OTTOMAN STUDIES IN IRAN FARIBA ZARINEBAF-SHAHR The history of the Middle East in the early modern period was

profoundly shaped by inter-state conflicts, overlapping claims over the frontier regions of Azerbaijan, Iraq, and the Caucasus and religious tension between the Ottoman and Safavid states. Despite political and religious conflicts, which lasted for over two hundred years, the Ottoman high culture was deeply influenced by the Persianate administrative, literary, and artistic tradition during the classical period that lasted until the eighteenth century. In fact, this influence can be traced back to the Seljuk and Il-khanid periods when the political boundaries between Iran and Anatolia were fluid and subject to constant change1. The scholarship of Turkish and Iranian historians like Fuad Kprl, Halil Inalck, Faruk Smer, Bekir Ktkolu, aatay Uluay, Mnir Aktepe and Muhammad Amin Riyahi have contributed immensely to our understanding of Ottoman-Iranian relations2. The Iranian-Azerbaijani scholars due to their knowledge of both Turkish and Persian have been at the forefront of Ottoman studies in Iran. In a recent work entitled, Safarat namaha-yi Iran, Riyahi collected and translated from Ottoman into Persian the texts of five travelogues and two diplomatic reports on Iran by Ottoman diplomats like Drri Efendi (1720), Nazif Mustafa (1746), Rahmi Tatar (1747,Vehbi Snblzade (1775), Muhammad Rafi' (1807-08), and Es'ad Efendi (1825). This was the first attempt by an Iranian scholar to collect and present in a systematic and comprehensive manner the Ottoman view of Iranian affairs during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It probably prompted the Minstry of Foreign Affairs in Iran to publish its rich archives on

Fariba Zarinebaf-Shahr, Between Two Empires: Tabriz in the Early Modern Period, Leiden, E.J. Brill, manuscript in preparation. See also Idem, Tabriz Under Ottoman Rule, 1725-1730, Ph.D dissert. (University of Chicago, 1991); Idem, "Safavid renegades and Ottoman rebels: Refugees or pawns in inter-state rivalry," Halil Inalck Festschrift, Istanbul, Eren Publishers, forthcoming; Idem, "Diaspora (Iranian) in Turkey", Encyclopedia Iranica, vol. VII Costa Mesa, Mazda, 1995; Idem, "Qizilbash heresy and rebellion in Ottoman Anatolia during the sixteenth century," Anatolia Moderna VII Spring, 1997; Thierry Zarcone and Fariba Zarinebaf-Shahr, Les Iraniens dIstanbul, Louvain, Peeters, 1993; Idem, "The Ottoman administration of Shii waqfs in Azerbaijan," in Le Waqf Dans le Monde Musulman Contemporain (XIX- Xxe Sicle)ed. by Faruk Bilici, Istanbul, 1994. 2 Mehmed Fuad Kprl, The Seljuks of Anatolia, trans. by Gary Leiser, Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1992. Idem, Islam in Anatolia after the Turkish Invasion, trans. by Gary Leiser, Salt-Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1993; Faruk Smer, Safevi Devleti'nin Kuruluu ve Gelimesinde Anadolu Trklerinin Rol, Ankara, 1976; Bekir Ktkolu, Osmanl-Iran Siyasi Mnasebetleri, Istanbul, 1993; Halil Inalck, The Ottoman Empire, the Classical Period, 1300-1600, London; Phoenix, 1995; agatay Uluay, "Yavuz Sultan Selim nasl padiah oldu?", Tarih Dergisi VI/9 (1954): 53-90; VII/10(1954), 117-142; VIII/11-12 (1956), 185200;Mnir Aktepe, 1720-1724 Osmanl-Iran Mnasebetleri, Istanbul, 1970; Fahrettin Krzolu, Osmanllarn Kafkas-Ellerini Fethi (1451-1590), Ankara, TTK, 1993; Gkhan etinsaya, Ottoman Administration of Iraq, 1890-1908, Ph.D. dissert, University of Manchester, 1994; Muhammad Amin Riyahi, Safarat namaha-yi Iran, Tehran, 1989; Idem, Zaban ve adab-i Farsi dar galamraw-i Usmani (Tehran, 1990); Abdulhusayn Navi, Shah Tahmasp Safavi, Tehran, 1971; See Mir Jafaris contribution in this volume.

