Gender differences in the job satisfaction of university teachers

Titus Oshagbemi

The author Titus Oshagbemi is a Lecturer at The Queen's University of Belfast, Belfast, UK. Keywords Gender, United Kingdom, Job satisfaction, Academic staff, Higher education Abstract In recent years there has been a substantial rise in the number of women entering the work force. One consequence of this trend is that it has generated considerable interest in the relationship between gender and job satisfaction. The objective of this study was to investigate the effects of gender on the job satisfaction of UK academics. A questionnaire including several demographic questions such as gender, rank and age was administered to 1,102 university teachers. A total of 554 responses was received, giving a response rate of 50.3 per cent. The results indicated that gender does not affect the job satisfaction of university teachers directly. However, the interaction effect of gender and rank was statistically significant (p < 0.05). Overall, female academics at higher ranks namely, senior lecturers, readers and professors, were more satisfied with their jobs than male academics of comparable ranks. The implications of this finding and other results are explored. Electronic access The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at http://www.emerald-library.com

Women in Management Review Volume 15 . Number 7 . 2000 . pp. 331343 # MCB University Press . ISSN 0964-9425

Job satisfaction is a heavily researched area of inquiry. Locke (1976) estimated that, as of 1976, about 3,350 articles or dissertations had been written on the topic. In 1992, Cranny et al. suggested that more than 5,000 studies of job satisfaction have been published. In a more recent estimate, Oshagbemi (1996) suggested that if a count of relevant articles and dissertations was made, Locke's estimate, made only 20 years earlier, would probably be doubled. As a result of many decades of effort by social scientists, there appears to be a high level of agreement among them on the meaning of the construct of job satisfaction. Typically, job satisfaction is conceptualised as a general attitude toward an object, the job. For example, the definitions given by Lofquist and Dawis (1969, p. 53), Porter et al. (1975, pp. 53-4), Locke and Henne (1986, p. 21) are a few illustrations of several others that are consistent with the general construct stated above. The definitions given by these authors are similar to the one offered by Locke (1976, p. 1300) who defined job satisfaction as ``a pleasurable or positive emotional state, resulting from the appraisal of one's job experiences''. There are, of course, a few but largely unimportant differences to the general construct. Wanous and Lawler (1972, pp. 95105) discussed these variations. In general, therefore, job satisfaction refers to an individual's positive emotional reactions to a particular job. It is an affective reaction to a job that results from the person's comparison of actual outcomes with those that are desired, anticipated or deserved. The topic of job satisfaction is an important one because of its relevance to the physical and mental well being of employees, i.e. job satisfaction has relevance for human health. Work is an important aspect of people's lives and most people spend a large part of their working lives at work. An understanding of the factors involved in job satisfaction is relevant to improving the well being of a significant number of people. While the pursuit of the improvement of satisfaction is of humanitarian value, Smith and others stated that ``trite as it may seem, satisfaction is a legitimate goal in itself'' (Smith et al., 1969, p. 3). The topic of job satisfaction is also important because of its implications for job related behaviours such as productivity, absenteeism or turnover. Therefore, apart from its humanitarian utility, it appears to

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make economic sense to consider whether and how job satisfaction can be improved.

Objectives of the present study

Statistics in the UK show that women have become increasingly economically active and this trend is projected to continue. For example, whereas in 1971, women made up 37 per cent of the civilian labour force, this rose to 44 per cent in 1993 and it is estimated to reach 46 per cent in 2006 (Church, 1995, p. 65). The increase in economic activity rates by women is correlated with economic and social changes such as falling birth rates. In the universities, however, women account for only about 22 per cent of the full time academic staff as of 1993 (Church, 1995, p. 66). The percentage of women in academia is thus only half of the percentage of women in overall employment. One interesting question is whether women academics are, at least, as satisfied with their jobs when compared with their male counterparts? This paper attempts to answer this question and addresses the effects of gender on the job satisfaction of UK academics. The study also investigates the impact of gender differences on three aspects of the university teachers' job, namely: satisfaction levels with pay, promotions and physical conditions/working facilities. While there are numerous publications on job satisfaction there has been relatively little on the job satisfaction of university teachers in general and very little still on the job satisfaction of UK academics in particular (Oshagbemi, 1996; Ward and Sloane, 1998). Furthermore, research on gender differences of university teachers are very few indeed, despite the plethora of research on the topic of job satisfaction.

