History of Classical Philology

HISTORY OF
CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY
HARRY THURSTON PECK
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A HISTORY OF CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY
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A HISTORY
OF
CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY
FROM THE SEVENTH CENTURY
TO
B.C.
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
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BY
HARRY THURSTON
PECK,
Ph.D.,
LL.D.
MEMBER OF THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF ARTS AND LETTERS
"Neia gorfe

191
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VXORI CARISSIMAE
PREFACE
Long
experience has convinced the author that, as a
rule, classical students,
even those
who
are pursuing the
most advanced
courses, are very imperfectly informed as
to the history of the subjects upon which they are en-
gaged.
They may be thoroughly
trained
in
various
little
ramifications of Classical Philology, while
knowing
It
or nothing of Classical Philology as a whole.
seems
an anomalous thing that any university student should

proceed to his doctorate in Greek and Latin without ever
having had a conspectus of the entire

is
field of
which he
familiar with a part;
that, for example,
he should be
able to give
no
intelligent
account of the Alexandrian
School; that the significance of the Renaissance to a classicist
should not be clear to him; that Scaliger, Lipsius,
Casaubon, Bentley, Corssen, and Lachmann should be

little
more than names; and that he should have learned
nothing genetically about literary criticism, text criticism,
and
scientific linguistics.
is
Yet such
regretted,
very often the case; and though
it is
to be
it is
not a reasonable cause for censure.
There
vm
exist
PREFACE
no manuals
at the present time to give this general
information in a lucid, coherent manner, and without

losing sight of the strand
which unites
all classical
studies
and makes them parts of a splendid whole.

book
in four volumes, the publication of
is,
Grafenhan's
which was begun

Reinach's
in 1843,
of course, quite obsolete to-day.

is
Manuel
de Philologie Classique
all its
admirable as a work
of reference, but, with

it
closely
packed information,
does not form a continuous narrative.
The
treatise
is
by
Dr. Sandys, published only a few years ago,
monu-
ment
to his scholarship
and wide reading; yet the multiits
plicity of details
contained in
three volumes will not
imnaturally deter a student, unless he be a very heroic

seeker after knowledge.
The
present
work
has, therefore,
been written with
the desire to give a comprehensive and comprehensible
knowledge of how
classical studies
were
first
developed,
and
of that gradual evolution
which has made Classical
Philology a science, possessing at the
same time some

It
very distinctly
marked
aesthetic phases.
has seemed
best to mention the
names
of only such scholars as
have
helped on this evolution by adding something to the
sum
has
of
human
it
knowledge.
The
adoption of such a plan
made
possible to compress into a

all
volume of con-
venient size
that
is
essential;
while the bibliographical
references will enable the reader to pursue

tively
more exhaus-
any particular subject that has here been touched
PREFACE
upon.
It is
IX
hoped that the book may be of some pracstudents of the classics, in helping
tical service to
them
is
to
see
and understand the unity which
in their studies
too
often obscured by matters of secondary importance.
Harry Thurston Peck.
New March
York,
29, 191
1.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
FACES
Preface
CHAPTER
I.
vii-ix
The Genesis of Philological Studies

Greece
in
S-27
II.
The PrjE-Alexandrian Period

The Alexandrian Period
28-87
III.
88-129
130-191
IV.
The GRiECO-RoMAN Period The Middle Ages

The Renaissance
Division into Periods
.
V.
VI.
VII.
VIII.
192-259
260-288 289
The Age of Erasmus The Period of Nationalism The German Influence

. .
290-300
IX.
301-384
385-455
X.
XI.
The Cosmopolitan Period
456-458
Selected Bibliographical Index
461-476
477-491
General Index
HISTORY OF CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY

INTRODUCTION
The
The
whole
Definition of Classical Philology Methods of Treatment

is
history of Classical Philology

intellectual
the history of the

classi-
development that springs from

of the
cal antiquity,
and
growth of those studies and
sciences that have interpreted

intellectual history of
and thrown
light
upon the
Greece and Rome.
It will trace at
once the evolution of the
classical literatures, of science
(especially linguistic science),
and
will chronicle the his-
tory of Epigraphy, Palaeography, Numismatics, Criticism,
Philosophy, Archaeology, Mythology, and Religion.
The terms "philology" and

variously used for
"philologist" have been
many
centuries.
Plato (428-347 B.C.)

<pi\6Xoyo';
was the
first
Greek writer
to
employ the words

in
and îXoXoyia, but he uses them and only

dialogues
in
is
no technical
in
sense,
a general way.
is
philologist
Plato's
one who
fond of talk or
who
is
much
given
to argument,
whether philosophical or not.
In Aristotle,

is
philology
a love of learning (Lat. studium).
During
the Alexandrian period
and
in
Rome,
the
word was often
restricted to the sense of
"a
scholar,"
"a learned man."

it
There
is
a deep significance in the fact that
was
first
so applied to Eratosthenes (276-196 B.C.), the
head of the
great library at Alexandria,
who
was, in his day, almost
the supreme type of the scientific investigator, since he
was not merely, or even primarily, a student

and
literature,
of language
but a mathematician and astronomer, a
geographer and an athlete.
He
is
one of the best ex-
amples afforded by Greece to refute the cheap gibes of

petty men,
who would have
us think that versatility
is
inconsistent with
sound scholarship.
development of the word
"philology"
The
makes
general
it,
then,
mean,
first
of
all,
a love of speech; second,
the pursuit of linguistic research; and finally, learning in

its
widest sense.
From
the
dawn
it
of the
Renaissance
down
to the eighteenth century
was
oftenest used of
linguistic studies;
but in the period
last
named. Watts,
it
an English lexicographer of the time, explained
as in-
cluding history and criticism as well as the humanities.
Thus
Classical Philology
is
the philology which relates
to the culture-studies of the
Greeks and Romans.

F.
When
the great Homeric
critic,
A.
Wolf, matriculated at
Gottingen, he inscribed himself as studiosus philologice,
and made
it
clear that he
meant by the phrase the
intelli-
gent, critical study of the
whole traditional learning of
INTRODUCTION
the past;
so that the
day of
his matriculation (April 8,
1777) has been styled "the birthday of

Classical Philology
spirit of
is
modern
philology."
opposed in every way to the

it
pedantry.
Otfried Miiller well said of
that
it
"does not
strive to establish particular facts
nor to get
an acquaintance with abstract forms, but

ancient spirit in
reason, of feeling,
its
to grasp the
its
broadest meaning, in
of imagination."
'
works of
and
There are four recognized methods of

history of Classical Philology.
(i)
treating
the
The Synchronistic or Annalistic Method, which deals
with the history by periods.

(2)
The
Biographical Method, which treats of the his-
tory in the persons of great representative scholars.

