Verbal Inflection and Clause Structure in Swahili

Verbal Inflection and Clause Structure in Swahili
Carolyn Harford (Prof.) Department of African Languages and Literature University of Swaziland Private Bag 4 Kwaluseni M201 Matsapha Swaziland chharford@yahoo.com
August 4, 2010
Table of Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction
1. 1.1. 1.2.
Introduction Theoretical Perspectives Swahili Noun Class System
1 3 3
Chapter 2: The Structure of the Inflected Verb in Swahili
2.1. 2.2. 2.2.1. 2.2.1.1. 2.2.1.2. 2.2.1.3. 2.3.
Verbal Inflectional Morphemes in Swahili Prosodic Structure in the Swahili Inflected Verb Prosodic Properties Epenthetic ku Secondary Stress Relative Morpheme o Theoretical Analysis: Phrase Structure and the Prosody-Syntax Interface
8 10 13 14 19 20
25 26 30
2.3.1. 2.3.2. 2.4.
Phrase Structure The Prosody-Syntax Interface Exceptional Dual Conjunct Effects in
ii
the Negative Clitic Relative 2.5. 2.6. A Diachronic Perspective on the Inflected Verb in Swahili Conclusion
36 38 40
Chapter 3: Movement and Licensing in the Inflected Verb
41
3.1. 3.1.1. 3.1.2. 3.2. 3.2.1. 3.2.1.1. 3.2.1.2. 3.3.
The Distribution of Negative Morphemes Conditionals The Negative Infinitive The Distribution of Final Vowels (FRS) Comparisons to Other Bantu Languages Blocking in Shona Blocking in the Passive in Zulu Conclusion
41 51 54 55 65 66 70 72
Chapter 4: the Structure of Clauses
74
4.1. 4.1.1. 4.1.2. 4.1.3. 4.2. 4.2.1.
Type B Structure Verb-Subject (VS) Order in Type B Clauses Negation in Type B Clauses Object Topicalization in Type B Clauses Type A Structure Type A Main Clauses
75 78 82 85 87 88
iii
4.2.1.1. 4.2.1.2. 4.2.1.3. 4.2.2. 4.2.2.1. 4.2.2.2. 4.2.2.3. 4.3. 4.4.
Subject-Verb (SV) Order in Type A Main Clauses Negation in Type A Main Clauses Object Topicalization in Type A Main Clauses Type A Subordinate Clauses Subject-Verb (SV) Order in Type A Subordinate Clauses Negation in Type A Subordinate Clauses Object Topicalization in Type A Subordinate Clauses Connecting the Inflected Verb to the Clause Conclusion
88 90 92 94 98 100 104 107 108
Appendix: The Swahili Noun Class System Notes on Appendix References
110 117 138
iv
Chapter 1: Introduction
This work has two goals. The first is to present a unified analysis of significant portions of the verbal and clausal structure of Swahili, a Bantu language spoken widely in East and Central Africa (Nurse & Hinnebusch, 1993). These portions cover the structure of all non-compound forms in the inflectional paradigm and the structure of main, relative and other subordinate clauses. The second goal is to explore the consequences of the assumption that both of these areas of Swahili grammar are organized according to a single set of syntactic principles; i.e., that there is no separate morphological component for the inflected verb. While I refer to verbal formatives as morphemes, I propose that they occupy syntactic terminal nodes and are subject to syntactic processes. The arguments for this position take two basic forms. First, the patterns of morpheme selection and distribution resemble the syntactic processes of movement and licensing as analyzed within Principles & Parameters theory (Chomsky, 1981, 1991; Haegeman, 1994). Second, rather than the inflected verb functioning as an unanalyzed whole at the clause level, individual morphemes interact on a par with words in determining the constituent order of both. The analyses resulting from this assumption also carry broader theoretical implications. For example, although there is broad agreement that inflectional morphology, as opposed to derivational morphology, is associated with syntax, ther is no consensus on how this association is realized. The analyses proposed here entail that, for
at least one type of largely agglutinative language, there is no need for a separate morphological component for inflectional morphology, following the line of research initiated in Pollock (1989). Also, Swahili verbal morphology is frequently cited as an example of template morphology (Stump, 1992, 1993, 1996) and the analyses proposed here offer a non-morphological model for this type of morphology, following the line of inquiry in Speas (1990) and Rice (1995, 2000). The data is drawn from secondary sources, primarily Ethel O. Ashtons (1947) Swahili Grammar, still the standard in the field. Barrett-Keach (1980, 1986), Hinnebusch & Mirza (1970), Maw (1969), Johnson (1939), Perrot (1957), Whiteley (1968), Tyler (1985) and one Swahili novel, Euphrase Kezilahabis Rosa Mistika have also been used. The variety of Swahili described represents the Unguja dialect discussed by Nurse & Hinnebusch (1993). The remainder of the book is organized as follows. Chapter 2 proposes an X-bar theory analysis of the inflected verb, which includes its prosodic structure. Chapter 3 develops the argument for a syntactic analysis of the inflected verb with an account of the patterning of negative morphemes and final vowels in terms of movement and licensing. Chapter 4 incorporates the results of Chapters 2 and 3 into an analysis of subordinate clauses. Chapter 5 considers the implications, within a structural analysis, of the possibility that the subject and the subject agreement morpheme of the Swahili clause constitute a topic-comment structure. Chapter 6 examines more closely the issues involved in analyzing template morphology syntactically. Chapter 7 concludes.
1.1. Theoretical Perspectives
The basic theoretical framework of this work is Principles & Parameters theory (Chomsky, 1981, 1991; Haegeman, 1994), in particular, the Split-INFL hypothesis of Pollock (1989), the theory of Head Movement (Travis, 1984) and the theory of Relativized Minimality (Rizzi, 1990). This theory has hitherto been applied mostly to European languages (see, for example, Belletti (1990), Roberts (1993), Lightfoot & Hornstein (1994), Battye & Roberts (1995), Vikner (1995), Zanuttini (1997) and, also, to a more limited extent, to Bantu languages (Carstens, 1991; Carstens & Kinyalolo, 1989; Demuth & Harford, 1999; Harford & Demuth, 1999; Itangaza, 1993; Kinyalolo, 1991; Ngonyani, 1999). This work is a contribution to this line of research. The influence of Optimality Theory (OT) (McCarthy & Prince, 1993; Prince & Smolensky, 1993; Grimshaw, 1997) should also be apparent, although there is no analysis presented specifically in OT terms. There are also places where I appeal to diachronic explanations and the functional structure of Lexical-Functional Grammar (Bresnan, 1982). I assume basic familiarity with all these theories.
1.2. Swahili Noun Class System
The topic of this work is the verbal and clausal structure of Swahili. Swahili also has a noun class system, typical of the Bantu family, which is encountered in nearly
every example in the book. This section provides a sketch of this system, including a table in Appendix 1. The gender system of a Bantu language such as Swahili is typically referred to as a noun class system (Welmers, 1973). The noun class that a Swahili noun belongs to determines the inflections of other inflections construed syntactically with it: two categories of modifier (conventionally labeled adjectival and pronominal) and two series of verbal morphemes: the subject agreement morpheme and the object agreement morpheme, which encode the noun class of the subject and object of the verb, respectively. These inflections take the forms of prefixes which, in a number of noun classes, match the prefix on the controlling noun, with phonologically motivated variation. One example of such a class is Class 8, illustrated in example (1).
(1)
vi-kombe vy-a-ngu
vi-kubwa
N8-cups PRO8-AP-my ADJ8-big my big cups (Ashton, 1947, p. 56)
In example (1), the Class 8 noun vikombe cups has the prefix vi, which also occurs on the associative particle a of (a modifier stem taking pronominal agreements) and the adjectival stem kubwa big. Since the pronominal stem a of is vowel-initial, the preceding vowel [i] of the prefix dissimilates to [y]. Examples (2) and (3) illustrate the subject and object agreement morphemes, respectively, of Class 8.
(2)
vi-kombe vi-me-pote-a N8-cups SM8-COMP-be lost-FV The cups are lost (Ashton, 1947, p. 43)
(3)
U-me-vi-on-a? SM2s-COMP-OM8-see-FV Have you seen them? (ibid.)
In Swahili, as in other Bantu languages, the subject agreement morpheme precedes the tense/aspect modality morpheme(s) and the object agreement morpheme precedes the verb stem. (See example (1) in Chapter 2.) In other noun classes, there is less similarity among the prefixes of the agreement set. An example is Class 6, illustrated in example (4).
(4)
Ma-ji
y-ote
ya-me-kauk-a
N6-water PRO9-all SM9-COMP-dry up-FV All the water has dried up. (ibid.)
In this example, the Class 6 prefix ma on the noun maji water differs from the Class 6 subject agreement morpheme ya. The latter prefix also appears on the pronominal stem ote all, each, with its vowel deleted or coalesced before the initial vowel of the stem. According to Corbett (1991), a gender in a language is defined in terms of an agreement set, the set of inflections or other modifications associated with the nouns in the gender. This reflects the situation in Bantu noun class studies closely but not completely. The traditional, and currently most widely used, noun class numbering system, the Bleek-Meinhof system, was devised by Bleek (1862) and modified by Meinhof (1932), to provide the same numbers for cognate classes throughout the Bantu family, reflecting the reconstruction of the noun class system in Proto-Bantu. This system results in noun classes coinciding with agreement sets overwhelmingly, but not entirely, as when separate numbers are used for historically separate classes which share an agreement set in the current language. An example in Swahili comes from classes 3 and 14, which currently share an agreement set but which have separate Bleek-Meinhof numbers because they were originally separate classes. (For more discussion of these issues, see Bennett, 1970.) Bleek-Meinhof numbering is used in this book. Swahili has 18 agreement sets and 16 Bleek-Meinhof noun classes. Note also that the Bleek-Meinhof system asssigns singulars and plurals to separate classes. There are two reasons for this: the prefixes of singular and plural classes are not morphologically related (Welmers, 1973) and there is no one-to-one correspondence between singular and plural classes. Appendix 1 presents a table of the Swahili noun class system, organized in terms of agreement sets. The table is intended to summarize the system as described by Ashton
(1947), with additional observations from Perrott (1957), Johnson (1939) and Hinnebusch & Mirza (1979). The format is inspired by a similar chart for Gikuyu in Bennett (1970).
Chapter 2: The Structure of the Inflected Verb in Swahili
This chapter begins the analysis of clause structure in Swahili with an analysis of basic morpheme order and prosodically grounded conjuncts in the inflected verb. The chapter is organized as follows. Section 2.1 presents the surface order and labelling of verbal inflectional morphemes in Swahili. Section 2.2 describes the prosodic structure of the Swahili inflected verb. Section 2.3 analyzes verbal inflectional structure and prosody within the frameworks of the Split-INFL hypothesis (Pollock 1989), Grimshaws (1991) theory of Extended Projections, and Prosodic Phonology (Selkirk 1986). Section 2.4 provides a diachronic perpective on the prosody-syntax connection in Swahili. Section 2.5 concludes.
2.1. Verbal Inflectional Morphemes in Swahili
The morphemes of the Swahili inflected verb may be represented in terms of a template, given in example (1):
(1) (NEG1)-(SM)-(NEG2)-(TAM)-(RELPC) -(OM)-VS-(Ext*)-FV- (RELPC) 1a 2a 3a 4a 5a 6 7 8 9 (PLIMP) 10
(INF-(NEG3))1b 2b-5b
(HAB) 1c-5c
Parentheses indicate morphemes that are not required in all verb forms. The labels on the template slots indicate the grammatical and semantic characteristics of the morphemes which occupy the slots. The (a), (b) and (c) alternatives for slots 1-5 represent mutually exclusive options for strings of morphemes preceding the macrostem (see section 2.3 below), the first morpheme of which is the object morpheme (OM) in Slot 6. The hyphenated 2b-5b and 1c-5c indicate that the morphemes so labelled block morphemes occurring in those slots when they are present (i.e., for example, the habitual morpheme HAB blocks the occurrence of SM, NEG2, TAM and RELPC). The (b) series of morphemes represents the affirmative and negative infinitives, and the (c) HAB morpheme represents the one verb form in which only a single morpheme precedes the macrostem. The relative and plural imperative morphemes in Slot 10 occupy the same
slot because they are in complementary distribution, not because they represent a single category. There are three positions for negative (NEG) morphemes and two positions for the relative morpheme (RELPC); the NEG morphemes are discussed below in Section 2.2 and in Chapter 3 and the positioning of the relative morpheme is discussed below in Section 2.3.1.3. The subject morpheme (SM) indicates the noun class of the subject, the object morpheme (OM) the noun class of the object, and the relative morpheme (RELPC) the noun class of the head of a relative clause. The status of these morphemes is discussed further in Section 2.2 and the noun class system as a whole is described in Chapter 1.3. Other morphemes are discussed in Section 2.2.
2.2. Prosodic Structure in the Swahili Inflected Verb
Prosodically, Swahili inflected verb forms fall into two categories depending on whether they contain one or two prosodic domains, or conjuncts. The number of conjuncts in a verb form depends in turn on whether it contains a Slot 4 TAM morpheme, and which one it contains. The following is a table of the Slot 4 morphemes, with designations indicating their approximate meanings drawn from Ashton (1947) or based on her terminology. (Morpheme (9), mesha, is discussed by Hinnebusch & Mirza (1979), but not Ashton. See note 6 below.)
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Table 1: Swahili Tense/Aspect/Modality Morphemes
Morpheme Designation (1) na (2) li (3) ta Definite Time (Ashton, 1947, p. 36) Past Time (ibid.) Future Time (ibid.)
Distribution Affirmative forms only Affirmative forms only Affirmative and negative forms
(4) me (5) nge
Completed Action/State (ibid.) Suppositional (ibid., p. 187)
Affirmative forms only Affirmative and negative forms
(6) ngali
Suppositional (ibid.)
Affirmative and negative forms
(7) ja (8) ku1 (9) mesha
Not yet (ibid., p. 70) Negative Past (ibid.) Already (Hinnebusch & Mirza, 1979, p. 124)
Negative forms only Negative forms only Affirmative forms only
(10) a (11) nga (12) ka
Indefinite Time (ibid., p. 36) Concessive (ibid., p. 186) Consecutive (ibid., p. 133)
Affirmative forms only Affirmative forms only Affirmative forms only
1 Hinnebusch & Mirza (1979) point out that this is probably to be identified with the infinitive morpheme. Ashton (1947, p. 72) identifies it as a tense morpheme. It behaves like a TAM morpheme in that it blocks negative FV i (see Chapter 3.2 below). See Nurse & Hinnebusch (1993, pp. 335, 416) for more detail on its origins and variations in its use.
11
(13) ki
Continuous (ibid., p. 138)
Affirmative and negative forms
These morphemes divide the forms of the Swahili verb paradigm into two categories, which may be labelled conjunct morphemes and non-conjunct morphemes, shown in Table 2.
Table 2: Conjunct and Non-Conjunct TAM Morphemes
Conjunct TAM Morphemes (1) na (2) li (3) ta (4) me (5) nge (6) ngali (7) ja (8) ku (9) mesha
Non-Conjunct TAM Morphemes
(10) a (11) nga (12) ka (13) ki
Verb forms which contain conjunct TAM morphemes, henceforth referred to as conjunct forms, are divided into two conjuncts, the first extending from slot 1 to slot 5, referred to
12
as the inflectional stem by Myers (1998), and the second extending from slot 6 to slot 8, referred to as the macrostem by Hyman & Ngunga (1994), Mutaka (1994) and Myers (1998). Verb forms which contain non-conjunct TAM morphemes, or no TAM morpheme at all, henceforth referred to as non-conjunct forms, consist of a single such domain. Conjunct and non-conjunct forms contrast with respect to three properties, which can therefore be correlated with the presence or absence of the conjunct TAM morphemes. These are listed in (2), and described in Section 2.2.1.
(2)
i. presence or absence of epenthetic ku ii. presence or absence of secondary stress iii. position of the relative morpheme o (slots 5, 10)
To summarize at this point, Swahili has a category of TAM morphemes which divide verb forms in which they appear into two conjuncts. Verb forms without these morphemes consist of a single conjunct. Evidence for these conjuncts comes from three prosodic properties which are described and analyzed in the next section.
2.2.1. Prosodic Properties
Properties (2i)-(2iii) are used by Barrett-Keach (1986) to argue that the first conjunct in the Swahili verb forms a morphological constituent (Aux), and is not the result of a successive stringing of morphemes onto the second conjunct. Her argument responds to a wider debate about template morphology, initiated by Akmajian, Steele and
13
Wasow (1979), analyzing Luiseo, and continued by Kaisse (1981) and Pullum (1981), also on Luiseo, and by Halpern (1995), analyzing Sekani. Barrett-Keach's Aux proposal has been recently revived by Myers (1998) on the basis of data from Shona. (For a useful summary of the issues, see Halpern (1995), Chapter 6.) This section proposes that all three of these properties are prosodically linked, a conclusion only partially arrived at by previous researchers. Barrett-Keach refers to the domains as morphological, not prosodic. Park (1995) recognizes that the TAM morphemes divide the verb into two prosodic domains, but does not proceed to the conclusion that verb forms without TAM morphemes form single prosodic domains. The relative pronoun (2iii) has also been analyzed syntactically by Carstens and Kinyalolo (1989), but their analysis does not link it to prosody.
2.2.1.1. Epenthetic ku
Epenthetic ku is a morpheme which immediately precedes monosyllabic VS in certain verb forms. Monosyllabic verbs comprise a small, closed class2. They are referred
2 Ashton (1947, p. 142) gives the following, presumably complete, list of monosyllabic roots: ch `fear', ch `rise (sun)', chw `set', f `die', j `come', l èat', ny `drop like rain', nyw `drink', p `give', w `be, become', ish ènd', end `go'. Note that ish ènd' and end `go' are disyllabic verbs which pattern exceptionally with the monosyllabics. This exceptional behavior will not be analyzed here, but note the following two points. First, these verbs are vowel-initial (Givn (1978), Nurse & Hinnebusch (1993)), a property associated crosslinguistically with exceptional prosodic behavior (Downing (1998)). (Ashton (p. 142) notes that other vowel-initial verbs pattern the same way in some areas.) Second, in terms of their semantics, they appear to be likely to become auxiliary verbs (see, for example , Heine, Claudi and Hnnemeyer (1991)), and ish, at least, has already begun the process, in the mesha form of the verb, hypothesized by Hinnebusch & Mirza (1979, p. 124) to be a contracted form of the perfect morpheme me and the final syllable of ish.
14
to as "monosyllabic" because they form a single syllable in combination with the FV, as in the verb l-a èat':
(3)
ku-l-a INF-eat-FV `to eat
Monosyllabic VS are preceded by ku in just those verb forms that contain one of the conjunct morphemes. The following is an example:
(4)
a-na-ku-l-a SM1-DEF-INF-eat-FV Ì am eating (my translation) (Ashton, 1947, p. 142)
The same verb forms with polysyllabic VS do not take ku:
(5)
ni-na-tak-a SM1s-DEF-want-FV Ì am wanting (ibid., p. 36)
15
In verb forms other than those containing the conjunct morphemes, monosyllabic verbs do not appear with ku, as also pointed out by Ashton (1947) and Park (1995). Examples of these forms are listed in examples (6)-(12):
(6)
n-a-j-a SM1s-INDEF-come-FV Ì come (Ashton, 1947, p. 35)
(7)
hu-l-a HAB-eat-FV èat, eats (used for all persons and classes; my translation) (ibid., p. 38)
(8)
a-ki-l-a SM1-CONT-eat-FV `s/he eating (my translation) (ibid., p. 142)
(9)
a-ka-l-a SM1-CONS-eat-FV `s/he then ate (my translation) (ibid., p. 142)
16
(10)
a-l-e SM1-eat-FV `let him/her eat (my translation) (ibid., p. 142)
(11)
a-si-l-e SM1-NEG2-eat-FV `let him/her not eat (my translation) (ibid., p. 142)
(12)
ha-wa-j-i NEG1-SM2-come-FV `they do not come (my translation) (ibid., p. 72)
The syllable ku has been identified with the infinitive prefix (Ashton (1947), BarrettKeach (1986), Hinnebusch & Mirza (1979), Nurse & Hinnebusch (1993), Park (1995)), a proposal that will figure in the diachronic analysis to be developed below. Note also that ku is not present when the verb form has a monosyllabic VS if it also contains an OM, as follows:
17
(13)
a-me-ya-la SM1-COMP-OM6-eat-FV `s/he has eaten them (ibid., p. 142)
This observation is an important indicator of the function of ku: it serves to add a syllable to the domain of the VS, a function which is also served by the OM. Barrett-Keach (1986), echoing Ashton (1947), proposes that ku acts as a stress prop, and Park (1995) proposes that it enforces a requirement that the verb stem have at least two syllables, a requirement that also holds more generally of all phonological words in Swahili, as well as in other Bantu languages (Brandon (1975), Mutaka (1994), Myers (1995), Park (1995), Harford (1996)). This disyllabicity requirement may be satisfied by any morpheme in the verb stem, regardless of its morphological identity, as long as it provides the required extra syllable. These observations raise two questions. First, why do some verb forms with monosyllabic VS require ku but not others? Second, why is ku required at all, given that the relevant verb forms contain prestem morphemes, such as subject agreement markers and the TAM morphemes? In other words, why can't these prestem morphemes disyllabify the VS? The answer, as pointed out by Barrett-Keach (in slightly different terms) and Park, is that the TAM morphemes divide the inflected verb into two prosodic conjuncts. Without them, the inflected verb consists of one prosodic conjunct. The minimal disyllabicity requirement holds at the level of this conjunct. Therefore, when one
18
of the Conjunct morphemes is present, the VS is a prosodic domain on its own, the prestem morphemes cannot disyllabify it, and ku is required. Otherwise, the VS forms a prosodic domain with the prestem morphemes, and ku is neither required nor possible. This section has shown the prosodic relevance of epenthetic ku in Swahili inflected verb forms. The next section discusses the second prosodic property, secondary stress.
2.2.1.2. Secondary Stress
The second property which separates verb forms with Slot 5 TAM morphemes and those without is secondary stress. In Swahili, primary stress falls on the penultimate syllable of a word, except for certain loanwords (Ashton, 1947, p. 5). As observed by Barrett-Keach (1986), verb forms such as the following also have secondary stress in the first conjunct:
(14)
n-na-ku-pnd-a SM1s-DEF-OM2s-love-FV Ì love you (Barrett-Keach, 1986, p. 562)
Other verb forms, on the other hand, lack secondary stress:
(15)
zi-andk-e
19
OM8-write-FV `Write them! (Barrett-Keach, 1986, p. 562)
According to Barrett-Keach, verb forms show secondary stress "when Tense is phonetically realized" and don't "when Tense is not phonetically realized" (p. 562). In the terms developed in this paper, secondary stress occurs in the verb forms containing one of the conjunct morphemes and is absent otherwise. Barrett-Keach's analysis also carries over to the analysis in this paper: she proposes that when a verb form contains two "morphological units" (corresponding to AUX and V), primary stress is assigned in both of them, with the first reduced to secondary stress. In our terms, primary stress, with subsequent reduction, is assigned in both of the prosodic domains created by the conjunct morphemes. Secondary stress shows precisely the same patterning as epenthetic ku. This section has shown how secondary stress patterns with epenthetic ku in the prosodic structure of inflected verb forms. The next section discusses the distribution of the relative morpheme o, the third prosodic property.
2.3.1.3. Relative Morpheme o
Swahili shows three patterns for forming relative clauses, all of which use the relative morpheme o. The use of o as a relative morpheme is one of a wide range of uses of this morpheme, and it is most commonly referred to as the "o of reference" (Ashton (1947)). Barrett-Keach (1986, p. 560) refers to it as an "inanimate pronominal clitic", and
20
I gloss it as "RELPC" in the examples in which it is used as a relative morpheme, and "PC" otherwise3. (In Class 1, it exceptionally takes the form ye; see example (4) in Table 2 in Chapter 3.) In its use in relatives, this morpheme shows three patterns of attachment, exemplified in examples (16)-(18) (the RELPC is in bold):
3 See, for example, Chapter 4, example (18).

