Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 24.

1 (2011) 111 -137 ISSN (Print) 0952-7648 ISSN (Online) 1743-1700

Characterizing the Historic Landscapes of Naxos

Jim Crow', Sam Turner^ and Athanasios K. Vionis^
' School of History, Classics and Archaeology, University of Edinburgh, Doorway 4, Teviot Place, Edinburgh, EH8 9AG, UK E-mail: Jim.Crow@ed.ac.uk ^ School of Historical Studies, Newcastle University, Newcastle upon Tyne, NEl 7RU, UK E-mail: sam.turner@ncl.ac.uk Archaeological Research Unit, Department of History and Archaeology, University of Cyprus, P.O. Box 20537, 1678 Nicosia, Cyprus E-mail: vionis@ucy.ac.cy

Abstract
Historic Landscape Characterization (HLC) is a methodology for historic landscape studies pioneered in Britain. Using satellite imagery and RAF archival air photographs, Naxos provides an excellent pilot study to explore the application of this technique to the historic landscapes of the eastern Mediterranean. Our research identifies a number of discrete HLC types and considers their developmentfrom the Byzantine period to modern times. In addition it has been possible to tise these data to set Naxos' rich corpus of Byzantine churches in their landscape context, providing amove textured account of rural life in medieval and post-medieval times. Keywords: Historic Landscape Characterization (HLC), GIS, Aegean, Naxos, Byzantine, field systems, terraces

Introduction
D > . r i ' T i c r^ ' - L -

attention to post-antique and classical/prehistoric landscapes.'

Byrons evocation oi the Isles or Greece in his epic poem Don fuan contrasted their plight under Ottoman oppression with the glories of an ancient Hellenic past. This perspective, partly derived from classical studies, determined how the landscapes of the Aegean and western Turkey were studied into the later 20th century: as the settings for historical events rather than as a source for the lives and activities of past societies, The advent ofintensive survey in the Mediterranean, however, has meant that the post-classical periods have finally become a field of interest in their own right, and a significant number of survey projects in Greece alone have paid equal
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^ ^^^ research we report here was designed to ^'^P^^'^ent with a relatively new kind of land''^^P^ archaeology applied for the first time in '^^ ^^'^''' Mediterranean. Historic Landscape Characterization (HLC) is a method for mapP'"g ^^^ ^""re landscape with reference to its historic development. Using Geographical Information Systems (GIS), we attempt to present our interpretations of the historic landscape based on spatial datasets (principally satellite imagery, historic air photos and maps), and to integrate these with data from historical and archaeological studies.
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Crow et al. ing, archaeological databases provide lists of arehaeologieal sites together with relevant information-loeation, period, extent, date identified and so on. Some of these databases are now very sophistieated: for example, many UK HERs are web-based and available in whole or in part to interested members of the publie (e.g. Somerset HER; Royal Commission on the Aneient and Historical Monuments of Scotland's CANMORE database). As inventories of sites they are crucial tools for research, landscape management and planning, partieularly where the preservation and enhaneement of individual sites and monuments is eoneerned. There are, however, some signifieant problems with these databases. First, the information they eontain about site loeation is usually limited to a dot or a line on a map, with little information about the surrounding landseape. Seeondly, sueh databases ean never reeord everything of historic interest in any given locality. The character of places does not just come from assoeiations with famous or important sites, but might just as well arise from the special combination of features in a place: the houses, gardens, field walls, lanes, trees and so on that make up the landseapes we see. It takes a great deal of time to reeord all these features even for a single village, let alone a whole distriet. HLC Methodology Historie Landseape Characterization provides one way to help deal with these problems. Unlike an archaeological inventory, HLC does not map individual arehaeologieal features. Instead, it groups together features like field boundaries, lanes and farms that are linked by their historieal development and then maps them as areas. To do this, the HLC researeher needs to understand how patterns in the landseape reflect its historical development, and how the physical features that make up the landscape relate to one another. So, like all landscape arehaeology, HLC mapping involves a partly subjeetive proeess of interpretation that is informed by the physieal landseape.

In eontrast to reeent and eontemporary field survey praetiee, whieh tends to foeus on the loeation and seale of settlements and struetures, HLC takes a broader perspeetive that ensures the integration of the remains of farmsteads, shrines and villages as part of the pattern of fields, pastures and mountains. The value of international and interregional studies has been highlighted by reeent work (e.g. Hordern and Purcell 2000), and for our project we chose to analyse two contrasting Mediterranean landseapes: the Aegean island of Naxos (Greeee), and the eountry around the small town of Silivri in eastern Thraee (Trakya, Turkey) (Crow and Turner 2009). In this artiele we outline the eharaeterization method and some of the results from our pilot study on Naxos.

Historic Landscape Characterization (HLC) HLC was originally developed in the 1990s by arehaeologists in Britain who realized that although individual monuments might be well proteeted, the broader historie landseape was ofi;en ignored (Herring 1998: 7-8). HLC is a generalizing GIS-based teehnique that seeks to present a broad-brush characterization of an area's historic landscape. As such, it does not normally provide a detailed description, although such detail can be added to the GIS from other sourees to enrieh the database further (e.g. in field archaeological surveys: Turner 2007;Foardrt^/. 2005). HLC maps differ from traditional methods of storing and presenting reeords about historie landseapes in several important ways, although like them HLCs are used for both landseape management and researeh (Turner 2006a). Sueh 'traditional methods' inelude arehaeologieal databases or inventories of sites and monuments (e.g. the UK's eounty-based Historie Environment RecordsHERs). In Turkey the eurrent TAY projeet provides an overview of regional and period inventories available on the web (http://www.tayproject.org/). Generally speak The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeoiogy/Fquinox Publishing Ltd., 2011

Characterizing the Historic Landscapes ofNaxos HLC projects use mapping techniques that generalize the features in a given area, based on certain characteristics. The principal advantages of HLC are that it is quick and flexible, provides total coverage, and is easy to integrate with other datasets using CIS. Similar techniques have been used in other disciplines for many years, for example in geology to show soil types, or in ecology to map habitats. HLC projects recognize that all landscapes are 'cultural': they all have historical significance resulting from people's activities and perceptions. Peter Herring, who developed the HLC methodology in Cornwall (UK), described the basis of the HLC method as follows: Closer examination [of the landscape] reveals that particular groupings and patterns of components which recur throughout the county can be seen to have been determined by similar histories. CornwaH's historic landscape can, therefore, be characterised, mapped and described, using a finite number of categories or types of 'historic landscape character' (Herring 1998: 11). In practice, this means that the present-day landscape is examined and characterized into 'HLC types'. These types are classified in advance of mapping by the researcher and tailored to the region and specific project. HLC is a flexible method: in different regions, different types are appropriate because of differing landscape histories (see e.g. Dingwall and Caffney 2007 for a typical example). Different types might also be defined by the researcher if the characterization has been designed to be used at a larger or smaller scale. HLC 'types' commonly relate to the form of features, like field boundaries and the historic processes that created them. The exact nature of the HLC types defined for any given project will vary depending on the goals of the project in question. For example, a project particularly interested in analysing agricultural practices in a particular landscape might choose to define several different types relating to fields: arable fields, pasture, meadow.
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wood pasture, and so on. Likely dates of origin are often added where these can be interpreted from the available data. Depending on their research aims, other projects might be more interested in defining general land-use areas in historic landscapes, mapping simpler categories like 'agricultural land', 'rough ground' or 'woodland'. Classifications developed by previous landscape studies are likely to be useful and influential when deciding how to define HLC character types, but there is not necessarily a set of pre-existing, 'correct' interpretations of the landscape that stands ready to be used in making HLCs. Instead, it is important to consider eacb new project's particular research questions when devising its HLC methodology. The same geographical area can be characterized in different ways by different users. For example, two simple characterizations of parts of Cornwall (UK) used rather diflferent HLC types (Table 1). The first characterization was designed to be used by archaeologists in largescale planning and landscape management work. It defined 18 HLC types that were mapped at a scale of 1:50,000 using modern maps as the principal source (Herring 1998). A second project using HLC produced an outline map of medieval land-use in order to help understand the location of medieval landscapes and setdements. It used just four HLC types to map parts of the same area, but characterized them at a scale of 1:10,000 based on historic estate maps. Tithe Award maps and Ordnance Survey maps (Turner 2006b). It is important to remember that HLCs are designed in relation to specific projects as well as specific places. Existing HLCs may not necessarily be suitable for addressing the questions or applications pursued by later researcbers. As with all archaeological work, HLC raises methodological issues (for recent criticisms, see papers in Landscapes 8.2 [2007]). One of these is the difficulty of consistently placing areas in the 'correct' categories. Even when a project is undertaken by a single researcher, it is possible for areas with similar historic characteristics to end up mapped as different types. This may just be

