names Laong Laan and Dimasalang, while del Pilar used the name Plaridel.14 In the end, the Philippine Propaganda movement in Spain did not achieve its goals. The Spanish government had problems of its own and the Propagandists cry for reform went unheeded. The La Liga Filipina and the Radicalization of its Members When the Propaganda in Spain did not succeed in influencing Spanish policy, some of leaders became convinced that to effect reforms they must be waged in the native country rather

than in Spain and it should be done through an organization. Jose Rizal was one of those who realized that the struggle should be fought in the Philippines.15 He wrote If our countrymen hope in us here in Europe, they are certainly mistaken. . . The help we can give them is our lives in our country. The error all make in thinking we can help here, far away, is a great mistake indeed. The medicine must be brought near the sick man. Had I not been unwilling to shorten the lives of my parents, I would not have left the Philippines, no matter what happened. Those five months I stayed there were a model life, a book even better than the Noli me tangere. The field of battle is the Philippines; there is where we should be.16 On July 3 1892, a week after his return, Rizal founded La Liga Filipina in a secret meeting held at the house of Doroteo Ongjunco, a Mason, on Calle Raja Matanda in Tondo. Rizal himself wrote in its constitution, the aims of the association were (1) to unify the whole archipelago into one compact, vigorous and homogenous body; (2) mutual protection in every want and necessity; (3) defense against all violence and injustice; (4) encouragement of instruction, agriculture, and commerce, and (5) study and application of reforms.17 The founding of the Liga Filipins marked the end of the propaganda movement. 18 The membership of the Liga was composed mainly of prominent Filipinos in Manila and in the neighboring provinces. The ilustrados were attracted by the Ligas objectives. There were those who did not come from the ilustrado, nevertheless have joined the La Liga like Andres Bonifacio who worked as a warehouseman for a German firm. The Liga Filipina gave expression to an emerging conviction among the natives that all of them, whether of the elite class or not, Indios or Mestizos had the same goals and were entitle to be called Filipinos just like their leaders. The motto of the Liga emphasized this common identity: Unus Instar Omnium (One Like All).19 The Ligas existence was short-lived. The Spanish authorities, since the publication of Rizala novels, had already been suspicious of him and monitored his activities from the time of his return to the Philippines. On July 6, 1892 Rizal was arrested and eventually shipped to Dapitan where he lived for over four years in exile. The expansion of the association lost momentum. The members were disheartened by the sudden lost of their leader. Other members of the Liga Filipina saw this as indicative of the futility of peaceful reforms. Thus, the arrest of Rizal had a radicalizing effect on some of the members of the association. Among them was Andres Bonifacio. Upon learning of Rizals arrest, he immediately gathered together a few of his most trusted associates and founded, on the night of July 7, 1892, the secret revolutionary society known as the Katipunan or Kataas-taasang Kagalang-galangang Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan (KKK). The primary aim of the Katipunan was independence from Spain through an armed uprising.20 Radical Nationalism: Katipunan and The Revolution of 189621 The founder of the Katipunan was not an ilustrado nor was he wealthy. But neither did he belong to the lowest class of Philippine society. His father had one time served as the districts teniente mayor. He finished high school but the death of his parents prevented him from pursuing

higher education. Mainly through self-study, he learned how to read Spanish and English, and made up for his lack of schooling with his talent for organization.22 The Katipunan, through Bonifacios leadership, brought the masses into the political arena. It was a secret organization and populist, which could be seen in the structure of the Katipunan, including its ideology. It had a supreme council (Kataastaasang Sanggunian) composed of a president, a fiscal, a secretary, a treasurer, and comptroller. There were provicial councils and town or popular councils. The majority of the members came from the lower socioeconomic groups in Manila and nearby Tagalog areas. All discussions and conversions were carried out in the native tongue, particularly Tagalog. Its Manifesto and the Kartilla, also witten in Tagalog, contained teachings that were aimed principally at building among the masses pride for their race and country. The Kartilla ng Katipunan, prepared by Emilio Jacinto, a twenty-year-old law student provided the code of ethics of the Katipunan which went as follows.23 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Life which is not consecrated to a lofty and sacred cause is like a tree without a shadow, if not a poisonous weed. A good deed that springs from a desire for personal profit and not from a desire to do good is not kindness. True greatness consists in being charitable, in loving ones fellowmen and in adjusting every movement, deed and word to true Reason. All men are equal, be the color of their skin black or white. One may be superior to another in knowledge, wealth, and beauty but cannot be superior in being. He who is noble prefers honor to personal gain; he who is mean prefers personal profit to honor. To a man with a sense of shame, his word is inviolate. Dont fritter away time; lost riches may be recovered, but time lost will never come again. Defend the oppressed and fight the oppressor. An intelligent man is he who is cautious in speech and knows how to keep secrets that must be guarded.

