HOW (NOT TO) BREAK POLITICAL DYNASTIES

DARON ACEMOGLU AND JAMES ROBINSON

In the previous post we documented some facts about the political dynasties of the Philippines. Our discussion of the Marcos regime further showed that ranting and doing next to nothing about the problems of oligarchs and political dynasties has a long history in the Philippines. After 1986 and the return to democracy the 1987 Philippine Constitution introduced various changes aimed at decreasing the power of political dynasties. For example, Article II, Section 26 of the Constitution included a clause stating: The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law. However, after 25 years, a dynasty-controlled congress has failed to pass legislation providing a definition of political dynasty, so this constitutional ban remains vacuous. Most importantly, the 1987 Constitution introduced term limits for all elected offices. Senators can only be elected to two consecutive 6-year terms while congressmen, governors and all other local officials can only be elected to three consecutive 3-year terms. Some political analysts and scholars were optimistic that these constitutional provisions would open the political system to greater competition. For example, Alfred McCoy, in his book An Anarchy of Families stated: Aquinos Constitutional Commission adopted articles designed to break, for all time, the influence of political dynasties through both universal term limits and a specific prohibition on relatives () holding any public office.

Other scholars argue that term limits, de facto, rob the electorate of a meaningful say in who does and does not belong in office. But did term limits really have the effect of removing the power of dynasties over politics in the Philippines? This question was investigated by Pablo Querubn in his paper Political Reform and Elite Persistence: Term Limits and Political Dynasties in the Philippines . Though the idea that term limits can break dynasties is at first appealing, when you think about it, youll realize that it might in ractice encounter problems. Remember we pointed out that in many provinces there was a governor and congressperson from the same family. Maybe if they both faced term limits they could just switch jobs? In fact, that is exactly what happened in many cases. For example, in the province of Camiguin the congressman Pedro Romualdo faced a term limit in 1998 after serving for 3 consecutive terms. In response he successfully ran for governor while his son Jurdin Romualdo took his seat in congress. After both served three consecutive terms in their new positions, they swapped. In 2007 Pedro went back to being congressman, while Jurdin became governor. In Camiguin, not only did the term limits not stop dynastic control, they brought another member of the family into politics who might not otherwise have been there.

As Pablo Querubn shows, this Alternating Offices strategy is not the only response that dynasties have formulated to deal with

term limits. Another is the Benchwarmer strategy. In Cebu City, for example, when Antonio Cuenco faced a congressional term limit in 1998, his wife Nancy Cuenco took over for one term. In 2001 Antonio was back as congressman.

Term limits are inducing dynasties to bring new members into politics also seems common. Take the situation in Bukidnon province. In 1998 the sitting congressman Jose Zubiri Jr. faced a term limit. He was replaced by his son Juan. Jose switched to Governor in 2001. When Juan hit a term limit in 2007, he switched to the Senate and was replaced by his younger brother Jose Zubiri III. In 2010 Jose senior faced a term limit as Governor but what could he do with his two sons in the Senate and Congress and not yet term limited? No problem, he successfully ran for vice Governor.

An interesting feature of the political system in the Philippines is that people have no problem in running for lesser offices after they have been term limited. In Davao City, for example, crime busting mayor Rodrigo Duterte was term limited in 2010. He switched to vice Mayor and was replaced as Mayor by his daughter Sarah. Are these isolated examples or do they represent the general pattern? In fact what Pablo Querubns research shows is that term limits in the Philippines did not influence the probability that the same family controls a particular political office: if in one period a particular family was Governor, the fact that there was a term limit for Governor had no impact to the probability that the Governor in the future would be from that family, relative to the previous regime without term limits. So much for easy solutions for breaking the power of political dynasties