Literature review
As a preliminary review of the literature on job satisfaction, the researcher assessed the database held by the Institute of Scientific Information for relevant publications on the topic. Invoking the Social Sciences Citation Index on ``Job Satisfaction'' between 19811999, the findings revealed that as many as 1,085 publications were recorded in the 19 years for which data were available. When the

search focused on studies of job satisfaction where teachers were the subjects, 55 publications were recorded. The review at this stage included all teachers primary and secondary school teachers, as well as teachers in tertiary institutions all over the world. When job satisfaction studies relating to university teachers were specifically sought, the Institute of Scientific Information Social Sciences Database revealed that there was none between 1981 and 1999. In fact, teachers at all levels do not appear to attract much attention from researchers, as the information from data reported by Oshagbemi (1996, p. 391), suggests. In the source referred to, less than 5 per cent of the reported studies concern teachers. In the same source, other justifications for studying the job satisfaction of university teachers, in addition to the fact that they are an under researched group, have been adequately discussed (Oshagbemi, 1996, pp. 389-90). Several researchers have examined the relationship between job satisfaction and gender (see, for example, Mottaz, 1986; Goh et al., 1991; Mason, 1995). However, the results of the many studies concerning the relationship between job satisfaction and the sex of the employees have been contradictory. While some studies have found women to be more satisfied than men (Bartol and Wortman, 1975; Murray and Atkinson, 1981; Sloane and Williams, 1996; Clark, 1996, 1997; Ward and Sloane, 1998), other studies have found men to be more satisfied than women (Hulin and Smith, 1964; Weaver, 1974; Shapiro and Stern, 1975; Forgionne and Peeters, 1982). It is important to observe, however, that most of the studies in this area report no significant differences between the sexes in relation to job satisfaction, particularly when a number of other variables were statistically controlled (Brief et al., 1977; Golembiewski, 1977; Weaver, 1978; Smith and Plant, 1982; Mottaz, 1986). One common explanation for the different level of work satisfaction sometimes reported for men and women is that women have different expectations with regard to work (Campbell et al., 1976). It was revealed that careers were of central importance to men but not as important to women (Kuhlen, 1963). Research has suggested that men and women may use qualitatively different criteria in their assessment of work. From this perspective, job satisfaction is seen to be an emotional

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response resulting from the interaction of work rewards and work values. The greater the perceived congruence between rewards and values, the greater the job satisfaction; the greater the perceived discrepancy, the less the satisfaction. Centres and Bugental (1966) have reported other differences. Their research suggested that women placed more value on the social factors of a job than did men, and that men valued the opportunity for self-expression in their work more than did women. Schuler (1975) found that the females in his study valued the opportunities to work with pleasant employees more than males, whereas males regarded the opportunities to influence important decisions and direct the work of others as more important. There is much evidence to support the hypothesis that men and women may differ in terms of work related values (Keith and Glass, 1977; McCarney et al., 1977; Jurgensen, 1978). Job satisfaction is therefore seen by some people to be a function of what is expected and what is received. Thus if one expects little and gets little, one will be satisfied. At the same time, if one expects a lot and gets a lot, one will also be satisfied. However, if one expects a lot but gets little, one will be dissatisfied. The basic argument is that although women receive less from their jobs than men do, they have lower expectations and hence perceive themselves as being just as satisfied as men. A study by Murray and Atkinson (1981) investigated this argument. They reasoned that if the expectancy notion was correct then women should be more satisfied than men if job level and work rewards are held constant. Their findings supported this hypothesis. In this vein, in a recent study by the Association of University Teachers (Kinman, 1998, p. 17), there were significant gender differences recorded in perceived job satisfaction. Male respondents, on average, reported that they gained less satisfaction from their jobs compared with the females. Result from a study by Weaver (1977) also supports the hypothesis that gender and job satisfaction is unrelated when the effects of other variables are controlled. Findings from a report by Forgionne and Peeters (1982) similarly suggest that other factors may be involved in the relationship between gender and job satisfaction, such as the number of