10. In the thorny path of life, man is the guide of his wife and children; if he who guides moves towards evil, they who are guided likewise move toward evil. 11. Think not of woman as a thing merely to while away time but as a helper and partner in the hardships of life. Respect her in her weakness and remember the mother who brought you into this world and who cared for you in your childhood. 12. What you do not want done to your wife, daughter, and sister, do not do to the wife, daughter, and sister of another.

13. The nobility of a man does not consist in being a king, or in the height of his nose and the whiteness of his skin, or in being the priest representing God, or in his exalted position on the earth, but pure and truly noble is he who, although born in the woods, is possessed of an upright character, who is true to his word, who has dignity and honor, who does not oppress and does not help those who oppress, who knows how to look after and love the land of his birth. With its radical stance and mass-based approach, the Katipunan leaders found it difficult to recruit the ilustrado and wealthy natives.24 Despite the difficulties, the Katipunan spread like wildfire among the masses. One contributing factor was the organizations paper, Kalayaan which began its first (and last circulation) in March of 1896. The Katipunan succeeded in rousing the masses from their passivity and inculcating in the minds of the masses, that they were Filipinos fighting for a common cause. The emerging nationalism understood by the masses, propagated by the Katipunan, could only be populist and egalitarian. The principal ideas were liberty, patriotism and equality.25 The revolution of 1896 saw the most sustained and concerted effort on the part of the oppressed people to free themselves from the Spanish yoke. Like a conflagration, it spread to almost every province, overwhelming the Spaniards and forcing them to make a last stand in Manila. Ultimately, the Spanish tyranny affected even those of Spanish descent, particularly the mestizos and the Philippine-born Spaniards or Creoles. One can well imagine the reaction of the downtrodden Filipinos who had hitherto remained aloof, and even opposed, to one another. Now that they shared a common experience as victims of Spanish oppression, a new nationalism began to emerge. The nation-state was vaguely felt to be the totality of all those oppressed and exploited by Spain who, by one means or another, would fight to alleviate the general suffering. A clear proof of this is the radical shift of meaning in the word Filipino, which had previously applied only to creoles. Now, creole, mestizo and Indio joined hands against the chauvinist peninsular, who had been so unwise as to alienate them through racism and other means. But the vestiges of the old anarchism were still present selfish class interests inevitably clashed with nobler goals. For instance, whereas the Indio battled to completely change the inhuman status quo, the creole was merely interested in preserving his rights. When Bonifacio and the other leaders of the Katipunan were discovered and compelled to launch the revolution, the ilustrado, composed of creoles and mestizos some hesitated in joining the revolution while others refused to support it. Rizal himself tried to prevent Bonifacio from launching the revolution. Rizal was against it, but he believed the educated class should lead it.26 Thus, it may be said that the revolution, which followed, carried the seeds of its own destruction, for those who desired a mere face-lift of the system would willingly embrace a subtler enemy, as we shall soon see. The Seed of Opportunism

Regionalism and class chauvinism have always been centrifugal forces in the development of Philippine nationalism. When the Caviteos defeated the Spaniards in an impressive military encounter, the ilustrado leadership felt that they deserved to hold the reins of revolution. In pursuit of this goal, they invited Katipunan Supremo Bonifacio to what came to call the Tejeros Convention. Bonifacio was naive enough to go and yield to their demand for a new government. In the elections that followed, the Cavite elite succeeded in capturing the top positions; Aguinaldo became President whereas the uneducated Bonifacio occupied the lowest rung as Minister of the Interior. The latter, insulted by the bigotry of Daniel Tirona and the blatant unfairness of the proceedings, dissolved the assembly and repudiated its resolutions.1 Eventually, the Caviteos, in an unprecedented masterpiece of treason, arrested Bonifacio, gave him a mock-trial2, denounced him a counter-revolutionary, and had him ignobly executed.27

1 MAGDIWANG VS. MAGDALO Bad blood erupted between the two Katipunan Councils in Cavitethe Magdalo and Magdiwang due to lack of respect and territorial competition prompting Mariano Alvarez to invite Bonifacio to Cavite and intercede. On 17 December 1896, Bonifacio together with his brothers, wife and troops went to Cavite the province where the Supremo met his tragic fate. An assembly was held at Imus estate house on December 29 with both Magdalo and Magdiwang members attending. A disagreement arose between the two councils on the issue of establishing a revolutionary government to replace the Katipunan. The assembly ended without the issue being resolved.