21
(16)
ki-su amba-ch-o
ki-ta-fa-a
N7-knife which-PRO7-RELPC SM7-FUT-suit FV `the knife which will be suitable (Barrett-Keach, 1986, p. 560)
(17)
kazi
i-li-y-o-m-fa-a
N9/work SM9-PST-PRO9-RELPC-OM1-suit-FV `work which suited him/her (my translation) (Ashton, 1947, p. 111)
(18)
kazi
i-tu-fa-a-y-o
N9/work SM9-OM1p-suit-FV-PRO9-RELPC `work which suits us (Ashton, 1947, p. 111)
In (16), the RELPC is suffixed to the independent morpheme amba, which is separate from the verb. In (17), it appears inside the inflected verb, between the two conjuncts. In (18), it is suffixed to the entire verb form. The (16) amba relative may be used with any verb form. On the other hand, the verb forms that appear in the (17) and (18) relatives are restricted. The (17) pattern, henceforth referred to as the clitic relative, occurs only with affirmative verb forms containing one of three of the conjunct morphemes: na, li and ta (ta in a relative clause is realized as taka) and one negative form, which is discussed in
22
Section 2.3.2 below. (The remaining conjunct morphemes use the amba relative.) The (18) pattern occurs only with verb forms lacking TAM morphemes altogether4. Even with these restrictions, it can be seen that the division of verb forms between the (17) and (18) patterns falls out in the same way seen in the discussion of the first two properties: the (17) pattern occurs when the verb consists of two prosodic domains, and the (18) pattern occurs when it contains one. All three patterns may be analyzed prosodically. Two observations about the RELPC are relevant. First, it is a monosyllable, and therefore cannot stand on its own as a phonological word (Demuth & Harford (1999), Harford & Demuth (1999), Park (1995)). Second, as demonstrated by Barrett-Keach, it is always suffixed to its host, as illustrated by the following example (note that example (19) illustrates a non-relative use of this morpheme):
(19)
ki-tabu
ki-ngine-ch-o
N7-book PRO7-same-PRO7-PC à book of the same sort (Barrett-Keach, 1986, p.560)
In this example, the Class 7 form of the PC, cho, is suffixed to its host, the adjective stem ingine, whose meaning in this construction is `same' (Ashton (1947, p. 185)). I assume that the PC, in its use as a relative morpheme, is base-generated in the position otherwise identified with C0 (Demuth & Harford (1999) and Harford & Demuth (1999)). Since it is a monosyllabic suffix, it must cliticize to an appropriate host. This appropriate host is the 4 Another restriction, the failure of Indefinite a to occur with the (17) and (18) patterns, is not discussed here.
23
first prosodic word to its right. In the amba relative, amba is the first prosodic word occurring to the right of the RELPC and, accordingly, serves as its host. (The amba and clitic relative constructions in (16) and (17) will be given a more detailed syntactic analysis below in Chapter 3.) For the clitic relative in (17), which involves the three Conjunct morphemes, the first conjunct is the first prosodic unit, and the PC attaches to its right edge, a process referred to by Halpern (1995) as Prosodic Inversion, in which an element is base-generated in one position and realized in another position to resolve a mismatch between syntactic and prosodic representations (this, in different terms, is also Barrett-Keach's analysis). For the pattern in (18), the entire verb constitutes a prosodic unit, and the PC is suffixed to it following the FV. In anticipation of the analysis involving syntactically-based prosody to be developed in Section 2.2.2, these applications of Prosodic Inversion are illustrated in terms of labelled brackettings in (20)-(22), for (16), (17) and (18), respectively5 (phonological word boundaries are in bold):
(20)
NP[ kisu CP[ cho amba ]PW IP[ ki-ta VP[ fa-a]]]]
(21)
NP[ kazi CP[ yo IP[ i-li ]PW VP[ m-fa-a]]]]
(22)
NP[ kazi CP[ yo IP[ i VP[ m-fa-a ]PW ]]]]
5 In Barrett-Keach's analysis, VP is a sister of I (Aux, in her terms), not its complement, as in the representations in (14).
24
One advantage of this analysis is that it explains the observation that the RELPC always finds a host as far to the left as possible: amba when it is available; otherwise, the first conjunct, when it is available; finally, the entire verb, when amba and a first conjunct are lacking. Under this analysis, the RELPC originates in a position to the left of the relative clause, from which it is forced to move to satisfy its requirements as a left-attaching clitic. Given general considerations of economy (Chomsky (1995)), we expect it to move only as far rightwards as is necessary to solve this problem, and this is what we see. Given, however, that the RELPC must suffix to something, why doesn't it cliticize to the head noun of the relative clause on its left, a move that would not require Prosodic Inversion? In other words, why isn't the (21) structure resolved as in (23)?
(23)
*kazi-y-o
i-li-m-fa-a
9/work-PRO9-RELPC SM9-PST-OM1-suit-FV
Following Demuth & Harford (1999), I assume that the RELPC must cliticize within its extended projection (Grimshaw (1991)) which, in this case, is CP-IP. Note also that if the RELPC is suffixed to the head noun, it may be interpreted incorrectly as modifying the noun, not the relative clause. Both of these possibilities exclude cliticization to the head noun. The important point here is that the domain of cliticization is determined by syntactic considerations that string adjacency cannot override. In Section 2.2.1, I have examined three properties of Swahili inflected verbs in which variation is prosodically determined: 1) the placement of epenthetic ku, 2) the assignment of secondary stress and 3) the placement of the RELPC o. In each case,
25
variation correlates with the two classes of verbs discussed in Section 2.2.1; i.e., the presence or absence in the verb form of one of the Conjunct morphemes. These observations raise the question of why these morphemes split the verbs containing them into two prosodic units. The next section proposes an answer to this question within the context of a syntactic analysis of prosodic domains.
2.3. Theoretical Analysis: Phrase Structure and the Prosody-Syntax Interface
This section analyzes the structure of the Swahili inflected verb in terms of PS and syntactically defined prosodic units.
2.3.1. Phrase Structure
The PS analysis of the structure of the inflected verb in Swahili is based on X-bar theory, a model used in other analyses of Bantu languages by Kinyalolo (1991), Carstens and Kinyalolo (1989), Demuth & Gruber (1995), Itangaza (1993), Demuth & Harford (1999), Harford & Demuth (1999) and Ngonyani (1999). Of these, Demuth & Harford (1999), Harford & Demuth (1999) and Ngonyani (1999) analyze Swahili, and Demuth & Harford (1999) Harford & Demuth (1999) also include Shona. In particular, I assume Pollock's (1989) Split-INFL hypothesis of inflected verb structure, which is also applied to Swahili by Carstens and Kinyalolo (1989) and Ngonyani (1999). According to the Split-INFL hypothesis, verbal inflectional morphemes are the heads of hierarchically embedded X-bar theoretic maximal
26
projections, with the VP projection at the lowest level of embedding (Pollock (1989), Roberts (1993), Travis (1984)). The Split-INFL Hypothesis is further modified by Grimshaw (1991), who assigns the maximal projections headed by inflections and other functional categories to a single domain referred to as a functional projection. When the inflections are verbal, the functional projection embeds V'', an example of a lexical projection. A functional projection embedding a lexical projection constitutes an extended projection. In order to ensure that lexical projections are embedded under functional projections, Grimshaw assigns each category a number (its F(unctional) value) and specifies that a particular category forms an extended projection only with a category with a higher F value. For example, the functional category I has F value 1, whereas V has F value 0, so that only IV is a legitimate extended projection, not *V-I. When I is decomposed according to the Split-INFL Hypothesis, each separate projection, such as AGR'', T'', etc., is assigned its own F value according to its order with respect to other projections within the maximal projection. This extension of the F value proposal reflects Grimshaw's assumption that the ordering of categories within the functional projection is not determined by selection or subcategorization, as it is in the lexical projection. In applying these ideas to the template in (1), I first propose that the only morphemes that head syntactic maximal projections are those that precede the OM (Slot 6)6. I assume that the morphemes of the lexical projection the Slot 6 OM, the Slot 7 VS, the Slot 8 verbal extensions and the Slot 9 FV, which together constitute the macrostem
6 I consider only the (a) series of morphemes in the template in (1), since they are most immediately relevant to the issues discussed in this work, and because the analysis may be extended straightforwardly to the other series of morphemes that may replace them.
27
are assembled in the lexicon and form a single V0 head in the syntax bearing the features of its contributing morphemes7. The syntactic heads in the Swahili inflected verb are thus RELPC, SM0, NEG0, TAM0 and V0. RELPC occupies the node usually labeled SM0, and I will continue to use this more familiar label. Secondly, I propose that while the template reflects the surface order of morphemes, it does not entirely reflect the underlying order. In particular, I take the occurrence of a single type of morpheme in more than one slot to reflect movement from a single base-generated position, as is the case with the negative morphemes NEG1 and NEG2 and the relative morpheme. When these instances of movement are factored out, the underlying order of morphemes in Swahili remains as follows.
(24)
(RELPC)-(SM)-(NEG)-(TAM)-(OM)-VS-FV
Movement of the relative morpheme is discussed in Section 2.3.1 below; movement of the negative morpheme in finite clauses is discussed in Chapter 3 below. Thirdly, it is necessary to account for the properties of template morphology shown by the first conjunct morphemes: they are optional, yet show the same overall relative ordering regardless of which are chosen. Here I assign a Grimshavian F value to each maximal projection, as follows.
7 Verbal extensions carry passive, reciprocal, causative and applicative meanings, among others. See, among others, Hyman (1990), and references cited there, for discussion of verbal extensions in Bantu languages, and Section 2.3 below for more on the macrostem.
28
(25)
(RELPC)-(SM)-(NEG)-(TAM)-V'' F4 F3 F2 F1 F0
Following Grimshaw's theory, then, any verb form in which the morphemes bear descending F values from left to right is legitimate (barring other non-structural restrictions), regardless of the numerical difference between the F values of morphemes which end up adjacent to each other. This permits any morpheme to be omitted while ensuring that those that appear occur in the right order. I will not otherwise try to account for the order of morphemes in the first conjunct, except to note that it matches the order posited for Subject Agreement, Negation and Tense in other languages by Belletti (1990) and Chomsky (1991). Pollock (1989) assumes the opposite order for Subject Agreement and Tense. A related issue concerns cooccurrence restrictions among the first conjunct morphemes, which fall into two categories. The first is the partial failure of NEG morphemes to cooccur with TAM morphemes, which will be discussed further in Section 2.3.2 below. The second is the restriction of TAM morphemes to forms which also contain an SM8, an observation also made for Shona by Myers (1998). I will not propose
8 There are two exceptions to this generalization in Swahili. First, the consecutive morpheme ka may appear in forms without the SM (compare examples (14i) and (13b) below). (i) ka-kimbi-a CONS-run off-FV ànd ran off (Ashton, 1947, p. 135)
29
mechanisms to enforce these restrictions, but note only that similar cooccurrence restrictions occur in other languages, both Bantu and non-Bantu, making it unlikely that such language-specific mechanisms are the best way to deal with them. Otherwise, I leave the issue open. This section has proposed an X-bar theory analysis of Swahili verbal inflections based on Pollock's Split-INFL hypothesis and Grimshaw's theory of Extended Projection. The classification of heads as functional or lexical is relevant to the analysis to the prosodic structure of the inflected verb, discussed in the next section.
2.3.2. The Prosody-Syntax Interface
An analysis of prosodic domains in the Swahili inflected verb must account for the following observations:
(26)a. Verb forms without conjunct morphemes comprise one prosodic domain.
b. Verb forms with morphemes comprise one prosodic domain, which contains two subdomains (conjuncts).
(ii)
ka-let-e CONS-bring-FV `(go and) bring (ibid.)
Second, Ashton (1947, p.38) analyzes habitual hu as a tense morpheme which does not appear with an SM (see Table 3, example (8) in Chapter 3 below).
30
In the analysis proposed in this section, prosodic domains are read off of the syntactic structure proposed in Section 2.1. I illustrate the prosodic implications of the syntactic proposal with an account of the first observation (18a), involving a verb form lacking a conjunct morpheme.
(27)
wa-ki-chez-a SM2-CONT-play-FV `they playing (Ashton, 1947, p. 138)
An X-bar tree for this verb is given in example (28)9.
9 In this tree, the SM heads its own maximal projection, following Pollock (1989) but contrary to Carstens and Kinyalolo (1989) and Iatridou (1990). The idea that NEG heads a maximal projection is explored in detail in Pollock (1989), Zanuttini (1991), Laka (1990) and Newson (1998), and references cited in these works.
31
(28) SPEC
SM'' SM' SM0 wa SPEC TAM0 ki SPEC V' V0-FV chez-a TAM' V'' TAM''
The use of PS to model inflected verbs differs from its application to full sentences, in that it is assumed that the contents of the syntactic terminals need to be assembled into a single unit, unlike in sentences, where the contents of terminals mostly remain as independent words. The recent literature provides two proposals for this assembly, both of which have a role to play in the analysis of the Swahili inflected verb. The first is Head Movement, which moves the morphemes of the inflected verb to a single syntactic terminal. The second, part of the theory of Prosodic Phonology (Nespor & Vogel (1986), Selkirk (1986), Hayes (1989), Inkelas & Zec (1990)), groups the verbal morphemes into prosodic units by inserting phonological word boundaries according to the bar-level or categorial status (lexical or functional) of each node. Head Movement is discussed in Chapter 4. Here, I develop the Prosodic Phonology side of the analysis.
32
Selkirk (1986) forms phonological words by combining an item from a full (lexical) category with the functional categories on either the left or the right. Functional categories are typically closed classes of items such as inflections. Full categories are the remainder, typically lexical categories such as Noun and Verb. Myers (1995) applies Selkirk's approach to the problem of defining phonological words in Shona, including inflected verbs, by adapting her ideas to an Optimality Theory (OT) analysis, following Prince and Smolensky (1986). In Myers' account, a phonological word boundary is placed at the right edge of the VS, a full item, combining it into a phonological word with the verbal inflections on its left10. Myers' analysis may be applied to the inflected verb in Swahili, whose structure closely resembles that of its counterpart in Shona, with the result shown in the labelled bracketting in (21), based on the tree in (20). In this structure, a phonological word is formed from the Swahili VS plus its preceding inflections. The leftmost phonological word bracket is the right bracket of the phonological word preceding the inflected verb, indicating that the verbal inflections following it belong to the same phonological word as the VS (as before, phonological word boundaries are in bold).
(29)
]PW wa ]SM'' ki ]CONT'' cheza ]V'' ]PW
In (29), the nodes between the phonological word boundaries constitute a single prosodic domain. We therefore predict that this verb form contains one prosodic domain, with the
10 As noted by Barrett-Keach (1980, 1986), verbal clitics like je `how', which follows the verb stem, induce stress shift. See Myers (1995) for an Optimality theoretic analysis of parallel verbal clitics in Shona in terms of nested prosodic domains.
33
empirical consequences described in the preceding sections: no epenthetic ku with monosyllabic VS and a single primary stress. (This form does not appear in relative clauses headed by the PC, so placement of the PC with this form is not relevant.) This analysis by itself produces inflected verbs comprising a single prosodic domain, both those with and without a conjunct morpheme. However, it does not account for the conjuncts observed in verb forms with conjunct morphemes (observation (18b)). I propose now that the conjunct morphemes have a special status. They are functional morphemes, as implied by the fact that they constitute a small, closed class. However, they differ from other verbal inflectional morphemes in projecting a prosodic constituent in the same way that the lexical VS does, in that a phonological word boundary appears at the right edge of every conjunct morpheme. The prosodic TAM morphemes are therefore exceptional in being functional categories that project prosodic constituents. Consider how the analysis works, with the following verb form, repeated from (5) above.
(5)
ni-na-tak-a SM1s DEF want FV Ì am wanting (ibid., p. 36)
The structure of example (5) may be represented by the tree in (30).
34
(30) SPEC
SM'' SM'
SM0 ni SPEC
TAM''
TAM' TAM0 na SPEC V' V0-FV tak-a V''
As for the preceding example (19), the prosodic organization of this verb form is illustrated by a labelled bracketting, given in (23).
(31)
]PW ni ]SM'' na ]TAM'' ]PW taka ]V'' ]PW
Structurally, (23) is identical to (21), except for the additional phonological word boundary at the right edge of the conjunct morpheme na. Note now, however, that this proposal by itself does not produce the right result, since, under Myers' assumptions, a phonological word is bounded on the left only by another lexical category bracket. Therefore, the structure in (23) contains two phonological words, not a single
35
phonological word with two conjuncts, since the phonological word boundary introduced by the conjunct morpheme becomes the left boundary of the phonological word whose right boundary is at the right edge of the VS. To counter this problem, I add to Myers' analysis the assumption that a phonological word boundary is added at the left edge of the string of functional categories (verbal inflections) when the right edge boundary is inserted, rather than relying on the right edge of the next leftward lexical category to delimit the left edge of the phonological word. In other words, the left edge of the inflected verb is marked actively by inserting a phonological word boundary, not by allowing the right edge of the next leftward lexical category to mark it by default, as in the structures in (21) and (23). The revised structures of the verb forms in (21) and (23) are illustrated in (24) and (25). In these structures, the brackets introduced by the VS are labelled PW1, those introduced by the conjunct morpheme na are labelled PW2 and the right edge bracket introduced by the next leftward lexical category is labelled PW3.
(32)
]PW3 PW1[ wa ]SM'' ki ]CONT'' cheza ]V'' ]PW1
(33)
]PW3 PW1[ PW2[ ni ]SM'' na ]TAM'' ]PW2 taka ]V'' ]PW1
Note that, in (25), the first conjunct is a prosodic domain nested within the prosodic domain comprised by the inflected verb as a whole. This situation arises because of the dual nature of the conjunct morphemes. Recall that the pattern of phonological word formation is for a lexical category to combine with the functional categories on its left.
36
When the lexical VS in (25) combines with the set of functional morphemes to its left, the Conjunct morpheme is included in this set because it is a functional morpheme. At the same time, the conjunct morpheme also projects its own prosodic constituent, which includes the same set of functional morphemes. The result is that the second conjunct is actually the prosodic domain corresponding to the entire inflected verb, within which the first conjunct is embedded. We predict the empirical consequences described earlier: the relative PC is attached at the right edge of the first conjunct, the first conjunct bears secondary stress and a monosyllabic VS takes epenthetic ku. This section has provided a syntactically-based analysis of the differing prosodic domains observed in Swahili inflected verbs, in which phonological structure is determined by a prosodic algorithm which combines a lexical category with the functional categories on its left. The next section discusses a possible diachronic account of the prosodic effects of the conjunct morphemes.
2.4.
Exceptional Dual Conjunct Effects in the Negative Clitic Relative
As seen in example (27d), the relative morpheme o appears before the VS in the negative clitic relative, showing the pattern described earlier in Section 2.1.3 for verb forms with two conjuncts. The same pattern emerges when the VS is monosyllabic, as seen by the presence of epenthetic ku in the following example.
37
(34)
a-si-ye-ku-w-a SM1 NEG3 relpc1 INF be FV `(one) who isn't (my translation) (Ashton, 1947, p. 205)
Note also from these examples that the FV in negative clitic relative forms is default FV a, not negative FV i. These are all properties expected in verb forms which contain one of the conjunct morphemes discussed earlier in Section 2. However, the negative clitic relative does not contain a TAM morpheme. Why, then, does it show the same properties as forms which do? This situation is noted by Barrett-Keach (1980, p. 35), who refers to NEG3 si as a "tense affix" and includes it in her set of TAM morphemes which induce these effects, precisely on the basis of its appearance in this form. However, only the negative clitic relative shows these effects, not any of the other forms with NEG3 si. Rather than NEG3 si being exceptional, it is the negative clitic relative construction itself which is exceptional, showing the double conjunct structure associated with a morpheme which it doesn't have. One way to account for this discrepancy is to assume that the structure of the negative clitic relative contains a maximal projection headed by a null Conjunct morpheme which has the same prosodic and syntactic effects as Conjunct'' projections with overt heads. This situation may arise diachronically when a morpheme disappears before its structure is completely eliminated. The disappearance of an overt TAM
38
morpheme in this form may be attributed to a pattern in Swahili of neutralizing tense distinctions in negative verb forms (Contini-Morava, 1989), which is also seen in the limited number of the available TAM morphemes which occur in negative forms and in the use of what was probably the infinitive prefix ku instead of the past tense morpheme li in the negative past tense form (see example (26c) above, note 4, and Givn (1978)). This pattern is part of a general crosslinguistic tendency for negative verb forms to make fewer TAM distinctions than affirmative forms (Givn, 1978, Horn, 1989). A similar diachronic scenario is presented by Nurse & Hinnebusch (1993). They propose that si in this construction may be identified with the negative copula and that it acts as an auxiliary verb, having replaced the TAM morpheme. In terms of the analysis developed in this paper, si occupies the empty TAM head rather than occupying a slot alongside of this empty head. In either case, the TAM structure induces the dual conjunct effects. This section has suggested that the exceptional dual conjunct properties of the negative clitic relative may be attributed to a maximal projection whose head is either empty or filled by the negative copula si. The next section discusses the exceptional single conjunct properties associated with the TAM morpheme Indefinite Time a.
2.5. A Diachronic Perspective on the Prosody-Syntax Interface in Swahili
Why are the Conjunct morphemes exceptional? Recall the precise nature of this exceptionality: they are functional morphemes with a lexical property, that of projecting a prosodic constituent. The ideas concerning the structure of Swahili inflected verb
39
proposed in this chapter may be connected to longstanding suggestions about the diachronic origins of TAM morphemes in Bantu languages, that the conjunct morphemes were originally verbs which changed into TAM morphemes. Among those who have argued this way for Swahili and other Bantu languages are Doke (1950), Fortune (1967), Givn (1971), Givn (1978), Nurse & Hinnebusch (1993) and Wald (1981). The clearest connection between a prosodic TAM morpheme and a lexical verb is provided by the future morpheme ta, which may be identified with the verb tak `want', which surfaces in its full form in relative clauses (see note 5). The semantic shift from `want' to `future' is widely attested, a familiar example being the English future auxiliary verb will, with its original meaning of `want'. The use of the syllable ku to disyllabify a monosyllabic VS provides an indication of the original structure from which the current verb forms containing Conjunct morphemes derive. As mentioned above in Section 2.2.1.1, this morpheme is commonly assumed to represent the infinitive prefix. If this assumption is correct, it suggests that verb forms containing Conjunct morphemes were originally biclausal structures in which the verbs which became Conjunct morphemes took infinitive complements. Evidence from Shona dialects indicating possible stages of such a diachronic process is described in Chapter 3, Section 3.2.1. The idea that the Conjunct morphemes may have been lexical verbs historically suggests a reason why they project a prosodic constituent synchronically: this property is a remnant of their original status which was retained when they changed from lexical verbs to functional morphemes. The idea that they were originally complement-taking main verbs is thus linked to the hierarchical structure which I propose in this paper.
40
2.6. Conclusion
This chapter has examined the verbal inflections of Swahili and proposed a PS analysis of this system. The analysis is X-bar theoretic, based on Pollock's (1989) SplitINFL hypothesis and Grimshaw's (1991) theory of Extended Projection. Three prosodic properties, epenthetic ku, secondary stress and the placement of the relative morpheme o, are accounted for by mapping between prosodic structure and PS using Selkirk's (1986) and Myers' (1995) theories of the prosody-syntax interface. Finally, I have proposed that the prosodic effects of the Conjunct morphemes may be a holdover from an earlier stage of the language at which they were lexical verbs. The next chapter extends the analysis to account for the distribution of negative morphemes and final vowels in terms of movement and licensing within PS.
41
Chapter 3: Movement and Licensing in the Inflected Verb
This chapter takes up the distribution of negative morphemes and final vowels (FV)s. The first section discusses the two verbal negative morphemes ha and si in the (a) series of morphemes preceding the macrostem in the template in example (1), Chapter 2, which negate the non-infinitival forms of the verb. It proposes that the complementary distribution of these two morphemes is a result of syntactic movement, conditioned by whether the clause is declarative or non-declarative. Section 3.1.1 discusses conditionals, a counterexample to this pattern of negation. Section 3.1.2. describes the negative infinitive. Section 3.2 proposes that the negative FV is licensed by a cooccurring negative morpheme subject to blocking by the TAM morphemes, which is compared to similar blocking in other Bantu languages in subsections 3.2.1.1 and 3.2.1.2. Section 3.3 concludes.
3.1. The Distribution of Negative Morphemes