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Table 1.

Crow et al.
Different character types used by two HLG projects in Gornwall, UK HLC character types: Turner 2006b Medieval enclosures Ancient woodland Rough ground Water

HLC character types: Herring 1998 Rough ground Prehistoric enclosures Medieval enclosures Post-medieval enclosures Modern enclosures Ancient woodland Plantations and scrub woodland Settlement (historic) Settlement (modern) Industrial (relict) Industrial (active) Gommunications Recreation Military Ornamental Water (reservoirs, etc) Water (natural bodies)

the result of error, but sometimes it is difficult to decide in which type a given block of landscape belongs. One way to manage this problem is to base the project's character types on a wide range of well-researched case-studies. Investigating a range of case studies from the overall project area in as much detail as the available evidence will permit is nearly always one of the first steps in the process of defining HLC types. The interpretations produced are then used to provide analogies for the rest of the study area. For example, for the purposes of our Naxos project we have consulted all the available historical and archaeological studies relating to the island's landscape history and compared them to examples from neighbouring regions. In some parts of our project area, we have benefited from the results of recent field survey by the 2nd Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities (Vionis 2011b), for example around the churches of Agios Isidoros near Rachi and Agia Kyriaki Kalonis. Owing to the relative paucity of previous work, we also decided to combine these data with a series of retrogressive analyses to explain how we defined our HLC types before beginning our HLC mapping.
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Retrogressive analysis is a technique for unravelling the physical and chronological relationships between different elements in the historic landscape (e.g. roads, field boundaries). Historic landscapes and the physical features in them are continually subject to forces of change, whether natural or man-made. Change is therefore widely recognized as a key characteristic of landscape (CoE 2000; Turner and Fairclough 2007: 121-2). Most landscapes contain features from many different periods, and the relationships between these features can be analysed to cast light on the changes and processes that created them. Sometimes these changes can be dated absolutely, most often where there is independent archaeological or documentary evidence (e.g. a sequence of maps or air photographs). Otherwise it is often possible only to establish a relative chronology. A classic example of this method is Williamson's (1987; 1998) study of the 'Scole-Dickleburgh' field system on the boundary of Norfolk and Suffolk in England. He argued that the basic framework of the field system was created in the late Iron Age or earlier since it appears to be cut through and overlain by a Roman road.

Characterizing the Historic Landscapes of Naxos Similar methods have been used elsewhere in northern Europe to examine field systems, for example on the coastal wetlands of south Wales (Rippon 2004: 79-99), in western France (Watteaux 2005) and in the former open fields of Gambridgeshire (Oosthuizen 2006). By unpacking the relationships between features and working from the most recent backwards, it is sometimes possible to reveal the earlier frameworks of historic features that lie within the fabric of the present cultural landscape. This method of working back can also help identify significant periods and processes of change, such as episodes of enclosure. These processes of change can then be taken into account when HLG character types are defined. Sometimes, as in the Naxos project, the database accompanying the HLG is designed to contain data about both present and earlier landscape types. This allows the researcher to model landscape change over time by presenting a sequence of data from different periods in the GIS. GIS systems are more flexible than printed maps, because many pieces of information can be presented in relation to each feature or area. In our HLG, a database linked to a GIS allows a range of attributes to be held fot each individual block of each character type. This means the user can build up a coherent picture of the historical development of the landscape. It also helps us to map how the landscape character of our study area has changed over time. An example is provided by the fields and terraces in the area around Aria. Here (as almost everywhere on Naxos) a simple retrogressive analysis shows, first, that very few new features have been created in the landscape between 1943 and 2006 (the dates of out two main sources), confirming that virtually all the existing features date to before World War II. Secondly, it reveals that where there is a stratigraphie relationship between field walls and braided terrace systems: field walls are virtually always later than the terraces. Some individual terraces may butt up against walls (i.e. some terraces are later than some walls), but that
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just shows that the terrace systems themselves continued to be used and developed after the walls were built. By interpreting these relationships in the data collected for the HLG, we can present a sequence of HLG types that shows how the landscape has changed over time. In places around Aria, the terraced fields have gone out of use for arable agricultureeither before or since 1943. This information can also be added to the HLG, providing another 'layer' of change in the historic landscape. This kind of analysis has helped us to refine our HLG character types and to provide increased chronological definition for our characterizations. One problem scholars have identified with these methods is equifinality, where similar processes at different times lead to similar physical characteristics in the present (Williamson 2007: 69). It is hard to know whether all the braided terrace systems on Naxos have equally ancient origins (though we do know they all pre-date the era when stone walls were built, as discussed below). This difficulty was also recognized in histotical geographers' critiques of modern geography in the 1960s and 70s (Widgren 2004: 456-57). Detailed engagement with specific case studies using as many data sources as are available seems the best solution for such problems (Widgren 2004: 462-63; Bolos 2010: 379). Because HLG is a flexible method, it can be adapted to suit different places and include a range of differing perspectives. Since the data are held in a GIS, it is easy to add data or change the information linked to each unit. New interpretations or new data might be added to HLGs that have already been 'completed' (Bolos 2010: 404-407). HLG is not a monolithic or prescriptive approach, and different workers might choose to characterize the same area in different ways, in tesponse to different research questions (Turner 2006a; 2006b; Foard et al. 2005). Naxos: Historical Introduction The island of Naxos has been celebrated since antiquity for its fertility and varied landscapes.