Political Dynasties in the Philippines: In My Opinion

Wednesday, November 21, 2012

Next years Philippine midterm elections are fast approaching and it paints an all too-familiar image once again: candidates that are either re-

electionists or relatives of political families running for available seats. For decades, talk regarding political offshoots has been going on for decades. And after decades and decades of botched attempt on clearly defining what a political dynasty is, this predicament led me to ask: Is this something permissible, alarming, or should it be accepted as part of the Filipino political culture? Political dynasties usually crop up from a good forerunner who is loved by his or her constituents. After the forerunners term, it is then passed on to other members of the family reminiscent of empires where there is a succession of hereditary rulers. While this trend is not unique to Philippine politics, this phenomenon is widely evident in this democracy of ours. Flicking through the list of the senatoriables and other aspiring politicians would let you know what I mean. Checking out our countrys fundamental law, the Constitution gives us light regarding this matter. Article II, Section 26 states that: The state shall guarantee equal access to public service and prohibit political dynasty as may be defined by law. [emphasis supplied]. A much less skill in statutory construction is needed to infer the provisions gist: The clear intent of the framers of the Constitution is to prohibit political dynasties and it is the duty of our law-making bodies to define the same. The Congress is given the discretion in defining political dynasty but not the discretion on when to enact the same. Various anti-political dynasty bills were introduced in the Congress time and again but those were simply set aside and forgotten to be pushed through. We still dont have enabling laws up to this point that prohibit individuals from the same family or clan to run for an elective position despite the explicit clamor of charter. On the other hand, pro-political dynasties (apparently composed of people from those political families) contend that it is not about the number of politicians from the same clan but their integrity and track record in public service. It would be better to have a family of politicians in the government with clean track record than a single government official who is so corrupt, says Senator Alan Peter Cayetano, in an AksyonTV interview. It would be wrong or unfair for them to say that they are against all dynasties, he adds. The son of the former statesman Renator Cayetano has a point. His sister, Senator Pia Cayetano would also concede, I suppose.

Name recall is the name of the game for the political pedigrees. People vote those people who they already know and backed by the resources of an outgoing family member, chances of losing in the political race are slim. Dynasties do not level the political playing field and concentrate political power among few political heads. Political dynasty drags our country down because politicians will protect and prioritize their own family interests. The public interest becomes a distant next. In order to win, a lot of means are employed to secure the elective posts. The use of violence and overspending are just two of the strategies most political empires utilize. This legal loophole allowed most of these powerful families to abuse their authority and waylay a localitys resources. Well, you may ask how the party-list system is faring. Party-lists, that system of proportional representation in which voters choose among parties representating marginalized sectors, should help offset the dynastydominated Congress but they dont. Instead of counter-acting with the evils of the political dynasties, the party-lists became another avenue for those former politicians to serve for life. We rarely see people from the farming sector, the fisheries sector, the laborers, or from the teachers; we instead see leaders from same political families. A careful scrutiny of the political parties would help us understand that democracy is absent in these political parties. The center of our parties are leaders coming from political families themselves. Clearly, electoral and political party reforms are needed. We need a wiser electorate that would revolutionize the landscape of Philippine politics coupled with the guidance of our statutes. But at the end of the day, it is ultimately the Filipino people who will decide if they will deem certain families as simply political dynasties or families with a legacy of public service. Still, the coming elections are reflections of the cultural value of close family ties as evidenced by their political family reunions.