dependants in a family and the level of management position held in the workplace. Witt and Nye (1992) evaluated potential gender differences among 12,979 personnel in 30 different organisational systems in: . correlations between fairness and job satisfaction scores; and . standardised group differences in the perceived amounts of pay and promotion fairness and expressed levels of facet and global job satisfaction. The fairness-satisfaction relationship was not higher for men, and there were no practical differences in fairness perceptions and job satisfaction between men and women. However, Mwamwenda (1997) shows that in a stratified random sample in South Africa, while both male and female teachers expressed a considerable degree of job satisfaction, the general trend was that there were more male teachers expressing job satisfaction than was generally the case with female teachers. This finding lends support to studies carried out in Japan and Germany in which it was shown that more men than women enjoyed teaching as a profession (Lissmann and Gigerich, 1990; Ninomiya and Okato, 1990). Inconsistencies in findings concerning the relationship between gender and job satisfaction may, therefore, be due to a variety of factors. Not only might males and females in the same organisations differ in job level, promotion prospects, pay and so on, they may differ in the extent to which the same job satisfies their needs. A job high on social satisfaction but low on skill utilisation and career prospects may result in higher job satisfaction for females than for males, whereas in occupations allowing little scope for social relationships, the differences in satisfaction might be in the opposite direction. Given the overall results from these studies, it is apparent that when other variables are taken into account, there is very little evidence to suggest that gender directly influences job satisfaction. There is no compelling reason to believe that given equal education, employment and advancement opportunities, and an equal chance to apply their skills to appropriate challenges, women should be any less satisfied than men with their jobs. From the 1950s to date, therefore, the findings regarding gender differences in job

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satisfaction have been inconsistent (DeSantis and Durst, 1996; Hickson and Oshagbemi, 1999). The current investigation examines the effects of gender on the job satisfaction of university teachers, an occupational group yet to be extensively researched although a substantial proportion, if not the bulk, of research activities is undertaken by them (Oshagbemi, 1995).

Table I Breakdown of respondents by gender, rank and age Overall job satisfaction score 4.206 4.220 4.118 4.283 4.327 4.484 4.173 4.196 4.208 4.290

Frequency

(%) 60.8 39.2 55.2 31.6 4.5 8.7 14.3 35.0 36.8 13.9

Gender Male Female Rank Lecturer Senior lecturer Reader Professor Age Less than 35 35 to 44 45 to 54 At least 55

337 217 306 175 25 48 79 194 204 77

Methodology
To investigate the effects of gender on the job satisfaction of university teachers, the following research methodology was employed in the study. Sample A questionnaire survey was conducted in 1994. The population for this study comprised university teachers in the UK. A total of 1,102 questionnaires was administered to potential respondents chosen from 23 universities. The universities were selected to include sample institutions from all the regions of the country. A total of 554 usable questionnaires was returned giving a response rate of 50.3 percent. The names of the potential respondents were obtained from the Commonwealth Universities Yearbook (1993). Of the 554 usable responses, 306 (55.2 per cent) were from lecturers, 175 (31.6 per cent) were from senior lecturers, 25 (4.5 per cent) were from readers, and 48 (8.7 per cent) were from professors. Similarly, 217 (39.2 per cent) responses were from females while 337 (60.8 per cent) responses were from males. Table I shows a breakdown of respondents by, gender, rank and age. Questionnaire To measure job satisfaction, a questionnaire comprising a slightly modified form of the Job Descriptive Index (Smith et al., 1969, 1985) and some demographic questions was constructed. The job elements in the study are consistent with findings on the measurement of job satisfaction (Wanous and Lawler, 1972; Giles and Field, 1978; Schneider and Dachler, 1978; Kulik et al., 1980; Scarpello and Campbell, 1983; Loher et al., 1985; Clark et al., 1996; Oshagbemi, 1997a, b, c; 1998, 1999a, b; 2000a, b). The Job Descriptive Index is one of the most popular measures of job satisfaction and has