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Crow et al. although it is reported that Naxos was forced to pay tribute to Arab pirates (Ahrweiler 1966: 44, n. 6). The major inland castle of Apalirou probably dates from the 8th century, although this fortress appears to be more than just a reflige, with extensive traces of settlement around the flanks of the upper circuit. It is easy to exaggerate the negative impact throughout the Cyclades of the Arab presence in Crete, although one recent study based on the archaeological evidence from Naxos (as well as from other sites in Aegean Greece and southwest Asia Minor) suggests continuing settlement in places along the coast with economic links to the capital (Vionis 2009a; 2011a; see Gregory 2006 for a review of evidence from Kythera). The impact of sea-borne raiding on coastal settlement, however, remains a constant trope in settlement history in the islands up to the 19th century. Following the recapture of Crete by Nicephoros Phocas in 960-961, the Aegean was brougbt under Byzantine control and during these campaigns Naxos had an important role as a watering point for the imperial fleet (Pryor and Jeffreys 2006: 264 nn. 335, 371). Although there is no significant natural harbour on the island, the sandy beaches of the southwest coast could have provided havens for a fleet of galleys. Throughout the Byzantine Empire from the 9th century onwards there is evidence for the expansion of settlements and agricultural lands (Lefort 2002: 269). Increasing stability and wealth may be reflected in the significant number of painted churches dating to the middle Byzantine period (Mastoropoulos n.d.). Economic historians have observed a general trend, namely the increase throughout this period of large estates at the expense of small holders, as documented elsewhere in the Aegean islands (Lefort 2002: 285-91). After the loss of Constantinople to the Venetians and their Frankish allies, the island came under the rule of various Frankish lords, especially the Sanudi who from 1207 used the island as the base for the Duchy of the Archipelago (Lock

The largest island amongst the archipelago of the Cyclades (429 sq km), it is set apart by its high mountains and extensive olive groves (Lock 1995: 242). In the late 17th century the population was estimated at 6000, with one main town at Naxia clustered around the Frankish castle of Kastro (Slot 1982: 31), today Chora, itself located on the site of the main classical city. Distant from Constantinople and with no significant Byzantine monasteries, there are no early typika or monastic foundation charters to inform our knowledge of the pre-Venetian landholdings. For the Frankish period from 1207 onwards, the sources are more specific, although even these were largely compiled several centuries after the initial conquest (Slot 1991: 197). Earlier chronicle sources are very limited, although most general accounts of the Byzantine Aegean stress the importance of the disruption created by the presence of an Arab fleet and raiders from the mid-7th century. The first of these raids accompanied the siege of Constantinople in 671-672 and the raiders are said to have wintered regularly in the archipelago over the next seven years (Pryor and Jeffreys 2006: 26). By 719, after the successful defence of the city in a second siege, the new naval force of the Kibyrrhaiotai theme (a military command) was based in southern Asia Minor, and the main military concerns of empire over the next century were in the Balkans and Asia Minor. The islands only became threatened by the operations of the Arab fleet after 824-827 when the island of Crete was captured by the Andals Arabs and a new base was established at Chandax (modern Heraklion) (Pryor and Jeffreys 2006: 47). During the reconquest of Crete by Nicephoras Phocas, the middle Byzantine historian Leo the Deacon (Book 1: 6) reported that the emperor exhorted his men with the words: 'Isn't it true that almost all our coastline is uninhabited as a result of their rapine. Aren't most of the islands deserted because of their raids?' (Talbot and Sullivan 2005: 12). In practice the impact of their raids on specific islands is difficult to estimate.
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Characterizing the Historic Landscapes of Naxos 1995: 147-49). It was only from 1418, however, that the duehy beeame a vassal of the Venetian republie, as there were inereasing eoneerns about the Turkish eonquests throughout Greeee and the Aegean eoast lands. Chora became the new capital of the island and it seems likely that the new Catholic Venetian lords replaeed the former Byzantine estate holders. As with mueh of Frankish Greeee, a new feudal strueture was imposed that persisted beyond the end of Venetian rule in 1566 (Slot 1991). The population remained predominantly Orthodox and it is estimated that, unlike other Cyeladie islands, Latins only represented 5% of the total (Slot 1982: 32). Slot (1991: 201-204) has suggested that the Catholie landowners were eoneentrated in Chora with estates elose by in the western parts of the island. The Ottoman conquest of the islands began in 1537, although Naxos did not come under direct rule before 1579. In the sueeeeding centuries the Aegean islands beeame the foeus for eontinuing eonfliets between the Ottomans and Venetians, restilting in major wars and loeal piracy with potential impact on both settlement and land-use (Slot 1982: esp. 73-80 for the raids of Barbarossa in 1537-1538; Raekham and Moody 1996: 197200). The detailed registers that survive in the arehives of Veniee, Istanbul and on the islands themselves ensure a rieher historical doeumentation than is available from our comparative study area in Thrace, resulting in a number of important studies (Slot 1982; Kasdagli 1999). From a historieal perspeetive the insular landseape can be expeeted to reveal greater dmographie continuity with a potential time-depth extending back over a millennium.

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We chose ESRI's ArcGIS 9.1 for the mapping, and the data relating to eaeh individual bloek of a speeifie landseape character type (known as a 'polygon', or a 'geometry') were recorded and stored using a Microsoft Access database (the data we ereated are available to download via the UK's Arehaeology Data Serviee website: http : //ads. ahds. ae. uk/eatalogue/resourees. html?easternmed_ahre_2010) Two principal sources were used to inform our eharaeterization: 1. IKONOS 1 m blaek and white and 4 m multispeetral satellite data supplied by European Spaee Imaging LLC, Munieh. 2. Historie air photography. This eomprised Royal Air Foree (RAF) air photos taken during sorties in 1943. Most of the study area was eovered. The photographs were seanned and supplied by the Keele University Air Photo Unit (this eolleetion, TARA, has sinee moved into the eare of the Royal Commission on the Aneient and Historie Monuments of Scotland [RCAHMS] in Edinburgh). The methods used for georeferencing the imagery and photography are outlined on our projeet website: http://www.she.ed.ae.uk/projeets/eastmed_landseape/. Where relevant, other data sourees were also used ineluding digital versions of twentietheentury 1:50,000 Russian military maps. During the period we undertook the pilot mapping (June-August 2007), Google Earth was providing high-resolution imagery for about half of our study area. This proved useful for elarifying details visible on some of our satellite imagery. We did not use the 1:5000 maps of the Hellenie Military Geographieal Serviee for this projeet, even though they eould have been integrated as another souree, as they have been in some reeent arehaeologieal projeets (Bevan et al. 2003). This was not only beeause digital versions were not available to us, but also beeause these maps do not inelude all the neeessary or relevant features, partieularly terraees.

Naxos: A Pilot Historic Landscape Characterization Whilst the method and database we used were modelled on a reeent HLC projeet in the UK, for our pilot Naxos HLC we adapted them significantly to suit the island's historie landseape and the available data sourees (Turner 2007).
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Crow et al. interpretation of earlier phases of landscape character was made using all the available sources. This means that for much of our study area we can model earlier patterns of land-use and (at a fairly simple level) try to trace which landscapes have remained most stable and which have changed fastest. We can also see how earlier uses of the land have affected later patterns. Naxos HLC Types Our starting point for this study is the 'historic landscape'. Archaeologists' definition of this term is deliberately broad. We include not only all the physical components of today's landscapefor example, walls, lanes, trees, hedges, ruins, houses and other buildingsbut also the earthworks or field remains of long-deserted sites. Using a range of archaeological techniques, we include barely visible or even wholly buried features into our analyses, like the soil-marks or crop-marks left by ancient setdements, or earlier landscapes concealed beneath recent alluvial deposits. Historical and ethnographic records also allow the cultural perceptions and associations of places to be valued as part of the historic landscape: battlefields or sacred sites may leave few physical traces but an awareness of them may further influence the way we understand and value the historic landscape. Although historical archaeology has begun to emerge as a distinct field of study in the Aegean only in the last couple of decades, it is clear that historic landscapes are rich and varied here (Vionis 2011a). Throughout the region, postmedieval settlements and medieval churches nestle amongst fields and terraces of largely uncertain antiquity. Networks of kalderimia (footpaths or tracks) snake amongst the ancient olives, lending a timeless atmosphere to the region's small-scale agricultural scene. In pursuit of these landscapes' ancient forerunners, pioneering archaeological fieldwork has included the development of surface survey methods, which have revolutionized how we understand the prehistoric and classical worlds (Renfrew and Wagstaflf 1982; Cherry et