This section argues that the distribution of the verbal negative morphemes ha and si results from syntactic movement. The (a) series of morphemes preceding the macrostem in the template in example (1), Chapter 2, repeated here in (1), gives two positions for negative morphemes, one immediately preceding the subject morpheme in Slot 1, and the other immediately following it, in Slot 3, indicated in bold.
42
(1)
(NEG1)-(SM)-(NEG2)-(TAM)-(RELPC) 1a 2a 3a 4a 5a
The negative morpheme preceding the subject morpheme, glossed as NEG1, takes the form ha. Examples of verb forms in which it appears are listed in Table 1. As in Table 1 in Chapter 2, the designations in this table are drawn from Ashton (1947) or are based on her terminology.
Table 1: Verb Forms with NEG1 ha
43
Negative Verb Form (1) ha-wa-tak-i NEG1-SM2-want-FV `they do not want (Ashton, 1947, p. 70) (2) ha-wa-ta-imb-a NEG1-SM2-FUT-sing-FV `they will not sing (ibid.) (3) ha-wa-ku-imb-a NEG1-SM2-PST-sing-FV `they did not sing (ibid.) (4) ha-wa-ja-imba-a NEG1-SM2-not yet-sing-FV `they have not yet sung (ibid.) (5) ha-tu-nge-ju-a NEG1-SM1p-SUP-know-FV ìf we were not to know/did not know (ibid., p. 188) (6) ha-tu-ngali-ju-a NEG1- SM1p-SUP-know-FV ìf we had not known/would not have known (ibid.)
44
Designation
The negative morpheme following the subject morpheme, glossed as NEG2, takes the form si. Examples of verb forms in which it appears are listed in Table 2, subject to the same comments as for Table 1.
Table 2: Verb Forms with NEG2 si
Negative Verb Form (1) ni-si-pik-e SM1s-NEG2-cook-FV `that I not cook (my translation) (Ashton, 1947, p. 70) (2) tu-si-nge-ju-a SM1p-NEG2-know-FV ìf we were not to know/did not know (ibid.) (3) tu-si-ngali-ju-a SM1p-NEG2-know-FV ìf we had not known/would not have known (ibid.) (4) a-si-ye-som-a11
Designation
11 This relative construction also encompasses forms in which the Class 16 RELPC po is used adverbially. Ashton lists the following two examples:
45
SM1-NEG2-RELPC1-read-FV `(one) who doesnt read (my translation) (ibid.) (5) si-end-e-ni NEG2-go-FV-psfx `Dont go! (pl.) (ibid., p. 188)
The distribution of NEG1 ha and NEG2 si is determined by the types of clauses in which they appear. With the exception of the conditional forms in (5) and (6) of Table 1 and the relative forms in (4) of Table 2, discussed in Section 3.1.1 and Chapter 4, respectively, NEG1 ha appears in declarative clauses and NEG2 si in non-declarative clauses. In addition to these observations, NEG1 ha is also used in embedded selected clauses (example (3)) and in the amba relative (example (4)) (see discussion of the amba relative in Section 2.2.1.3 of Chapter 2).
(i)
a-si-po-som-a SM1-NEG2-RELPC16-read-FV ùnless he reads (Ashton, 1947, p. 139) u-ja-po-mw-ambi-a SM2s-not yet-RELPC16-OM1-tell-FV èven though you tell him (ibid., p. 186)
46
(ii)
(2)
Daktari
a-li-wa-ambi-a
wazi kwamba
N1/doctor SM1-PST-OM2-tell-FV clearly that ha-wa-ta-pat-a m-toto.
NEG1-SM2-FUT-get-FV N1-child `The doctor told them clearly that they would not have a child. (my translation) (Kezilahabi, 1971, p. 25)
(3)
barua
amba-z-o
ha-wa-ta-zi-andik-a
N10/letters which-PRO10-RELPC NEG1-SM2-FUT-OM10-write-FV `letters which they wont write (Barrett-Keach, 1980, p. 35)
Forms with NEG2 si appear in the protasis and apodosis of conditionals (examples (2) and (3), Table 2) and in subjunctives, which serve a number of non-declarative functions, such as imperatives (example (4)), hortatives (example (5)), questions (example (6)) and in clauses indicating prohibition (example (7)).
(4)
u-si-pik-e SM2s-NEG2-cook-FV `Dont cook (Ashton, 1947, p. 32)
47
(5)
tu-si-pik-e SM19-NEG2-cook-FV `lets not cook (ibid., p. 32)
(6)
a-si-pik-e SM1-NEG2-cook-FV Ìs he not to cook? (ibid., p. 32)
(7)
Simama hapa a-si-ku-on-e stand here SM1-NEG2-see-FV
`Stand here so that he wont see you. (ibid., p. 120)
The analysis turns on the different positions of NEG1 ha, preceding the SM, and NEG3 si, following it. I propose that these different positions are determined by the principle of NEG First, Horns (1989) term for Jespersens (1917) idea that negative markers tend to appear as far forward in the clause as possible 12. I implement this idea in more current theoretical terms as movement between positions in a PS tree. I proposed in Chapter 2.2 that NEG2 si heads a maximal projection intermediate between SM and
12 See Contini-Morava (1989) for a discourse-oriented account of the distribution of NEG1 ha and NEG2 si in Swahili.
48
TAM, according to its position in the template, illustrated in the following tree for tusingejua (example 2, Table 2).
(8) SPEC
SM SM SM0 tu SPEC NEG0 si SPEC TAM0 nge SPEC V0 NEG NEG TAM TAM V V V V0-FV ju-a
In this tree, NEG2 si occupies the head NEG0 of NEG, in which position it follows the SM tu, the head of SM to the left of NEG in the tree. NEG1 ha, preceding the SM, is the realization of NEG0 when it moves to a position higher in the tree. There are two ways to analyze this movement within the framework adopted here. The first is to treat NEG0 as an operator moving to SPEC. On this view, NEG First may be regarded as one aspect of the Optimality Theoretic constraint OpSpec (Grimshaw 1997), which requires operators to be in specifier positions, typically necessitating movement forward in the clause. The second is to treat NEG0 as a head which moves to a higher head position. I
49
adopt the second idea in this analysis, illustrated as follows for hatungejua (example 5, Table 1). In the tree in (9), NEG0 moves to C0, the head of C, the next higher projection in the extended projection (ibid.)
(9) SPEC
C C C0 hai SPEC SM0 tu SPEC NEG0 ti SPEC TAM0 nge SPEC V0 SM SM NEG NEG TAM TAM V V V V0-FV ju-a
Why does NEG0 move in some verb forms but not others? Recall the generalization that NEG1 ha appears in verbs in declarative clauses, whereas NEG2 si appears in verbs in non-declarative clauses. This declarative/non-declarative distinction resembles distinctions between clause types proposed in the literature to account for generalizations involving movement, such as Hooper & Thompsons (1973) proposal that
50
the root clauses of Emonds (1970, 1976) are actually clauses whose content is asserted. More recently, Rizzi & Roberts (1989), drawing on Emonds (1976), and McCloskey (1992), drawing on Chomsky (1986), propose that movement such as that involved in subject inversion and adjunction is possible only in non-selected clauses, as opposed to selected ones. Grimshaw (1997) proposes, as part of an OT analysis of syntactic movement, a constraint, Purity of Extended Projection, one of whose clauses specifies that no movement takes place into the highest head of a subordinate extended projection (p. 394). I suggest that, in Swahili, the declarative/non-declarative distinction plays the same role in regulating movement as the main/subordinate distinction does in languages like English, in that movement is dispreferred in non-declarative clauses, formulated as follows.
(10)
No movement takes place into the highest head of a non-declarative extended projection.
On OT terms, (10) outranks NEG First, thus blocking movement of NEG0 in nondeclarative clauses. Chapter 4.1.2 below presents a case where this constraint in turn is blocked by a structural constraint. To summarize at this point, so far I have proposed a single structure for verb forms containing NEG2 si and NEG1 ha. NEG2 si heads a maximal projection that appears between SM and TAM. NEG1 ha is the negative marker that appears in the head position of C when movement occurs. Movement of NEG0 in non-declarative
51
clauses is blocked in non-declarative clauses by a principle similar to Grimshaws (1997) Purity of Extended Projection.
3.1.1. Conditionals
The generalization developed in the preceding section governing the distribution of NEG1 ha and NEG2 si is that NEG1 ha appears in declarative clauses and NEG2 si in non-declarative clauses. One counterexample to this generalization comes from conditional forms, forms which contain the TAM morphemes nge and ngali. These forms take both NEG1 ha and NEG2 si, as seen in the following examples, repeated from Tables 1 and 2 above.
(11)
ha-tu-nge-ju-a NEG1-SM1p-SUP-know-FV ìf we were not to know/did not know (ibid., p. 188)
(12)
ha-tu-ngali-ju-a NEG1- SM1p-SUP-know-FV ìf we had not known/would not have known (ibid.)
52
(13)
tu-si-nge-ju-a SM1p-NEG2-know-FV ìf we were not to know/did not know (ibid., p. 70)
(14)
tu-si-ngali-ju-a SM1p-NEG2-know-FV ìf we had not known/would not have known (ibid.)
Under the assumption that conditionals are non-declarative, the forms in examples (11) and (12) should not be possible, according to the analysis proposed here. Why, then, do they exist? The fact that both NEG1 ha and NEG2 si forms exist suggests that the grammar contains competing preferences, perhaps reflecting ongoing diachronic changes, that have not yet been fully resolved. I propose that the NEG2 si forms exist as a reflection of constraint (10). As for the NEG1 ha conditional forms, note that their exceptional behavior parallels exceptional behavior of the protasis of conditionals in English. As pointed out by Grimshaw (1997) and references cited there, the English conditional clauses show subject inversion, unlike other adjunct clauses covered by her Purity of Extended Projection constraint, as follows:
(15)
Had I been on time, I would have caught the train. (Grimshaw, 1997, p. 402)
53
(16)
*I had been on time, I would have caught the train. (ibid., p. 403)
The usual analysis of subject inversion, assumed by Grimshaw, is that the verb preceding the subject (had in example (15) moves into C0, the same movement I have proposed for NEG1 ha. Grimshaws Purity of Extended Projection constraint disprefers this movement in subordinate clauses, just as (10), its Swahili counterpart, disprefers movement in nondeclarative extended projections. To explain the exceptional behavior of conditionals, Grimshaw notes that the moved verb is the head of a dependent clause, and proposes a constraint (COND) requiring such a head to c-command its extended projection, a requirement satisfied by movement. Because of the similarity of the Swahili and English constructions in terms of movement, I propose that the NEG1 ha alternative for the Swahili conditional is made possible by a similar syntactic imperative, although its not clear why the negative morpheme should be required to c-command the conditional clause when this requirement is overridden in other non-declarative clauses. I leave this issue open for now. This section has discussed conditional forms with NEG1 ha, an exception to the generalization that NEG1 ha appears only in declarative clauses. Without resolving the issue fully, I have compared Swahili conditionals to English conditionals, which pose a similar theoretical problem for Grimshaws (1997) OT analysis of inversion in English, and suggested that a solution similar to Grimshaws may be appropriate.
54
3.1.2. The Negative Infinitive
The negation of infinitives falls outside of the system of verbal negation described in this chapter. The infinitive is negated with a third negative morpheme, to, as follows.
(17)
ku-to-fik-a INF-NEG-arrive-FV `to not arrive (my translation) (ibid. p. 279)
It is possible for a negated infinitive to appear with two infinitive morphemes, as follows.
(18)
ku-to-ku-andik-a INF-NEG-write-FV `not writing (ibid. p. 279)
According to Ashton (1947, p. 279) and Doke (1950), to originated as the verb toa `put out. This proposal is supported by the variant of the negative infinitive illustrated in (18), which contains two infinitive morphemes. The second ku following to may be interpreted as the historical residue of an earlier structure with an infinitive complement. To, unlike NEG1 ha and NEG2 si, does not license FV i, as described in the following section. The
55
fact that the infinitive is not negated with NEG1 ha and NEG2 si suggests that the infinitive lacks the functional structure dominating the macrostem which I have proposed for finite verbs, but I will not pursue its structure further.
3.2. Distribution of FVs
The FV in Slot 9 in the template given in (1), Chapter 2, is a morpheme which immediately follows VS of Bantu origin in all verb forms. Swahili has three FVs, e, i and a. FV e occurs in all affirmative and negative subjunctive forms, as seen in the examples in examples (19)-(21).
(19)
ni-pik-e SM1s-cook-FV `let me cook (ibid., p. 31)
(20)
ni-ka-nunu-e SM1s-CONS-buy-FV `that I may/might buy (ibid., p. 133)
56
(21)
ni-si-pik-e SM1s-NEG2-cook-FV `let me not cook (ibid., p. 32)
FV i occurs in the form that Ashton (1947, p. 70) refers to as the General Negative, example (1) of Table 1, repeated here.
(22)
ha-wa-tak-i NEG1-SM2-want-FV `they do not want (Ashton, 1947, p. 70)
FVs e and i appear only in subjunctive and negative forms. When the form is both subjunctive and negative, as in example (21), the subjunctive FV takes precedence. Negative forms other than the General Negative do not take FV i, but instead take FV a, as illustrated earlier in examples (2)-(6) of Table 1 and (2)-(4) of Table 213. FV a also appears in affirmative forms. Examples of these forms are listed in Table 3.
Table 3: Affirmative Verb Forms With FV a
57
Affirmative Verb Form (1) ni-na-tak-a SM1s-DEF-want-FV Ì am wanting (Ashton, 1947, p. 36) (2) ni-li-tak-a SM1s-PST-want-FV Ì wanted (ibid.) (3) ni-ta-tak-a SM1s-FUT-want-FV Ì will want (ibid.) (4) ni-me-tak-a SM1s-PERF-want-FV Ì have wanted (ibid.) (5) u-nge-ki-tafut-a SM2s-SUP-OM7-look for-FV ìf you would look for it (ibid., p. 187) (6) u-ngali-ki-tafut-a SM2s-SUP-OM7-look for-FV ìf you had looked for it (ibid.) (7) n-a-tak-a SM1s-INDEF-want-FV Ì want (ibid., p. 36)
58
Designation
The data presented in Tables 1, 2 and 3 indicates that FV a is found in both affirmative and negative forms. It thus contrasts with FV i, which appears only in the General Negative (example (1), Table 1, and example (22)). Note now the differing status of the three FVs as semantic indicators. Subjunctive FV e is the only indicator of the subjunctive mood (and the other uses to which subjunctive forms are put) in the forms in which it appears (examples (19)-(21) above). On the other hand, while negative FV i signals negation, it does so only in combination with NEG1 ha in the General Negative and does not appear in any other negative form. The semantically most neutral of the three is FV a, which I refer to as the default FV, following the usage of some Bantuists. This morpheme appears throughout the Bantu family (Nurse & Hinnebusch, 1993, p. 371) and, considered comparatively, has no semantic correlates, as, for example, in Shona (Harford, 1996). In Swahili, it signals indicative as opposed to subjunctive, but is neutral with respect to the distinction between affirmative and negative. The comparative distribution of negative FV i and default FV a forms the basis of the argument in this section. The distribution of subjunctive FV e is not liked to that of other morphemes and is not a factor in the following discussion. The difference between the General Negative, with negative FV i, and the remainder of the negative forms, with default FV a, is that all of the latter forms contain one of the Slot 4a TAM morphemes intervening between the negative morpheme and the VS. This generalization holds regardless of whether the negative morpheme is NEG1 ha or NEG2 si. On the other hand, the General Negative has no TAM morpheme at all. Note that this set of Slot 4a TAM morphemes include the morphemes discussed in Chapter 2
59
that divide the inflected verb into two conjuncts, as well as others that do not have this prosodic effect. How should the distribution of negative FV i and default FV a be accounted for? The observation that default a is correlated with the presence of Slot 4a TAM morphemes suggests that the relevant factor is propinquity: the negative morpheme must be close enough to negative i, in some sense, to permit its appearance. What sense is it? There are two relevant theoretical concepts in the literature: morphological adjacency and syntactic locality. Morphological adjacency is unlikely because the relevant morphemes are not linearly adjacent to each other. It is this observation which led Stump (1991, 1992, 1996) to describe Swahili verbal inflectional morphology as containing non-adjacent dependencies, one of the typical characteristics of template morphology according to Simpson & Withgott (1986). The only way to make an adjacency analysis work in this case is by stating it in terms of morphemes organized within subgroups within the inflected verb; i.e., by positing hierarchical structure. There is therefore no reason not to pursue an analysis within the PS model developed so far. I propose, rather, that the distribution of negative FV i and default FV a is determined by syntactic locality (Chomsky, 1986; Rizzi, 1990). The basic idea is that the negative FV i appears only when it is licensed by a negative morpheme. This licensing is blocked by the intervening TAM morphemes, with the result that negative forms containing these morphemes appear with the default vowel FV a. This accounts for the observation that FV i appears only in negative forms whereas default FV a appears both
60
in the negative forms, where licensing is blocked, and in affirmative forms, where there is no licensor at all. One way to implement this idea is in terms of theories of government, such as Chomskys (1986) Barriers theory and Rizzis (1990) theory of Relativized Minimality. In these theories, syntactic elements, such as the various types of overt and empty NPs, are licensed by an appropriate head under the relationship of government. Adapting this idea to the distribution of FVs, I propose that negative FV i is licensed under a relationship of head government between the negative morpheme and the VS that bears the features of the negative FV i (see Chapter 2.3.1). An intervening TAM morpheme interrrupts the minimality requirement that must exist for this relationship to hold. Rizzi (1990, p. 6) defines head government as follows.
(23)
Head Government: X head-governs Y iff (i) X is a member of {A, N, P, V, Agr, T} (ii) X m-commands Y (iii) no barrier intervenes (iv) Relativized Minimality is respected
Applying this definition to the present case, in which X is the negative morpheme and Y is negative FV i, I first add NEG to the set of head governors in (23i), in line with Rizzis (ibid.) proposal that some head governors are functional heads. With respect to (23ii), mcommand may be formulated as follows, adapted from Chomsky (1986, p. 8).
61
(24)
m-commands
iff
does not dominate
and every that dominates
dominates . (M-command is distinct from c-command in that may only be a maximal projection.)
The relation of m-command between the negative morpheme and negative FV i is illustrated in the tree in (25) for hawataki `they do not want, the General Negative form in example (1), Table 1, and example (22).
(25) SPEC
C C C0 hai SPEC SM0 wa SPEC NEG0 ti SPEC V0 SM SM NEG NEG V V V V0-FV tak-i
In the tree in (25), NEG0 does not dominate V0-FV and all maximal projections dominating NEG0 also dominate V0-FV; hence, NEG0 m-commands V0-FV. With respect to (23iii) and (23iv), the concepts of barriers and Relativized Minimality concern the
62
blocking of head government by an intervening maximal projection that also mcommands the governee. Since there is no maximal projection between NEG0 and V0-FV, as seen in the tree in (25), these criteria are vacuously satisfied in this example. I conclude that NEG0 head-governs V0-FV. Barriers and Relativized Minimality become relevant when there is a Slot 4a TAM morpheme in the form, as in hawataimba `they will not sing (example (2) of Table 1), in which the FV is default a. The structure of this form is given in the tree in (26).
(26) SPEC
C C C0 hai SPEC SM0 wa SPEC NEG0 ti SPEC TAM0 ta SPEC V0 SM SM NEG NEG TAM TAM V V V V0-FV imb-a
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In the tree in (26), NEG0 m-commands V0-FV: it does not dominate V0-FV and all maximal projections dominating the former also dominate the latter. The difference between hawataki `they do not want and hawataimba `they will not sing, therefore, is not a matter of m-command. However, the Slot 4a TAM morpheme is the head of a maximal projection intervening between NEG0 and the FV which also m-commands the FV, and is thus a candidate to be a barrier to government (23iii) and/or a closer potential head governor of the FV (23iv), either of which would suffice to disrupt the relationship of head-government between NEG0 and V0-FV, and thus block NEG0 from licensing negative FV i. The Slot 4a TAM projection qualifies as both a barrier and as a closer potential head governor. In the first case, Chomsky (1986, p. 14) defines a barrier as follows.
(27)
is a barrier for
iff (a) or (b):
(a) immediately dominates , a BC for ; (b) is a BC for , is not IP.
(NB: BC=blocking category). A BC is defined as follows (ibid.).
(28)
is a BC for
iff is not L-marked and dominates . (L-marking is theta-
marking by a lexical category; i.e., a head assigning a thematic role to its complement.)
64
TAM0 is a BC for negative FV i, since it is not IP, it is not L-marked according to the definition in (28), and it dominates negative FV i. It is therefore a barrier to headgovernment of negative FV i by NEG0 under the provisions of the definition in (27). Turning to the second case, Rizzi (1990, p. 7) defines -government as follows.
(29)
X -governs Y iff there is no Z such that (i) Z is a typical potential -governor for Y. (ii) Z c-commands Y and does not c-command X.
The term -govern refers to either head-government or antecedent government; since the present case is one of head-government, it is the only possibility that needs to be considered. Under the definition in (29), NEG0 (=X) -governs negative FV i (=Y) only if there is no intervening c-commanding Z which also governs it (see (24) above for ccommand). TAM0 is the only candidate to be Z, since it c-commands negative FV i but not NEG0. Since T (=Tense) belongs to Rizzis (23i) list of head governors, it may be considered both typical and potential. TAM0 is a closer potential head governor to the FV than NEG0 and, therefore, the relationship between TAM0 and NEG0 fails to respect Relativized Minimality. TAM0 disrupts the licensing of negative FV i by NEG0 under both (23iii) and (23iv). (23iii) and (23iv) may also be considered in light of the proposal in Chapter 2.6 that TAM morphemes originated as lexical verbs taking infinitive complements. Note now that the C in the C-I configuration comprising the infinitive complement to a lexical verb is one of the examples of a barrier cited by Chomsky (1986). If such a
65
configuration is the historical antecedent of the current inflected verb containing a TAM morpheme, then the blocking of negative FV i may represent the residue in the current verbal inflectional system of an earlier barrier, the C of the infinitive complement. In that case, the account proposed here of the complementary distribution of negative FV i and default FV a in the Swahili verbal paradigm unifies within a single framework the characteristics of the current system with its suggested diachronic origins. In summary, I have argued in this section that the distribution of two of Swahilis three FVs is determined by syntactic locality and have proposed an account in terms of Rizzis (1990) theory of Relativized Minimality. The next section compares blocking by TAM morphemes in Swahili to blocking in other Bantu languages.
3.2.1. Comparisons to Other Bantu Languages
I have argued in the previous section that the use of semantically specific FVs such as negative FV i may be blocked by TAM morphemes intervening between the licensing negative morpheme and the FV. This blocking also occurs in other Bantu languages, although there is variation with respect to both the blocking morphemes and the blocked morphemes. The purpose of this section is to briefly survey some of this variation.
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3.2.1.1. Blocking in Shona
As in Swahili, TAM morphemes in Shona block the negative FV (Harford 1996), as illustrated in the following examples.
(30)
ha-nd-tr-14 NEG1-SM1s-fetch-FV Ì do not fetch (Fortune, 1984, p. 76)
(31)
ha-nd-cha-tr-15 NEG1-SM1s-FUT-fetch-FV Ì shall not fetch (ibid.)
Example (30) illustrates negative FV e. In example (31), the TAM morpheme cha blocks the negative FV in favor of default FV a. TAM morphemes also block the subjunctive FV, as follows.
The negative FV is i in the Karanga and Manyika dialects of Shona, according to Fortune (1984, p. 76), as in Swahili. 15 According to Fortune (1967, p. 76), this form is handchatr, with negative FV i, in the Karanga and Manyika dialects. In terms of the analysis developed here, the future morpheme cha does not block in all dialects, the only blocking morpheme which shows such dialectal variation.
14
67
(32)
nd-tr- SM1s-fetch-FV `(so that) I fetch (Fortune, 1984, p.76)
(33)
v-ch-gar-a SM2-EXC-sit-FV `(that) they should now sit (my translation) (Fortune, 1984, p.73)
As in the previous set of examples, example (32) contains the subjunctive FV e, which is blocked by the exclusive morpheme chi in favor of the default FV a in example (33). The possibility that TAM morphemes block because they originated as verbs taking infinitive complements, described in the previous section and Chapter 2.7, receives support from another category of verbal blocking morphemes in Shona, labeled auxiliary verbs or auxiliary radicals by Fortune. Auxiliary verbs immediately precede the verb stem and take a separate auxiliary FV o. Example (34) illustrates the auxiliary verb nyats-o `well (glossed with the adverbial meaning that it contributes to the clause).
(34)
a-ka-nyats-o-berek-a SM1s/RP-well-FV-carry-FV `s/he carried carefully (Hannan, 1984, p. 484)
68
In example (34), the meaning of the auxiliary verb modifies that of the main verb. Auxiliary verbs such as nyats-o block the negative and subjunctive FVs, as seen in examples (35) and (36).
(35)
ha-nd-nyats--taur-a NEG1-SM1s-well-FV-speak-a Ì do not speak well (Fortune, 1984, p. 96)
(36)
nd-nyts--taur-a SM1s-well-FV-speak-FV `(so that) I may speak well (ibid.)
The origin of auxiliary verbs as main verbs taking infinitive complements is relatively transparent. According to Fortune (ibid.), nyats-o also occurs as an unincorporated auxiliary verb with an infinitive complement in the Manyika dialect of Shona. Examples (37) and (38) are the Manyika equivalents of (35) and (36).
69
(37)
ha-nd-nyats-
k-taur-a
NEG1-SM1s-well-FV INF-speak-FV Ì do not speak well (ibid.)
(38)
nd-nyts-
k-taur-a
SM1s-well-FV INF-speak-FV `(so that) I may speak well (ibid.)
Note that, in examples (37) and (38), the unincorporated auxiliary verb nyats takes the negative and subjunctive FVs which are blocked in examples (35) and (36). When the Manyika forms in (37) and (38) are compared to the more standard forms in (35) and (36), it appears plausible that the latter represent contracted forms of the former and that the auxiliary FV o represents a fusion of FV a and the infinitive prefix ku, as suggested by Fortune (1967, p. 67). More generally, this sort of contraction may represent a process by which verbs evolve into TAM morphemes in Bantu languages. Auxiliary verbs in Shona, with FVs, then, would represent an intermediate stage leading to TAM morphemes, at which point every trace of the infinitive complement would have disappeared, apart from default FV a. This section has considered examples from Shona in which the negative and subjunctive FVs are blocked by TAM morphemes. Another example of blocking in
70
Shona comes from a category of verbal auxiliaries in a construction whose derivation from a biclausal structure with an infinitive complement is more overt. The next section considers further variation in the pattern of blocking in Zulu.
3.2.1.2. Blocking in the Passive in Zulu
In Zulu, as in Swahili and Shona, the negative FV is correlated with a preceding negative morpheme, as seen in example (39).
(39)
a-ngi-thand-i16 NEG1-SM1s-love-FV Ì do not love (Doke, 1992, p. 168)
Unlike in Swahili and Shona, however, the negative FV is blocked by the passive morpheme, as seen in example (40).
(40)
a-si-shay-w-a NEG1-SM1p-strike-PASS-FV `we are not struck (Doke, 1992, p. 168)
16 Dokes examples are not tone-marked.