THE TEJEROS CONVENTION On March 22, 1897, a convention was held in Tejeros in order to settle the dispute between the two councils and to decide on what type of government should be installed. During the early phase of the convention the crowd became unruly, causing a recess. When the convention resumed, Bonifacio was assigned to preside in the election of the officers of the new government that was to be set up. Before this, however, Bonifacio laid down the rule that the assembly should respect whatever would be the outcome of the election. When Bonifacio was elected Secretary of Interior, Daniel Tirona contested and argued that a lawyer should handle the position. Bonifacio felt insulted and demanded an apology from Tirona. Because of humiliation and anger, Bonifacio declared that all matters convened in the Tejeros Convention were null and void. Together with his supporters, he left the estate house ACTA DE TEJEROS, NAIC PACT AND THE REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT OF AGUINALDO The next day, Bonifacio stressed out his reason for invalidating the Tejeros Convention through a document known as Acta de Tejeros signed by his supporters. Meanwhile, the elected officers of Magdalo held a meeting at Sta. Cruz de Malabon. That night, Aguinaldo and the other elected officers in Tejeros took their oath of office. Bonifacio decided to establish another government independent from that of Aguinaldo in accordance with the Naic Pact enacted by him which signed by his 41 supporters including two of Aguinaldo's general. These two generals, however, turned their back on Bonifacio after a talk with Aguinaldo, pledging loyalty to the latter, instead. The Revolutionary Government was established without the customary elections on 17 April 1897 with Aguinaldo completing his Cabinet members through appointment.
2 Bonifacio and his men left Naic for Barrio Limbon in the nearby town of Indang in Cavite. On April 26, 1897, Bonifacio was arrested by Col Agapito Bonson and Maj Jose Ignacio Paua, two loyal officers of President Aguinaldo, the latter being his brother in law. Bonifacio and his men fought back, and Ciriaco, one of his two brothers, was killed. Bonifacio himself was shot in his left arm. Major Paua jumped at Bonifacio and stabbed the left side of his neck with a dagger. From Indang, a wounded and halfstarved Bonifacio was carried by hammock to Naic, where President Aguinaldo established his headquarters. Tried by the Council of War, which was presided by General Noriel, in Maragondon, Cavite, Bonifacio and his brother were found guilty of the crimes of treason and sedition, of attempting a counter-revolution, and of trying to overthrow President Aguinaldo and his revolutionary government. On May 8, 1897, Bonifacio and his brother were sentenced to death by execution though they were not given a fair trial to defend themselves. President Aguinaldo changed the sentence from execution to banishment, but General Noriel pressured him to revoke his order and to proceed with the execution. Noriel explained that if Bonifacio and his brother would live, they would disrupt the unity of the revolutionary government.

Henceforth, the opportunist ilustrados took over the revolution. With the subordination of national and democratic interests to opportunism and narrow class goals, the betrayal of the people was assured. In the infamous pact of Biak-na-Bato, Aguinaldo and his cohorts, acting on the advice of another elite Pedro Paterno, sold out the revolution for a measly sum which they were to pocket in return for their exile. Upon leaving for Hongkong, the turncoat Aguinaldo was even reported to have exclaimed, Long Live the Philippines, forever Spanish!28 Where was the new nationalism that had risen from the peoples struggle against the foreign colonizer? Although history has suffered subtle distortion, the plain truth is that the ilustrado leadership capitulated, but the masses did not. The latter carried the battle to the point where the Philippines as a nation was virtually won. During Aguinaldos exile, from January to April 1898, guerilla warfare raged in Luzon and in the Visayas, which scattered the Spanish forces. In Central Luzon, Gen Makabulos together with Katipunan founder Valentin Diaz organized a revolutionary government for the provinces of Tarlac, Pampanga, Pangasinan, La Union and Nueva Ecija. In Northern Luzon, thousands of Ilocanos led by Isabelo Abaya attacked Spanish forces and set up a republic in Candon, Ilocos Sur. Notable also was Leo Quilat who led the Cebuano masses in the fight against the Spanish forces and Bulaquenos led by Isidoro Torres, the Manilenos led by Feliciano Jhocson, the people in Daet, Camarines Sur, and the people in Laguna led by Emilio Jacinto.29 This proves that the struggle for independence which started by Bonificio did not stop despite Aguinaldos absence and his vilification of the revolutionaries left behind as bandits. U.S. Imperialism Enters30 In the midst of the Philippine revolution against the Spaniards the United States entered the scene. This has greatly influenced the direction of the Philippine revolution. The Americans came because they were at war with Spain. They did not come to assist the Filipinos in their struggles for independence. They came to wage war against the Spanish forces in the Philippines. When they enlisted the support of the Filipino forces in the war against the Spaniards in the Philippines it was for a tactical reason. Thus, when General Aguinaldo and the American Consul General Spencer Pratt met in Singapore, the American provocatively exhorted Aguinaldo to resume the struggle because Spain did not do their part of the bargain as regards to the pact of Biac-na-Bato. Pratt hinted that the U.S. would extend significant support. Aguinaldo asked to have everything be put into writing. However the American convinced Aguinaldo that there was no need for a written promise. Commodore Dewey of the American Asiatic Squadron in a cable informed them that the United States would provide naval protection to an independent Philippines, and a written assurance was unnecessary since the words of the Commodore and the Consul General were enough because they honor their words unlike the Spaniards. Convinced that the Filipinos needed American protection, Aguinaldo asked for weapons. In their final meeting Pratt informed Aguinaldo of a wire Dewey sent inviting him to the naval commanders flagship docked at a Chinese port off Hong Kong. Aguinaldo left Singapore on 26 April, but Dewey left Mirs Bay for Manila on April 27. Dewey did not bother to wait for Aguinaldo. It appears that for the American Commodore, Aguinaldo was not crucial to his plans.