'
Since the study of Sanskrit led to the scientific investigation of the
Indo-European languages as related to one another, the new science of Comparative Philology has arisen to complicate still more the meaning of the word "philology" when simply used. The Germans, therefore, have made certain distinctions which it will be convenient for us, also, to adopt. Philology (Philologie) when not modified by an adjective is the general study of language; Comparative Philology is better styled
Linguistics {Linguistik) ;
while Classical Philology (Klassische Philo-
logie or Klassische Alterthumswissenschaft) is that
of antiquity which has just

ings of the
now been
defined.
word "philology"
at different
comprehensive study For the various meantimes, see Grafenhan, Gevol.

i
schichte der Klassischen Philologie
im Alterthum,
(Bonn, 1843);
Lehrs, Appendix to Herodiani Scripta Tria (Berlin, 1857);

interesting references given
and the
by Gudeman
in pp. 1-4 of his Outlines of
the History of Classical Philology (Boston,
1902).
v.
In a remarkable
is
passage contained in Seneca's Letters
(xviii.
30-34, Haase) there
an acute comparison between the different ways in which a philologist, a grammarian, and a philosopher, would respectively examine Cicero's
treatise
De
Republica.
4
(3)
The Eiodographic Method, which

by
subjects.
describes the his-
tory of philology
(4)
The Ethnogi'aphic
or Geographic Method, which dis-
cusses the philological history of a single school or nation

separately.
In
these
this
book
it
is
proposed to follow no single one of
methods
to the exclusion of the others;
but to give
a general survey of the whole subject, keeping constantly

in
mind
the need of chronological

clear the
symmetry; emphasising
each
into
and making
part which each nation or
school has played; and at the

relief
same time bringing
the individuals
whose life-work gains an added

of their personality.^
meaning from a knowledge

1
There
See Fitz-Hugh, Outlines of a System of Classical Pcedagogy (1900). is a valuable skeleton history of classical philology by Professor
Alfred
Gudeman
in his Outlines, etc.,
3d
ed.
(Boston, 1903)
and
his
more elaborate Grundriss (Leipzig and

brief Geschichte der
Berlin, 1907).
See also KroU's
Klassischen Philologie (Leipzig, 1908).
I.
THE GENESIS OF PHILOLOGICAL STUDIES IN GREECE

The
The
origins of
the Hellenic people are exceedingly
obscure, and they take us back to a remote antiquity.

fact that there
was no
generic
name
for the race
until after the time
when
the
Homeric poems were comfact.
posed
is
a very interesting and instructive
One
carmot even say that the Greeks were homogeneous; and a great deal of the most modern research has served
only to darken coimsel and to expose the fallacy of earlier
theories.
Certain
it
is
that,
during the Stone Age and
afterwards, there streamed

great waves
of migratory
over the Grecian peninsula

peoples from the northeast.
They
just
forced their
as they
way
to the southern point of the in
Morea,
in
also
found homes
southern
Italy
the Grecian islands, and a sure foothold in Asia Minor.

It
is
a picturesque hypothesis which views the
latter
country as having once been peopled by an effeminate

race of Semitic
origin,
tracing their descent
through
deities,
polyandrous mothers,
and worshipping female
among whom the Great Mother, afterwards called Cybele, was supreme. That these enervated Canaanitish shepherds should have been subsequently overcome by a
5
HISTORY or CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY

virile
horde of
of ithe
conquerors from Thrace
is
another part
same ethnic theory.
These conquerors, tracing
their descent
through their fathers and worshipping the

deity,
great
male thundering
Bronton or Zeus,
were
possibly true Hellenes,

of their
and they established a
civilisation
own
in Asia,
where they ruled as an aristocracy

which they subsequently founded.'
in the states
and
cities
Yet
as
this is only
one of
many
theories,
and
it
presents
of
it
many
difficulties as it explains.
it
The importance
far
lies in
the fact that
serves to
show how very
back
into the past
we must look
for anything like a beginning
of that culture
which came afterwards to be regarded as
essentially Hellenic.
The
explorations at Mycenae
and
Tiryns and elsewhere, though attesting the antiquity of

certain of the arts, leave us
still
at a loss regarding the
racial affinities of the early Greeks.
One
is justified
in
asserting nothing
more than that the lands which became

first
subsequently Hellenized were
populated by sections
of the Mediterranean race comprising the so-called Pelasgians, the Iberians, the Ligurians,
later
and the Libyans.^
migration from the north, moving slowly southward,
overwhelmed the original inhabitants of what was destined

to be
known afterwards
Ramsay,
as Hellas, or Greece.
Professor
G.
W.
Botsford has described in a very interesting

in
manner
331;
'See
Gardner,
the Journal
of
Hellenic Studies,
ix.
and
New
Chapters in Greek History, pp. 28-34
(New York and
London, 1892).
'See Sergi, The Mediterranean Race.
Eng. trans. (London, igoi).
GENESIS OF PHILOLOGICAL STUDIES IN GREECE

the nature of this migration.'
"
They came
in
bands
which we
travelled
call tribes,
each under
its chief.
Their warriors
pikes,
chil-
on
foot, dressed in skins
and armed with

their
and with bows and arrows, while

dren rode in two-wheeled ox-carts.
their future
women and
They found
Greece,
home, a rugged, mountainous country, with

plains.
narrow valleys and only a few broad
Every-
where were dense
forests,
haunted by
lions,
wild boars,
and wolves."
nomadic
These Greeks of the Tribal Age were semisince at first they built
in their habits;
mere
huts of brush and clay, which they readily abandoned,
and they must

habitations.
line
for centuries
have shifted their uncertain
At the west
straight
of their
new country the
coast-
was nearly
and with no harbours.
"
But
those
who came
to the
eastern coast found harbours
everywhere and islands near at hand.

once to
They began
at
make
small boats and to push off to the islands.
" But they must have been astonished

for the first time strange black vessels,
their
when they saw

larger
much
than
own, entering
their bays.
These were Phoenician

city,
ships from Sidon, an ancient commercial
and
in
'
them came
'
'
greedy merchant men, with countless gauds

History of the Orient and Greece
Botsford,
(New York and London,

vol.
i.
1904).
See also E. Meyer, Forschungen zur alten Geschichte,

Hall,
(Halle,
1892);
The Oldest
Civilisation
of Greece
(London, 1901);
foil.).
and
Ridgeway, The Early Age of Greece (Cambridge, 1901,

civilisation, the fruits of
recent,
yet not fully accepted view, regards the Pelasgians as having worked
out this
which were appropriated by the true
Hellenic invaders from the north.
for trading with the natives.
Though
in
most respects
the Greeks were then as barbarous as the North Ameri-
can Indians, they were eager to learn and to imitate the
ways
coast
of the foreigners.
The
arts
chieftains along the east

artisans.
welcomed Asiatic
and
From
these
strangers they gradually learned to

tools
make and
use bronze
and weapons, and
to build in stone.
Contented in
these
homes, they outgrew their fondness for roving.
Skilled
workmen from
and
the East built walled palaces for
the native chiefs;

painted, carved,
artists
decorated these
new
dwellings,
frescoed,
made
vases
and polished
gems.
Those
chieftains
who were
wise enough to receive
this civilisation
gained power as well as wealth by means
of
it.
With
their bronze
weapons they conquered
their
uncivilised neighbours,
and, in course of time,

centring
in
formed
fortified
small kingdoms,
castle."
each
a strongly
The
early
contradictions which
meet us
in all accounts of
Greece make any positive
hypothesis untenable.
But they do give us an
insight into the character of the

it.
Greek genius as we have come to know
There
is
much
plausibility in the
view that these Hellenes were
racially
connected with the Celtic peoples, and that they

Restless, brave,
life
were not originally of one single stock.

mercurial, full of curiosity, their
centuries
litically,
nomadic
for
many
Po-
made them more
brilliant
than
stable.
they also afford a parallel with the Celts, in that
GENESIS OF PHILOLOGICAL STtJDIES IN GREECE
they lacked the national cohesiveness which was Roman.
Their seafaring gave them a larger outlook than the

Latins had.
unity.
It
made
for
separation rather than

it
for
On
To
the other hand,
stimulated the intellect,
and enhanced the

tion.
qualities of imagination
and specula-
the
last,
the Greeks were adventurous, ingenafter
ious, inquisitive,
and ever seeking
something new and
interesting.
The
antiquity of Greek culture explains

of Hellenic literature, the
art,
why
the oldest
epic,
is
monument
exquisite
Homeric
not a rude specimen of the poetic
but rather a bit of
workmanship,
of light
wrought out with wonderful
management
and colour and melodious sound.
It is the climax, the final masterpiece, of epic poetry.
Although the Homeric epics

tive people, there
is
tell
the story of a fairly primi-
nothing primitive in the
mode
is
of
their construction or the deftness of touch that
every-
where to be discovered in them.