71
Although examples (39) and (40) both contain NEG1 a, the presence of the passive morpheme forces the use of default FV a rather than negative FV i in (40). These Zulu data indicate that blocking morphemes need not be TAM morphemes, thus providing evidence against Contini-Moravas (1989) theory which correlates selection of FVs in Swahili negative verb forms with tense and aspect. How does the passive morpheme block in examples such as this one? According to the analysis developed here for Swahili, verbal extensions such as the passive morpheme are attached in the lexicon and form part of V0 in the syntax. Blocking morphemes such as the TAM morphemes head their own projections in the syntax. One possible modification of this analysis is to assume that the passive morpheme in Zulu heads its own maximal projection in the functional projection, perhaps as the final projection before V. This possibility is represented in the tree in (41).
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(41) SPEC
C C C0 ai SPEC SM0 si SPEC NEG0 ti SPEC PASS0 w SPEC SM SM NEG NEG PASS PASS V V V0-FV shay-a
According to the scenario represented by the tree in (41), the passive morpheme is incorporated into V as part of the process of Head Movement to be described below in Chapter 4.
4. Conclusion
This chapter has expanded the PS analysis of the inflected verb presented in Chapter 2 to include the complementary distribution of the two negative morphemes NEG1 ha and NEG2 si and the selection of FVs in negative verb forms. The distribution
73
of the two negative morphemes is accounted for in terms of movement of a single NEG0 morpheme, and the selection of FVs in terms of licensing by this negative morpheme, formulated in terms of the theories of barriers and Relativized Minimality of Chomsky (1986) and Rizzi (1990). The blocking of this licensing by the TAM morphemes is compared to blocking in Shona and Zulu. Properties of conditional forms which run counter to the predictions of the analysis and the negative infinitive are also examined. The following chapter expands the domain of the analysis from the inflected verb to the clause.
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Chapter 4: The Structure of Clauses
The previous two chapters have developed a PS analysis of the structure of the inflected verb. This chapter turns to the structure of the clauses which contain these verbs. The chapter has two purposes. The first is to describe and analyze two general clause types in Swahili which, I propose, subsume all clausal constructions in this language. The second is to provide support for the syntactic analysis of the inflected verb by showing that it has explanatory value at the clause level. Clauses in Swahili fall into two types, which I label Type A and Type B, the second fortuitously coinciding with Clements (1984) Class B, a category of cognate forms in Gikuyu. (Clements points out that the two clause types also occur in other Bantu and Niger-Congo languages.) Type B consists of clitic relatives, both affirmative and negative, with and without conjuncts (see Chapter 2.2). Type A consists of all other clauses, both affirmative and negative. These include main clauses, the amba relative (see Chapter 2.3.1.3) and embedded clauses such as those headed by kwamba `that (see below). Type A and Type B clauses differ with respect to three properties, listed in (1):
(1)i. the position of the N subject (SV or VS constituent order) ii. the choice of negative morpheme (NEG1 ha or NEG3 si) iii. the possibility of object topicalization.
75
Variation with respect to these properties may be accounted for in terms of a single structural contrast: Type A clauses use an extra layer of structure between SM, the first projection of I, and the left periphery of the clause, which Type B clauses lack. The chapter is organized as follows. Sections 4.1 and 4.3 propose structures for Type B and Type A clauses, respectively, and use these structures to account for variation in the three properties in (1). Section 4.3 describes how the syntactic analysis of the inflected verb contributes to the analyses at the clause level. Section 4.4 concludes.
4.1. Type B Structure
Recall from Chapter 2 that there are two types of clitic relative, which vary according to the placement of the RELPC o. Examples of the two types are repeated here from Chapter 2, examples (17) and (18).
(2)
kazi
i-li-y-o-m-fa-a
N9/work SM9-PST-PRO9-RELPC-OM1-suit-FV (Ashton (1947, p. 111) `work which suited him/her (my translation)
(3)
kazi
i-tu-fa-a-y-o
N9/work SM9-OM1p-suit-FV-PRO9-RELPC9 (Ashton (1947, p. 111) `work which suits us
76
In both types, the relative morpheme o is cliticized to the inflected verb. In (2), it is suffixed to the first conjunct and in (3) it is suffixed to the entire inflected verb, two of the prosodic domains described in Chapter 2. According to the analysis of the inflected verb developed in Chapter 2, each verbal morpheme heads a maximal projection. Maximal projections are ordered within the functional projection as follows. (See (25) in Chapter 2.)
(4)
(RELPC)-(SM)-(NEG)-(TAM)-V'' F4 F3 F2 F1 F0
The RELPC o is the head of the topmost projection in the functional projection, occupying the position more familiarly known as C0. Recall from Chapter 2 that the RELPC cliticizes to the first prosodic word on its right to avoid realization as a monosyllabic word. Following Demuth & Harford (1999) and Harford & Demuth (1999), I propose that the clitic host in the Type B clitic relative is the phonological word formed by the syntactic device of Head Movement: the V0 head of the V projection raises through the head positions of the higher projections, combining with each head in turn (see also Carstens & Kinyalolo, 1989, and Ngonyani, 1999). A single word results when the verb is unified with all its inflections under a single node17. The analysis developed in
17 Another example of the use of Head Movement for a similar system is that of Rice (1995) in her PS analysis of verbal template morphology in Slave. Head Movement may also be invoked to account for the fact that verbal inflectional morphemes may not be separated by full constituents, which might otherwise be expected to occupy the specifier positions of the maximal projections (Roberts, 1994; see also van Riemsdijk, 1998, pp.
77
Chapter 2 and extended here thus provides two ways of mapping the syntactic structure of the inflected verb onto its prosodic structure: Prosodic Phonology, which delineates the conjuncts, and Head Movement, which forms a phonological word, providing the host for the RELPC. Head Movement is illustrated in the following tree for example (2).
(5) SPEC
N N N0 kazi SPEC C0 yo SPEC SM0 i SPEC TAM0 li C C SM SM TAM TAM V V V0 mfaa
In this example, the VS mfaa moves from its base-generated position through the successively higher X0 positions, picking up the contents of each, until the composite inflected verb reaches C0, the highest maximal projection within the extended projection. For example (3), the order of projections and the process of Head Movement are exactly
650-1 for more comments on the possibility of Head Movement in the Swahili inflected verb).
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the same; the differing placement of the RELPC yo in (2) and (3) is determined by the prosodic principles set out in Chapter 2.2.1.3. Note that it makes no difference to the structure of any of the relative clause types whether subjects or objects are relativized. As a result of the Head Movement solution to the prosodic problem posed by the monosyllabicity of the RELPC, the inflected verb in the Type B clitic relative occupies C0. The next three subsections examine the consequences of this prosodically-driven structure for the three properties.
4.1.1. Verb-Subject (VS) Order in Type B Clauses
The idea that the inflected verb in the Type B is in C0 receives support from the positioning of an overt N in this construction. When a Type B clitic relative contains an overt N subject, this subject follows the inflected verb, as follows (inverted subject is in bold; see also Tyler, 1985, Demuth & Harford, 1999, Ngonyani, 1999).
(6)
ki-tabu
a-na-ch-o-ki-som-a
Hamisi
N7-book SM1-DEF-PRO7-RELPC-OM7-read-FV H. `the book which Hamisi is reading (Ashton, 1947, p. 112)
In this example, the word order in the relative clause is Verb-Subject (VS) rather than the more basic Subject-Verb (SV), a phenomenon referred to as subject inversion. Note that the verbal subject agreement morpheme (SM) agrees in noun class with the inverted
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subject Hamisi. Demuth & Harford (1999) take this agreement to indicate that the subject occupies the specifier position of SM and agrees with SM0 by virtue of SPEC-Head agreement, a standard assumption in the Principles and Parameters framework (Haegeman, 1994). It is also possible for SM0 to agree with a preverbal N which is not the semantic subject instead of the inverted semantic subject, as in the Locative inversion construction, illustrated in the following example18.
(7)
Nyumba-ni
pa-me-fik-a
m-geni
w-etu.
N9/house-LOC SM16-COMP-arrive-FV N1-guest PRO1-our Àt home has arrived out guest (my translation) (Whiteley, 1968, p. 13)
In this example, the N mgeni wetu òur guest is the semantic subject of the verb fika àrrive, but does not control its subject agreement morpheme. (This type of construction will be discussed in more detail below in Chapter 5.) For this construction, Demuth & Harford (1999) propose that the subject occupies SPEC/V, its base-generated position according to the VP-internal subject hypothesis (Kuroda, 1988; Kitagawa, 1986, Sportiche, 1988, Koopman & Sportiche, 1991), not SPEC/SM, hence accounting for its postverbal position and its failure to control agreement. Within this set of assumptions, subject inversion in examples such as (6) receives the following explanation: the inflected verb occupies C0 and the N subject occupies SPEC/SM immediately to its right, resulting in VS order, as seen in the following tree. 18 The locative suffix ni creates a locative N which may control the agreements of any of the three locative noun classes 16, 17 or 18. See Appendix 1 for the locative classes.
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(8) SPEC
N N N0 kitabu SPEC C0 anachokisomai SPEC Hamisij SM0 ti SPEC TAM0 ti C C SM SM TAM TAM V SPEC V tj V0 ti
The tree shows the inflected verb as a single word in C0 following Head Movement, with the subject N on its right in SPEC/SM. According to Ashton (1947, p. 113), subject inversion is obligatory in the clitic relative. Barrett-Keach (1980) gives examples of clitic relatives without subject inversion, which indicates that it is not obligatory for all speakers. The following is one of Barrett-Keachs examples (as above, the subject is in bold)19.
19 The verb dai `claim in example (8) is an Arabic loanword and does not have the Bantu FV. The same is true of the verb dhani in example (22) below.
81
(9)
wa-tu
Asha a-li-o-dai
kwamba ki-tabu
hi-ki
N2-people A. wa-li-ki-som-a
SM1-PST-PRO2/RELPC-claim that
N7-book this-PRO7
SM2-PST-OM7-read-FV `people who Asha claimed that this book, they read it (Barrett-Keach, 1980, p. 61)
In this example, the subject of the relative clause Asha precedes the relative verb. It is also the case that SV order is possible when the RELPC functions as a temporal adverb, as follows.
(10)
Flora a-li-po-fik-a F.
a-li-m-kut-a
SM1-PST-PRO16/RELPC-arrive-FV SM1-PST-OM1-meet-FV
Charles ... C. `When Flora arrived she met Charles (my translation) (Kezilihabi, 1971, p. 99)
In example (10), the RELPC po, inflected for Class 16, does not have an overt antecedent but is used as a temporal phrase. The subject of the relative verb, Flora, precedes it. Demuth & Harford (1999) propose, for an equivalent marginal construction in Shona, that the subject occupies SPEC/C, placing it immediately before the inflected
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verb in C0. Examples such as (9) and (10) provide support for the analysis of the inflected verb as occupying C0, not SM0, the head of the highest projection in I. Suppose that a phrase such as example (8) were analyzed with the inflected verb in SM0 and the preverbal subject in SPEC/SM. Under the assumption that subject-verb agreement arises through SPEC-Head agreement, such an analysis would not generate example (6) in which the inverted subject controls SM agreement, since SPEC/SM could not be a postverbal position. Given that a subject N controlling agreement occupies SPEC/SM, then a verb which precedes it cannot occupy SM0. This section has argued for an analysis of subject positioning in the Type B clitic relative that relies on the prosodically motivated assumption that the inflected verb occupies C0. The next section makes the same argument for negation in the clitic relative.
4.1.2. Negation in Type B Clauses
The Type B clitic relative is negated with NEG2 si, as illustrated in the following example (see also example (4), Table 2, in Chapter 3).
(11)
kengele i-si-y-o-li-a 9/bell SM9-NEG2-PRO9-RELPC-ring-FV
à bell which doesnt ring (Ashton, 1947, p. 112)
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This verb form poses a counterexample to constraint (10) proposed in Chapter 3, which entails that declarative clauses are negated with NEG1 ha, not NEG3 si. Although I have characterized relatives as declaratives, the negative clitic relative takes NEG3 si. The resolution of this counterexample may be linked to the structure of the clitic relative proposed earlier. Recall that, in Chapter 3, it was proposed that NEG1 ha and NEG3 si are manifestations of a single NEG0 head of a maximal projection positioned between the SM and TAM projections, and that NEG1 ha represents NEG0 when it has moved to C0. Recall also the assumption that the inflected verb raises to C0 to provide a prosodic host for the monosyllabic relative morpheme. I propose now that NEG0 cannot move into the non-empty C0, so NEG1 ha is blocked in this construction, where it is otherwise motivated20. The contents of NEG0 can end up in C0 as part of the overall instances of Head Movement that assemble the inflected verb, but it cannot move into a filled C0 on its own21. The appearance of NEG1 ha is thus blocked in a manner parallel to the blocking of verb raising in subordinate clauses in Germanic languages (see Vikner, 1995, for an overview and the references cited there). The structure of example (11) may be represented as in (12).
20 Since relatives are declaratives, NEG1 ha in the clitic relative is not overridden by constraint (10) in Chapter 3 dispreferring movement in non-declarative extended projections. 21 Note that NEG1 ha, like the relative morpheme o, is a monosyllable in C0. Does this mean that Head Movement to C0 also takes place in NEG1 ha clauses? I assume that movement of NEG0 to C0 blocks movement of the inflected verb to C0, in the same way that movement of the inflected verb to C0 blocks the independent movement of NEG0 to C0.
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(12)
SPEC
N N N0 kengele SPEC C0 yo SPEC SM0 i SPEC NEG0 si SPEC TAM0 C C SM SM NEG NEG TAM TAM
V
lia
In this tree, NEG0 is blocked from moving directly to C0, which is filled by the relative morpheme o. Otherwise, Head Movement proceeds as expected, illustrated in (13).
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(13)
SPEC
N N N0 kengele SPEC C0 isiyoliai SPEC SM0 ti SPEC NEG0 ti SPEC C C SM SM NEG NEG V V V0 ti
This section has proposed an account of exceptional NEG2 si in the negative clitic relative in terms of blocking movement of NEG0 to C0. As with the analysis of subject positioning, this account depends on Head Movement of the inflected verb to C0. In this case, the filled C0 is crucial for blocking, not positioning. The next section takes up object topicalization in the Type B clitic relative, or the lack thereof.
4.1.3. Object Topicalization in Type B Clauses
A Type B clitic relative clause may not contain a topicalized object, as seen in the following example from Barrett-Keach (1980).
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(14)
*wa-tu
ki-tabu
hi-ki,
ni-li-o-dai
kuwa
N2-people N7-book this-PRO7 SM1-PST-PRO2RELPC-claim that wa-li-ki-som-a SM2-PST-OM7-read-FV `people who, this book, I claim that they read it
In this example, the object of the clause embedded under the verb of the clitic relative, kitabu hiki `this book, occupies the position between the verb and the head noun of the relative, resulting in ungrammaticality. Given the structure proposed for the Type B construction argued for in the two preceding sections, this position is SPEC/C. The ungrammaticality of object topicalization is not directly relevant to the argument for Type B structure. Its importance to the discussion comes in the argument for a different structure for Type A clauses, where it is permitted (see section 4.2.2.3 below). Here I concentrate on the reasons for its impossibility in Type B. I propose that example (14) is ungrammatical because the fronting of N shifts the relative morpheme in C0 to second position in the sentence22. This example is one instance of a more general constraint giving preference to leftmost positioning of a complementizer in a clause, whether it is relative or not. This constraint may be formulated as follows.
(15) A complementizer is the leftmost element in its clause.
22 . Kiss (1995), p. 12, notes a number of languages in which an embedded topic must follow the complementizer.
87
Note that the constraint in (15) also disprefers SV order in Type B relative clauses, which also involves movement to SPEC/C. Under this analysis, then, the ungrammaticality of Object Topicalization and the marginality23 of SV order in Type B relative clauses form a natural class of phenomena. This section has proposed an account of the ungrammaticality of Object Topicalization in the Type B clitic relative in terms of a constraint favoring complementizers which appear leftmost in their clauses. It also plays a role in the analysis of Type A clauses, to be taken up in the next section.
4.2. Type A Structure
Unlike Type B, Type A structure occurs in both main and subordinate clauses and may contain any of the verb forms described in the preceding chapters. With respect to the three properties in (1), Type A clauses show the opposite of Type B clauses: there is no quasi-obligatory subject inversion (VS order), the negative morpheme is NEG1 ha, not NEG2 si, and Object Topicalization is grammatical. As mentioned earlier, I account for this variation with the assumption that Type A clauses differ from Type B clauses in exploiting an extra layer of structure between SM and the left periphery of the clause. The following subsections describe first main clauses (Section 4.2.1) and then subordinate clauses (Section 4.2.2).
23 Recall from Section 4.1.1 above that Ashton (1947, p. 113) states that (rephrased in my terms) SV order in Type B clauses is prohibited, whereas Barrett-Keachs (1980) examples suggest otherwise. See examples (5) and (8).
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4.2.1. Type A Main Clauses
Type A main clauses have the same C-SM structure as Type B clauses. They differ in that the C0 position of Type A main clauses is empty, whereas C0 in Type B clauses contains the base-generated relative morpheme o. This difference has two consequences. First, Head Movement to C0 is not motivated in Type A main clauses and consequently does not proceed farther than SM0. Second, Type A main clauses are free from the effects of constraint (15), which disfavors filling the SPEC position of a C headed by a complementizer. The following subsections discuss how the variation in each of the three properties shown by Type A main clauses arises from this essential difference.
4.2.1.1. Subject-Verb (SV) Order in Type A Main Clauses
SV order is unexceptional in Type A main clauses, unlike in Type B clauses, where SV order is marginal or restricted to contexts such as temporals24. The following is an example25.
24 Free inversion is possible in Type A main clauses, as seen in the following example. (i) Wa-rithi ha-wa jamaa. N2-inherit this/PRO2 N2/family `They inherited, this family. (my translation)
I set aside the analysis of free inversion as not directly related to the distinction between Type A and Type B clauses. 25 See Chapter 2 for the use of epenthetic ku with the verb enda `go.