10

Nevertheless, the American Consulate in Hong Kong, Consul Rounseville Wildman was there to meet with General Aguinaldo. They held talks for two hours and agreed that arms be sent to the Filipino rebels in the Philippines. Aguinlado gave Wildman P50,000 for the delivery of 2,000 rifles and 200,000 rounds of ammunition. After the talks with the American Consul, Aguinaldo then waited for the vessel that Dewey promised to bring him back to the Philippines. On May 19, 1898 Aguinaldo returned to the Philippines aboard the American ship, the McCulloch. Upon his arrival at Cavite, he went on board the Olympia where he was given honors due to a general. A conference between Aguinaldo and Dewey took place during which, according to Aguinaldo, Dewey assured him that the United States would recognize the independence of the Philippines. Dewey later denied this. The next day, Aguinaldo went ashore and he proceeded to the governors residence in Cavite. A few days later he issued a proclamation for the resumption of armed struggle on May 31, which was in fact has been on going. He only added the instruction that it should be conducted properly, otherwise the American will decide to sell us, or else divide up our territory, and our own land will be delivered over other hands.31 His other proclamation announced the formation of dictatorial government, the dissolution of the Biak-na-Bato republic, and the disinterested protection of the great North American nation, the cradle of genuine liberty over the Filipino people.32 General Aguinaldo so trusted the American that when he declared Philippine independence on June 12, 1989 it was under the protection of the Mighty and Humane North American nation even when there were indicators that United States had no intention of respecting the newly won national sovereignty and freedom of the Filipino people. Sad to say that while Aguinaldo was reading the proclamation of independence two United States Army expeditions were steaming across the Pacific en route to Manila; within days of the arrival of the second expedition two more would arrive. Their mission was to occupy the archipelago, not to protect the Filipinos.33 Aguinaldos leadership has shown this dependency on foreign powers, which was typical of many ilustrados. Its a product of a long history of foreign subjugation that conditioned the early Filipinos to seek out external supports in the fight to overthrow the foreign colonizer.34 Aguinaldos dependency was shown when he accepted blindly American aid against the Spaniards. He had faith in the mighty and humane North American Nation, citing the U.S. constitution and its ideals of liberty and democracy as reasons for his trust.35 On the other hand the United States took advantage and exploited this vulnerability to manipulate and deceived the Filipinos. They pretended to be allies, but actually preparing for the conquest and occupation of the Philippines. Commodore Dewey, just like a good conqueror, was waiting for the arrival of the US Army. On 30 June 1898, the first American troops arrived in the Philippines. Negotiations between the Americans and Spaniards were in full swing. Filipinos were excluded from the negotiations because they were not white people. The Spaniards could not accept being defeated by and surrendering to the Indios, the free Filipinos. Commodore Dewey and the Spanish Governor General agreed to a mock battle between Americans and the Spaniards be held, after which the Spanish forces would surrender. He also insisted that Filipinos take no part in this sham battle. Dewey who even promised to hold back the Filipino forces while the mock battle took place agreed this to. At 9:30 in the morning of August 13,1898, the Americans began bombarding the walls of Manila. Less than two hours later, the Spaniards