The historie landscape of Naxos is extremely intricate, with many small units inter-digitated in complex patterns. The HLC mapping was therefore undertaken at a detailed scale, usually at around 1:3500 (the characterization is designed to be used at 1:10,000 or smaller). The smallest individual polygons mapped were originally intended to be 1 ha (100 x 100 m), but in fact the grain of the landscape meant that smaller polygons were commonly included. The whole area included in each polygon should be composed of the same historic character type and should have shared the same historic character type (or the same sequence of different types) throughout its history. Of course, there are sometimes very small patches of particular land-use types that have not been included in the database. The characterization is intended to be a broad-brush exercise that can be executed relatively rapidly (Figure 1, p. 121). Since this was a pilot project designed to test the applicability of HLC in Mediterranean contexts, the number of different HLC types was kept to a minimum in the hope that the database would be more user-friendly. At the most basic level, the data can be displayed in the CIS to show where very simple categories of landuse lie: fields, settlements, rough ground and so on. Because we can combine different variables to create maps using CIS, it is possible to draw on all the data recorded in the database to create more complex maps for a range of purposes. For example, one of the principles of HLC is that it recognizes the dynamic quality of landscapes. Landscapes have always changed, and they will continue to do so through human action and natural processes. Not all landscapes, however, change at the same speed or in the same ways. Our characterizations are designed to allow a sequence of character types to be recorded for each polygon, with interpretations of present and (where possible) past historic landscape character included in the database. First, the present-day character type was recorded based on the evidence from the IKONOS imagery. Second, an
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Characterizing the Historic Landscapes of Naxos al 1991; Mee and Forbes 1997). Such projects have also begun to improve our knowledge of how the historic landscape developed in more recent periods (Gregory 2010). Examples include research in Boeotia, on Methana, in the Korinthia and on Kea, where interdisciplinary and ethnographic studies have shown how work on the medieval and post-medieval countryside can produce exciting results (Davis 1991; Whitelaw 1991; Bindiff 2000; Forbes 2007; Caraher et al 2006; Tartaron et al 2006). Elsewhere in Greece scholars have also begun to use documentary sources profitably in combination with the results of field survey (see e.g. Zarinebaf et al 2005; papers in Davies and Davis 2007; Given and Hadjianastasis 2010). One result of recent work is the realization that the landscapes of different regions and individual islands have often developed along quite distinct trajectories. The debate over agricultural terraces and their dates serves well to highlight this point. We use it in this section as an example of this regional variation, although other topics could have served as well. It shows that individual projects need to consider carefully the specific histories of landscapes they are working with when they are defining HLC types. Simply applying typologies developed elsewhereeven on areas nearbyis unlikely to prove satisfactory on its own. The HLC types we have used to map our Naxos study area for this project are shown in Table 2. The following section describes the rationale behind our choices for some of the most widespread character types in our HLC, enclosures and terraces (other types are available via our website, http://www.shc.ed.ac.uk/ ptojects/eastmed_landscape/). The HLC types do not generally refer to the types of crop under cultivation, but instead to the form of the fields in which they are grown. It is hard to identify crops reliably from satellite imagery or air photographs, and intercropping or poly-cropping (the custom of planting more than one crop in the same field) is historically common on Naxos.
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Fnclosures (see Table 2) The farming landscape of Naxos is an enclosed landscape. Although traditional boundaries are built from dry-stone walls, in places mortared

Table 2.

Naxos HLG types

Enclosures Enclosures (modern) Enclosures (post-medieval) Enclosures (post-medieval) based on Fields (medieval) Enclosures (post-medieval) based on Braided terraces (medieval) Enclosures (post-medieval) based on Step terraces straight/contour (post-medieval) Olives (modern) Olives (post-medieval) Horticulture (modern/post-medieval)
Terraces

Braided terraces (medieval) Gheck-dams (medieval/post-medieval/modern) Step terraces - contour (modern/post-medieval) Step terraces - straight (modern/post-medieval) Terraced fields (modern/post-medieval) False terraces (modern) Rough ground Rough ground (post-medieval/medieval) Rough ground (modern/post-medieval) with Enclosures (post-medieval) Rough ground (modern/post-medieval) with Enclosures (post-medieval) based on Braided terraces (medieval) Rough ground (modern/post-medieval) based on Braided terraces (medieval) Rough ground (modern/post-medieval) with Terraces [other types] Woodland (modern/post-medieval) Outcrop, scree, cliff Sand Settlement Settlement (modern/post-medieval/medieval) Villas (modern) Recreation (modern) Orchard Industrial Industrial (modern) Quarry (modern/post-medieval)

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Crow et al. These fields seem to have been made up of individual plots cultivated side-by-side within the field as a whole. Kasdagli's ( 1999) study of marriage contracts and wills from 17th-century Naxos has brought to light a good deal of relevant documentary evidence that can help us to intetpret the physical evidence of the farming landscape. The 17th century was effectively the last full century during which medieval landholding practices prevailed on Naxos. The island landscape was divided between a series of feudal estates called in Greek topoi ('places'). The 56 topoi recorded in the tahrir dfier (Ottoman tax register) of 1670 were perhaps the same 56 that the island's first Venetian ruler, Marco I Saudo, had established after his conquest of Naxos in 1207 (Slot 1991: 197-98). In the later 17th century, there were five Greek lords

walls, fences, hedges and banks are also used (Figure 2). Virtually all the fields are enclosed, and much of the rough grazing ground is divided up by long pasture boundaries. How long the landscape hete has been an enclosed one is not totally clear. Whilst some boundaries appear to be very ancientparticularly the outer boundaries of field systems, the majority probably date to the post-medieval period. Comparing the air photographs taken in the 1940s by the RAF and the modern IKONOS satellite imagery, it is clear that the enclosure pattern visible today was wcvy largely established by the 1940s, and there have been only relatively minor changes since that time. We know from documentary sources that much of Naxos' agricultural landscape lay in subdivided open fields in the Middle Ages.

Figure 2.

A traditional diystone wall topped with thorns at Agios Mamas at Driti (J. Crow, August 2007).

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10 km

.T Apollo nas

A
Pilot HLC study area Apano Kastro

NAXOS

Chora ^ , , v

Agia Kyriaki

irea of Fig. 7 Apeiranthos

I

Rachi ~area of Fig. 3

plain of Drymalia/Tragea Ano Sangi area of Fig. 4 Aria

Apalirou Kastro

Key: Historic Landscape Character (HLC) types (see Table 2)

I Enclosures (modern) I Enclosures (post-medievat) I Olives I Enclosures (based on step terraces) I Enclosures (based on braided terraces) I Enclosures (based on medieval fields) I Horticulture I Orchard Recreation | I I Rough ground Rough ground witfi braided terraces Rough ground with other types of terraces Rough ground with enclosures and braided terraces Rough ground with enclosures Wtoodland I Villas (modern) I Settlement (histohc) I Settlement (modern) I Braided terraces I Terraced fields I Step tenaces - straight I Step terraces - contour I Check-dams j False terraces (modern) I Industrial Sand I Quarry

Figure 1.