Viewpoints

personal views and commentaries Tuesday, December 11, 2012 Again and again: Political Dynasty
Observing Our Political Context, the Second Plenary Council of Philippines (PCP-II) a singular month-ling and lived-in meeting of no less than some 354 lay leaders, sisters, priests, and bishops, representing the Church in Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao and held on January-February 1991 made the following quite revealing official pronouncement: Power and control are elitist, lopsidedly concentrated on established families that tend to perpetuate themselves in political dynasties. (PCP II, Acts and Decrees, n. 24) To better appreciate the significance of the above cited rather telling and pointed pronouncement, it is in order to make the following more relevant observations: Once, that the Philippine Constitution prohibiting political dynasty, was enacted in 1986. Two, that the Second Plenary Council of the Philippines was held on 1991. Three, that the reality of political dynasties in the Philippines has in fact become even more factual and prevalent in the country as of this writing in the year 2012. Among the many rather disturbing and wherefore discomforting conclusions that can be readily drawn from the above phenomenon are the following: The People of the Philippines have been basically under the command and pursuant control of politically powerful families long since. The Constitution of the Philippines has but a beautifully worded provision against political dynasties. The past and present administrations since the ouster of the Martial Law Regime have managed not merely to allow but also foment the reign of more and more dynastic politicians. And whereas Philippine politics is inexorably identified with the tenure, preservation and promotion of wealth, PCP-II therefore

also noted: The poverty and destitution of the great mass of our people are only too evident, contrasting sharply with the wealth and luxury of relatively few families, the elite top of or social pyramid. (Ibid.) This is not really a condemnation but merely a statement of fact. The same however is certainly an ardent call to a proper and just resolution of the intimate pairing of politics and wealth. There are certain truly crusading politicians who know the problem, who know the solution, and who are trying to undo the predicament. Somehow, they are taking the right steps in order to do away with political dynasties. But somehow as well, the few well-entrenched political dynasties have managed to block every attempt and more to neutralize them. When oh when will dynastic politics disappear from the Philippine scene? What will the people of the Philippines have to do and when will they do it?

A civil society dynasty to fight political dynasties

By VERA Files | The Inbox Sat, Dec 8, 2012

By Jonathan de Santos, VERA Files It has taken Congress a quarter of a century to craft a law that will make the Constitutional ban on political dynasties real, but Fr. Leo Casas, candidate for governor of Masbate province, says citizens are not powerless against political clans that dominate politics. At a forum on political dynasties at the Ateneo de Manila University on Friday, he said greater citizens' involvement can counter powerful political clans. "We can fight money with volunteerism and a sense of sacrifice," the priest said. "We can fight dynasties with a civil society 'dynasty,'" he said, stressing that an "active and vigilant" society can prompt change in local politics.

Already, he said, his political opponents have been forced to reach out to sectors that would otherwise have been ignored. "Lumalapit na sila sa kabataan, estudyante at kababaihan kasi may mga supporters tayo doon (They are reaching out to the youth, students, and women because he have supporters there)," he said. Camarines Sur race

Lawyer Leni Robredo of Camarines SurLawyer Leni Robredo, widow of the late Local Government Secretary

Jesse Robredo and a candidate for a seat at the House of Representatives, told the forum that her opponent has also been reaching out to women in the Third District of Camarines Sur, whom she organized herself. She said, however, that politicians engaging marginalized sectors to court votes does not always mean a change in the political system. Supporters of Nelly Favis-Villafuerte, her opponent and wife of incumbent Camarines Sur Rep. Luis Villafuerte Sr., have gotten in touch with women's groups she has organized to offer money and groceries in exchange for registering with Villafuerte's team instead, Robredo said. Local politics in her district has remained based on patronage, she said, with voters supporting candidates based on utang na loob (debt of gratitude) and for short-term benefits. She said that in one of the barangays she has visited, students have to miss classes when it rains because they can't cross flooded creeks. "Pinuntahan namin, tapos madali lang naman lagyan ng footbridge doon, pero hindi nilalagyan kasi kaunti lang ang botante (It would have been easy to put up a foot bridge but there are few voters in that area)," she said.