Notes: Overall job satisfaction score for all respondents: 4.212; standard deviation: 0.798

been found to produce highly reliable results (Imparato, 1972). The questionnaire used in this study employed eight scales designed to measure satisfaction with respect to different components of university teachers' overall job satisfaction, namely: (1) teaching; (2) research; (3) administrative and managerial duties; (4) present pay; (5) opportunities for promotion; (6) supervision/supervisor behaviour; (7) co-workers' behaviour; (8) physical conditions/working facilities. Each item in the scale was measured from a range of (1) representing extremely dissatisfied to (7) representing extremely satisfied. Thus (4) represented indifference, i.e. neither satisfied nor dissatisfied. Conceptually the indifference zone, 4, represents zero satisfaction. Thus 5, 6, 7 recordings represent positive satisfaction, the higher the number, the greater the satisfaction level. Similarly, 1, 2, 3 recordings represent negative satisfaction, the lower the number, the greater the level of dissatisfaction. The total of the eight scales gives a summary measure of overall job satisfaction. The demographic questions included gender and satisfaction with aspects of job. Questions on age and rank were asked, to see whether the relationship between gender and job satisfaction is moderated by age or rank. The

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present study discusses academics' overall job satisfaction and their satisfaction with their pay, promotions, and physical conditions/ working facilities. Statistical methods To study the effect of gender on the job satisfaction of university teachers, as well as the effects of age and rank, a three-way analysis of variance, i.e. three-way ANOVA, was performed (Edwards, 1979; Bray and Maxwell, 1985; Iversen and Norpoth, 1987). This analysis was used as the job satisfaction scales do not wildly violate the assumptions of Gaussian distribution and homogeneity of variance between cells. The direct effects of gender, age and rank, and all the interactive effects among gender, age and rank were investigated. Not only overall job satisfaction in relation to gender was investigated, but also satisfaction with present pay, promotions, and physical conditions/working facilities in relation to gender. Descriptive statistics were also computed to examine the overall job satisfaction levels across the different classifications of university teachers. In addition, histograms showing the nature of relationships between gender and overall satisfaction and between gender and satisfaction with present pay, promotions, and the physical conditions/working facilities, were presented to depict the nature of these relationships graphically.

Results and discussion

As can be seen from Table I, female university teachers are marginally more satisfied with their jobs when compared with their male counterparts. The overall job satisfaction score was 4.220 for females versus 4.206 for males. It can also be observed from the table that overall job satisfaction score increases with rank and with age. Thus, lecturers are least satisfied with their jobs, with overall job satisfaction score of 4.118, followed by senior lecturers (4.283), and readers (4.327), with professors being the most satisfied with overall job satisfaction score of 4.484. Similarly, the overall job satisfaction score of academics who were less than 35 years of age was 4.173 and the score rises progressively to 4.290 for academics who were at least 55 years of age (refer to Table I for the details).

These findings are interesting because they suggest that women in academia are marginally more satisfied with their jobs vis-a vis their male counterparts and that job satisfaction in the academic community increases with rank and with age. However, these tentative findings remain to be confirmed by more rigorous analyses designed to test whether the reported differences between the sexes, ranks and ages are statistically significant. A further breakdown of the overall job satisfaction scores of the different ranks of university teachers by gender and age group is provided in Table II. Although it is difficult to extract findings from the three-way cross tabulation, it is clear that there was no male or female university teacher, who was less than 35 years of age, and who was a reader or a professor. It is interesting to note that there was no female academic in the sample who was a reader and the three female professors record overall job satisfaction scores much higher than the average, not only for their male counterparts, but also for the overall sample. Could this observation suggest that female professors are more satisfied with their jobs compared with their male counterparts? Table III shows ANOVA results for overall job satisfaction and satisfaction with pay, promotions and physical conditions/working facilities, which exist in UK universities. For direct effects on overall job satisfaction, age and gender are not statistically significant but rank is (p < 0.021). Hence, there is evidence to show that job satisfaction of university teachers is dependent on rank after allowing for age and gender. For interactive effects, only the interaction of gender and rank is statistically significant (p < 0.012). That is, although gender by itself is not significantly related to job satisfaction, it is significant when compared together with the rank of university teachers. The ANOVA results of the interactive effects of gender and rank are presented graphically in Figure 1. Please note that only the results for the variables gender and interactions with age and/or rank are discussed, as these are the focus of this paper. From the histogram (Figure 1), it can be seen that both male and female lecturers are about equally satisfied, while female academics experienced higher satisfaction levels than their male counterparts for the ranks of senior lecturer, reader and professor. In essence, the findings show that female