Odyssey, though very
The
Iliad
and the
much
older,
assume a
fairly definite
form somewhere
in the seventh century B.C.,
when
writing
was
first
generally introduced
is
among
the Greeks.
Recent
scholarship
not indisposed to view these two poems as
representing each an organic whole, however numerous
may have been

parts.'
'
the changes which both underwent in
It
does not concern us, indeed, to determine

and
See Mass, Die Interpolationen in der Odyssee (Halle, 1904);
Brgal,
Pour Mieux Connattre Homere
(Paris, 1906).
lO
whether there actually lived an individual Homer.
The
student of Classical Philology regards the Homeric epic

as a starting-point from which to trace the gradual devel-
opment
of intellectual pursuits
among the Greeks within

can be tested by
that period of time
when
their history
undoubted
facts.
Before the general use of writing, there

little
could have been
to be classed under the
name
of
formal scholarship, although for fifteen centuries there
was an evolution of the

to study
arts
which scholarship endeavours
and
explain.
Before the Homeric period there
must have been thousands of poets who became masters

of the lyric,
and
after that of the epic.
We know
earliest
that
of
Greek tradition held Thrace to be the

this semi-religioiis literature, associated
home
with the names of
mythical bards such as Orpheus, Musaeus, Eumolpus,
and Thamyris.
Finally,
we know that
the centre of
cultivation shifted
from Thrace to the more genial shores

is
of Ionia,
whence came the completed epic which
as-
cribed to
Homer.
The
pose
is
chief importance of the epos for our present pur-
found in
after
its
relation to literary study, to criticism,
and even,
religion,
a fashion, to scientific speculation, to
and to philosophy.
The
part which the Iliad
and the Odyssey played
in the early period of
Greek
education was extraordinary.

the basis of
all
These poems were, indeed,
training that
was not purely
physical.
In the schools, which we know to have existed as early

as 700 B.C.,
II
Homer was
read, not so
much
as literature,
but as an ultimate authority on

warfare,
history, politics, ethics,
medicine,
titles
and even
religion.
Questions that
involved
to lands were settled by an appeal to the

to the
Homeric poems, which were consulted according

theory of their plenary inspiration. theory
is
In the Odyssey this
in fact expressly stated.
poet
is
one who
is
inspired
by the Muses;
:
and the bard Phemius says to

but
it
Odysseus
"I am
self-taught;
all
is
was a god that
breathed into
my mind
fifth
the various ways of song."
touch of orientalism
(in
found in the notion of Demoall
critus
the
century, B.C.), to the effect that
great poets are
mad
that
is
to say, carried
belief
all
away by a
sort of divine frenzy.
Such a
accounts for the

the poets, held in
epics,
place which
Homer, the
life
greatest of
the intellectual
of Hellas.
In the study of his

other studies.
we
find the
germs of
many
Lists were
made
of the unusual words contained in them.
The
relaall
tions of the gods to each other
and to mankind were
thought to be explained by Homer.
An
apt quotation
in
from the Iliad or Odyssey would
silence
an opponent
debate, as effectually as a pointed text from the Bible
would end a controversy among the Puritans.
Indeed,
what the Hebrew Bible

the
is
to the orthodox Jews,
what
New
Testament
is
to the orthodox Protestant Chrisis
tians,
and what the Kor^n
to orthodox
Muhammadans,
this the
Homeric poems were
to the early Greeks.
12
reverence for Homeric learning was entertained
among
them
at the time
when
their authentic history begins.
Its strong influence affected the
minds
of
men
in later
see.
centuries,
as
we
shall
presently have occasion to

its
Even
in our
own days
existence
is
discernible in the
minutely
critical
studies
which modern scholars have
made
same
Iliad
poets,
regarding every topic that was even casually touched

It
upon by Homer.'
inspiration
may be added
that
much
of the
which was ascribed to the author of the

also attributed to the
and the Odyssey, was
minor
largely
commonly
called
the Cyclic
Poets,
who
two
imitated
Homer and
confined themselves within a certain
round or cycle of
tradition.
There were
really
cycles,
one a Mythic Cycle, relating to the genealogies of the

gods and the battles of the Titans and to cosmogony;
and the other a Trojan Cycle, based upon

nected with the Trojan War.
Cyclic
stories con-
The most
at
celebrated of the
poems were the Cypria,
one time ascribed to

Mthiopis
Homer, but
of Arctinus,
later to Stasinus or Hegesias, the
and the Nostoi
of Agias, not to
mention the
parodies by Pigres.^
'
There were likewise the so-called

the
;
See, for example,
Seymour, Life in
Homeric Age, with the bib-
liography, pp.
xiii-xvi
(New York,
1908)
and Adam, The Religious

the Chreslomatheia of
Photius.
Teachers of Greece, pp. 21-67 (Edinburgh, 1908).
^The
chief authority for the
Cychc poets
is
Proclus (41 2-485 A.D.) in the extracts preserved
by
See Welcker,
Der Epische Cyclus (Borm, 1865);
(New York, 1898); and for by D. B. Munro in The Journal
Lawton, The Successors of Homer the meaning of the word cyclicus, a paper
of Hellenic Studies (1883).
13
Homeric Hymns, and the three works that remain to us

under the name of Hesiod
is
(c.
700 b.c), whose Theogony
the oldest
poem
that
we
possess on Greek Mythology.
When
the Greeks came to
know much more than they

of the world in
had known about the geography

they lived,
which
and when by experience they grew more
thoroughly enlightened as to other knowledge which came

to
them
in
many
ways, then they found that

literally
Homer was
inspired
not to be accepted
source of wisdom.
of the
and as a wholly
Thus
there arose a Higher Criticism

arisen a
Homeric writings as there has
Higher
Criticism of the Bible.
When
so
much depended upon

it
the understanding of a line or of a passage,

tial
was
essen-
that every one should be quite sure that the line or
the passage was correctly quoted.
Even the
variation of
a single word, or the interpolation of a single verse, might
be a matter of extreme importance.
Yet the Homeric

according to an
places.
poems were
not, at
first,
written
down
accepted text.
They
differed in
many
Parts of
festivals
them were
recited,
detached from the whole, at
and public entertainments, by the rhapsodes

claimers.
or
de-
Therefore, in the sixth century B.C., a recen-
sion of
them was necessary
so
that there
should be
standard editions of the Iliad and of the Odyssey.
That such a recension was

scarcely to
actually
carried
it is
out
is
be doubted, though to
say.
whom
it
due no one
can surely
Tradition ascribes
to the Athenian
14
mSTORY OF CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY

who
In
is
" tyrant," the brilliant and sagacious Pisistratus,

said to have
committed the work (about 530
B.C.)
to a
this,
commission of four learned Homeric