FARIBA ZARINEBAF-SHAHR

Ottoman-Qajar diplomatic relations in six volumes in 19903. This publication will be of tremendous help in understanding the frontier and border issues between the two states like trade, the status of Iranian pilgrims and the Shi'i holy places in Iraq during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Moreover, the works of western scholars like Bacqu-Grammont, Allouche and Olson to name a few, have shed much light on this important phase of Ottoman and Iranian history4. It would be very important to compare the approach of these historians at an international conference with their direct participation in the futur 5. The mining and publication of Ottoman chronicles and archival sources in Turkey have added a new dimension to our understanding of Ottoman-Iranian history. The collection of Mhimme Defterleri, Hatt- Hmayun, Cevdet Hariciye, Ahkam Defterleri in the Babakanlk archives offer a mine of information on the history of Ottoman-Iranian relations as well as the frontier provinces of Azerbaijan, Iraq, and the Caucasus6. We can safely state that only with the systematic study of both Iranian and Ottoman narrative and archival sources, we could gain a full knowledge of any aspect of the history of the Ottoman empire, Iran and the Middle East. Most of this scholarship has focused on the political and diplomatic aspects of the Ottoman and Safavid history based on contemporary narrative sources. Very little archival material has been incorporated to offer a social and economic analysis on an important chapter of world history. Moreover, the cultural and religious dimension of this interaction has been ignored by both Iranian and Turkish scholars until very recently7. The rest of this paper will emphasize the common cultural legacy shared by Iran and the Ottoman empire that can be traced back to the Seljuk period if not earlier. The Seljuk and the Mongol Il-khanid period played an important role in the formative history of the Ottoman empire and the Turkman dynasties in Iran. The Il-khanid administrative practices, historical writings, artistic tradition and religious tolerance provided models of imperial rule that were adopted by the subsequent Turko-Mongol dynasties in the Middle East. The Ottomans showed a keen interest in developing further this cultural heritage. The Il-khanid empire (1258-1334) with its capital in Tabriz
Daftar-i mutalit-i siyasi ve beynulmilali, Guzidah asnd-i siyasi-yi Iran ve Usmani (dawra-yi Qajar), 6 vols. Tehran,1990- 91. 4 Robert Olson, The Siege of Mosul and Ottoman-Persian Relations, 1718-1743, Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1975; Adel Allouche, The Origins and Development of Ottoman-Safavid Conflict, Berlin, 1983; Jean-Louis Bacqu-Grammont, Les Ottomans, Les Safavides et Leurs Voisin (1514-1524), Istanbul, 1987. For a recent collaboration on Safavid history see, Charles Melville (ed.) Safavid Persia : The History and Politics of an Islamic Society, London and New York, I.B. Tauris & Co., 1996. 5 For works by the former Soviet and Azerbaijani (Republic) scholars see, O. Efendiev, Obrazovanie Azerbaydjanskoyo Gosurdarstva Sefevidov v XVI veke, Baku, 1981; ahin Fazil Ferzelbeyli, Azerbaycan ve Osmanl Imperiyasi (XV-XVI eserler), Baku, 1999. See also their papers in this volume. A distinct difference between the Azerbaijani (Republic) and Iranian scholars is the former's approach to Safavid history as the national history of Azerbaijan . The Iranian Azerbaijani scholars have in general avoided this type of nationalist sentiment. This difference of approach was very evident on the panels on Safavid history at the Trk Tarih Kurumu conference in Ankara in October 1999. 6 Babakanlk Devlet Arivleri Genel Mdrl, Osmanl Devleti ile Azerbaycan Hanlklar Arasndaki Mnasebetlere Dair Ariv Belgeleri, 2 cilt, Ankara, 1992. 7 See Fariba Zarinebaf-Shahr, "Qizilbash heresy and rebellion . . ." ; Idem, "Economic activities of Safavid women in the Shrine city of Ardabil" Iranian Studies 31,2 Spring 1998: 247-261. On the impact of Iranian miniature painting on the Ottoman tradition see, Filiz aman and Zeren Tanindi, Topkap Saray Museum Islamic Miniature Painting, Istanbul, 1979.
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extended its central control to as far as Iraq and central Anatolia during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The rise of Anatolia as the commercial center of the east-west trade started under the late Seljuks and continued under the Il-khanids and the Ottomans. Furthermore, the Mongol imperial patronage gave rise to a strong cross-cultural interaction between the Islamic world, China, India and Europe. It produced the tradition of writing universal histories that placed a new emphasis on the role of Turkic tribes in the Islamic world. The use of Persian as the medium of most of these historical narratives gave a new stimulus to its literary development. Ghazan Khan (1295-1304) commissioned his minister Rashid ad-Din to undertake an important project of putting together with teh help of Mongol, Turkish and Chinese informers, a grandiose world history of the Mongols and Turks from their origins to the end of the reign of Ghazan Khan. The original illustrated manuscript was composed at the library atelier of Tabriz taht took ten years to be completed. It included Chinese handscroll paintings by Iranian and Chinese artists that was influened heavily by Chinese landscape painting, cloud formation, rocks and mountains, flowers and trees, dragons and Chinese costumes. The cultural production commissioned by Ghazan Khan and his minister Rashid ad-Din achieved such a massive scale that the subsequent Timurid, Ottoman and Safavid models must be viewed as the continuity of the same tradition established first in the scriptorium of Tabriz in the fourteenth century. The grandiose scale of cultural production reminiscent of the Il-khanids was reproduced under the Timurids, the Safavids, and the Ottomans8. Although Tabriz never regained its status as the capital of the Il-khanid empire, the rise of the Ottoman empire in the west contributed to the growing importance of this city. Prior to the rise of the Shi'i Safavid state, a great deal of cultural and commercial contact existed between the Ottoman empire and Iran. The western borders of the Aqquyunlu state stretched far into Anatolia al the way to Erzincan, Amid and Ruha. The Qizilbash movement itself originated in Anatolia and northern Syria, while the Safavid order in Azerbaijan first established during the Il-khanid rule, propagated their version of Shi'ism among the Turkman tribes in Anatolia and Azerbaijan. Moreover, the Aqqoyunlu ruler, Uzun Hasan (1457-1578) entertained his own imperial ambitions to conquer the Ottoman empire and make Tabriz a rival city to Istanbul. His defeat at the hands of Mehmed the Conqueror (1444, 1451-1481) during the battle of Bakent put an end to his dreams in 14749. Many Iranian prisoners of war were captured by Mehmed during this battle and found their way eventually to Amasya and Istanbul where they entered the Ottoman service. The spread of Persianate language and art under Bayezid II ( 1481-1512) can be traced to the activities of the first group of Iranian prizoners of war. According to Titley, the Ottoman painting during the fifteenth century fall into two different categories, first the romantic Persian style influenced by the Tabriz, Herat and Shriaz schools and secondly the distinct Ottoman tradition of realism10. The Persianate influence gained ground with the flow of artists and illustrated manuscripts from Tabriz, Herat and Shiraz to Istanbul in the sixteenth century. The Tabriz school constituted the middle link
Fariba Zarinebaf-Shahr, Between two Empires . . . forthcoming. John E. Woods, The Aqquyunlu: Clan, Confederation, Empire, Minneapolis and Chicago, Bibliotheca Islamica, 1976. 10 Norah M. Titley, Persian Miniature Painting and its Reflection on the Art of Turkey and India, Austin, University of Texas Press, ?.
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FARIBA ZARINEBAF-SHAHR