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Table II Overall job satisfaction score, by categories Age Lecturers 4.188 4.253 3.781 4.016 4.091 4.169 4.108 4.215 3.941 4.133 Senior lecturers 4.188 4.212 4.425 4.422 4.338 4.031 4.168 4.228 4.429 4.245 Readers 3.938 4.250 4.563 4.213 Professors 5.750a 5.125a 5.125a 5.333 4.458 4.357 4.513 4.416 All types 4.193 4.275 4.129 4.272 4.220 4.155 4.138 4.249 4.285 4.206

Female academics Less than 35 5 to 44 45 to 54 At least 55 All age groups Male academics Less than 35 35 to 44 45 to 54 At least 55 All age groups

Note: aOnly one valid case; No responses in this category

Table III ANOVA results: overall job satisfaction and satisfaction with present pay, promotions, and physical conditions/working facilities Aspect of job Source: Age Gender Rank Gender6age Gender6rank Age6rank Gender6rank6age df 4 1 4 6 6 7 7 Overall job F value Pr > F 0.228 0.037 2.925 0.453 2.976 0.791 0.575 0.923 0.848 0.021 0.843 0.012** 0.595 0.776 Present pay F value Pr > F 1.095 7.634 6.378 2.927 3.938 2.920 1.668 0.358 0.006*** 0.000 0.008*** 0.001*** 0.005 0.115 Promotions F value Pr > F 0.437 0.091 23.699 0.868 12.697 6.622 1.442 0.782 0.763 0.000 0.518 0.000*** 0.000 0.187 Physical conditions/ working facilities F value Pr > F 1.577 4.634 2.198 1.443 2.077 1.570 1.935 0.179 0.032** 0.068 0.196 0.054* 0.142 0.063*

Notes: *p < 0.10; **p < 0.05; ***p < 0.01; Please note that only significant effects involving gender are indicated as such; overall job satisfaction was defined as the mean of the summation of the individual job satisfaction measures, i.e. satisfaction levels in (teaching + research + administration and management + present pay + promotions + head of unit's supervision + co-workers' behaviour + physical conditions/ working facilities)/8

academics of senior lecturer rank and above are more satisfied than their male counterparts of comparable ranks. In the
Figure 1 Histogram of ANOVA results: gender x rank

professorial rank, the differences between the job satisfaction of males and females are considerable (overall mean job satisfaction score of 5.000 versus 3.946). One reason suggested for this result is the relatively few numbers of female workers in top academic ranks. Thus, the few female readers and professors may see themselves as exceptionally gifted and hardworking in their disciplines, that feeling explaining their greater job satisfaction. However, the number of female professors in this survey requires caution in making categorical statements that they are more satisfied with their job vis-a -vis their male counterparts. Table III also shows ANOVA results for satisfaction with present pay, promotions and physical conditions/working facilities, which exist in universities. It is interesting to note that on pay satisfaction, gender, the 336

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interactive effect of gender and age, and the interactive effect of gender and rank are all statistically significant (p < 0.01). It shows that the pay satisfaction of university teachers is greatly influenced by gender and the interactions of gender with age or rank. Figure 2 confirms that female satisfaction with pay is higher than that of the males (pay satisfaction score of 3.289 for males versus a figure of 3.599 for females). It is interesting to observe that the women are more satisfied with their pay compared with the men although their salaries may not be higher. If so, their satisfaction may be explained by their role in the family, especially if they are not the sole or the primary income earners. Additionally, for female professors, there is the positive psychological dimension to the formal and informal, monetary and nonmonetary opportunities which higher rank bestows on incumbents, who, in this case, are few. With satisfactions derived from promotions, the interactive effect of gender and rank is statistically significant (p < 0.01). This means that while gender alone does not explain job satisfaction with respect to promotions (promotion satisfaction score of 3.363 for males versus 3.364 for females, as shown in Figure 2), gender and rank together reveal some significant results on this aspect of their job (see Figure 1). In particular, women at higher ranks are very satisfied with promotions in their establishments. Again,
Figure 2 Histogram showing the nature of relationships between gender and overall satisfaction and between gender and satisfaction with present pay, promotions and physical conditions/working facilities which exist in UK universities