Pisistratus
is
specialists.'
said to have followed out a plan conceived
by
his
relative
is
and predecessor, Solon.

is
The
tradition
referred to
merely a tradition and
based only upon
the authority of later writers such as Cicero, Pausanias, Josephus, Libanius, and Tzetzes.
tion of this standard
necessarily accurate.
Therefore the
Pisistratus
ascripis
Homeric text to
It has
not
been the custom
to credit
Pisistratus with an extraordinary
number
of innovations,
is
political, social, literary,
and
artistic.
Thus, he
said
to have enforced a series of

plied the poor with cattle
sumptuary laws; to have sup-
and seed so that they might
leave Athens
and betake themselves to agriculture; to

to have regulated the
have erected beautiful buildings;

religious rites
'
and to have
instituted the superb festival
See Flach, Peisistratos und seine HUerarische Thatigkeit (Tiibingen,
1885).
The Greek grammarian Diomedes, quoted by
Villoisou,
says
that a staff of seventy (or seventy-two)
men
of letters
took part in the
work.
It has
been noticed in
modem
times that neither Herodotus
nor Thucydides nor Plato nor Aristotle,
who aU
allusion
frequently
mention
this al-
both Homer and

leged recension of
Pisistratus,
makes any
whatever to
the Homeric text.
So
significant is this omission,
that
modem
students of the subject (for example, Wilamowitz) are dis-
posed to deny that the story about Pisistratus has any basis of fact at
all.
One may hold a more moderate opinion and regard

yet with
Pisistratus
as
having rearranged the text for purposes of recitation at the Peinathenaic

festival,
no
minute consideration of
particular lines.
See
infra, p. 20.
15
of the Greater Panathensa; to have encouraged Thespis to produce his primitive tragedies at Athens, thus pro-
moting the Drama; and to have been the

Greece to
it is
first
person in
collect
and open a
library for public use.
Hence
natural that the establishment of a standard Homeric
text should have been ascribed to Pisistratus.

it
it
In any case
does not matter whether he or some one else brought

into form.
There
is
reason for supposing that he com-
pelled the public declaimers to recite the different portions
of the
poems according
to a definite arrangement;
and
is
indeed that a recension was undertaken in his time

highly probable, since the quotations from
Homer made by
made few im-
writers prior to the Alexandrian period exhibit very slight

variations.
The Alexandrians
themselves
portant changes.
We may
be confident that our text of

with that which was
Homer
read
is
substantially
identical
five
hundred years before the beginning of the

Thus, one hundred and fifty-two passages
cited
Christian era.
from Homer are
by twenty-nine
writers after
and
in-
cluding Herodotus.
They amount
to about four himdred

less
and eighty
lines,
but they contain
than a dozen
lines
which are not in the ordinary text.^

If Pisistratus ever
made an Homeric
of the
text, it
was not
since
the only
official text
two great
epics,
we
also hear of " city editions " or " civic editions," which
'
See
Ludwich,
Die Homer-vulgola
ah
vorakxandrinisch
erwiesm
(Leipzig, 1898).

its
were standards each in

fact
is
own
country.'
The important
as now,
that at so early a period there should be found a

of
beginning
sources
of
Text
Criticism
in
which,
many
knowledge must have been drawn upon
chronology, history, geography, and, to a certain extent,

aesthetics,
more
especially the aesthetics of language.
It is interesting to
remember that Solon was accused
of having interpolated a line in the Iliad so as to

it
make
appear that the Athenians had taken part in the Trojan

Pisistratus
War, and that
had
inserted a line in the Odyssey
so as to bring in the
name
of Theseus, the national hero
of Athens.
We
have, therefore,
all
as
early
as the sixth
century, indications of
critics in
the
difficulties
which beset text
modern times variant
editions, errors
due to
carelessness, others
due to ignorance, and
also conscious al-
terations to suit the purpose of the transcriber.
Nor was
was
Homer
the only author whose text suffered in this way;

is
for there
story to the effect that Onomacritus
detected in altering the oracles of Musseus and that he
was punished
There
fully
is
for
it.
some significance in the legend that the
first
care-
prepared edition of
Homer was made in Athens, rather

noted
'Seven
of these " city editions " are
the Massalotic, the Si-
nopic, the Chian, the Cyprian, the Argive, the Cretan,
and the Lesbian.

All of these
The
first
four were Ionic,
and the
last three
were
.lEolic.
editions were supposed to
have been copies made from the archetype
prepared under the direction of Pisistratus.

editions"
is
The Greek term
for "city
iKddjeis
kotA
iriXeis.
GENESIS OE PHILOLOGICAL STUDIES IN GREECE
than among the Asiatic lonians, who had represented

a higher form of culture.
Athens was destined to be-
come the
it
intellectual centre of the
Greek world, though

Ionia has the credit
schools
had not yet won supremacy.

having
first
of
established
regular
with
paid
teachers for the purpose of imparting a general education.
The
teaching of which
training
we read
some
in
Homer
was, of course,
in
physical
with
instruction
music and
medicine.
The
public instruction given to youths in the
Doric States such as Sparta and Crete had very

the same character.*
much
The
Bidiaei
and Pedonomi, under

after the age of
whose care the Spartan boy was placed

seven, trained the
young
in gymnastics,
in the use
of
arms, and in choral singing.

as a
For such
literary
education
man was
expected to possess (usually only reading,
writing,
and a little arithmetic) he depended chiefly upon the
instruction which
was given by
his parents.
It is stated
by Plutarch that the semi-mjrthical Lycurgus brought

copies of the
Homeric poems to Sparta, and made a

in the Spartan schools;
knowledge of them a requirement

but
if
so, this
must have been due
to the fact that he

at
had
travelled in Asia
Minor and had introduced
home a
the
is
practice
which he had observed abroad.
Among
lonians, however, literary teaching in regular Schools
found as early as the seventh century
b.c.,
and as these
schools were then in a very prosperous condition and

'
See Monroe, Source Book of the History of Education (Greek and

Period)
Roman
(New York,
1901).
l8
very largely attended, they long before.

in
must have been established

27)
Herodotus
(vi.
mentions a boys' school

at the time of the in-
Chios in the year 500 B.C.;
and
vasion of Xerxes,
when
the Athenians left their

first
own
city
and took refuge at Troezen, one of the
things they
did was to arrange for their school system during

period
of
their
the
temporary
allies
exile. ^
The
Mitylenaeans
right to state
punished disloyal
by depriving them of the

B.C.,
maintain schools.
Charondas, about 650
made
provision for literary instruction in Sicily.^
The
The
teaching of literature appears to have been defirst
veloped,
of
all,
as an adjunct to instruction in morals.