The island of Naxos, showing the area of sites, case studies mentioned in the text and the pilot HLC study area.

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HLC Rough ground Olives - post-medieval Settlement - modern Settlement - historic

Features Stream bed ====== Track or road Field boundary Ten-ace

c[3 + 4"

Early Byzantine church Middle Byzantine church Late Byzantine church

Figure 3.

Historic landscape characterization (HLG) and retrogressive analysis of the area around Ghalki in the Drymalia/Tragea plain, Naxos. (Includes IKONOS material 2006, Space Imaging LLG. All rights reserved).

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Characterizing the Historic Landscapes ofNaxos

0 100 200 300 400 m

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Figure 4.

HLC and retrogressive analysis of the Ana area, Naxos. (Includes I K O N l J i marerial 2006, Space Imaging LLC. All righrs reserved).

SffSight step terraces within i surveyed rectilinear fields

Remains of post-medieval buildings

- 1

Figure 6.

Straighr step terraces within surveyed fields associated with deserted post-medieval farmsteads below Apano Kastro, Naxos (J. Crow, October 2006).

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Crow et al.
Agios Isidoros fllC
Rough ground Rough ground with enclosures Rough ground wrth enclosed braided terraces Olives - post-medval Settlement - modem Settlement - historic

Stream Track Field boundary Terrace Early Byzantine church Middle Byzantine church

Taxiarchis Rachis

" .: Rachi

Figure 7.

HLC and retrogressive analysis of the area around Rachi at the northern end of the Drymalia/Tragea plain, Naxos. (Includes IKONOS material 2006, Space Imaging LLC. All rights reserved).

Figure 8.

1 he middle Byzantine church of Agios Mamas. Braided terraces overlain by later post-medieval enclosure walls are visible on the hillsides beyond. The peak on the horizon behind is site of the fortress of Apano Kastro (J. Crow, October 2006).

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Characterizing the Historic Landscapes of Naxos of topoi, but the vast majority were Latins or of Latin descent (Kasdagli 1999: 164-67). Each of the topoi comprised a range of agricultural resources including arable land and pasture. Many examples of large fortified tower-houses associated with these estates still survive, for example the towers of Chalki, Kalavros, Bazeos and Oskelos. The documentary records preserve various details about the character of 17th-century fields. Ditches serving as both boundaries and drains were common, whilst temporary fencing of reeds, posts and twigs were also important. In places stone walls {petrotoicho) formed the outer boundaries of fields, although lands were also delimited by irrigation channels, tracks, bushes, trees, boulders or other natural features (Kasdagli 1999: 90). The evidence suggests that, during the 17th century and earlier, large open fields comprising many individual plots cultivated as a whole existed across much of the islandprobably in every topos and every village. Such fields were called engairies, and the term and practice wete still common in some of the Cyclades until the late 19th century. On Kimolos, for example, all arable land was divided into an upper and a lower part {apano meria and kato meria). The first part was sown with crops each year and called the engairia; it was separated by a wall or fence from the second part which remained uncropped and served as common pasturethe parengairia (Kasdagli 1999: 99). On Kea, votes and probably/lzfyw/ were large tracts of land exploited both for grazing and for growing arable crops on unfenced subdivisions (Cherry et al. 1991 : 359-60; Whitelaw 1991: 410-11). According to Kasdagli (1999: 100-101), the memory of a similar field system has survived at the village of Komiaki on Naxos, where in the past the area around the village is supposed to have been divided into four engairies, two of which would be planted with arable crops, whilst two were left unsown to provide grazing for livestock. In the 17th century, the Jesuits' topos of Megalas
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Petres was divided into upper and lower parts that were cropped alternately. On such arable lands, crop rotation was a prominent feature of the farming system. Whilst little is known about the rotations, there seems to have been considerable fiexibility. For example, during the 18 th century the fertile plains seem to have been planted every year, the only respite coming from leguminous crops. Elsewhere, in addition to fallowing, other means of restoring soil fertility mentioned in 17th-century documents included manuring and even burning over the waste (Kasdagli 1999: 96-98). In hilly areas, subdivisions of these open fields could have been formed from blocks of terraces, individual terraces or even parts of long terraces. On Methana, the skala (a block of terraces like a giant staircase) of 19th-century terraces remained unfenced even in the 20th century, with ownership of individual terraces distributed amongst the kin of the village. The land around each settlement was divided annually into two portions, so that one half was sown for arable, whilst the second part was used for other crops and for grazing (Forbes 2007: 19599). On Naxos strips of mountainous land that may have been terraced are referred to as louroi in the written sources (Kasdagli 1999: 88). In the fiatter areas of the plains, it is harder to suggest what form any sub-divisions of possible earlier fields might have taken. By applying the principles of retrogressive analysis to a few case studies, however, it is possible to suggest tentatively the form of these hypothetical medieval field systems. The plain of Drymalia/Tragea around the village of Chalki is now planted with olives, and documentary records suggest it has been since the 17th century (Kasdagli 1999: 37-39). Retrogressive analysis here reveals a number of long, roughly parallel boundaries running approximately east-west, which appear to have once defined large roughly rectangular units. These features are abutted by many shorter north-south boundaries that appear to subdivide them into long narrow parcels of land (Figure 3).

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Crow et al. tories: further research and fieldwork is needed to elucidate them. Terraces (see Table 2) Naxos and many other Cycladic islands are heavily terraced landscapes. Terraces make it possible to cultivate the steep mountainsides. Scholars suggest that in addition to creating fiat areas their main benefits include redistributing sediment, increasing root penetration, improving water retention and controlling erosion, and removing stones from the soil to make the terrace walls (Rackham and Moody 1996: 142). Ethnographic accounts suggest Aegean farmers see stone clearance as a major reason for building terraces (Forbes 2007: 53-54). When terraces might have been created and how they should be dated are subjects that have given rise to considerable debate, particularly in relation to classical antiquity. Some scholars argue that there was little terracing in classical Greece and that the lack of terms clearly referring to terraces in classical texts should be taken to refiect an actual absence (e.g. Foxhall 1996; Foxhall et al. 2007). Archaeological research in some regions has suggested most terraces and other boundaries in the modern Greek landscape have recent origins. This is shown, for example, in Lee's (2001) study of the village territory of Maryeli in upland Messenia. It proved hard to identify ancient structures in the landscape around Maryeli, although Lee's work did not involve detailed archaeological survey or excavation. Lee assumed that because terraces might still have been built and repaired into the 1950s, there was little to be gained by undertaking detailed survey or recording of existing walls. As a result, a number of strategies that might have been pursued to help date the area's field systems were not used (cf Price and Nixon 2005: 670). On the Argolid's rocky Methana peninsula, Forbes (2007: 60-61) has argued that the majority of terraces were built in the 19th century following population increases after the Greek War of Independence. Before that time cultivation