11

raised the white flag of surrender and gave the City of Manila, the seat of Spanish Sovereignty, to the American Forces, while Filipino forces were never allowed to enter the City of Manila. A day after the mock battle, the American immediately set up a military government to administer the Philippines. The United States, a nation that fought for its independence, had become a colonizer. Aguinaldos government should have sense the sinister intention of the United States. But they wanted American recognition and protection. This political dependency of Aguinaldos government has allowed the United States to freely determine the conclusion of the war against Spain. Thus, during the peace conference in Paris, which was to end the war between the US and Spain, the Filipinos were again excluded. And as early in September 1898, Pres. William McKinley of the US had demanded the whole Philippines. On December 8, Spain agreed to the Treaty of Paris which transferred jurisdiction over the Philippines to the United States of America. The treaty provided that Spain would receive $20 million as indemnity for the war and the unfinished building projects in the Philippines. After the signing of the Treaty of Paris, on December 21,1898, the President of the United States, William McKinley, issued his so-called Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation, which was a proclamation to conquer, colonize and exercise sovereignty over the Filipino nation. When the Benevolent Assimilation proclamation became known, Aguinaldo immediately issued a counter-proclamation denouncing it. However the Aguinaldos government remained hopeful that the American would not occupy the Philippines and that war could be avoided. Aguinaldo proposed to General Ellwell Otis that a conference attended by Filipino and American representatives be held to resolve the conflict. The Americans took advantage of the conference to consolidate and reinforce their forces. The situation had reached breaking point when on the night of February 4, 1899, Private William Grayson of the First Nebraska Volunteers shot and killed a Filipino soldier crossing the San Juan Bridge. The war between the Philippines and the United State had begun.36 Obviously, they had little grasp of the historical intricacies before them. It is, therefore, not in the least surprising that, even as the U.S. expansionists had begun their war of aggression against the Filipino people, Aguinaldo could not believe what was happening, and attempted to call a truce which the enemy arrogantly ignored.37 And so, fighting occurred between the Americans and the Filipinos. Against the superior firepower of the American forces, the Filipinos only had inferior rifles and insufficient ammunition. Worse, was the division within Aguinaldos government caused by their narrow concept of nationalism, whose sentiments was geared against one oppressor, Spain, but was foolishly tolerant of another, the United States. Some especially those who came from the wealthy class did not approve of Aguinaldos insistence on the recognition of Philippine independence by the American since they favored U.S. annexation of the Philippines. They believed that the US would be in a better position to preserve their economic interest.38 The ambivalent character of the Filipino elites was not unexpected. Many joined the 1896 revolution because they became victims of Spanish tyranny and discrimination. They joined the movement because they wanted to protect their economic interest and dignity. They also believed that their kind was ordained to lead the Government just like what Jose Rizal had thought. When the first Philippine Congress was convened on Sept 15, 1898 in Malolos, many of the delegates came from the educated class or the ilustrados. Among the delegates were 43

12

lawyers, 18 physicians, 5 pharmacists, 7 businessmen, 4 agriculturists, 3 educators, 3 soldiers, 2 engineers, 2 painters, and 1 priest.39 Wealthy individuals were elected to the top positions of the Congress: Pedro Paterno, president; Benito Legarda, vice president; Gregorio Araneta, first secretary; and Pablo Ocampo, second secretary.40 This Congress distrusted the rebel army of the Philippine Republic because many of the army general staff was an unschooled lot since its ranks was swelled by the ignorant masses who mobilized for the revolution. It was not surprising that most of Malolos Congress delegates and all of its top officers later defected to and collaborated with the American colonial authorities. 41 It would just be a matter of time before Aguinaldos government capitulated to the American. American superior weapons and weak international support for the Philippines were other factors that contributed to the victory of the Americans against the Filipino forces. But the collaboration of the Filipino elites with the American contributed greatly in weakening the resolved of the Filipino masses. The First Philippine Republic was led by the ilustrados, Filipino elites. At the early stage of the war against the American was also led by the Filipino elites.42 Upon Aguinaldos capture in Palanan, Isabela on 23 March 1901, the Americans thought that the war would soon be over. They thought Aguinaldos statement to the Filipino revolutionaries urging them to lay down their arms would be heeded. The Americans were greatly mistaken. The Filipinos continued the resistance against the new colonizer. 43 It is a tribute to the masses of the people that they realized through years of colonial oppression what their ilustrado leaders did not: that to put an end to oppression and injustice would largely depended on a sustained anti-colonial struggle. It would seven long years to complete the subjugation of the Filipinos by the Americans. Numerous revolts led by heroes such as Macario Sakay attested to the noble revolutionary heritage bequeathed to us from that dark moment in our history. But armed resistance could not be sustained without certainty of a complete victory.44 Moreover the American employed an effective campaign of pacification using a strategy that is now known as the total war policy. The Americans against the Filipino people used divide-and-rule tactics. These revolts were maliciously branded as banditry by the U.S. imperialists who, in the years that followed employed all imaginable tactics from hamletting to torture and brainwashing in an attempt to miseducate45 the masses and purge them of their dangerous nationalism.46 The anti-colonial, populist and egalitarian nationalism that the Katipunan had promoted suffered an untimely death. For the generations that followed saw the emergence of the Americanized Filipino whose sense of nationalism was pro-American interest and whose appetite for things US made. Nationalism as Filipino Elite Opportunism Although any agitation for independence was outlawed by such offensive decrees as the Flag and Sedition Laws, the Americans eventually realized that they could do much better.47 By misdirecting the peoples nationalist sentiments along safer channels, they could conjure an illusory sense of liberty and live up to their image as champions of democracy.