exercise of boys at school,
earliest intellectual
and
probably before they had begun to attend school, was the

study of the Homeric poems.
This anticipated even the
learning of the alphabet; for the alphabet
was
first
taught
by the
ypa/ifiaTia-Ti]';,
while the Iliad and the Odyssey were
read and recited to growing boys,

learn
who were urged
to
them gradually by
heart.
But the
early apprecia-
tion of the epics
was not a
literary appreciation at all;
and to understand the prominence given to
this study,
we
must remember the
peculiar view which the Greeks took
with regard to Homer.
He was
not so
much
the great
poet, the master of heroic verse.
He was
rather a moral
teacher, an
ethical guide,
'
who drew
his characters with
Plutarch, Themistocles, lo.
'
Diodorus Siculus,
xii.
12.
19
a conscious purpose of exhibiting in their actions the

qualities that
men
should emulate or shun.
As
late as
Horace who,
concrete,
like all
Romans, was a
same thought
great lover of the
we
find this
expressed.
" While you are declaiming at

friend Lollius,
Rome," he
says to his
" I have been reading over at PrEeneste
the writer of the Trojan War,
who
tells
us better and
is is
more
clearly
than either Chrysippus or Grantor what

is
noble and what

not."
base,
what
is
expedient and what
And farther on, " Again, as to what dom are able to effect, he (Homer) has
useful
virtue
and wis-
set before us a
model
in the person of Ulysses."
The
strenuous insistence on a thorough knowledge of

therefore due,
first
Homer was
ing.
of
all,
to his moral teach-
We
by
must remember
also that the formal education

less
given in school was

it
much
valued by the Greeks than
is
us.
is
Plato says in his
Laws
that a knowledge of
writing
to write
is
necessary only so far as to enable one barely

fast or with elegance
and read; and that to write
outside of the range of ordinary education.
There
may
even have existed, as Mahaffy suggests, a prejudice

it
against clear and regular script, because
would
recall
the writing in books which was done by copyists
who
were
slaves.
When we
is
say that a person writes " a clerkly
hand " the
remark
not altogether complimentary.
Hence,
diffi-
the average Greek probably wrote with more or less
20
culty,

and did not have, as a
rule,
much
occasion to use
the accomplishment.
But inasmuch as he memorised

he was the more deeply saturated
most
with
of his learning,
it.
So
it
came about that the

resulted
in
imiversal
familiarity with
Homer
very
general
criticism
of
the
Homeric poems.
As Mr. Saintsbury
well says,
" It
was
impossible that a people so
acute and
so philosophically
given as the Greeks, should be soaked in
Homer without
upon the
and thoughtful
being tempted to exercise their
critical faculties
poems."
'
Such was indeed the case;

to
men began teacher who
ask themselves whether a great moral
represented the gods as deceitful, faithless,

really a moralist at
all.
and debauched could be

wise, contradictions
Like-
and statements were pointed out which
practical
knowledge showed to be untrue.

allegorical or
Then began
his authority
life.
an attempt to give an
pretation of
a rationalistic inter-
Homer, which should preserve

it
and yet
reconcile
with the facts of
human
We
in-
find traces of the Solar
Myth
at about this time,
and
genious interpretations like those which the Rabbinical

writers have given of portions of the
is
Hebrew
Bible.
Here
not
the
beginning
of
Literary
Criticism
it
though
" literary " in the rightful sense, for
had to do
chiefly
with mere words and not the form of Homeric and other
poetry.
1
Nevertheless,
it
was a beginning; and

i.
in succeed1900).
Saintsbury,
History of Criticism,
pp.
10-12
(New York,

ing centuries
it
21
became
aesthetic, treating literature purely

art.
as the product of conscious or unconscious

It
birth.
was
in Asia
Minor that
this early criticism

first,
had
its
The
lonians
were the
perhaps, to study
first
Homer
systematically.
They
were, therefore, the
to
reject his mythical interpretation of nature in the effort
to discover a rational and physical interpretation of
it.
They
all
inquired, "
What
is
the
this
first
principle
and source
of
things?" and with
inquiry Greek Philosophy
begins.
Before Pisistratus had undertaken to

text,
make a
Anaxi-
standard edition of the Homeric
Thales,
mander, and Anaximenes,
all
of Miletus,
and Heraclitus
life
of Ephesus, taught the intimate connection between
and matter, the one dependent on the

to
(c.
other, according
the
doctrine
known
the
as
Hylozoism.
Thus Thales
640
B.C.) believed
is
first principle
life.
to be water, since
moisture
first
necessary to
Anaximander made the

to which he gave the
all
principle
aireipov,
an unknown element
name
to be
from which by eternal motion
things
were produced.
air,
Anaximenes found the
original element
whence came everything through the processes and

rarefaction.
of condensation
On
the other hand,
Heraclitus
(c.
500
B.C.),
the last of this so-called Ionian

in all things of
fire,
School, taught the
immanence
and
the doctrine of an
eternal flux.
Pythagoras
(c.
500
B.C.)
was the most remarkable

it
of
these earlier philosophers, and
was he who developed
22 a
new form
first
of religion
and of philosophy, while he
was the
Greeks.
great mathematician to arise
among the
which
In
fact, as early as the
seventh century, mathe-
matics began to be
studied, (mainly geometry)
the Greeks learned from the Egyptians.
Dr. Cajori re-
marks:
'
" Just as Americans in our time go to
Germany
sat
to study, so early
Greek scholars
CEnopides,
visited the land of the

all
pyramids.
Thales,
Pythagoras ...
at the feet of the Egyptian priests for instruction.
While
Greek culture
is,
therefore, not primitive,
it
commands
mind
of
our enthusiastic admiration.

the
The
speculative
Greek
at
once transcended
questions
life.
pertaining
It pierced
merely to the practical wants of everyday

into the ideal relations of things
and
revelled in the study
of science as .science."
Thales introduced the study of Geometry into Greece
and with him begins the study
of scientific
is
Astronomy.
The attempt
matics.
life
to square the circle
as old as Anaxagoras.
All of the Ionic philosophers pursued the study of Mathe-
Pythagoras, however, stands alone.
Around the
it
and personality
of this great genius there hangs, as

all
were, a mist of tradition such as envelops

'See Allmann, Greek Geometry from Thales
to
of the
most
Euclid (Dublin, 1889);

Cajori,
Tannery, La Glometrie Grecque

Elementary Mathematics
'
(Paris, 1887);
and
History of
(New York,
1907).
An
abstract of a history of geometry in Greece, written
by Eudemus,
first
is
preserved in the commentaries
by Proclus
(412 a.d.)
on the
book
of Euclid.
23
remarkable characters of history, from Moses to Napoleon.

Pythagoras was born in the island of Samos, but after
visiting
Egypt and the East, he
finally
made
his residence
at Crotona, in Southern Italy, where he established a

cult the
members
of which,
drawn mainly from the
aris-
tocratic class,
formed a brotherhood under the leadership
of Pythagoras.
They were bound by a vow

and philosophy.
caste;
to study his
of
theories of religion
Three hundred
them formed the highest
and they were admitted

largely
only by Pythagoras himself,
who judged them
through his knowledge of physiognomy.

thing mystic about
all this, for
There was some-
they took an oath of secrecy

" Everything
is
according to the
maxim
of their master:
not to be told to everybody."
Pythagoras taught them
temperance, self-control, and an ethical righteousness
which should make

spheres," that
universe.
is
their lives reflect " the
music of the
of the
all
to say, the order and
harmony
This principle of harmony ran through
the
Pythagorean teaching, which comprised music,

metic, geometry,
tells
arith-
and astronomy.
There
is
a story which
how
he discovered the relations of the musical scale
by accidentally observing the various sounds produced by hammers of different weights striking upon an anvil, and suspending by
strings other weights equal to those
of the respective hammers.
He
is
said to have
first dis-
covered the so-called Pons Asinorum in geometry.