between Heart and Istanbul during the sixteenth century. The Chinese motifs developed further in the early Safavid period. The early Safavid paintings represented an important synthesis between the Turkman and Timurid traditions. The special mark of the Tabriz school was the detailed surface decoration in rich colors and refined workmanship. The Ottoman court painting during the reigns of Bayezid II and Selim I was heavily influenced by the work of painters from Tabriz, particularly noticeable in the illustrated manuscripts produced during the Suleymanic period. During the first half of the sixteenth century, the presence of Iranian and Tabrizi diaspora craftsmen, artists, calligraphers and illuminators in the Ottoman capital and the palace workshop influenced the development of Ottoman art particularly miniature painting and manuscript illustration. Dickson and Welch also underlined the influence of Tabriz and Heart in Ottoman miniature painting. They attributed it to the close interaction between he Tabrizi and Ottoman artists in the Nakashane of Topkap Saray11. They also emphasized the impact of the Shah Tahmasp Shahname on the late sixteenth century Ottoman painting, particularly in the treatment of trees, flowers, clouds, and birds in several Hnername miniatures. But the realism of Ottoman paintings with their documentary content set them apart from their romantic Persian models. The Persianate influence on Ottoman art was further enhanced by the growing number of illustrated manuscripts at the Topkapi palace collection that came from Iran as booty and royal gifts sent with Persian embassies by Shah Tahmasp I (1524-1576) and Shah Abbas I(1588-1629) in 1568, 1576 and 1619. The well known Shah Tahmasp Shahname was produced under Ismail I(1501-1524) and his successor Tahmasp I in the atelier of Tabriz. It arrived to Istanbul together with other gifts sent by Tahmasp I in 1568. It contained two hundred and fifty eight paintings by more than fifteen known artists like Bihzad, Sultan Muhammad, Mir Musavvir, etc. It was the largest scale illustrated Shahname ever produced in Iran. Its wide reception by the Ottoman and Iranian artists in the royal atelier in Istanbul indicated the growing dissemination of Persianate art in the Ottoman Empire during the sixteenth century12. The arrival of Persian embassies to Istanbul led to public spectacles and ceremonies. They gathered a large and curious crowd eager to discover the long and colorful array of gifts from Iran and the latest fashion worn by the handsome and well-attired Safavid envoys. The illustrated manuscripts of classical Persian literature were taken to the place workshops and some eventually found their way to the bridal trousseaus of Ottoman princesses and the households of Ottoman ruling class. The palace artists eagerly awaited the arrival of the latest examples of Persian manuscripts and albums and the Safavid rulers were certainly aware of the fine Ottoman taste for things Persian. The presence of an active Iranian literati in Istanbul and among the courtly intellectual circles enhanced this trend further13. The Persian language was used a s medium of historical narratives, commentaries on Sufis, music and sciences by Ottoman authors. The court of Prince Bayezid II (14811512) in Amasya was a center of artistic and literary activities. Sultan Bayezid II himself was a great admirer of Persian art and literature. He was in correspondence with the great
11 12