13

Thus originated the myth that Philippine independence had to and could be granted by the U.S. The representatives of the Filipino elite, Pardo de Tavera, Arellano, Buencamino and Legarda, who testified before the Schurman Comminssion that the Filipinos were incapable of self-government, reinforced this notion. 48 On the other hand, it is comforting to note that the unregenerate Mabini refused to kowtow to the imperialists, delivering instead an oration on the right of a people to self-determination. 49 To completely pacification of the Filipinos, the Americans set up a colonial government that was to be composed and dominated by the landed elite. In 1902 the U.S. Congress passed legislation to open a lower house to the Philippine elites. Political office became a reward for those who accepted the American rule. The elections of 1907, which was choose the members of the first democratic Philippine Assembly, was elitist. The American colonial administration limited qualified voters to male persons above 23, who had held office under the Spaniards, or who owned real property worth P250, or could read, write or speak Spanish or English. Such qualifications prevented the participation of the masses. In fact, only 1.41% of the population voted.50 Thus, while the Americans provided for the mechanics of democracy, they made sure that the victors would come from the elite class that they were building up for leadership. And sure enough, the candidates were generally from the propertied and conservative families in the provinces. From then on, the elite effectively controlled political power while the masses were given the empty illusion of a so-called democratic electoral process. At the same time the Americans encouraged the landed elite to take advantage of the Free Trade by exporting the raw product of their plantations (sugar, hemp, tobacco, coconut oil) to U.S. markets tariff-free.51 The Philippine landed elites became rich under the free-trade relationship. They became the main buffer between the masses and the colonizers and it is this history of collaboration with foreign powers which has long undermined Philippine sovereignty and independent economic development.52 While the history of Filipino anti-colonial struggle was cunningly being twisted to suit American ends, opportunist nationalism arose, consisting of begging independence from benevolent America. The test of the leader-mendicant was his efficiency in obtaining concessions from Washington. A brief review of the independence missions would show the opportunism of the Filipino political leaders during the American occupation.53 The Jones Law of 1916, which promised to recognize the independence of the Philippines as soon as a stable government can be established therein, was the go-ahead signal for the first of many independence missions. The top Filipino leaders, Manuel Quezon and Sergio Osmena, had been in favor of the Jones Bill since it was first submitted to the US Congress in 1912 because it would give more autonomy to local officials. However, both Quezon and Osmea were against the Clarke Amendment to this bill which would have given the Philippines independence by 1920. This amendment was defeated when authorities of the Catholic Church pressured Catholic members of Congress to vote against it. At that time Quezon said that what he really wanted was an Act that would stabilize relations between the Philippines and the United States for 25 years. He admitted, though, that it would be hard to convince the Filipino people to approve of his idea.

14

Quezon led another mission in 1922 and Roxas headed one in 1923 which asked that the US government recall Governor-General Wood and install a Filipino Governor-General or grant independence without delay. This was of course sheer bravado. Quezon wanted to preserve an image in the Philippines that he was a fiery fighter for independence. By taking a proindependence stance Queson knew that masses would continue to support him. Politicians have used the independence issue as political ploy to ensure that they get the support of electorates. For example, Osmena-Roxas mission of 1931 succeeded in securing the passage of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act. They were the heroes of the hour, something which Quezon could not allow. The issue of independence would be used by Quezon to undermine the success of Osmena. He opposed the bill declaring that under it the Philippines would remain a conquered province of the United States, that the provisions on the free entry of American goods would perpetuate our dependence, and that the retention of military, naval, and other reservations was inconsistent with true independence and would violate national dignity. Quezon was correct in all of his arguments. He succeeded in making the Philippine legislature reject the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act. Thus, Manuel Quezon, embarked on his own pilgrimage to bring home the TydingsMcDuffie Law which was little different. With minor changes, it was a word-for-word copy of the previous independence act. The big difference was that he was the one who negotiated for it which assured him of becoming the president of the Commonwealth. The Filipino masses that were marginalized from the direct political decision making through an elaborate electoral mechanism eventually adopted the politics of the elites patronage politics. Reinforced by American public education, Filipino nationalism was reinterpreted as the subordination of his anti-colonial heritage to his American ideals, resulting in a desire for independence granted by his American conqueror. The Filipinos inherited from the United States a legacy of an elite-run democracy. A democracy where the different factions of the elite could compete in the political arena but at the same time not destabilized the politico-economic systems. The masses were mobilized and entertained through electoral exercise wherein the different factions of the elites interchanged in occupying positions of state power. Political historians and observers have pointed out that the elites became the main buffer between the masses and the colonizers. The policy had the desired effect of solidly consolidating U.S. colonization of the country. Conclusion: From Reformism to Radicalism to Opportunism The birth of the Philippine nationalism would have to acknowledge that it was once part of the struggle for reforms. The Ilustrado class represents this notion of nationalism. Jose Rizal was the one; being an ilustrado, upheld nationalism as a struggle for reforms that would put an end to discrimination and injustice. According to his poems and other works, nationalism is most mirrored in love for ones language, culture and country. Actually, he was emphasizing merely the more general and hence, more superficial aspects of nationalism which all countries have in common. When applied to the concrete and insufferable conditions then, his static, inflexible view caused him to belittle more than a reformist who never advocated independence, and even damned the revolution that stood for it.