this could be as a result of the fact that there are only a few of them at top positions compared with the men. It should also be noted, however, that pay and promotions are related in the sense that promotions (higher rank) mean higher pay, other things being equal. Satisfaction derived from physical conditions/working facilities is statistically significant with respect to gender, the interactive effect of gender and rank, and the combined interactive effect of gender, rank and age (refer to Table III). The findings are hardly surprising as some women tend to be more concerned than the men with the quality of their physical work environment and the adequacy of their working facilities. Thus they tend to be less satisfied compared with the men on this consideration, as depicted in Figure 2. Here, the overall job satisfaction score of women on physical conditions/ working facilities is 4.097. This compares with a similar figure of 4.411 for men. On this consideration, while the men tend to be relatively nonchalant, women tend to pay attention to the adequacy of the working facilities and an attractive work environment. This explains the observed significant differences in the satisfaction levels of the sexes. Please note that the impact of gender on the other five aspects of the university teachers' job are not considered in this article, to avoid making the discussions unduly long. Figure 2 depicts graphically the nature of relationships between gender and overall satisfaction and between gender and satisfaction with present pay, promotions, and physical conditions/working facilities, which exist in UK universities. From the figure, female academics are only marginally more satisfied with their overall jobs when compared with their male counterparts, while the two sexes are about equally dissatisfied with their promotions. Hence there were no significant differences between the sexes on these two considerations (refer to Table III). On their pay, however, the female academics are more satisfied than the males, while the females are less satisfied with physical conditions/working facilities which exist in their organisations when compared with the male academics. The findings on satisfaction with pay and physical conditions/working facilities are presented in the ANOVA results in Table III. Here, gender difference is statistically

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significant on pay (p < 0.01). From Figure 2, we know that the female satisfaction with pay is higher than that of the males. From Figure 2 also, we know that it is the female academics who are less satisfied with the physical conditions/working environments when compared with their male counterparts and that the differences in job satisfaction levels between the two sexes are statistically significant. The tables and figures are therefore complementary in explaining not only the overall job satisfaction score of the teachers, but also their satisfaction with individual aspects of their jobs, namely, pay, promotions and physical conditions/working facilities.

Summary, conclusions and implications

This study examined gender differences in the job satisfaction of UK university teachers and found from the frequency distribution that female and male academics were more or less equally satisfied with their jobs. The differences between the overall job satisfaction scores of males versus females are not significant when a three-way ANOVA was employed in the analysis. The multivariate statistical analysis showed that, on the effects of gender on job satisfaction, gender by itself does not affect job satisfaction, consistent with the findings of, for example, Gaertner and Ruhe (1983), Senatra (1988) and Larkin (1990). However, within certain ranks, gender does affect the job satisfaction of university teachers. In particular, within the ranks of senior lecturer, reader and professor, female academics were more satisfied with their jobs when compared with males of comparable ranks. That female academics at higher ranks find themselves more satisfied than their male colleagues of comparable ranks may be due, in part, to the relatively low numbers of female academics at higher ranks within UK universities. It was observed in the introduction of this article that overall, female academics are only about 22 per cent of the full time academic staff as of 1993 (Church, 1995, p. 66). In addition, it was reported recently that just 7 per cent of professors in the UK are women (Times Higher Education Supplement, 1998). This compares with 18 per cent in the USA and 14 per cent in Australia. Indeed only 3 per cent of UK science