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(16)
Rosa a-li-kw-end-a R.
nyumba-ni.
SM1-PST-INF-go-FV N9/house-LOC
`Rosa went home. (my translation) (Kezilahabi, 1971, p. 144)
The structure of example (16) may be represented as follows.
(17) SPEC N N N0 Rosa
C C C0 SPEC SM0 aliikwendaj SPEC TAM0 ti SM SM TAM TAM V SPEC V V0 tj
In this structure, the morphemes of the inflected verb have been raised to SM0, and nothing motivates further movement to C0. Note that the subject N, Rosa, occupies SPEC/C, instead of SPEC/SM, the highest SPEC position in I and the canonical position for subjects in the Principles and Parameters framework. This position is justified in Chapter 5 and assumed here and in all subsequent Type A examples in
90
anticipation of proposals made there. Since the inflected verb appears in SM0, its subject in SPEC/C is on its left, yielding SV order. This section has accounted for the positioning of the subject in Type A main clauses with assumptions that are more or less standard within the Principles and Parameters framework. The next section takes up negation.
4.2.1.2. Negation in Type A Main Clauses
Type A main clauses are negated with both NEG1 ha and NEG2 si, whereas Type B clauses are negated only with NEG2 si. Examples (18) and (19) illustrate Type A declarative and non-declarative clauses, (18) with NEG1 ha and (19) with NEG2 si26.
(18)
Zakaria ha-a-ku-sem-a Z.
lo
lote ...
NEG1-SM1-PST-say-FV PRO5/PC PRO5/each
`Zakaria didnt say anything ... (my translation) (Kezilahabi, 1971, p. 13)
(19)
ni-si-pik-e SM1s-NEG2-cook-FV `let me not cook (Ashton, 1947, p. 32)
See Chapter 3.1 for the correlation of NEG1 ha and NEG2 si with declarative and non-declarative clauses.
26
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Type A clauses thus allow both negative morphemes, whereas Type B clauses allow only one. Although the choice of negative morpheme is generally correlated with the declarative/non-declarative distinction, the analysis of the negative Type B clitic relative in Section 4.1.2 indicates that structural limitations can override this preference. The impossibility of NEG1 ha in Type B is given a structural explanation: since C0 is the landing site of the inflected verb, it is unavailable to host NEG1 ha. I take the presence of NEG1 ha in Type A main clauses to indicate that C0 is unfilled in this clause type, and hence available for the negative morpheme, a result that dovetails with the proposal of the previous section. The following is a partial tree for example (18).
(20) SPEC N N N0
C C C0 haiajkuksemal SPEC SM0 tj SPEC NEG0 ti SPEC TAM0 tk SM SM NEG NEG TAM TAM V SPEC V V0 tl
Zakaria
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Note that since the subject N, Zakaria, occupies SPEC/C, rather than SPEC/SM, it correctly precedes NEG1 ha. This section has linked the availability of both negative morphemes in Type A main clauses to SV order in this clause type by means of a structure in which C0 is empty, which entails both that the inflected verb follows the subject N in SPEC/C and that C0 is available as a landing site for the negative morpheme. The next section turns to Object Topicalization.
4.2.1.3. Object Topicalization in Type A Main Clauses
Object Topicalization is possible in Type A main clauses, unlike in the Type B clitic relative, as noted above in Section 4.1.3. The following is an example.
(21)
Mw-anamke ma-chozi ya-li-m-tok-a. N1-woman N6-tears SM6-PST-OM1-come out-FV Às for the woman, the tears poured out of her. (my translation) (Kezilahabi, 1971, p. 83)
In this example, mwanamke `woman is the topic and machozi `tears is the subject. The structure posited so far provides a position for the subject, but not for the topic preceding it. I propose that the topic occupies the specifier position of a projection dominating C, which may be labelled TOP. The tree for example (21) is given in (22).
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(22)
SPEC N N N0
TOP TOP TOP0 SPEC N N N0 machozi C0 SPEC SM0 yalii mtokaj SPEC TAM0 ti SPEC C C SM SM TAM TAM V V V0 tj
mwanamke
In this tree, the topic precedes the subject by virtue of occupying a higher specifier position. Note the effect of the empty C0 on this structure. Since C0 is empty, constraint (15) is not in force and it does not have to be the leftmost element in its clause, freeing up the left periphery for both the subject and the topic. This section has concluded the analysis of Type A main clauses with an account of Object Topicalization in terms of the structure already motivated to account for subject positioning and the choice of negative morpheme. This structure crucially provides an empty C0 position, with consequences for each property. When it does not contain a complementizer, it permits the subject and topic to appear to the left of the inflected verb without violating constraint (15). It also serves as a landing site for the negative morpheme. The next section takes up the analysis of Type A subordinate clauses.
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4.2.2. Type A Subordinate Clauses
In this section, I analyze two Type A subordinate clauses, the amba relative and the kwamba embedded clause, exemplified in (23), repeated from Chapter 2, example (16), and (24).
(23)
ki-su
amba-ch-o
ki-ta-fa-a
N7-knife which-PRO7-RELPC SM7-FUT-suit FV `the knife which will be suitable (Barrett-Keach (1986, p. 560))
(24)
Charles a-li-tambu-a C. ku-ka-a
kwamba siku
z-a-ke
z-a
SM1-PST-recognize-FV that pale zi-li-ku-w-a
N10/days PRO10-AP-his PRO10-AP zi-ki-kat-a kamba, ...
INF-live-FV PRO16-that SM10-PST-INF-be-FV SM10-CONT-cut-FV N9/cord `Charles recognized that his days of living there were being cut short ... (my translation) (Kezilahabi, 1971, p. 13)
Type A subordinate clauses are classified as such because they show the same kind of variation with respect to the three properties as Type A main clauses: the subject precedes the inflected verb, the negative morpheme is NEG1 ha, and Object Topicalization is
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possible. My analysis of Type A subordinate clauses is the same as for main clauses: they exploit a leftward layer of structure that is not available in the Type B clitic relative. However, since amba and kwamba are markers of a relative clause and an embedded clause, respectively, it is reasonable to assign them to the C0 category. How, then, can the effects which I have earlier attributed to an empty C0 be accounted for when C0 is filled? My answer to this question draws on Barrett-Keachs (1980) analysis of the amba relative and Grimshaws (1991) theory of Extended Projection, described earlier in Chapter 2. Barrett-Keach analyzes amba as a verb, based on a proposal of Andrews (1975), in order to unify the amba relative with the other two relative constructions as all involving the attachment of the relative morpheme o to a verb. In support of this idea, she points out that amba existed historically as a lexical verb meaning `say, which survives synchronically with the related meaning `swear and in its applicative form ambia `tell, say to (p. 65; see also Ashton, 1947). One consequence of her proposal is, as she states, that the amba relative has one more embedding than the clitic relative (p. 69). Without assuming that amba in the current relative construction is necessarily V0, I propose that it is a lexical category which, at the least, may have formerly been a verb. The functional projection C headed by the relative morpheme o forms an extended projection with the lexical projection headed by amba. The complement of the amba projection is a second C, a likely complement to a verb. This C is the first maximal projection in the functional projection containing the verbal inflections of the relative clause, whose final maximal projection embeds the lexical projection V to form a second extended projection. The structure of the amba relative thus reflects the familiar pattern of alternating functional and lexical projections. The structure of example (23) may be
96
represented in the tree in (25), which indicates the relevant functional and lexical projections, as well as movements.
(25) SPEC
N N N0 kisui SPEC C0 ambajcho SPEC amba0 tj SPEC C0 SPEC ti SM0 ki C C amba amba C C SM SM
(cont.) SPEC
TAM TAM TAM0 ta V fa-a
In this tree, the maximal projection of amba is labelled simply amba, since it does not belong unambiguously to any of the familiar categories such as C or V, following
97
Grimshaws (1991 1997) suggestion for the treatmenet of such ambiguities. In the amba relative, as in the clitic relative, the relative morpheme o occupies C0 and is cliticized to the first prosodic word on its right. In the case of the amba relative, the first prosodic word is amba, which occupies C0, the landing site of the verb plus its inflections in the clitic relative. This analysis may be extended to kwamba clauses. Since kwamba is the infinitive form of amba, I assume that it shares the same structure. A tree representing the structure of the matrix verb and the first part of the embedded clause of example (24) is given in (26).
(26) SPEC
V V V0 C SPEC C0 SPEC amba0 kwamba SPEC C0 SPEC siku zake .. C amba amba C C SM SM
...
tambua
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(cont.) SM0 zi SPEC
TAM TAM TAM0 li V ku-w-a ...
The only difference between the amba relative structure and the kwamba structure is that, in the latter, the head of the higher of the two Cs is empty, unlike in the amba relative, in which it is occupied by the relative morpheme o (inflected for Class 7). Otherwise, the structures for the two constructions are the same. This section has proposed a structure for Type A subordinate clauses, the amba relative and the kwamba embedded clause. This structure, unlike that of the Type B clitic relative, contains an extra C projection embedded under a maximal projection headed by amba. The next three subsections show how Type A variation in the three properties in the amba relative and the kwamba relative clause arise by utilizing this extra C projection.
4.2.2.1. Subject-Verb (SV) Order in Type A Subordinate Clauses
SV order is obligatory in the Type A amba relative, exemplified in (27) and (28).
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(27)
ki-tabu
amba-ch-o
m-toto
a-me-ki-on-a
N7-book which-PRO7-RELPC N1-child SM1-COMP-OM7-see-FV jana yesterday `the book which the child saw yesterday (Tyler, 1985)
(28)
*ki-tabu
amba-ch-o
a-me-ki-on-a
m-toto
N7-book which-PRO7-RELPC SM1-COMP-OM7-see-FV N1-child jana yesterday (Tyler, 1985)
In the grammatical example (27), the subject of the amba relative precedes the verb. In the ungrammatical example (28), the subject follows the verb. Since this construction is Type A, C0 does not contain the relative morpheme and Head-to-Head movement of the verbal morpheme is not motivated past SM0. This ensures that the inflected verb remains to the right of the subject, which occupies SPEC/SM, yielding SV order. The same is true of SV order in a clause embedded under kwamba; see example (24). Note also from the tree in (26), representing (24), that the subject of the embedded kwamba clause occupies the lower SPEC/C, to the right of kwamba. (VS order in a kwamba clause is probably ungrammatical, but I have no data bearing on this point.)
100
This section has shown how SV order in the amba relative and the kwamba embedded clause is predicted from the structures proposed in the previous section. The next section takes up negation.
4.2.2.2. Negation in Type A Subordinate Clauses
The amba relative and kwamba embedded clause are both negated with NEG1 ha, as is expected with declarative clauses whose structures do not limit the movement of the negative morpheme. The following are examples repeated from Chapter 3, examples (2) and (3).
(29)
Daktari
a-li-wa-ambi-a
wazi kwamba
N1/doctor SM1-PST-OM2-tell-FV clearly that ha-wa-ta-pat-a m-toto.
NEG1-SM2-FUT-get-FV N1-child `The doctor told them clearly that they would not have a child. (my translation) (Kezilahabi, 1971, p. 25)
(30)
barua
amba-z-o
ha-wa-ta-zi-andik-a
N10/letters which-PRO10-RELPC NEG1-SM2-FUT-OM10-write-FV `letters which they wont write (Barrett-Keach, 1980, p. 35)
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Since there are two C projections in the structures for these clauses, rather than one, as in the Type B clitic relative, the second C0 is available as a landing site for NEG0, which moves in accordance with NEG First (Chapter 2). The following is the tree for example (30).
(31) SPEC
N N N0 baruai SPEC C0 ambajzo SPEC amba0 tj SPEC C0 hak SPEC ti SM0 wa C C amba amba C C SM SM
102
(cont.) SPEC
NEG NEG NEG0 tk SPEC TAM0 ta TAM TAM V zi-andik-a
In this tree, the head noun of the relative clause, barua `letters, is linked to the relative clause by the trace in SPEC/SM. The relative morpheme o (inflected for Class 10) is base-generated in the higher C0. The morpheme amba raises from its base-generated position to C0 to join it. The negative morpheme moves from NEG0 to the lower C0, where it is realized as NEG1 ha. The analysis thus links NEG1 ha in a relative clause to the presence of amba, which embeds the second C, whose head is the landing site for NEG1. The same analysis holds for example (29), in which the complementizer kwamba also embeds C. The following is the tree for the matrix verb and embedded clause (minus the object) of example (29).
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(32) SPEC
V V V0 C SPEC C0 SPEC amba0 kwamba SPEC C0 hai SPEC C amba amba C C SM SM
...
ambia
(cont.) SM0 SPEC
NEG NEG NEG0 ti SPEC TAM0 ta TAM TAM V pat-a
In the tree in (32), following the same pattern seen in (31), the negative morpheme moves to the head of the C embedded under the complementizer kwamba.
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This section has linked NEG1 ha in the amba relative and kwamba embedded clause to the presence of the second C projection embedded under amba. The next section discusses Object Topicalization.
4.2.2.3. Object Topicalization in Type A Subordinate Clauses
Object Topicalization is possible in Type A subordinate clauses, unlike in the Type B clitic relative. The following are examples of Object Topicalization in the amba relative and the kwamba embedded clause.
(33)
ki-tabu
ch-a-ngu
amba-ch-o
yu-le
N7-book PRO7-AP-my which-PRO7-RELPC PRO1-that m-toto, Asha a-li-dai kwamba ni-li-m-p-a. SM1s-PST-OM1-give-FV
N1-child A.
SM1-PST-claim that
`my book which that child, Asha claimed that I gave (it to him) (Barrett-Keach, 1980, p. 61)
(34)
Asha a-li-dai A.
kwamba ki-tabu
hi-ki,
SM1-PST-claim that
N7-book this-PRO7
ni-li-ki-som-a. SM1s-PST-OM7-read-FV Àsha claimed that this book, I read (it). (Barrett-Keach, 1980, p. 60)
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In example (33), the object of the clause embedded within the relative clause, yule mtoto `that child, has been topicalized within the relative clause. In example (34), the topicalized object is kitabu hiki `this book. The structure of example (33), whose relevant features are the same for example (34), is given in (35).
(35) SPEC
N N N0 kitabu changui SPEC C0 ambajcho SPEC amba0 tj SPEC yule mtoto C0 amba C C SM C amba C
(cont.) SPEC Asha SM0 a
SM TAM SPEC TAM0 li TAM V dai
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As was the case with negation, the lower of the two Cs in this tree provides a landing site for the topicalized object that is to the right of the C0 containing the relative morpheme, in accordance with constraint (15). The extra projection in Type A subordinate clauses permits Object Topicalization without violating constraint (15). There is additional evidence for constraint (15) from the amba relative. Note that while Object Topicalization is possible in the amba relative, the topicalizaed object may not precede amba, as seen in the following example.
(36)
*ki-tabu
ch-a-ngu
yu-le
m-toto,
amba-ch-o
N7-book PRO7-AP-my PRO1-that N1-child which-PRO7-RELPC Asha a-li-dai A. kwamba ni-li-m-p-a SM1s-PST-OM1-give-FV
SM1-PST-claim that
`my book which this child, Asha claimed that I gave (it to him) (Barrett-Keach, 1980, p. 61)
As seen in the tree in (35), the higher SPEC/C is available as a landing site for a topicalized object. Nevertheless, this position is to the left of the C containing the relative morpheme o, and topicalizing to this position results in a constraint (15) violation. Hence, example (36) is ungrammatical. This section has correlated the possibility of Object Topicalization in this construction with the preverbal subject and NEG1 ha by means of the Type A clause structure containing two Cs. It concludes the description and analysis of the Types A
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and B clause structures, the first purpose of this chapter. The next section turns to the second purpose, motivating the syntactic analysis of the inflected verb in terms of the interactions of verbal structure with clausal structure.
4.3. Connecting the Inflected Verb to the Clause
The second purpose of this chapter is to argue that the analyses of Type A and B clauses provide evidence in favor of the syntactic analysis of the inflected verb developed in Chapters 2 and 3. One of the arguments for a morphological component separate from syntax comes from the way polymorphemic words behave in sentences, as opaque units whose internal structure is unconnected to the operations of the sentences containing them (Bresnan & Mchombo, 1995). On the other hand, elements internal to words acting on a par with syntactic constituents could be argued to be syntactic themselves. Recall the distribution of properties between Type A and Type B clauses, listed below in Table 1.
Table 1: Properties of Type A and B Clauses
Clause Type Order of Subject and Verb Object Topicalization Negative Morphemes
Type A SV order Permitted NEG1 ha, NEG2 si
Type B VS order Not permitted NEG2 si only
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Two of these correlations are relevant here. First, the use of NEG1 ha in Type A declarative clauses is correlated with the possibility of Object Topicalization. Second, the use of NEG2 si is correlated with VS order in Type B clauses. Both of these correlations involve variations in position: the leftward position of the topic is correlated with the leftward NEG1 ha in Type A, and the rightward position of the subject is correlated with the rightward NEG2 si in Type B. The analysis of NEG1 ha and NEG2 si as positional variants of a single negative morpheme allows a structural analysis of the correlation with these other positional properties of the two clause types. In Type A, the extra layer of structure that permits Object Topicalization also provides a landing site for NEG1 ha. In Type B, movement of the inflected verb to C0, which results in VS order, blocks movement of the negative morpheme to the same position, and it is therefore realized in situ as NEG2 si. These analyses would not be possible if the internal structure of the inflected verb were treated as inaccessible to the syntax. Insofar as they are valid, therefore, they provide evidence that the inflected verb has a syntactic structure which interacts with the syntactic structure of the clause.
4.4. Conclusion
This chapter has provided a description and analysis of two clause types in Swahili, labeled Type A and Type B. Type A and Type B clauses vary with respect to three properties: position of the subject, choice of negative morpheme, and the possibility of Object Topicalization. Type A clauses have typically SV order, are negated with NEG1 ha or NEG2 si, and permit Object Topicalization. Type B clauses, clitic relatives,