15

But there were some individuals, like Bonifacio, who went further than the ilustrados. They didnt just ask for reforms. They demand a fundamental social change, a radical changefreedom from foreign oppression, justice and equality for all. They demonstrated the highest nationalist fervor when they spontaneously heeded the call of the Katipunan and fought an anticolonial revolution against Spain. They had practically won their freedom when a new colonizer confronted them. Nationalism again sustained the people in their fierce resistance to American rule. Many from among the masses fought for a decade more, even as most of the ilustrado leaders changed sides and collaborated with the enemy. Their goal, their ideal was independence. They equated independence with a better and prosperous life, and rightly so. They were the uneducated, the ignorant masses, the common tao. But the radical nationalism of the Katipunan was short-lived because it was hijacked by the educated, the ilustrado claiming they should lead the revolution. The masses gave the revolution to the ilustrado, trusting in their wisdom and sense of fairness. But history has shown that the Filipino ilustrado, the elite class exploited the notion of nationalism for their narrow economic interest and political ambition. Under the American occupation these Filipino elites used the masses desire for independence to remain in power while collaborating with the American imperialist. Filipino elites under the tutelage of the United States mastered the arts of political opportunism and with it the death of Filipino anti-colonial, popular and radical nationalism. In our brief journey through history, we have tried to evaluate and analyze characters and events in the light of a critical approach. Nationalism is dynamic. It is a product of history, a product of men and women struggling to give meaning to their existence as people, who would take their destiny in their hands and write their history with their blood. Like all unifying social forces, it must strive to answer the crucial questions of who they were, who they are, and what they must be. The groping for identity against all dangers, the straining to transcend time and historicity in attaining resonance with the ideal are all part of this phenomenon purged of its past dogmatism. In advocating a popular and radical nationalism, therefore, it is necessary that the forces of change be understood and the pulse of the age be felt in a serious attempt to weave past, present and yes, future into one coherent fabric of social analysis and action. He who would ignore all this will be condemned to regret the past, as well as to repeat it.

Constantino, Renato A Past: Revisited, (Quezon City: Foundation for Nationalist Studies, 1975) p.47 Agoncillo, Teodoro and Guerrero, Milagros, History of the Filipino People, (R.P. Garcia Publishing Co., Quezon City, 1980), pp. 110-112. Fast, Jonathan and Richardson , Jim, Roots of Dependency, (Quezon City: Foundation for Nationalist Studies, 1979). Legarda, Benito J., Jr., After the Galleons, (Quezon city: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1999)
3 2

16

Schumacher, John, Readings in Philippine Church History (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1981) pp 213-214. ; cfc: The Filipino Clergy and the Nationalist Movement, 1850-1903 and Father Jose Burgos, Priest and Nationalist Revolutionary Clergy Constantino, Past Revisited, pp. 110-111, Schumacher, John, SJ, The Propaganda Movement 1880-1895, (Quezon City :Ateneo de Manila, 1997) pp. 246-249,
6 7 8 5

Schumacher, Readings pp.251-252 Schumacher, Readings, pp 251 Zaide, Gregorio F., Philippine Political and Cultural History, II (Manila, 1950), pp. Constantino, A Past Revisited, pp. 153-154; Schumacher, The Propaganda Movement, Zaide, Gregorio F., Philippine History, II (Manila, 1950) Chapter XI Agoncillo and Guerrero, Milagros, Filipino History, p146 Schumacher, Readings, p. 256

117
9

10 11 12 13

These events were both domestic and international in nature. See R. Constantino, Past Revisited, pp 133-137; Schumacher, Readings, pp. 231-270; T Agoncillo and Guerrero, Milagros, Filipino History, pp. 104-125.
14 15 16 17

Schumacher, The Propaganda Movement Schumacher, The Propaganda Movement, pp. 258-259 Schumacher, The Propaganda Movement, p 258 Zaide, Philippine History II, pp 147-149; Agoncillo and Guerrero, Filipino History, pp.

146-147 Corpus, O. D., The Root of the Filipino Nation, Vol II, (Quezon City: AKLAHI Foundation, Inc., 1989), pp 20019 20 21 18

G. F. Zaide, Philippine History II, pp 147-149; Corpus, O. D., Roots of the Filipino Nation, pp 209-

Agoncillo, Teodoro, Revolt of the Masses (Queson City: University of Philippine Press, 1956) Information on Bonifacios early life are from Eminent Filipinos, (Manila National Historical Commission, 1966) Agoncillo, Teodoro, Revolt of the Masses pp 83-84 .; E. De Los Santos, The Revolutionists: Aguinaldo, Bonifacio , Jacinto (Manila: National Historical Institute, 1993), 15323 22

17

186; Almario, Virgilio S. Panitikan ng Rebolusyon(g 1896). (Quezon City, University of the Philippine Press, 1993). pp. 157-158.
24 25 26