Religion he taught the transmigration of
souls a
In
doc-
24
trine

which he had probably learned in India.
things
is
The essence
no
of
all
Number, according
to his teaching; but
existing works, bearing the

uine.
name
of Pythagoras, are genafter-
His influence among the Italian Greeks, and
wards among the Athenians, was very great; so that the

Pythagorean cult endured for
many
centuries.'
Finally,
in the sixth century, the Eleatic arose,
School of philosophy
numbering among
its
most distinguished teachers,
Xenophanes, already mentioned as having rejected the
Homeric idea
of
of
God, with Parmenides and Zeno, both
whom
The
asserted that the senses cannot teach us truth,

is
but that verity
apprehended only by the mind.^
study of nature, which began with the Ionian
School, led to the origin of another science.
Homer had
long been the basis of geographical knowledge.

statements, Hesiod
It
On
his
and the other early poets had depended.

without exaggeration that interest in
it
may be
said
geography, so far as
the seventh century,
tirely
had existed before the middle of
was spread among the Greeks en-
through the poems of Homer.
The
children in the
schools,
and the
elders
who heard
the declamations of the

cities, rivers,
rhapsodes, thus became acquainted with the

^
Gleditsch, Die Pythagoreer
(Posen,
1841);
Chaignet, Pythagore
his so-called
et
la Fhilosophie Pythagorienne
(Paris,
1873).
For
Golden
Verses, see Gottling's edition of Hesiod

berger, Die
(Gotha, 1843);
and Schnee-
goldmen Spriiche des Pythagoras (Munnerstadt, 1862). 'Windelband, History of Ancient Philosophy, pp. 46-52. Englbh
translation
(New York,
1899).
25
and mountains of Greece, and
(especially
from the Cata-
logue of Ships) with the names of the Hellenic tribes.
But
after first-hand
knowledge had been gained by

to formulate a
so that with
travel,
learned
men began
more exact view
of
physical geography,
them the
of Miletus
science of
is
Geography began.'
Anaximander
said to
have made upon a large scale a

supposed
it
map
of the world as he
(c.
to be.
His compatriot, Hecatasus
500
B.C.),
constructed a bronze plaque or possibly a globe, ^ on which

the sphere of the earth, the sea, and the courses of the rivers
were given.
Maps
of countries, however,
had not yet be-
come important; though
descriptive notes were collected

curiosity.
from persons who travelled on business or from
In this manner the data necessary for the preparation

of
Descriptive
Geography were gradually accumulated.

were Hanno of Carthage,
To
this the great contributors
who
explored the western coast of Africa, his countryman
Himilco, and such of the Greeks as came into direct

contact with the Persians
and Egyptians.'
Hecataeus
corrected the chart of Anaximander, adding a
commen-
tary of which fragments are preserved in quotations.^
This
'
is
the
first
geographical work written by any Greek.

History of Ancient Geography (London, 1883).
See Bimbury,
irlva^
'xA^Kcoi
'
(Herod, v. 125).
See Antichan, Les Grands Voyages de Decouveries des Anciens (Paris,
i8gi);
and
infra, pp. 34-35-
Edited by C. and Th. Miiller
(Paris, 1841).
See the monograph
by
Schaffer on Hecataeus (Berlin, 1885).
26
Writers like Anaximander and Hecatsus committed their

observations to Prose.
Until their time, poetry
had been
employed even
in
philosophical discussion an example
followed by Lucretius in later times
among the Romans.

restraints
But
descriptive geography cast aside the

still
of
metrical form, though

character.
maintaining a highly poetical

it
Only by degrees did
become true
prose,
but was
filled
with phrases and turns of expression borwriters.

'
rowed from the epic
Those who employed
it
were known as Logographi;
and presently they began
to mingle, with their descriptions of coimtries, anecdotes
and remarks not

therefore,
first
strictly geographical.
In their works,
we
find the beginnings of History,
which was at
Its
skil-
nothing more than annals very simply written.
true development comes later with Herodotus,

fully
who
combined descriptive geography with the story of
nations, interwoven also with personal observations, so
that he deserves the
name which Grafenhan has given

of Antiquity."
him
of " the
it
Humboldt
Thus
of
will
be seen that out of the study and criticism
Homer
there
came the elements

study fostered
of
many
kinds of
geo-
learning.
Homeric
mathematical,
graphical, astronomical,
it
and philosophical research,
just as
led other poets to write in imitation of their great
model.
Though Homer
gradually ceased to be viewed as
a universal teacher, yet the devotion of the Greeks, so

'
\oyoyp6,ôi.

long given to his poetry, exercised an influence which
it
27
made
endure far beyond the time when he was held to be His great
lines
a wholly inspired writer.
had become a
His phrases,
part of every man's intellectual equipment.

his epithets, his
many gnomic
utterances, were as firmly
embedded
in the daily speech of the Greeks, as those of
the English Bible and of Shakespeare are embedded in
our own.
of
In the study of him we are to find the sources

learning.
Greek
Afterward, while forsaking him as a
guide in morals and in science,
men
still
turned to him as
a great master of language and an unconscious model

of strong yet harmonious expression.
[Bibliography.
In addition
;
to the
works cited in the preceding
chapter, see also Grafenhan, Geschichte der Classischen Philologie,

i
(Bonn, 1843)
Reinach, Manuel de Philologie
Classique,
2d
ed. 2 vols. (Paris, 1885)
Egger, Essai sur I'Histoire de la Cri-
tique chez les Grecs (Paris, 1887);
Sandys,
History of Classical
Scholarship,
i.
pp. 1-51, 2d ed. (Cambridge, 1908); Jebb,
Homer
ed.
(Glasgow, 1887);
;
Schomann, Griechische AlterthUmer, 4th
(Berlin, 1897) Browne, Handbook of Homeric Study (London, 1905)
Cara, Gli Hethei Pelasgi (Rome, 1902);

Greece,
E. Curtius, History
1868-1872);
oj
Eng.
trans.,
5 vols.
(New York,
Modern
MahafFy,
What
have the Greeks done for

1909).]
Civilisation?
(New York
and London,
II
THE PRiE-ALEXANDRIAN PERIOD

(500-322 B.C.)
Throughout
Asia Minor.
the sixth and seventh centuries, suprem-
acy in Greek culture had been held by the lonians of
To them
were due the
intellectual efforts
which have been described in the preceding chapter.