professors are female, according to the source cited. In conclusion, it should be stated that our results show the associative relationship between gender (as well as rank and age) and job satisfaction but they do not suggest cause-effect relationship. This limitation suggests some possible directions for future research. It is interesting to investigate how and why gender, among other factors, affectcs job satisfaction. It will be useful if gender and other effects can be quantified, as this will enhance the current literature on job satisfaction. It is hoped that this study can contribute towards the literature on job satisfaction of university teachers. There appear to be no direct effects of gender on such satisfaction. Whatever effects there are, they are a factor of the university teacher's rank. Perhaps since the data collected were on the basis of a 1994 sample, it is useful to state that a follow-up study may now reveal some changes in higher education statistics and therefore possible changes in the job satisfaction of the workers. A fairly comprehensive picture of the university's job satisfaction given in this article reveals that although gender is not by itself related to overall job satisfaction of university teachers, gender is directly related to their pay satisfaction and to the satisfaction of their physical conditions/working facilities. The general implications of the findings on job satisfaction in higher education are well documented (Oshagbemi, 1996). Such implications reflect on the nature of higher education in the UK, the changing work practices or conditions of work for academics, the growth of contract teaching and research staff, the abolition of the binary divide, expansion of student numbers, university funding crisis and introduction of systems to monitor performance. While both male and female workers experience changing working conditions, female academics of senior lecturer rank and above appear to be more satisfied overall in coping with the conditions of work.

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Abstracts from the wider literature

``Gender differences in the job satisfaction of university teachers''

roles, were the main influence on how both men and women judged their jobs occupational position being the most important factor. Survey/Theoretical with application in practice Research implications: *** Practice implications: ** Originality: ** Readability: ** Total number: ********* Reference: 29AE975 Cost: 18 (plus VAT)

The following abstracts from the wider literature have been selected for their special relevance to the preceding article. The abstracts extend the themes and discussions of the main article and act as a guide to further reading. Each abstract is awarded 0-3 stars for each of four features: (1) Depth of research (2) Value in practice (3) Originality of thinking (4) Readability for non-specialists. The full text of any article may be ordered from the Anbar Library. Contact Debbie Brannan, Anbar Library, 60/62 Toller Lane, Bradford, UK BD8 9BY. Telephone: (44) 1274 785227; Fax: (44) 1274 785204; E-mail: dbrannan@mcb.co.uk quoting the reference number shown at the end of the abstract.

The effect of age on the satisfaction of academics with teaching and research
Hickson, C. and Oshagbemi, T. in International Journal of Social Economics (UK), 1999, Vol. 26 No. 4, p. 537 (8 pages) Studies the relationship between age and job satisfaction in academics using regression analysis to test data on UK university teachers. Looks in particular at the effects of academic experience, university tenure, rank and gender. Discovers that in teaching job satisfaction decreases with age, teaching staff reaching a constant low in later years, while for research staff age affects job satisfaction positively but at a decreasing rate, the over45s achieving the maximum job satisfaction. Also notes that job satisfaction in both teaching and research increases with rank and that women are generally more satisfied than men. Wholly theoretical Research implications: ** Practice implications: ** Originality: *** Readability: ** Total number: ********* Reference: 28AF150 Cost: 24 (plus VAT)

``Gender'' or ``job'' differences? Working conditions among men and women in white-collar occupations
Emslie, C., Hunt, K. and Macintyre, S. in Work Employment & Society (UK), Dec 1999, Vol. 13 No. 4, p. 711 (19 pages) Surveys white-collar workers in a UK bank and a university to find out if there are any differences in the way that male and female employees, working in similar occupations, perceive their working conditions, and to understand if gender or the occupational position affects this. Asks about the physical environment; how stimulating and varied the employees found their jobs; and the levels of stress and tiredness felt. Analyses the results and finds that the men scored significantly higher than the women on lack of 'job stimulation' whereas significantly more women reported poor working conditions. Considers the reasons for these results and concludes that the characteristics of the job, rather than external factors such as family

Sex differences in satisfaction with pay and co-workers: faculty and staff at a public institution of higher education
Tang, T.L.-P. and Talpade, M. in Public Personnel Management (USA), Autumn 1999, Vol. 28 No. 3, p. 345 (5 pages) Briefly reviews previous research that has found differences between men and women in the factors that contribute to their feelings of job satisfaction. Summarizes research with

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232 faculty and staff members of a US public university (response rate 47 per cent), which measured job satisfaction in five categories work, pay, promotion, supervision and coworkers and which looked at how the male and female respondents rated these categories. Finds that the male respondents had higher satisfaction with pay, while the female respondents had higher satisfaction with co-workers. Considers the implications of this for managing employees' job satisfaction. Theoretical with application in practice Research implications: ** Practice implications: ** Originality: ** Readability: ** Total number: ******** Reference: 28BB297 Cost: 12 (plus VAT)