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have typically VS order, are negated with NEG2 si only, and do not permit Object Topicalization. These differences are accounted for structurally. Type B clauses are relative clauses with a single C projection. Head-to-Head Movement of the inflected verb to C0, forced by the prosodic requirements of the relative morpheme o, places the verb before the subject, resulting in VS order, and blocks the movement of the negative morpheme to the same position, resulting in its realization as NEG2 si. Topicalization of the object to SPEC/C is disfavored by constraint (15), which gives preference to a complementizer which is leftmost in its clause. With respect to Type A, main clauses have an unfilled C0, with no monosyllabic morphemes; hence, the inflected verb does not move, resulting in SV order and freeing up C0 for NEG1 ha in declarative clauses. Object Topicalization is also possible, since there is no complementizer and constraint (15) is not in force. In Type A subordinate clauses, in which there is a filled complementizer, Type A effects are achieved with an additional C embedded under C0, motivated as the complement to the verb from which the complementizer is derived. This lower C provides landing sites for NEG1 ha and the object topic, which, as before, cannot precede the complementizer. Finally, I have argued that these analyses provide support for the syntactic analysis of the inflected verb insofar as the word-internal negative morphemes interact on a par with clausal constituents. The next chapter explores the consequences of assuming that the verbal subject agreement morpheme (SM) is a pronoun as well as an agreement marker.
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Appendices
Appendix 1: The Swahili Noun Class System
The table is organized as follows. There are 18 rows displaying the 18 agreement sets, beginning with the 3rd person classes and ending with the 1st and 2nd person classes. Each row has 5 columns. The first column shows the Bleek-Meinhof numbers associated with each agreement set, presented in singles, doubles and triples, separated by slashes. The first number in each series is the Bleek-Meinhof number of the class that controls the agreement set. Where there is a second number, it represents the corresponding singular or plural class. Where there is a third number, it represents an alternative plural form of the noun. A single number indicates no corresponding singular or plural class. The second column contains a noun list illustrating variation in prefix-stem morphology and singular-plural pairings for the nouns belonging to the class. The remaining three columns illustrate variation in prefix-stem morphology for 3 categories of agreement morphemes: adjectival, pronominal and the verbal subject and object morphemes. Class morphemes are capitalized and bolded, and each item within an agreement set is numbered with a lower-case Roman numeral. Following the table is a set of notes explaining the reason for the inclusion of each item. Numbers in parentheses are page numbers in Ashton (1947). Numbers prefixed with P are page numbers in Perrott (1957), and similarly for J (Johnson, 1939) and HM (Hinnebusch & Mirza, 1979).
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Noun
Adjective
Pronominal
Subject/Object Morphemes
1/2 1/2 1/2 1/2 1/2 1/2 1/2 1/2 1 2/1 2/1 2/1 2/1 2/1 2/1 2/1 2/1 3/4 3/4 3/4 3/4 3/4 3/4 11/10
(i) Mtu person (ii) MWana child (iii) MWashi mason (iv) mtume apostle (v) bwana master (vi) kipofu blind person (vii) ndovu elephant (viii) mama mother (ix) Rosa `Rosa (i) WAtu people (ii) WAna children (iii) WAshi masons (iv) mitume apostles (v) mabwana masters (vi) vipofu blind people (vii) ndovu elephants (viii) mama mothers (i) Mti tree (ii) MWaka year (iii) Moto fire (iv) Mundu cutlass (v) MUhogo cassava (vi) MUwa sugarcane (vii) Ukuta wall
(x) Mzuri beautiful (xi) MWanana gentle (xii) MWekundu red (xiii) MWingine other (xiv) MWororo mild (xv) Mume male
(xvi) YUle that (xvii) Wa of
(xviii) Ameanguka s/he has fallen (xix) aliMpiga s/he hit him/her (xx) aliMWona s/he saw him/her
(ix) WAzuri beautiful (x) WAanana gentle (xi) Wekundu red (xii) Wengine others (xiii) WAororo other (xiv) WAume male
(xv) WAle those (xvi) Wa of
(xvii) WAmeanguka they have fallen (xviii) aliWApiga s/he hit them
(xix) Mzuri beautiful (xx) MWekundu red (xxi) MWingine other (xxii) MWororo soft
(xxiii) Ule that (xxiv) Wa of
(xxv) Umeanguka it has fallen (xxvi) Wataka it wants (xxvii) aliUcheka s/he cut it
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11/10 11/10 11/10 11/10 11/6 11/6 11 14 14 14 14 4/3 4/3 4/3 4/3 4/3 4/3 5/6 5/6 5/6 5/6 5/6 5/6 5/6 5/6 5/6 6/5 6/5
(viii) Ulimi tongue (ix) Wembe razor (x) Uso face (xi) Unyasi grass (xii) Ugomvi quarrel (xiii) Uji porridge (xiv) Wali cooked rice (xv) Uzuri beauty (xvi) Wema goodness (xvii) Uombi intercession (xviii) UWongo falsehood (i) MIti trees (ii) MIaka years (iii) MIoto fires (iv) MIundu cutlasses (v) MIhogo cassava (vi) MIwa sugarcane (i) tawi branch (ii) JIwe stone (iii) Jino tooth (iv) onyo warning (v) JItu giant (vi) JIvuli large shadow (vii) Joka large snake (viii) paka big cat (ix) buzi large goat (i) MAtawi branches (ii) MAwe stones (xv) MArefu long (xvi) MApya new (xxi) YAle those (xxii) Ya of (xxiii) YAmeanguka they have fallen (x) refu long (xi) JIpya new (xii) Jema good (xiii) Jingine other (xiv) JIke female (xv) Dume male (xvi) LIle that (xvii) La of (vii) MIzuri beautiful (viii) MYekundu red (ix) Mingine others (x) MYororo soft (xi) Ile those (xii) Ya of (xiii) Imeanguka they have fallen (xiv) Yataka they want (xv) aliIcheka s/he has cut them (xviii) LImevunjika it is broken (xix) Lataka it wants (xx) nimeLIona I have seen it
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6/5 6/5 6/5 6/5
(iii) Meno teeth (iv) MAonyo warnings (v) MAJItu giants (vi) MAJIvuli large shadows
(xvii) Mema good (xviii) Mengine other (xix) MAJIke female (xx) MAume male
(xxiv) Yataka they want (xxv) nimeYAona I have seen them
6/5
(vii) MAJoka large snakes
6/5 6/5 6 6/9/10
(viii) MApaka large cats (ix) MAbuzi large goats (x) MAji water (xi) MApesa small change
6/11 6/11/1 6/10 7/8 7/8 7/8 7/8 7/8 7/8 7/8 7/8 7/8 7/8 7/8 7/8 7/8
(xii) MAgomvi quarrels (xiii) MAnyasi grasses (xiv) MAisha life (i) KItu thing (ii) KIatu shoe (iii) CHambo bait (iv) KIembe grain (v) CHeo measure (vi) KIini yolk (vii) KIoo mirror (viii) CHombo vessel (ix) KIuno waist (x) CHumba room (xi) KItoto baby (xii) KIJItu dwarf (xiii) KIJoka small snake (xv) KIzuri beautiful (xvi) CHeupe white (xvii) Kingine other (xviii) CHororo soft (xix) KIume male (xx) KIle that (xxi) CHa of (xxii) KImevunjika it is broken (xxiii) CHataka it wants (xxiv) uliKIvunja you broke it
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7/8
(xiv) KIJItoto very small baby
8/7 8/7 8/7 8/7 8/7 8/7 8/7 8/7 8/7 8/7 8/7 8/7 8/7
(i) VItu things (ii) KIatu shoes (iii) VYambo baits (iv) VIembe grains (v) VYeo measures (vi) VIini yolks (vii) VIoo mirrors (viii) VYombo vessels (ix) VIuno waists (x) VYumba rooms (xi) VItoto infants (xii) VIJItu dwarves (xiii) VIJoka small snakes
(xv) VIzuri beautiful (xvi) VYeupe white (xvii) Vingine other (xviii) VYororo soft (xix) VIume male
(xx) VIle those (xxi) VYa of
(xxii) VImeanguka they have fallen (xxiii) VYataka they want (xxiv) aliVIvunja s/he broke them
8/7
(xiv) VIJItoto very small infants
9/10 9/10 9/10 9/10 9/10/6
(i) Mbegu seed (ii) NYumba house (iii) Nchi country (iv) kuku chicken (v) pesa pice
(vi) Nzuri beautiful (vii) NYeupe white (viii) Mpya new (ix) fupi short (x) Ndefu long (xi) Mbivu jealous (xii) Dume male (xiii) NJema good
(xiv) Ile that (xv) Ya of
(xvi) Imevunjika it is broken (xvii) Yataka it wants (xviii) nimeIona I have seen it
10/9 10/9
(i) Mbegu seeds (ii) NYumba houses
(xii) Nzuri beautiful (xiii) NYeupe white
(xx) ZIle those (xxi) Za of
(xxi) ZImevunjika they are broken
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10/9 10/9 10/9/6 10/11 6 10/11 10/11 10/11 10/11 15
(iii) Nchi countries (iv) kuku chickens (v) pesa pice (vi) NYasi grass (vii) maisha lives (viii) kuta walls (ix) NYembe razors (x) Ndimi tongues (xi) NYuso faces (i) KUimba to sing (ii) KWenda to go
(xiv) Mpya new (xv) fupi short (xvi) Ndefu long (xvii) Mbivu jealous (xviii) Dume male (xix) NJema good
(xxii) Zataka they want (xxiii) nimeZIona I have seen them
(iii) KUzuri beautiful (iv) KWema good
(v) KUle there (vi) KWa of
(vii) KUmekwisha it is finished (viii) KWataka it needs (ix) unaKUsikia you hear it
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(i) mahali place (ii) mlangoNI at the door (iii) juu ya kioo above the mirror
(iv) PAzuri beautiful (v) Pema good
(vi) PAle there (vii) Pa of
(viii) PAmekufa there has died (ix) Pataka there needs (x) siPAoni I do not see it
17
(i) mjiNI at the town (ii) nje outside
(iii) KUzuri beautiful (iv) KWingine other
(v) KUle there (vi) KWa of
(vii) KUmekufa there has died (viii) KWataka there needs (ix) hutaKUona you will not see there
18
(i) mwituNI in the forest
(iii) MUzuri beautiful
(v) Mle there
(vii) Mmelala there
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(ii) ndani ya shimo in a pit 1s (i) mimi I
(iv) MWingine other
(vi) MWa of
has slept (ii) NImeanguka I have fallen (iii) Nataka I want (iv) uliNIona you saw me
2s
(i) wewe you
(ii) Umeanguka you have fallen (iii) Wataka you want (iv) niliKUona I saw you
1p
(i) sisi we
(ii) WAwili two
(iii) Sote all of us
(iv) TUmeanguka we have fallen (v) TWataka we want (vi) mliTUona you saw us
2p
(i) ninyi you
(ii) WAwili two
(iii) NYote you all
(iv) Mlianguka you fell (v) MWataka you want (vi) niliWAona I saw you
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Notes on Appendix 1
1/2 (i) Mtu person illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial noun stem (28). 1/2 (ii) MWana `child illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial noun stem (28). 1/2 (iii) MWashi `mason is a noun whose pattern is regular in the singular and irregular in the plural (2/1 (iii)) (29). 1/2 (iv) mtume àpostle is a noun with 3/4 noun morphology which controls the 1/2 agreement set because it denotes an animate being. Its 3/4 prefix is not highlighted because it is not connected to the nouns control of this agreement set (89). 1/2 (v) bwana `master is a noun with 5/6 noun morphology which controls the 1/2 agreement set because it denotes an animate being. Its noun morphology belongs to the Class 5 (i) category, which lacks a prefix (66). Some members of this category control Class 9 agreement with possessive stems (bibi yangu `my madam (90)). 1/2 (vi) kipofu `blind person is a noun with 7/8 noun morphology which controls the 1/2 agreement set because it denotes an animate being. Its 7/8 prefix is not highlighted because it is not connected to the nouns control of this agreement set (89). 1/2 (vii) ndovu èlephant is a noun with 9/10 noun morphology which controls the 1/2 agreement set because it denotes an animate being. Its 9/10 prefix is not highlighted because it is not connected to the nouns control of this agreement set (89). 1/2 (viii) mama `mother is a noun without a noun prefix which controls the 1/2 agreement set because it denotes an animate being. Some members of this category
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control Class 9 agreement with possessive stems (baba yangu `my father, rafiki yangu `my friend (90)). 1 (ix) Rosa `Rosa is a noun without a noun prefix which controls the 1 agreement set because it refers to an animate being. 1/2 (x) Mzuri `beautiful illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem (47). 1/2 (xi) MWanana `gentle illustrates a unique pattern with an [a]-initial adjective stem (48). 1/2 (xii) MWekundu `red illustrates the regular pattern with an [e]-initial adjective stem. 1/2 (xiii) MWingine òther illustrates the regular pattern with an [i]-initial adjective stem (47). 1/2 (xiv) MWororo `mild illustrates the pattern with an [o]-initial adjective stem (48). 1/2 (xv) Mume `male illustrates a unique pattern with an [u]-initial adjective stem (48). 1/2 (xvi) YUle `that illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (42). 1/2 (xvii) Wa òf illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (55). 1/2 (xviii) Ameanguka `s/he has fallen illustrates the subject morpheme (28). 1/2 (xix) aliMpiga `s/he hit him/her illustrates the regular pattern when the object morpheme precedes C (28). 1/2 (xx) aliMWona `s/he saw him/her illustrates the regular pattern when the object morpheme precedes V (42).
2/1 (i) WAtu people illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial noun stem (28). 2/1 (ii) Wana `children illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial noun stem (28).
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2/1 (iii) WAashi `masons is a noun whose prefix retains its vowel before a V-initial stem derived from a verb (29). 2/1 (iv) mitume àpostle is a noun with 4/3 noun morphology which controls the 2/1 agreement set because it denotes animate beings. Its 4/3 prefix is not highlighted because it is not connected to the nouns control of this agreement set (89). 2/1 (v) MAbwana `masters is a noun with 6/5 noun morphology which controls the 2/1 agreement set because it denotes animate beings. Its 6/5 prefix is not highlighted because it is not connected to the nouns control of this agreement set (66). Some members of this category control Class 10 agreement with possessive stems (mabwana zetu òur masters (90)). 2/1 (vi) vipofu `blind people is a noun with 8/7 noun morphology which controls the 2/1 agreement set because it denotes animate beings. Its 8/7 prefix is not highlighted because it is not connected to the nouns control of this agreement set (89). 2/1 (vii) ndovu èlephants is a noun with 10/9 noun morphology which controls the 2/1 agreement set because it denotes animate beings. Its 10/9 prefix is not highlighted because it is not connected to the nouns control of this agreement set (89). Some members of this category control Class 10 agreement with possessive stems (ng ombe zangu `my cattle (90)). 2/1 (viii) mama `mothers is a noun without a noun prefix which controls the 2/1 agreement set because it denotes animate beings. Some members of this category control Class 10 agreement with possessive stems (baba zetu òur fathers, rafiki zetu òur friends (89, 90)).
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2/1 (ix) WAzuri `beautiful illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem (47). 2/1 (x) WAanana `gentle illustrates the regular pattern with an [a]-initial adjective stem (48). 2/1 (xi) Wekundu `red illustrates the regular pattern with an [e]-initial adjective stem. 2/1 (xii) Wengine òther illustrates the regular pattern with an [i]-initial adjective stem (47). 2/1 (xiii) WAororo `mild illustrates the pattern with an [o]-initial adjective stem (48). 2/1 (xiv) WAume `male illustrates a unique pattern with an [u]-initial adjective stem (48). 2/1 (xv) WAle `those illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (28). 2/1 (xvi) Wa òf illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (55). 2/1 (xvii) WAmeanguka `they have fallen illustrates the subject morpheme (42). 2/1 (xviii) aliWApiga `s/he has beaten them illustrates the object morpheme (42).
3/4 (i) Mti tree illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial noun stem (23). 3/4 (ii) MWaka year illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial noun stem (22). 3/4 (iii) Moto fire illustrates the regular pattern with an [o]-initial noun stem (23). 3/4 (iv) Mundu cutlass illustrates the regular pattern with a [u]-initial noun stem (P10). 3/4 (v) MUhogo cassava illustrates the regular pattern with an [h]-initial noun stem (P10). 3/4 (vi) MUwa sugarcane illustrates the regular pattern with a [w]-initial noun stem (P10).
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11/10 (vii) Ukuta `wall represents a set of nouns with C-initial stems controlling Class 3 agreements, which originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 11, whose plurals are in Class 10 (105). 11/10 (viii) Ulimi `tongue is a noun with an [l]-initial stem which changes in the Class 10 plural (11/10 (x)) (106). 11/10 (ix) Wembe `razor represents a set of nouns with V-initial stems controlling Class 3 agreements, which originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 11, whose plurals are in Class 10 (106). 11/10 (x) Uso `face originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 11 and now controls Class 3 agreements. Its u prefix is retained in the plural (10/11 (xi)) with its monosyllabic stem (106). 11/10 (xi) Unyasi `grass originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 11 and now controls Class 3 agreements. It has a plural in Class 6 (6/11 (xiii)) (67, 298). 11/10 (xii) Ugomvi `quarrel has the u prefix of Bleek-Meinhof Class 11 and a plural in Class 6 (6/11 (xii)) (67). 11 (xiii) Uji `porridge represents a set of nouns with C-initial stems controlling Class 3 agreements, which originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 11, with no plurals (105). 11 (xiv) Wali `cooked rice represents a set of nouns with V-initial stems controlling Class 3 agreements, which originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 11, with no plurals (105). 14 (xv) Uzuri `beauty represents a set of nouns with C-initial stems controlling Class 3 agreements, which originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 14, with no plurals (104).
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14 (xvi) Wema `goodness represents a set of nouns with V-initial stems controlling Class 3 agreements, which originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 14, with no plurals (104). 14 (xvii) Uombi ìntercession originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 14 and now controls Class 3 agreements. Its u prefix exceptionally does not dissimilate before a Vinitial stem (104). 14 (xviii) UWongo `falsehood originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 14 and now controls Class 3 agreements. It has an exceptional uw prefix before a V-initial stem (104). 3/10/14/4 (xix) Mzuri `beautiful represents the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem (46); the Class 14 remnant uzuri is also possible for former Class 14 nouns (108). 3/10/14/4 (xx) MWekundu `red illustrates the regular pattern with an [e]-initial adjective stem. 3/10/14/4 (xxi) MWingine òther illustrates the regular pattern with an [i]-initial adjective stem (47). 3/10/14/4 (xxii) MWororo `soft illustrates the pattern with an [o]-initial adjective stem (48). 3/10/14/4 (xxiii) Ule `that illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (58). 3/10/14/4 (xxiv) Wa òf illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (55). 3/10/14/4 (xxv) Umeanguka ìt has fallen illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (43).
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3/10/14/4 (xxvi) Wataka ìt wants illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the Vinitial tense morpheme (36). 3/10/14/4 (xxvi) aliUcheka `s/he cut it illustrates the object morpheme (43).
4/3 (i) MIti trees illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial noun stem (23). 4/3 (ii) MIaka years illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial noun stem (22). 4/3 (iii) MIoto fires illustrates the regular pattern with an [o]-initial noun stem (23). 4/3 (iv) MIundu cutlasses illustrates the regular pattern with a [u]-initial noun stem (P10). 4/3 (v) MIhogo cassava illustrates the regular pattern with an [h]-initial noun stem (P10). 4/3 (vi) MIwa sugarcane illustrates the regular pattern with a [w]-initial noun stem (P10). 4/3 (vii) MIzuri `beautiful represents the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem (46). 4/3 (viii) MYekundu `red illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial adjective stem (47). 4/3 (ix) Mingine òther illustrates the regular pattern with an [i]-initial adjective stem (47). 4/3 (x) MYororo `soft illustrates the pattern with an [o]-initial adjective stem (48). 4/3 (xi) Ile `those illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (58). 4/3 (xii) Ya òf illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (55).
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4/3 (xiii) Imeanguka `they have fallen illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (43). 4/3 (xiv) Yataka `they want illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial tense morpheme (36). 4/3 (xv) aliIcheka `s/he cut it illustrates the object morpheme (43).