Agoncillo and Guerrero, Filipino History, pp. 169-170 Ileto, Reynaldo, Pasyon and Revolution, (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila, 1979)

Valenzuela, Pio, Memoirs of the K.K.K. and the Philippines Revolution. Diliman Review, XL (1963), 497-516. Agoncillo, Revolt of the Masses , (Quezon City: U.P. Press, 1956), pp. 108-110. Constantino, A Past Revisited, pp. 178-190.; Agoncillo, Teodoro A., Revolt of the Masses (Quezon City: University of Philippine Press, 1956); Santiago V. Alvarez, The Katipunan and the Revolution, (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1996) Constantino, A Past Revisited, p. 198; see Agoncillo, Teodoro A. Malolos: The Crisis of the Republic. (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1997) p. 38
29 30 28 27

Constantino, A Past Revisited, pp.201-203

Agoncillo, Teodoro A., Malolos: The Crisis of the Republic. (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1997) pp. 100-125
31 32 33 34

Corpus ,O.D., The Roots of the Filipino Nation, p. 308 Corpus ,O.D, ibid Corpus, ibid.., p.311.

see Sitoy, T. Valentino, The Initial Encounter, (QC, New Day Publishers, 1985) pp.248-258 see. Mabini, Apolinario, The Philippine Revolution, in Centennial Collection of Filipino Heroes, Vol II. Apolinario Mabini, (Manila, Trademark Publishing Corporation. 1998) Ambeth. Ocampo, Aguinaldo trust in US unshaken in The Centennial Countdown (Anvil, 1998) pp.188-190
36 37 38 39 40 41 35

Agoncillo, Malolos: The Crisis of the Republic pp. 370-371 Constantino, pp. 225-226 Agoncillo, Malolos: The Crisis of the Republic pp. 305-372 Hernandez, Leandro H., The Philippine Republic (New York, 1926) pp 95-96 Agoncillo, Malolos: The Crisis of the Republic p. 228 Agoncillo, Malolos: The Crisis of the Republic pp. 462-474

18

Agoncillo, Malolos: The Crisis of the Republic. This is the main argument of Dr. May why the US won the war against the Filipinos, see May, Glen Anthony, Past Recovered (Quezon City New Day, 1987) pp. 99-170 Agoncillo, Malolos, pp. 487-509. After the arrest of Aguinaldo, Gen. Miguel Malvar assumes leadership of the revolution. See Luis C. Dery, The Army of the First Philippine Republic (Manila, De la Salle University Press, 1995), p.117-119; and John R.M. Taylor, The Philippine Insurrection Against the United States, Vol II. (Pasay City, Eugenio Lopez Foundation, 1971) pp.346-355; see Ochosa, Orlino A., Baldoleros Outlawed Guerrillas of the Philippine-American War 1903-1907 (Quezon City, New Day Publishers, 1995) Constantino, Renato, The Miseducation of the Filipino People, (Quezon City, Foundation for Nationalist Studiest, reprint 1982) Francisco, Luzviminda, the First Vietnam: the US-Philippine War of 1899, in Luzviminda B. Francisco and Jonathan Shepard Fast, Conspiracy for Empire: Big Business, Corruption and the Politics of Imperialism in America, 1876-1907 (Quezon City, Foundation for Nationalist Studies, 1985) pp. 298-325 Golay , Frank Hindman, Face of Empire: United States-Philippine Relations, 18981946 (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1997) Agoncillo and Guerrero, History of the Filipino People (Quezon City: R. P. Garcia Publishing, 1977 5th ed.), p.285; see Frank Hindman Golay, Face of Empire: United StatesPhilippine Relations, 1898-1946 (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1997) pp. 50-51 and Salamanca, Bonifacio S. The Filipino Reaction to American Rule, 1901-1913, (Queson City, New Day Publishers. 1984) pp. 22-43. See Majul, Ceasar, Apolinario Mabini. Revolutionary ( Manila: TradeMark Publishing Corporation, 1998) . Salamanca, The Filipino Reaction to American Rule 1901-1913 (Quezon City: New Day Publisher, 1984) pp. 44-64.
51 52 50 49 48 47 46 45 44 43

42

Salamanca, ibid, pp. 105-133

Schirmer, Daniel B. The Conception and Gestation of a Neocolony in Daniel B. Schirmer and Stephen Rosskamm Shalom ed., The Philippines Reader: A History of Colonialism, Neocolonialism, Dictatorship, and Resistance.Reprinted by Ken Incorporated, Quezon City, 1987, pp. 38-44. See Churchill, Bernadita, The Philippine Independence Missions to the United States, 1919-1934 (Manila: National Historical Institute, 1983); Frank Hindman Golay, Face of Empire: United States-Philippine Relations, 1898-1946 (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1997); Constantino, A Past Revisited,
53