Theoretical with application in practice/ Survey Research implications: *** Practice implications: ** Originality: * Readability: ** Total number: ******** Reference: 27AK453 Cost: 24 (plus VAT)

Men's and women's definitions of ``good jobs'': similarities and differences by age and across time
Tolbert, P.S. and Moen, P. in Work & Occupations (USA), May 98, Vol. 25 No. 2, p. 168 (27 pages) Looks at whether men and women prefer certain jobs in the light of theories that suggest that women's disadvantages in the labour market, in terms of wages and status, are a matter of choice rather than discrimination. Points out that previous studies on this subject have failed to consider the impact of age and time on job preferences, and argues that it is logical that people's attitudes may vary at different time in their careers and at different periods in time. Uses data from the US General Social Survey to explore the job characteristics that married men and women, working full-time, value most. Finds only partial support for the hypothesis that men are more likely to value high income, job security and promotion opportunities whereas women are more likely to value meaningful job content and short hours only three of these job attributes were significant meaningful work being ranked first by women, promotion opportunities and job security being ranked first by men. There was no statistical difference in attitudes to high income or shorter hours. Also finds that age changes the attitudes of respondents, but the passing of time does not the differences in young men's and women's attitudes tending to widen rather than narrow in recent times. Points out the gender differences found do not prove the human capital theories that women trade off income from shorter or more flexible hours, arguing that the relationship between job preferences and job choice is more complex than this. Theoretical with application in practice/ Survey Research implications: *** Practice implications: ** Originality: * Readability: ** Total number: ******** Reference: 27AR070 Cost: 18 (plus VAT)

Occupational stress, burnout and job status in female academics

Doyle, C. and Hind, P. in Gender, Work and Organization (UK), Apr 1998, Vol. 5 No. 2, p. 67 (16 pages) Analyses whether there is any difference in male and female academics' experience of work-related stress and burnout. Focuses on women academics working in psychology department within UK higher education and asks if women academics view the nature of their work differently from male colleagues; if there is any evidence of a ``glass ceiling''; if there are gender differences in the reported levels of job stress and burnout; if there are any gender differences in the sources of stress; and considers what the main indicators of stress and burnout are for both male and female academics. Uses the Maslach Burnout Inventory and the Faculty Stress Index to analyse this and finds that there are few differences in the way that the men and women academics view their work but that, while women academic experience more pressure in their jobs, they experience lower levels of burnout. Also concludes that there is a glass ceiling for women working in higher education departments, but that suggests that this may not be due to career breaks but due to the better access that male academics have to the informal network structures. Considers the reasons for these findings and their implications.

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Flight paths and revolving doors: a case study of gender desegregation in pharmacy
Tanner, J., Cockerill, R., Barnsley, J. and Williams, A.P. in Work Employment & Society (UK), Jun 1999, Vol. 13 No. 2, p. 275 (19 pages) Explores what happens when large numbers of women enter occupations which have traditionally been seen as the domain of men, looking at how male and female incumbents experience this transformation; if it means the end of gender inequality; or if it masks the emergence of new forms of inequality. Focuses on pharmacy in Canada, pointing out this is one of the first well trained, highly prestigious occupations to have made a rapid transformation from majority male to a majority female occupation. Reports the results of a survey of pharmacists working in Ontario, Canada, which looked at the occupational profile of the pharmacists (setting of the pharmacy practice, position in

the pharmacy, and, if a community pharmacy, whether it was a chain, franchise or freehold pharmacy); their incomes; gender composition of the pharmacy; and their job satisfaction. Also asked them to give their views on the future of the professions, whether it was declining in status and if they would recommend it as a career. Finds that the male and female pharmacists remained horizontally and vertically segregated. Also finds that the women pharmacists were happier with their careers than the men. However, points out that the male pharmacists were not wanting to leave the career, suggesting that, while pharmacy may not be an integrating career, it is not resegregating into a women's career. Survey/Theoretical with application in practice Research implications: *** Practice implications: ** Originality: ** Readability: *** Total number: ********** Reference: 28AR920 Cost: 18 (plus VAT)

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