5/6 (i) tawi `branch illustrates the regular pattern in which no prefix is used with a polysyllabic C-initial noun stem (64). 5/6 (ii) JIwe `stone illustrates the regular pattern with a monosyllabic noun stem (64). 5/6 (iii) Jino `tooth illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial noun stem (64). 5/6 (iv) onyo `warning illustrates a pattern in which no prefix is used with a V-initial noun stem derived from a verb (64). 5/6 (v) JItu `giant illustrates the augmentative use of the Class 5 prefix ji with a monosyllabic noun stem (296). 5/6 (vi) JIvuli `large shadow illustrates a rare augmentative use of the Class 5 prefix ji with a disyllabic noun stem (297). 5/6 (vii) Joka `large snake illustrates the augmentative use of the Class 5 prefix ji with a V-initial noun stem (297). 5/6 (viii) paka `large cat illustrates a pattern in which augmentative Class 5 is marked by non-aspiration of the initial stop, unlike in the Class 9 equivalent of this noun (297). 5/6 (ix) buzi `large goat illustrates a pattern in which augmentative Class 5 is marked by an implosive initial stop, unlike in the Class 9 equivalent of this noun (297).
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5/6 (x) refu `long illustrates the regular pattern in which no prefix is used with a C-initial adjective stem (68). 5/6 (xi) JIpya `new illustrates the regular pattern with a monosyllabic adjective stem (68). 5/6 (xii) Jema `good illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial adjective stem (68). 5/6 (xiii) Jingine òther has an alternative form Lingine (68). 5/6 (xiv) JIke `female is a regular singular with an irregular plural (6/5 (xix)) (68). 5/6 (xv) Dume `male has an irregular adjective prefix (68). 5/6 (xvi) LIle `that illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (69). 5/6 (xvii) La òf illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (69). 5/6 (xviii) LImevunjika ìt is broken illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (65). 5/6 (xix) Lataka ìt wants illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial tense morpheme. 5/6 (xx) nimeLIona Ì saw it illustrates the object morpheme (69).
6/5 (i) MAtawi `branches illustrates the regular pattern with a polysyllabic C-initial noun stem (64). 6/5 (ii) MAwe `stones illustrates the regular pattern with a monosyllabic noun stem (64). 6/5 (iii) Meno `teeth illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial noun stem (64). 6/5 (iv) MAonyo `warnings illustrates a pattern with a V-initial noun stem derived from a verb (64).
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6/5 (v) MAJItu `giants illustrates the augmentative use of Class 6 with a monosyllabic noun stem; note retention of the singular prefix ji in the plural; there is also an alternative form MIJItu (296). 6/5 (vi) MAJIvuli `large shadows illustrates a rare augmentative use of Class in which the singular prefix ji is retained with a C-initial disyllabic noun stem (297). 6/5 (vii) MAJoka `large snakes illustrates the augmentative use of Class 6 with a Vinitial noun stem; note retention of the singular prefix ji in the plural (297). 6/5 (viii) MApaka `large cats illustrates an augmentative use of Class 6 (297). 6/5 (ix) MAbuzi `large goats illustrates an augmentative use of Class 6 (297). 6/5 (x) MAji `water has no singular (67). 6/5 (xi) MApesa `small change is a Class 6 plural of pesa `pice, a 9/10/6 (v) noun (67) 6/14 (xii) MAnyasi `grasses and weeds is a Class 6 plural of nyasi `grass a 10/11 (vi) noun (Class 3 agreement set) (67). 6/14 (xiii) MAgomvi `quarrels is the Class 6 plural of a 11/6 (xii) noun (67). 6/10 (xiv) MAisha `life is pluralized in Class 10 when used as a count noun (67). 6/5 (xv) MArefu `long illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem (68). 6/5 (xvi) MApya `new illustrates the regular pattern with a monosyllabic adjective stem (68). 6/5 (xvii) Mema `good illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial adjective stem (68). 6/5 (xviii) Mengine òther is the plural of jingine and lingine (5/6 (xiii)) (68). 6/5 (xix) MAJIke `female irregularly retains the ji prefix in the plural (compare 6/5 (v) and (vi)) (68).
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5/6 (xx) MAume `male is the plural of dume (5/6 (xv)); there is also an irregular plural MADume retaining the d prefix (68). 6/5 (xxi) YAle `those illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (69). 6/5 (xxii) Ya òf illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (69). 6/5 (xxiii) YAmeanguka `they have fallen illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (69). 6/5 (xxiv) Yataka `they want illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial tense morpheme. 6/5 (xxv) nimeYAona Ì have seen them illustrates the object morpheme (69).
7/8 (i) KItu `thing illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial noun stem (14). 7/8 (ii) KIazi `potato illustrates a pattern with an [a]-initial noun stem (14). 7/8 (iii) CHambo `bait illustrates another pattern with an [a]-initial noun stem (J48). 7/8 (iv) KIembe `grain illustrates a pattern with an [e]-initial noun stem (J189). 7/8 (v) CHeo `measure illustrates another pattern with an [e]-initial noun stem (J54). 7/8 (vi) KIini `yolk, kernel illustrates the pattern with an [i]-initial noun stem (14). 7/8 (vii) KIoo `mirror illustrates a pattern with an [o]-initial noun stem (14). 7/8 (viii) CHombo `vessel illustrates another pattern with an [o]-initial noun stem (14). 7/8 (ix) KIuno `waist illustrates a pattern with an [u]-initial noun stem (J212). 7/8 (x) CHumba `room illustrates another pattern with an [u]-initial noun stem (14). 7/8 (xi) KItoto `baby illustrates the diminutive use of Class 7 (295). 7/8 (xii) KIJItu `dwarf illustrates the diminutive use of Class 7 ki prefixed to Class 5 ji used with a monosyllabic stem (295).
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7/8 (xiii) KIJoka `small snake illustrates the diminutive use of Class 7 ki prefixed to Class 5 ji used with a V-initial stem (295). 7/8 (xiv) KIJItoto `very small baby illustrates Class 7 ki and Class 5 ji used used together as a double diminutive (296). 7/8 (xv) KIzuri `beautiful illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem (46). 7/8 (xvi) CHeupe `white illustrates the regular pattern with an [e]-initial adjective stem (47). 7/8 (xvii) Kingine òther illustrates the regular pattern with an [i]-initial adjective stem (47). 7/8 (xviii) CHororo `soft illustrates the pattern with an [o]-initial adjective stem (48). 7/8 (xix) KIume `male illustrates the pattern with an [u]-initial adjective stem (48). 7/8 (xx) KIle `that illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (59). 7/8 (xxi) CHa òf illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (55). 7/8 (xxii) KImevunjika ìt is broken illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (43). 7/8 (xxiii) CHataka ìt wants illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial tense morpheme (36). 7/8 (xxiv) uliKIvunja `you broke it illustrates the object morpheme.
8/7 (i) VItu `things illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial noun stem (14). 8/7 (ii) KIatu `shoes illustrates a pattern with an [a]-initial noun stem (14). 8/7 (iii) VYambo `baits illustrates another pattern with an [a]-initial noun stem (J48). 8/7 (iv) VIembe `grain illustrates a pattern with an [e]-initial noun stem (J189).
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8/7 (v) VYeo `measures illustrates another pattern with an [e]-initial noun stem (J54). 8/7 (vi) VIini `yolks, kernels illustrates the pattern with an [i]-initial noun stem (14). 8/7 (vii) VIoo `mirror illustrates a pattern with an [o]-initial noun stem (14). 8/7 (viii) VYombo `vessel illustrates another pattern with an [o]-initial noun stem (14). 8/7 (ix) VIuno `waists illustrates a pattern with an [u]-initial noun stem (J212). 8/7 (x) VYumba `rooms illustrates another pattern with an [u]-initial noun stem (14). 8/7 (xi) VItoto `baby illustrates the diminutive use of Class 8 (295). 8/7 (xii) VIJItu `dwarfs illustrates the diminutive use of Class 8 vi prefixed to Class 5 ji used with a monosyllabic stem (295). 8/7 (xiii) VIJoka `small snakes illustrates the diminutive use of Class 8 vi prefixed to Class 5 ji used with a V-initial stem (295). 8/7 (xiv) VIJItoto `very small babies illustrates Class 8 vi and Class 5 ji used used together as a double diminutive (296). 8/7 (xv) VIzuri `beautiful illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem (46). 8/7 (xvi) VYeupe `white illustrates the regular pattern with an [e]-initial adjective stem (47). 8/7 (xvii) Vingine òther illustrates the regular pattern with an [i]-initial adjective stem (47). 8/7 (xviii) CHororo `soft illustrates the pattern with an [o]-initial adjective stem (48). 8/7 (xix) VIume `male illustrates the pattern with an [u]-initial adjective stem (48). 8/7 (xx) VIle `those illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (58). 8/7 (xxi) VYa òf illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (55).
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8/7 (xxii) VImevunjika `they are broken illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (43). 8/7 (xxiii) VYataka `they want illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial tense morpheme (36). 8/7 (xxiv) aliVIvunja `s/he broke them illustrates the object morpheme (43).
9/10 (i) Mbegu `seed illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 9 prefix is realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to polysyllabic [b, d, g, j, v, z]-initial noun stems (83). 9/10 (ii) NYumba `house illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 9 prefix is realized as a palatal nasal prefixed to V-initial noun stems (83). 9/10 (iii) Nchi `country illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 9 prefix is realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to all monosyllabic noun stems (83). 9/10 (iv) kuku `chicken illustrates the regular pattern in which there is no prefix with [f, k, m, n, , p, s, t, t ]-initial noun polysyllabic stems; [k, p, t, t ] are aspirated (83). 9/10 (v) pesa `pice has plurals in Class 6/9 (xi) and Class 10/9/6 (v) (67, 84). 9/10 (vi) Nzuri `beautiful illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 9 prefix is realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to polysyllabic [b, d, g, j, v, z]-initial adjective stems (85). 9/10 (vii) NYeupe `white illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 9 prefix is realized as a palatal nasal prefixed to V-initial adjective stems (85). 9/10 (viii) Mpya `new illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 9 prefix is realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to all monosyllabic adjective stems (83).
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9/10 (ix) fupi `short illustrates the regular pattern in which there is no prefix with [f, k, m, n, , p, s, t, t ]-initial adjective polysyllabic stems; [k, p, t, t ] are aspirated (85). 9/10 (x) Ndefu `long illustrates the stem change with the [r]-initial adjective stem (85). Perrott (1957), p. 16, cites another form mrefu, used only with nyoka `snake. 9/10 (xi) Mbivu `jealous illustrates the pattern with a [w]-initial adjective stem (85). 9/10 (xii) Dume `male illustrates the unique pattern with a [u]-initial adjective stem (85). 9/10 (xiii) NJema `good illustrates an irregular prefix with this adjective stem (85). 9/10 (xiv) Ile `that illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (85). 9/10 (xv) Ya òf illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (85). 9/10 (xvi) Imevunjika ìt is broken illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (86). 9/10 (xvii) Yataka ìt wants illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial tense morpheme (36). 9/10 (xviii) nimeIona Ì have seen it illustrates the object morpheme (86).
10/9 (i) Mbegu `seeds illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 10 prefix is realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to polysyllabic [b, d, g, j, v, z]-initial noun stems (83). 10/9 (ii) NYumba `houses illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 10 prefix is realized as a palatal nasal prefixed to V-initial noun stems (83). 10/9 (iii) Nchi `countries illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 10 prefix is realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to all monosyllabic noun stems (83). 10/9 (iv) kuku `chickens illustrates the regular pattern in which there is no prefix with [f, k, m, n, , p, s, t, t ]-initial noun polysyllabic stems; [k, p, t, t ] are aspirated (83).
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10/9 (v) pesa `pice has plurals in Class 6/9 (xi) and Class 10/9/6 (v) (67, 84). 10/6/11 (vi) NYasi `grass also has a plural in Class 6/11/10 (xiii) (67, 298). 10/6 (vii) MAisha `lives is pluralized in Class 10 when used as a count noun (67). 10/11 (viii) kuta `walls represents a set of nouns with C-initial stems whose singulars (11/10 (vii)) originally belonged to Class 11 and now control Class 3 agreements; steminitial [t] and [k] are aspirated (105). 10/11 (ix) Ndimi `tongues is a noun whose [l]-initial stem changes in Class 10 (106). 10/11 (x) NYembe `razors represents a set of nouns with V-initial stems whose singulars (11/10 (ix)) originally belonged to Class 11 and now control Class 3 agreements (106). 10/11 (xi) NYuso `faces represents a set of nouns with monosyllabic stems whose singulars (11/10 (x)) originally belonged to Class 11 and now control Class 3 agreements. Its u prefix is retained in the plural with its monosyllabic stem (106). 10/9 (xii) Nzuri `beautiful illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 10 prefix is realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to polysyllabic [b, d, g, j, v, z]-initial adjective stems (85). 10/9 (xiii) NYeupe `white illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 10 prefix is realized as a palatal nasal prefixed to V-initial adjective stems (85). 10/9 (xiv) Mpya `new illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 10 prefix is realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to all monosyllabic adjective stems (83). 10/9 (xv) fupi `short illustrates the regular pattern in which there is no prefix with [f, k, m, n, , p, s, t, t ]-initial adjective polysyllabic stems; [k, p, t, t ] are aspirated (85). 10/9 (xvi) Ndefu `long illustrates the stem change with the [r]-initial adjective stem (85). Perrott (1957), p. 16, cites another form mrefu, used only with nyoka `snake.
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10/9 (xvii) Mbivu `jealous illustrates the pattern with a [w]-initial adjective stem (85). 10/9 (xviii) Dume `male illustrates the unique pattern with a [u]-initial adjective stem (85). 10/9 (xix) NJema `good illustrates an irregular prefix with this adjective stem (85). 10/9 (xx) ZIle `those illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (85). 10/9 (xxi) Za òf illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (85). 10/9 (xxii) ZImevunjika `they are broken illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (86). 10/9 (xxiii) Zataka `they want illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial tense morpheme (36). 10/9 (xxiv) nimeZIona Ì have seen them illustrates the object morpheme (86).
15 (i) KUimba `to sing illustrates the regular pattern with C-initial verb stems (123). 15 (ii) KWenda `to go illustrates the regular pattern with V-initial verb stems (123). 15 (iii) KUzuri `beautiful illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem (123). 15 (iv) KWema `good illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial adjective stem (123). 15 (v) KUle `there illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (124). 15 (vi) KWa òf illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (124). 15 (vii) KUmekwisha ìt is finished illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (123). 15 (viii) KWataka ìt needs illustrates illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the Vinitial tense morpheme (123). 15 (ix) unaKUsikia `you hear it illustrates the object morpheme (124).
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16 (i) mlangoNI àt the door illustrates the pattern in which the locative suffix ni creates a noun (which functions adverbially) controlling locative class 16, 17, 18 agreements (160). 16 (ii) juu ya kioo àbove the mirror represents the category of nouns (which function adverbially) controlling locative class 16, 17, 18 agreements (128). 16 (iii) mahali `place is the only noun in this category (125). 16 (iv) PAzuri `beautiful illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem (125). 16 (v) Pema `good illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial adjective stem (125). 16 (vi) PAle `there illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (127, 159). 16 (vii) Pa òf illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (P24). 16 (viii) PAmekufa `there has died illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (128). 16 (vix) Pataka `there needs illustrates illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial tense morpheme (125). 16 (x) siPAoni Ì do not see it illustrates the object morpheme (125).
17 (i) mjiNI àt the town illustrates the pattern in which the locative suffix ni creates a noun (which functions adverbially) controlling locative class 16, 17, 18 agreements (130). 17 (ii) nje àbove the mirror represents the category of nouns (which function adverbially) controlling locative class 16, 17, 18 agreements (128).
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17 (iii) KUzuri `beautiful illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem (130). 17 (iv) KWingine òther illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial adjective stem (160). 17 (v) KUle `there illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (159). 17 (vi) KWa òf illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (P24). 17 (vii) KUmekufa `there has died illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (128). 17 (viii) KWataka `there needs illustrates illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial tense morpheme (125). 17 (ix) hutaKUona `you will not see there illustrates the object morpheme (160).
18 (i) mwituNI ìn the forest illustrates the pattern in which the locative suffix ni creates a noun (which functions adverbially) controlling locative class 16, 17, 18 agreements (127). 18 (ii) ndani ya shimo ìn a pit represents the category of nouns (which function adverbially) controlling locative class 16, 17, 18 agreements (163). 18 (iii) MUzuri `beautiful illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem (HM 236). 18 (iv) MWingine òther illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial adjective stem (159). 18 (v) Mle `there illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (J 290). 18 (vi) MWa òf illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (P25). 18 (vii) Mmelala `there has slept illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C.
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1s (i) mimi Ì is the 1st person singular personal pronoun (42). 1s (ii) NImeanguka Ì have fallen illustrates the subject morpheme before C (42). 1s (iii) Nataka Ì want illustrates the subject morpheme before the V-initial tense morpheme (36). 1s (iv) uliNIona `you saw me illustrates the object morpheme (42).
2s (i) wewe `you is the 2nd person singular personal pronoun (42). 2s (ii) Umeanguka `you have fallen illustrates the subject morpheme before C (42). 2s (iii) Wataka `you want illustrates the subject morpheme before the V-initial tense morpheme (42). 2s (iv) niliKUona Ì saw you illustrates the object morpheme (42).
1p (i) sisi `we is the 1st person plural personal pronoun (42). 1p (ii) WAwili `two represents the Class 2 forms used when the personal pronoun is construed with an adjective (62). 1p (iii) Sote àll of us is the unique inflecting of this pronominal stem for a personal class (62). 1p (iv) TUmeanguka `we have fallen illustrates the subject morpheme before C (42). 1p (v) TWataka `we want illustrates the subject morpheme before the V-initial tense morpheme (36). 1p (vi) mliTUona `you saw us illustrates the object morpheme (42).
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2p (i) ninyi `you is the 2nd person plural personal pronoun (42). 2p (ii) WAwili `two represents the Class 2 forms used when the personal pronoun is construed with an adjective (62). 2p (iii) NYote `you all is the unique inflecting of this pronominal stem for a personal class (62). 2p (iv) Mlianguka `you fell illustrates the subject morpheme before C (42). 2p (v) MWataka `you want illustrates the subject morpheme before the V-initial tense morpheme (36). 2p (vi) niliWAona Ì saw you illustrates the object morpheme (42).
138
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Verbal Inflection and Clause Structure in Swahili