Hellas proper, however, both
In
Athens and
full
Sparta
had
achieved a prominence which was

ties.
of latent possibili-
The
wise and temperate rule of Solon
and
Pisis-
tratus in Athens,
and the
institutions
which at Sparta
fitted
were ascribed traditionally to Lycurgus, had

these States to play the important roles
are
best
each of
by which they
known
in
history.
Athens and Sparta were
different in almost every respect.

brilliant,
Athens was democratic,

to
intellectual
strict
and given
first
of
all
activity.
Sparta was aristocratic, subjected to a
discipline,
and caring
States
first
of
all
for
warlike power.'
These two
had been gradually acquiring control over the

which touched
their
territories
own; so that in the
sixth
century they became

'
possessed of a civilisation based

. . .
See Jannet, Les Institutions Sociales
d Sparte, 2d ed.
(Paris,
1880).
28
THE PR^-ALEXANDRIAN PERIOD

upon
Strength of
29
body and mind, and
ripe for the further

in them.
cultivation
It
which was to be developed
was
in the year 500, that
a darkly threatening cloud

Their
began to loom over the Greeks of Asia Minor.

proximity to Persia had always been a danger.
liberty,
Loving
they gradually resented the burden of a despotism

.fostered
which the Persians
by imposing petty tyrants

free.
upon communities which

the year 500, their
into a flame.
cities.
had been wholly
In
smouldering discontent broke out

of the Ionian
There was a general uprising
republic
was proclaimed
in Miletus.
Soon the
cities
on the Hellespont and almost the whole of Caria

in a revolt.
and Cyprus joined
An
appeal for help was
made
to the Western Greeks;
and though Athens and
Eretria were the only States to give immediate aid by
sending a small
great
fleet,
this
marked the beginning
of the
Persian
Wars which
and
constitute an epoch in the
history of Greece
of the world.
For the moment,

allies
the Ionian fleet was shattered by the Persian
from
Egypt and
(500-494
Phoenicia.
Miletus, after a siege of six years

in the
B.C.),
was taken and destroyed
madness
of a frightful vengeance.
The whole
It
of
Ionia was ravaged
with
forth
oriental
cruelty.
was then that Athens stood

race;
as the champion of the
and against her
Darius, " the great king," launched two vast expeditions

of ships
and men.
The
first
was wrecked
at
Athos.
The second came
to a disastrous end on the plain of
30

B.C.).
Marathon (490
One hundred thousand

The
Persians
under Datis and Artaphernes were pitted there against

ten thousand Athenians under Miltiades.
Asiatics
were routed with great

a
thrill of
loss,
and the Athenian victory sent

all
triumph throughout
Hellas.
Modern
historians believe that the exploit of the Atheit
nians was greatly exaggerated then, and that
has been
misunderstood ever
since.
Professor K. F. Geldner says,
" Probably the Greeks, after having avoided battle for a
long time,
fell
upon the Persians
as they were departing,
and
especially after their powerful cavalry

'
had already
embarked."
If the able
and energetic Darius had comwould doubtless have been

however,
it
manded
different.
in person, the result
Making
all
allowances,
was
in
effect
a victory for Athens, since the Persians abandoned

Therefore, Athens
the campaign and returned to Asia.
leaped at once to a position of great influence which was
enhanced when, ten years

Xerxes,
his
later,
the
new Persian
king,
sought vengeance.
An enormous army
under
command marched through Macedonia and Thrace,

fleet sailed forth to
and an overwhelming
Thessalonica.
suffered the
fleet
The
Spartans,
who now rushed

of
to
arms,
glorious
defeat
Thermopylae.
off
The Athenian
routed the Persians
Salamis;
while both Athenians
and Spartans united
in shattering the disordered troops
of Persia behind their fortifications at Plataea.

'
Finally,
See also Schauer, Die Schlacht bei Marathon (Berlin, 1893).
31
the lonians, on the same day, being encouraged by the

sight of Grecian ships, shook off once
more the shackles

thousand
of their servitude
and destroyed the
sixty
men
who remained
by Xerxes.'
out of the great host that had been led forth
The two
Persian "Wars
may seem
to have
had no
direct
relation to the history of Classical Philology;
yet in fact,
their power,
by compelling the Greeks to put forth

these splendid triumphs
all
stimulated
them
into
extraor-
dinary activity wherever the race was represented.^ a stimulation

well
is
Such
it
the result of every great war, and
may
serve
as
a vindication of
many
life
historic
struggles
which have cost so heavily in human

wasted treasure.
and
in apparently to the first
The Punic Wars

later century
led at
Rome
Civil
real flowering of Italian genius.
The
Wars which
ravaged Italy in a
ended with the golden

France was never so
under Louis
triumphs of the Augustan Age.
glorious, intellectually, as in the battle-years
XIV, and again amid the Napoleonic Wars.

struggle of
The
heroic
England against Spain made
the.
Elizabethan
Period superbly memorable in the annals of literature and

science;
and
so did her stubborn, unrelenting contest with
'
See Cox, The Creeks and the Persians

for
(New York,
activity
1897).
'Note,
example, the
remarkable
displayed
by
the
Athenians in rebuilding and enlarging their

station,
city's walls.
Men
of every
women, and even
children,
under the urgent advice
of the
mighty
Themistocles, engaged in this work, tearing
down temples and even
tombs to
afford material for the walls.
32
the Corsican Emperor,

alone, with a
when
at times she stood entirely
haughty confidence in her ultimate success.

scale brings into play all the energies
Warfare on a great
of
men, both physical and mental.

its
It inspires
them
alike
by
victories
and by
its
defeats.
It leads nations to
cast aside their inglorious love of ease
and
lets the fierce
joy of conflict
stir
at once the senses, the intellect,
and
the imagination.
Hence
it is
that
we
find in the Persian
Wars the
begin-
ning of a
States,
great
and splendid career for the Hellenic

all
and most of
for Athens,
which had won such
brilliant victories in the field as to rouse Hellenic pride
and to make the
city of
the violet crown the centre of
all
Hellas, in arts as well as arms.
We
must now look
for
the
rise of
men who
were really great, and for the develop-
ment
visible
of those studies
in the
which had been only nebulously

centuries.
two preceding
Certain of the
men who became famous

of Aristotle, spiration
early in this period,
which ex-
tends from the outbreak of the Persian
Wars
to the death
in-
won
their chief distinction
through the
which had come to them because of the Persian

Greece.
assault on
Conspicuous among these was the

of
all
Theban
Pindar,
greatest
the lyric
poets.
The
local
Thebans were
jealous of Athens; yet Pindar
was no
poet, but the laureate of the
whole Hellenic race; and his
exultation over the defeat of the Persians led
him
to pour
forth vivid, joyous lines, ringing with the note of patriotic

pride.
33
Because of
fine,
this, his
fellow-Thebans imposed on
him a heavy
which the Athenians paid back to him
twofold besides erecting a statue in his honour.
The mention
Poetry was
first
of Pindar leads us to note that Lyric
cultivated with conscious art
among
is
the
ôlians and the Dorians.
The
and
lyric in general
it
the
most primitive form of
poetry,
must have
it is
existed in
the earliest ages, at least in a rude form, for
the spon-
taneous utterance of emotion
at
first
absolutely individ-
ual self-expression, a concomitant of the primitive dance, a

vocal expression of the " play instinct," seeking naturally
after
rhythmic movement.'
This originally expressed

is
itself
in the trochaic measure,
which
the primitive metrical
form among
all
peoples.
Then was developed

we find
in
very gradSide
ually the dactylic hexameter which
Homer.
by
side with this hexameter, however, the
lighter lyrical
movement was
and was
cultivated in song.
Elegiac
and Iambic
Poetry forms a transition from epic to lyric composition,

so
known
to
the
lonians.
Purely
l)Tical or
Melic Poetry, which was verse intended to be sung to a
musical accompaniment, was not Ionic, but

artistic
first
received
shape from Terpander of Antissa in Lesbos as
early as 700 b.c.