Based on what is known from the Naxiot documentary sources, and by analogy with other parts of Europe and the Mediterranean, it seems likely that these post-medieval field boundaries could perpetuate the layout of individual parcels or strips in earlier open fields. On Kythera, archaeologists have tentatively suggested that similar semi-regular field patterns may have Byzantine or Medieval origins (Bevan et al 2003: 220). Particularly around Chalki, but also around the village of Ano Sangri, the subdividing boundaries are slightly curved in form. Elsewhere in Europe, this morphology could be interpreted as perpetuating the form of divisions in earlier open arable fields. The Chalki examples are very similar to those identified in Crete's Mesara plain by Rackham and Moody (1996: 147-49, fig. 12.6; for other European examples see e.g. Chouquer 1993: 102France; Herring 2006England). It seems highly likely that around Chalki, this prime agricultural land would have formed the core of the medieval topoi. In the HLC, such areas have been mapped as 'Enclosures (postmedieval) based on Fields (medieval)'. Indeed, our retrogressive analysis suggests the post-medieval period was the time when most existing field walls on Naxos were constructed. Although some enclosures are recorded in medieval documents (Kasdagli 1987; 1999), it seems likely that the period of their creation and the enclosure of Naxos was probably after the abolition of feudal lordship in 1721 and during the economic fluctuations of the mid-late 18th and early 19th centuries (Kasdagli 1999: 167; Vionis 2011a). Where the earlier histories of these fields can be discerned with a reasonable level of confidence, the likely earlier HLC types are included in the databasee.g. 'Field (medieval)' or 'Braided terraces (medieval)'. In many cases, however, it has not been possible to suggest what the earlier landscape character might have been with any degree of confidence, so the character type has been described simply as 'Enclosures (post-medieval)' in the database. This is an oversimplification that inevitably conceals richer his The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Eqtiinox Publishing Ltd., 2011

Characterizing the Historic Landscapes of Naxos seems to have been focussed around the single early modern village, and travellers' accounts recall a barren uncultivated landscape across the rest of the peninsula. In contrast, scholars elsewhere claim there is evidence for terraces from prehistory onwards. Recent research around the Mediterranean has been reviewed and synthesized by Harfouche (2007); she outlines a methodology for dating terraces by excavation and presents a range of case studies with particular emphasis on southern France in the late Iron Age and Roman period (for terraces dated to the Roman period in western Spain, see Ruiz del rbol 2005; Ballesteros Arias and Criado Boado 2009). In Greece, terraces on the islet of Pseira off Crete have been dated to the Bronze Age by their stratification below a layer containing tephra from the eruption of Thera (Betancourt and Hope Simpson 1992). On Crete itself, Raekham and Moody (1996) and Price and Nixon (2005) have suggested ancient dates for terraces in Sphakia and elsewhere based on a range of criteria. In a few cases these include excavated evidence or stratification below living ancient olive trees, like the one at Phoinix-Loutro, dated by its tree-rings to the Hellenistic period (Raekham and Moody 1996: 86). Most of the examples cited by Price and Nixon (2005: 672-73), however, are dated by association with buildings or other structures rather than by direct evidence. Some of the most convincing evidence for classical terracing comes from the Cyeladie island of Delos. Historians and archaeologists have suggested the terraces here may be classical in origin, not only beeause they are assoeiated with the remains of elassieal farmsteads but also beeause the island is assumed to have been deserted from the early Byzantine period until the mid-20th eentury (Brunet 1990; Poupet 2000). Arehaeologieal evaluation trenehes within the terraee system have yielded pottery well-stratified within a developed soil strueture; although the date of this eeramie material is uneertain, it is not thought to be later than
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Byzantine (Brunet 1999; Harfouehe 2007: 1566). High-resolution imagery available through Google Earth (January 2008) certainly shows that the form of the drystone enelosure boundaries of Delos are morphologieally different to the post-medieval enclosure walls of Naxos, or indeed those on the neighbouring island of Rhenea. Instead, they appear to be associated with the 20th-century farms noted by Harfouche (2007: 154-55). Beneath these boundaries lie abandoned terraces. Although some of these terraces are rather regular in form (hinting at a more recent date), many have a slightly sinuous morphology and braiding that suggests more than a single phase of development. Archaeologists working on Kythera have identified terracing of probable Byzantine or medieval date (Bevan et al. 2003), and scientific studies suggest that in places these features are 'polycyclic' re-workings of older structures (Krahtopoulou and Frederick 2008; recent fieldwork on Antikythera promises further insightsBevan et al. 2008; Bevan and Conolly 2011). On Kea and Lesbos, terracing systems of pre-18th-eentury date have been identified by assoeiation and by their stratigraphie relationships to other features (Whitelaw 1991: 405-10; Sehaus and Speneer 1994; for Lesbos see also Kizos and Koulouri 2006). Using various dating methods, ineluding stratified finds from excavation and association with settlement sites. Price and Nixon (2005: 674-75) have argued that terraces from the Byzantine/ Venetian/Turkish periods are common in the Sphakia region of Crete. Late-medieval visitors to the Aegean such as Belon Du Mans noted the presence of terraees, ineluding areas of desertion (Harfouehe 2007: 153). On Naxos, 17theentury doeumentary sourees refer to louroi, whieh may represent terraeed subdivisions of open engairies (Kasdagli 1999: 88). The available evidenee suggests that eultivation terraees are likely to have existed in many Aegean (espeeially insular) landscapes during elassieal antiquity. Terraees were also built, reused, repaired and developed during the Middle

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Crow et al. photographs taken in 1943 shows that such walls have very rarely been newly built since then. In a study undertaken 198992 primarily to provide data on soil erosion and terrace degradation, Lehmann (1993; 1994) suggested tentatively that many Naxos terraces in his study area may have been used last for cultivation between the I4th and 17th centuries. Crove and Rackham (2001: 264-65) contend that Lehmann's date for the abandonment of Naxos' terraces is likely to be too early, but nevertheless his general conclusions support the idea that braided terrace systems on the island are likely to have medieval origins. In places, the location of dated Byzantine monuments hints at the antiquity of Naxiot terrace systems. Although the relationship cannot be proved absolutely without fieldwork on the ground, many Byzantine churches appear to stand on terraces within braided terrace systems. Examples include the early Byzantine churches of the Taxiarchis Rachis and Agios Isidoros in Rachi (Crow and Turner 2011), where both monuments perch on long terraces constructed along the hillside. On the opposite side of the valley below, the middle Byzantine church of the Panagia Rachidiotissa, great oaks that must be several hundred years old stand on similarly massive terraces that can run for at least 800 m. If earlier than the churches, the Rachi terraces must be late antique or classical (see Figure 7). Similar long, slightly sinuous terraces run along the hillsides below the classical temple of Demeter near Ano-Sangri. Archaeological field survey also hints at the antiquity of these terrace systems. Extensive field survey has been carried out by the 2nd Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities around the church of Agia Kyriaki Kalonis, an early Byzantine monument north-east of Apeiranthos. Analysis of the ceramics collected during this work by Vionis (2011b) suggests that up to 70% of the ancient surface finds belong to the 7th-9th centuries AD and are comprised mostly of vessels associated with agricultural production and transport (pithoi, jars, amphorae). Curving dry-stone walls

Ages. In other places, however, it seems terracing was largely absent until tbe 19th century. Such differences must have contributed significantly to differences in the economic, social and cultural landscapes of each area. Similarly, archaeological and historical evidence suggests that diflferent regions and islands witnessed significant variations in patterns of landholding, agricultural practice, distribution of settlement and establishment of religious sites in the medieval and post-medieval periods. By mapping, understanding and analysing these regional variations we should gain a richer and more textured awareness of how local societies functioned and tiltimately of how today's Aegean landscapes came to be created. Away from the plains, much of the land mapped for the HLC is terraced. Rackham and his collaborators have identified six principal terrace types widespread in the Cyclades: braided terraces, contour terraces, straight step terraces, check-dams, terraced fields and modern false terraces (Rackham and Moody 1996: 140-45; Crove and Rackham 2001: 108). We have used this existing classification as tbe basis for our historic landscape character types. Here we discuss the first three of them as they pertain to Naxos. As on other Cycladic islands, there are many areas where field boundaries, usually drystone walls, cut across earlier terraces (e.g. Kea: Whitelaw 1991). As we have observed earlier, virtually all examples of braided terraces on Naxos are overlain stratigraphically by enclosure boundaries that divide the terrace systems into discrete blocks (Figure 4). It is not uncommon for individual terraces within such systems to abut dividing walls, although invariably other terraces within the same system will underlie them. This shows that, in these terrace systems, there have been long (possibly discontinuous) periods of use with several phases of terrace development. The underlying terraces must antedate the walls, which themselves are no later than the 18th or 19th centuries in the vast majority of cases (Figure 5). Our analysis of the RAF air
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Figure 5.