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Verbal Inflection and Clause Structure in Swahili

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Verbal Inflection and Clause Structure in Swahili

Introduction Theoretical Perspectives Swahili Noun Class System

Chapter 2: The Structure of the Inflected Verb in Swahili

2.1. 2.2. 2.2.1. 2.2.1.1. 2.2.1.2. 2.2.1.3. 2.3.

2.3.1. 2.3.2. 2.4.

Phrase Structure The Prosody-Syntax Interface Exceptional Dual Conjunct Effects in

Chapter 3: Movement and Licensing in the Inflected Verb

3.1. 3.1.1. 3.1.2. 3.2. 3.2.1. 3.2.1.1. 3.2.1.2. 3.3.

Chapter 4: the Structure of Clauses

4.1. 4.1.1. 4.1.2. 4.1.3. 4.2. 4.2.1.

4.2.1.1. 4.2.1.2. 4.2.1.3. 4.2.2. 4.2.2.1. 4.2.2.2. 4.2.2.3. 4.3. 4.4.

88 90 92 94 98 100 104 107 108

Appendix: The Swahili Noun Class System Notes on Appendix References

110 117 138

1.1. Theoretical Perspectives

1.2. Swahili Noun Class System

N8-cups PRO8-AP-my ADJ8-big my big cups (Ashton, 1947, p. 56)

U-me-vi-on-a? SM2s-COMP-OM8-see-FV Have you seen them? (ibid.)

Chapter 2: The Structure of the Inflected Verb in Swahili

2.1. Verbal Inflectional Morphemes in Swahili

(1) (NEG1)-(SM)-(NEG2)-(TAM)-(RELPC) -(OM)-VS-(Ext*)-FV- (RELPC) 1a 2a 3a 4a 5a 6 7 8 9 (PLIMP) 10

2.2. Prosodic Structure in the Swahili Inflected Verb

Table 1: Swahili Tense/Aspect/Modality Morphemes

(4) me (5) nge

Completed Action/State (ibid.) Suppositional (ibid., p. 187)

Affirmative forms only Affirmative and negative forms

Affirmative and negative forms

(7) ja (8) ku1 (9) mesha

Negative forms only Negative forms only Affirmative forms only

(10) a (11) nga (12) ka

Affirmative forms only Affirmative forms only Affirmative forms only

Continuous (ibid., p. 138)

Affirmative and negative forms

Table 2: Conjunct and Non-Conjunct TAM Morphemes

Non-Conjunct TAM Morphemes

(10) a (11) nga (12) ka (13) ki

2.2.1. Prosodic Properties

ku-l-a INF-eat-FV `to eat

a-na-ku-l-a SM1-DEF-INF-eat-FV `I am eating (my translation) (Ashton, 1947, p. 142)

The same verb forms with polysyllabic VS do not take ku:

ni-na-tak-a SM1s-DEF-want-FV `I am wanting (ibid., p. 36)

n-a-j-a SM1s-INDEF-come-FV `I come (Ashton, 1947, p. 35)

a-ki-l-a SM1-CONT-eat-FV `s/he eating (my translation) (ibid., p. 142)

a-ka-l-a SM1-CONS-eat-FV `s/he then ate (my translation) (ibid., p. 142)

a-l-e SM1-eat-FV `let him/her eat (my translation) (ibid., p. 142)

ha-wa-j-i NEG1-SM2-come-FV `they do not come (my translation) (ibid., p. 72)

a-me-ya-la SM1-COMP-OM6-eat-FV `s/he has eaten them (ibid., p. 142)

2.2.1.2. Secondary Stress

n-na-ku-pnd-a SM1s-DEF-OM2s-love-FV `I love you (Barrett-Keach, 1986, p. 562)

Other verb forms, on the other hand, lack secondary stress:

OM8-write-FV `Write them! (Barrett-Keach, 1986, p. 562)

2.3.1.3. Relative Morpheme o

3 See, for example, Chapter 4, example (18).

N9/work SM9-OM1p-suit-FV-PRO9-RELPC `work which suits us (Ashton, 1947, p. 111)

N7-book PRO7-same-PRO7-PC `a book of the same sort (Barrett-Keach, 1986, p.560)

NP[ kazi CP[ yo IP[ i-li ]PW VP[ m-fa-a]]]]

NP[ kazi CP[ yo IP[ i VP[ m-fa-a ]PW ]]]]

2.3. Theoretical Analysis: Phrase Structure and the Prosody-Syntax Interface

2.3.1. Phrase Structure

2.3.2. The Prosody-Syntax Interface

ka-let-e CONS-bring-FV `(go and) bring (ibid.)

wa-ki-chez-a SM2-CONT-play-FV `they playing (Ashton, 1947, p. 138)

An X-bar tree for this verb is given in example (28)9.