M.B. Dickson and S.C. Welch, The Haughton Shahnameh, 2 vols., Cambridge and London, 1981. Zarinebaf-Shahr, Between Two Empires ... 13 Ibid.

OTTOMAN STUDIES IN IRAN

Iranian poet, Jami and composed a divan of Persian poetry. Furthermore, Persian models inspired the Ottoman tradition of court historiography. According to Fleischer, the first commissioned Ottoman history was written by Idris Bidlisi (d. 1520), who was an Iranian official at the Aqquyunly court and fled to the Ottoman empire14. The post of the official Shahnameci was established by Sleyman and was filled regularly by historians of Iranian origin. According to the same author, the campaigns of Murad III (1574-95) in the Caucasus and Azerbaijan gave rise to another influx of Iranians into the ranks of the military and the bureaucracy causing resentment among the old Ottoman guard against the foreign intrusion from the east (acemiler). The religious polarization between the Sunni Ottomans and the Shii Safavids exacerbated political and social tensions in the frontier provinces on both sides. It gave rise to waves of political refugees from both states and undermined urban life in these regions. Interestingly enough, the dissemination of the Persianate cultural tradition in the Ottoman empire took place through the presence of an Iranian diaspora community in Istanbul during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The material remains of this lively and prolific artistic and intellectual interaction between the Iranians and the Ottomans reflect a shared cultural and artistic idiom that crossed religious and political boundaries on both sides.

Cornell H. Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire, the Historian Mustafa li, Princeton, Princeton University Press,1986, 239.

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