The terraced landscape of Naxos: view towards Apano Kastro from the southwest showing a typical Naxiot landscape of braided terraces enclosed and overlain by later drystone walls (J. Crow, August 2007).

enclose small fields here that only partially and untidily enclose the terraces; the latter are probably related to the early Byzantine settlement. The evidence suggests that whatever the original date of Naxos' braided terrace systems, the vast majority would have existed in or before the 17th century. Systems of braided terraces have therefore been described as 'medieval' in the HLC database, even if many could have earlier origins. For the purposes of our HLC, 'step-terraces' are defined as terrace systems with roughly parallel terrace boundaries that lack significant braiding. They are virtually always enclosed by dry-stone walls, and we have identified two main kinds. Contour step terraces follow the contours of the hillsides, so they tend to be sinuous in form. Several factors suggest the majority of these systems are probably post-medieval in date. First, the terraces ofien abut their enclosure boundaries instead of underlying them as in the case of braided terraces. Secondly, many systems
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appear to be of only one phase, suggesting a relatively short lifetime in use. Thirdly, they are most commonly located in upland locations, principally towards the eastern edge of the study area on the slopes of Mount Zas. Virtually none have been newly created since the 1940s. Straight step terraces share most of the characteristics of contour step terraces, but instead of being sinuous they are cut straight across the hillsides to create rigidly parallel straight lines. Like contour step terraces, most are in upland locations, though some have been created in lowerlying arable areas by remodelling earlier fields. A few examples have been created in the later 20th century, but most were already in existence by the 1940s; most straight step terraces probably belong to the 19th century. There are excellent examples in the bleak, boulder-strewn uplands to the west of Apano Kastro, where step terraces (mostly now deserted) sit within straight surveyed field boundaries associated with deserted post-medieval farmsteads (Figure 6).

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Crow et al. the last three or four generations, he does show that the location of Byzantine and early modern churches has significantly infiuenced the settlement pattern of the 19th and 20th centuries. Nevertheless, he does not discuss the place of churches in Byzantine landscapes. One of the only archaeological studies to attempt this is Nixon's (2006) recent study on the medieval and later landscapes of Sphakia, Crete. She argues that churches are an integral part of the historic landscape of Sphakia, and that they fulfilled a number of important roles in the medieval period, for example as landmarks, boundary points, and memorials (Nixon 2006: 23-31). Just as in other parts of medieval Europe, on Crete churches frequently seem to have been associated with areas of important natural or agricultural resources, and were largely absent from the wilder country of the uplands (Nixon 2006: 88-89; Gerstal 2005: 166; Kalas 2009: 88-90; Roymans 1995; Turner 2006b). In Sphakia, however, only one church dates to the 11 th century or earlier so it is hard to draw conclusions about the early Byzantine landscape. On Naxos, the situation is rather different. The island of Naxos possesses an extensive corpus of churches almost unique in their chronological range in the Byzantine world. There are a significant number of early Christian basilicas, both on the coast and in the interior valleys of the island, attesting some prosperity in late antiquity (Crow and Turner 2011). A recent publication by Mastoropoulos (n.d.) briefiy catalogues 148 individual buildings, many of which have the remains of medieval painted decoration. Despite a certain degree of scholarly dispute about the chronology of these paintings, the churches may be dated from the late Roman period to the beginning of Ottoman rule. Across the island and especially in the valleys of the interior, there is a remarkable corpus of early medieval painted churches and an unusually high proportion of these show traces of aniconic decoration, often revealed as the earliest phase of several layers of painted decoration.

Unlocking Historie Landscapes: The Byzantne Churches of Naxos In our research on Naxos, we are particularly interested in the research applications of HLC and how it can help us to understand past landscapes and societies. In the last part of this study, we use the example of Byzantine churches to explore some of this potential. Archaeologists have increasingly argued that to separate different aspects of lifeeconomic, political, cultural, religiouscreates false divisions that weaken our analyses and our understanding of people in the past (Bradley 2000; Johnson 2007: 130-33). Instead, they argue that we should integrate the study of different elements of past societies (albeit using different bodies of theory) to gain richer, more contextual interpretations of both mental and material landscapes. Several recent studies of medieval European landscapes have attempted to analyse the location of churches and chapels, and how the influence they exerted shaped later landscapes in Ireland, Scandinavia and Britain ('Carragin 2003; Altenberg 2003; Turner 2006b, the last of which used simple HLCs to analyse the relationships between churches, settlements and land-use patterns). Scholars of the prehistoric and classical periods have tackled religious and ritual landscapes with satisfying results in Greece (Peatfield 1992; Alcock 1993: 172-214). Until now there have been relatively few attempts to explore the sacred landscapes of the Byzantine world beyond the purview of particular well-known monuments (e.g. Coleman and Eisner 1994; Rackham and Moody 1996; on the isolated chapels from Cappodocia, see Kalas 2009). The place of medieval and later churches in the modern landscape of Methana has recently been explored by Forbes (2007: 354-55); he argues that it is impossible to understand the Greek landscape without considering both the spiritual and agricultural lives of its inhabitants. Although the focus of his ethnographic study is
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Characterizing the Historic Landscapes of Naxos The date of these remains a matter of scholarly debate amongst archaeologists and art historians and it is still disputed whether these are to be attributed to the iconoclast period (8th to 9th centuries) (Chatzidakis 1989; Brubaker and Haldon 2001; Crow and Turner 2011). Whatever the exact period, those displaying features of aniconic decoration are likely to date before the 11 th century and, crucially for an understanding of the historic landscapes of the island, many of these buildings are set amongst the current groves and terraces that form the main focus of our study. It is also in this period when the great mountain fortress of Apalirou was built, and the island remained an important staging point for the Byzantine fieet until the recapture of Crete in 964. The Byzantine churches of Naxos occur in all types of landscape locations, from plains to mountain peaks. The densest clusters are found inland, in the fertile plains of Drymalia/Tragea and Sangri, but others lie in mountain villages and valleys, on ridges and hilltops, and on coastal plains and cliffs. Two major hilltop fortifications preserve the remains of many ruined churches. Between Potamia and Tsikalario, the Venetian castle-settlement of Apano Kastro (built in the 13th or early I4th century and repaired in the 15th-16th centuries) contains several churches, all of which belong to the later Middle Ages (Vionis 2011a). The mighty Byzantine fortress of Apalirou Kastro contains several Byzantine churches including one that probably dates to the 7th or 8th century; a smaller fortification south of Filoti encircles the middle Byzantine church of Agios Ioannis Prdromos 'Kastelitis'. This hilltop location, however, seems relatively unusual for early Naxiot churches. Although a few churches stand on prominent ridges, most are sited in valleys or on low hillsides, like the cluster of early churches in and around the plain of Drymalia/Tragea which include the Protothronos of Chalki, Agios Isidoros of Rachi and the Taxiarchis of Rachi (Figure 7). The evidence of architecture, sculpture and painting suggests
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many churches here had their origins between the 6th or 7th to 10th centuries, and that they were in use throughout the Middle Ages. In combination with other archaeological and historical evidence, the HLC can help us understand the locations of these churches as well as certain aspects of their meaning to the people who built them. The HLC provides a model for modern and post-medieval landscapes, and allows us to see more clearly where different agricultural resources were probably located in the Middle Ages. With reference to the HLC, it becomes clear that some of the oldest surviving Byzantine churches not only lie within historic villages like Chalki and Melanes, but also at the heart of significant agricultural zones (Figure 8). Elsewhere archaeological field survey has shown that churches such as the Panagia Arion and Agios Kyriaki Kalonis are located amidst significant scatters of Early and Middle Byzantine pottery and even adjacent to Byzantine buildings (Mastoropoulos n.d.: 199; Vionis 2011b). Though they now stand some distance from today's major settlements, the HLC reveals that they are still located at the heart of productive farming zones that have been actively exploited since the Middle Ages. Beyond the historic villages there are also ancient outlying churches like Agios Isidoros and the Taxiarchis Rachis. These both lie at the intersection between areas of historic arable farming and the rough grazing ground beyond; the HLC suggests they have been 'boundary' churches for many hundreds of years, perhaps even since they were first constructed. The exoklisia (oudying chapels) of Naxos are therefore just as much an integral part of the surviving historic pattern of the landscape as their counterparts on Crete or in Cappadocia (Nixon 2006: 69; Kalas 2009).