Instead, voters are sometimes won over by gifts of apples and money, Robredo said. She said she has been trying to talk to communities to explain the importance of choosing leaders who will bring development to her district. Aside from Naga City, she said there is hardly any business in the seven towns in the Third District, and on average, 90 percent of the towns' funds come from their share of the country's internal revenue. A better-organized citizenry could change that, she said. "With more people engaged in governance, politicians will be on their toes," she explained. Joy Aceron, program director for the Political Democracy and Reform (Poder) program of the Ateneo School of Government, said good governance has to be more than just about fielding alternative candidates, although that is important too. During election season, people tend to forget fundamental problems in the political system where the "same people are winning elections," she said. "Engagement in politics should not end at elections," she said. Uphill battle But even just running against a political dynasty is hard enough. Robredo said most voters in her area do not care if their politicians all come from the same family. Although her husband's death in a plane crash in August put her in the national spotlight, this will not necessarily translate to votes either. "It's really different on the local level," she said. Casas, meanwhile, admits he was a "witness and a victim" of local politics in Masbate, and that he has even consented to it for more than three decades by not doing anything about it. Even before the official campaign period starts, Casas said he has already received threatening text messages and one of his volunteers has already been killed. In contrast, he said, "Ang political army ko lang ay ang (The only political army I have is the) Catholic Women's League."

Abra's Bernardina JosonFor Bernadina

Joson, a mayoral candidate in Lagayan, Abra, things are worse still. "Kapag sinasabing Abra, tatak na namin ay 'Killing Fields' sa North," she said at the same forum. She said people who oppose local political families are often killed. She said, though, that people in her town are desperate for an alternative candidate they can support. "Buhay pa naman ako (I am still alive)," she said. Joson, a government auditor who had filed a plunder case against members of the Luna clan in public office, said she is running to be a voice for her people because "those whose mouths are shut with fear have plenty to tell." Among those, she said, are complaints against the lack of development in the town. "Twenty six years is too long to convert a rough road to a concreted one. Too long to turn carabaos (as transportation) into jeepneys," she said. No legal prohibition on political dynasties At the forum, Elections Commissioner Rene Sarmiento gave a presentation on how government can curb political dynasties. Reaching a mostly blank slide on his slide show, he said, "Ayan na po (that's it)." Aside from the prohibition against political dynasties in the 1987 Constitution, a a prohibition that has yet to be operationalized, there is nothing to keep families from monopolizing political power. Sarmiento said term limits do little since these are what prompt politicians to ask their relatives to run for the same position. He added the party-list

system is now being threatened by the appearance of groups with nominees coming from just one family. Sarmiento and the Commission on Elections has been trying weed out these groups. "Nakakabahala. Nakakatakot (This is worrisome and scary)," he said. He added political clans might soon use seats in local government reserved for sectoral representatives as another way to consolidate power. Although the Comelec's hands are tied against political dynasties until Congress passes a law defining them, Sarmiento said citizens can help make the distribution of power less unfair: They can support candidates with good visions and platforms of government and also push for passage of legislative initiatives that will reform the political system. Proposed reforms Among those are the "anti-epal" bills filed in Congress. The bills, if passed, will prohibit the use of government projects as billboards and advertisements for politicians and will require prospective candidates to file a Certificate of Intent to Run for Public Office six months before the filing of certificates of candidacy. After formalizing their intent to run, prospective candidates will be barred from appearing on media for selfpromotion. Another bill is the Political Party Development bill filed by Sen. Edgardo Angara seeking to institutionalize political parties by requiring nominees to be chosen according to a merit system. The bill also penalizes political "turncoatism," with politicians who switch parties losing their office and their right to run in the next elections. In a press statement in October, Angara said that under the current political system "political parties end up focusing on individuals rather than shared ideals or policy prescriptions." Sarmiento added it is time for Congress to pass a law to define political dynasties. If it doesn't, however, he said an avenue left for citizens is in the form of a people's initiative. The Initiative and Referendum Act of 1989 recognizes the power of the people to "directly propose, enact, approve or reject, in whole or in part, the

Constitution, laws, ordinances, or resolutions passed by any legislative body." Ang Kapatiran Party will seek to do just that next year, representatives of the party said at the forum. If it can gather verified signatures from 10 percent of the total number of registered voters, with at least 3 percent of the voters from each district, the Comelec will be duty bound to hold a referendum on the proposed law. If it gets support from a majority of voters during the referendum, it becomes a law. Norman Cabrera, party secretary-general, said on Ang Kapatiran's website that citizens have a right to take action when the legislature does not. "What Filipinos need to do is to exercise this right, to make this law work for them, and to take affirmative action where Congress has failed, then, now and in the future," he said. (VERA Files is put out by veteran journalists taking a deeper look at current issues. VERA is Latin for "true.")

October 10, 2012 Posted in: 2013 Elections, General, Videocasts

Political clans, not parties building blocks of PH politics

We have come to the conclusion that political clans, and not political parties, have been the building blocks of Philippine electoral politics.

With this statement, De La Salle professor Dr. Julio Teehankee opened the second leg of the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalisms election coverage seminars entitled Covering the 2013 elections: Uncovering campaign finance, local power, and governance at the Bayview Hotel in Manila. Dr. Teehankee, an associate professor of comparative politics and international development at the DLSU, was invited to talk to 20 reporters, editors, producers, and bloggers on the continued hold of political clans in the Philippines over the last three centuries. There are clans that have been in power for three centuries, or since the time of the Spanish colonial period, Teehankee said. What we have in this country are not really political parties. Political parties just change names, but the political clans, they remain the same. Teehankee cited the study of Dr. Temario Rivera on political clans, which showed that 94 percent of the provinces in the Philippines have political dynasties. (The average number of political families is 2.31 for every given province.) There are an estimated 178 political clans in the country, 56 percent of which are considered old families in politics, while 44 percent are newcomers to the world of dynasty building. Teehankee said there are several reasons for the proliferation of political dynasties in the Philippines; much it has to do with the countrys colonial history. For example, Teehankee pointed out that local autonomy preceded central authority, meaning colonizers selected local elites to govern their communities in behalf of the colonizers even before a central authority was set up. The result was that these influential families were empowered even before an administrative bureaucracy was set up. As well, these influential families were used to funnel patronage to select recipients, further strengthening their positions in power. The electoral process was also institutionalized long before the bureaucracy was set up. There is no professional civil service, Teehankee said. In other countries, even if elections or politics are wild and wooly, but you have a professional bureaucracy and civil service, your system is assured that things will run regularly because they are insulated from politics. Here, elections happened first, so the power brokers began raiding the bureaucracy for patronage and whatever resources they can use during election time. he said. Teehankee also pointed to the peculiarities of the political dynasties in the country.

Winners are usually the best at generating funds from the central government. Winners are those who control major economic activities in the community, both legal and illegal A highly centralized administrative bureaucracy is juxtaposed with weak political institutions

Winners tend to centralize patronage resources rather than centralize the administrative structures Interestingly, the imposition of term limits, originally meant to discourage political dynasties, instead ended up encouraging them. Senators are may be elected for two consecutive terms of six years each, which congressmen and local officials may be elected for three consecutive terms of three years each. The term limits were placed to level the playing field, Teehankee said. If you put a cap, the framers of the law thought, you open up the system to newer faces. But what happened? It just served as an incentive for political dynasties to sit back and let their children and relatives take over, he said. So instead of stopping or halting political dynasties, it led to an increase in the number of dynasties. It introduced another pathway to power for local clans. Teehanhee said there are already proposals in Congress that could help in discouraging these political dynasties. These include legislation to strengthen political parties, and the anti dynasty bill. For example, Teehankee said people should be open to the idea of public funding for political parties, as proposed by the political party reform bill. While it may appear counterintuitive for Filipinos to agree to fund political parties, this may in fact be the best way to level the playing field, and make political parties more beholden and answerable to the public instead of to private donors. It would however be up to the citizenry to pressure their legislators to act on these measures that do not seem very popular in Congress. For example, the anti-dynasty bill has been in Congress since 1987, yet it has never gotten past first reading simply because Congress is, on the large part, made up of dynasties.