Conclusion
The study of Byzantine archaeology has ofi:en concentrated on monuments (especially churches) and most frequently the specific study of their

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Crow et al. By integrating a wide range of sources we can create well-contextualized interpretations of past societies and places (see examples from Greece and Cyprus in Davies and Davis 2007; Given and Hadjianastasis 2010). Using GIS and HLC provides a spatial framework that allows difterent disciplinary perspectives and different sources to be brought to bear on particular questions about the past. More generally, HLC provides the opportunity to gain insights into the relationships and ehanges that have shaped long-term landscape evolution. This understanding of how landscapes have changed is usefiil to arehaeologists who want to understand past soeieties, but its value also extends fiirther. One of the key attributes of landseapes is that they change, a process that will continue in the ftiture (CoE 2000). HLC-based studies not only help archaeologists understand past landscapes, but also help planners and landscape managers shape future landscapes (Turner 2006a). Understanding how places have developed in the past provides the knowledge landscape managers need to move beyond simply regarding eultural landseapes as 'traditional', with no appreeiation of time-depth or historieal proeesses. Better information about past changes and previous landscape character will help them decide what types of change are most appropriate for the ftiture (Turner and Fairelough 2007; Bolos 2010). Our pilot study has shown the HLC method could be used to inform landscape research and other applieations in the eastern Mediterranean, just as it is in north-western Europe. Endnote 1. For examples of surveys incorporating Byzantine and post-Byzantine landscape survey in Greece see Davis 1991; Davies and Davis 2007; and Gregory 2010. Alcock 2007 and Terrenato 2007 provide a valuable overview of recent studies of the Greek and Roman countryside. Bintliff 2007 offers an assessment of the Greek

painted deeorations. More integrated foeus on the arehaeology of the Byzantine landscape has often been concerned with quite limited areas, such as parts of Macedonia, where it has been possible to combine field survey with the study of surviving documents, most often from great monastic estates. The value of sueh an approach has been demonstrated by Lefort (1985) and others, and it provides unique insights into the structure of rural communities. Nonetheless these studies restrict our knowledge of the Byzantine lands to a few isolated regions and more significantly date primarily from the 11 th century onwards. While we recognize the limitations of the written sourees for Naxos before the later middle ages, we eonsider that our research has demonstrated that through a eombination of HLC and retrogressive analysis it has been possible to reveal the greater diversity and time-depth apparent aeross the eomplex terraeed and enclosed landscapes of the island. The study of the insular landscapes formed part of a eombined exereise in applying HLC teehniques to two disparate parts of the Byzantine, Ottoman and eontemporary 'Aegean' world. In the Silivri study area (Crow and Turner 2009), the historieal reeord, espeeially over the past two eenturies, suggests a radical dislocation of populations; yet from the landscape study there are clear markers of surviving landscape components extending back over several centuries. By contrast the historieal and dmographie reeord on Naxos would imply a broad continuity over at least a millennium, revealed from our study through the time-depth apparent in the braided terraees in areas sueh as Aria, Raehi and Ano Sangri. Preeise chronology at this stage of our study still remains elusive, but a future programme of integrated field survey ineorporating the aneient olive trees and the unique eorpus of early medieval deeorated ehurehes offer vital clues for enhanced chronological resolution to understand the evolution of the historic and contemporary landscape.

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Characterizing the Historic Landscapes ofNaxos regional survey in a wider context. Intensive field survey has been less common in Turkey, though the territory of Sagalassos has been studied by Vanhaverbeke et al (2007). Current projects include surveys in the Gksu valley led by Hugh Elton (http://www.cofc.edu/-gap) and in the territory of Avkat led by John Haldon (http://www.princeton.edu/avkat). Acknowledgments The research for this project was undertaken with the assistance of an award from the Arts and Humanities Research Council (UK) as part of the Landscape and Environment Programme. We are grateful for the support and interest from a number of scbolars, in particular Malcolm WagstaflF, John Bintliff, Andrew Bevan and Ruth Makrides. Charalambos Pennas of the Byzantine Ephoria showed a generous interest in our research and David Alderson of the School of Civil Engineering and Ceosciences at Newcastle University provided valuable technical support.

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studied archaeology for his MA at the Institute of Archaeology, University College London, and for a PhD at the University of York. He has worked on methods for the characterization of historic landscapes and seascapes in Britain and Ireland, Europe and the Mediterranean. He is currently editor of Medieval Settlement Research and assistant editor of Landscape Research. Athanasios Vionis (BA University of Durham, PhD University of Leiden) is Lecturer in Byzantine Archaeology and Art in the Department of History and Archaeology, University of Cyprus. His research interests include the study of urban and rural landscapes and the material culture of the Byzantine/medieval and post-medieval Aegean. He has participated in archaeological fieldwork in Creece (Cyclades, Chios, Kythera, Zakynthos, Euboea, Achaea, Boeotia) and Turkey (Sagalassos), and he is currently Assistant Field Director of the Leiden Ancient Cities of Boeotia Project. His monograph A Crusader, Ottoman and Early Modern Aegean Archaeology is in press in the Archaeological Studies series, Leiden University Press.

About the Authors Jim Crow is Professor of Classical Archaeology and current Head of Archaeology at the University of Edinburgh. He studied at the Universities of Birmingham and Newcastle upon Tyne. He has directed excavations on Hadrian's Wall for the National Trust and previously taught Roman and Byzantine archaeology at Warwick and Newcastle universities. His main publications and research have been concerned with Roman and Byzantine frontiers and more recently with the hinterland and infrastructures of Byzantine Constantinople and the application of remote sensing technologies in collaboration with Istanbul Technical University. Sam Turner is Senior Lecturer in Archaeology in the School of Historical Studies, Newcastle University. His research interests include early medieval archaeology and landscape history. He
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