(later imitated
In the ôlic
lyric,
Alcaeus of Mitylene
by Horace), and
his
contemporary, Sappho,
gave
it
a complete and
varied form.
So the
and Peck,
jovial
poems
(New
>See
W.
Scherer, Poetik (Berlin, 1888);
lAierature
York, 1908).
34
of
HISTORY OF CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY Anacreon

(550
B.C.)
it
were
composed
earlier
than
raised
Pindar's time.
choral poetry to
Yet
its
was Pindar, a Dorian, who
highest form at the time of the Persian
Wars, together with Simonides and his nephew, Bacchylides.'
The
splendid
victories
of
Hellas
over
its
eastern
to
foes led Herodotus
of Halicarnassus in Asia
Minor
write his remarkable narrative in nine books at a date
which
middle
is
uncertain, but which

of
must have been about the

Herodotus,
a
great
the
fifth
century B.C.
traveller,
a keen observer, a collector of interesting facts,
has been styled " the Father of History."
We
have seen,
however, that history of a sort had been written by the

Logographi.^
annalistic
It
was Herodotus who

in
cast aside the dry

is
form and wrote
a prose style that
at
it
once simple, attractive,

retains
and highly picturesque,

This
for
a deep tinge of poetic colouring.
genial,
learned,
his
and yet pleasing writer took

Persian Wars.
It
for the subject of
history the
is,
indeed,
a great
prose epic of the conflict between Hellas and the East,

as the
first
is
sentence of the
first
book shows:
men may
" This
a publication of the researches of Herodotus
of Halicarnassus, to the
end that the deeds of
not be obliterated by time, and that the great and won'See Mattel, Die griechischen Lyriker (Berlin, 1892); and the introduction to Smyth's Greek Melic Poets
'
(New York,
1900).
See p. 26.

derful achievements wrought both
35
by Greeks and by bar-
barians
may
not be divested of their glory
and,
more-
over, to explain the cause
which led them to wage war
upon each
other."
of Mity-
Contemporary with Herodotus was Hellanicus

lene, of
whose works only fragments remain.
Though he
lived to a very old age, dying in 406 B.C.,
he had none of
the literary charm of the
new
prose.
Nevertheless, he
was the
logical
first
writer to introduce something like a chrono-
arrangement into the traditional records of history

his views regarding
and mythology; and
them were
ac-
cepted for more than a century after his death.

likewise
records,
service
He
His
was a profound student

though having
to
little literary
of Genealogy.
value, were of
much
of
the
later
historians;
while
the
notes
Herodotus made
during his extensive travels were a rich
mine
for writers
on Descriptive Geography,
Just as the Persian

so the Peloponnesian
greatest historian
Wars had
given Herodotus a theme,
War
(431-404 B.C.) inspired the
who
has ever written.
This was Thu-
cydides (471-
c.
399
B.C.),
an Athenian who wrote a history
of this epoch-making
struggle
waged between the two
leading States of Hellas for the supremacy of the race,
it
Athens and her

allies
allies
on the one
side,
and Sparta and her
on the
other.
Thucydides was a
man of
wealth and
character.
His
fine intellect
had been
cultivated until
became an instrument of remarkable power, delicacy, and
36
finish.
He had
on the one hand the
scientific
spirit,
and on the other hand an almost unrivalled

expression.
gift of literary
When
all
the war broke out, he was forty years
of age, with
thus,
his faculties at their very highest;
and
most
naturally, the history

*
which he produced in
it
eight books
session
for
has become what he desired

all
to be, a pos-
time
(/crij/ia
e9
aei).
Herodotus
had was
written with great
charm
of style.
His narrative
illumined by anecdote
and the narration of curious
facts.
He was
a prose poet.
judicial
Thucydides, on the other hand,

with
a
combined
eloquence.
impartiality
manly, moving
Lord Macaulay
said that his prose
was the
finest prose that
has ever yet been written by any man;*
and
this in spite of
what to the modern mind seems often

His impartiality
is
to be extreme obscurity.
the
more
remarkable in that he was writing contemporaneous history,
and that he was himself an Athenian and took part
in the war.
To
quote Dr. F. B.
Jevons:
" There
is
hardly a literary production of which posterity has entertained a more uniformly favourable estimate than the
history of Thucydides.
his undeviating fidelity
This high distinction he owes to
and
impartiality as a narrator;
to the masterly concentration of his work, in which he
'The eighth book

work
of
is
incomplete and
is
by some regarded
as not the
Thucydides himself.
also said of himself that while
'Macaulay
he might perhaps dare to

writer,
believe that he could equal the prose of
any other
he would never
attempt to rival the seventh book of Thucydides.

is
37
content to give in a few simple yet vivid expressions

it
the facts wliich
must have often taken him weeks

collect,
sift,
or
even months to
and decide upon; to the

in
sagacity of his political
and moral observations
which
he shows the keenest insight into the springs of

action
rivalled
human
and the mental nature

descriptive
of
. .
man;
and
to his un-
power.
the
Thucydides when he
thereby
deliberately
undertook to record
present,
elected to confine himself to efficient causes.
This
pref-
erence for efficient causes and for scientific history, in the

best sense of the term,
is
intimately connected with the
positive nature of his history
that
is
to say, with his
perpetual endeavour to record facts and to distinguish
them from
inferences
drawn from
facts."
The utmost
this respect
efforts of
modern
criticism
have been unIn

It is
able to shake the wonderful structure of his history.
he
is
to be compared with Gibbon.
interesting to note that while
Niebuhr
is
popularly said
to have
first
established the scientific principles of histori-
cal investigation,
Gibbon anticipated Niebuhr
in practice
just as
he himself had been anticipated by Thucydides

before.*
more than two thousand years
A
'
contemporary of Thucydides, Xenophon, who was

foil.
See Muller-StrUbing in the Jahrhuch fur Philologie, cxxxi. 289

to his edition of Thucydides, vol.
i.
and Classen's Introduction

(Berlin,
2d ed.
1897);
Forbes, The Life and Method of Thucydides (London,
1895);
and Jevons,
History of Greek Literature, pp. 327-348
(New
York, 1897).
38
also

an Athenian,
is
the third great historian to give lustre
to the Prae-Alexandrian Period.

in
Serving as a mercenary
a Greek force raised by C)Trus the Persian, he recorded a work which continues
for the sim-
his experiences in the Anabasis,
to
be read in our secondary schools both
plicity
and vivacity of
its
narrative,
and
for the
facts
observed by Xenophon and faithfully recorded in the

seven books which
historian
is
make up
the work.
Xenophon
as an
inferior to
Herodotus and Thucydides, but

persistent popularity
he
is
an admirable
writer, as his
well shows.
Besides the Anabasis, he wrote a history of
Greece (Hellenica) which practically completed the unfinished
work of Thucydides, unlike
whom
he wrote
with a strong bias, in violent contrast with the stem impartiality of his predecessor.^
Xenophon did not
confine
himself to historical writing, but composed treatises which
had
to
do with
Political Science (the
Lacedamonian
Polity,
the Cyropadia, and
On
the
Athenian Finances) as well
as quasi-ethical monographs, the most famous of which

is
the Memorabilia of Socrates.
Xenophon
writes in a
dialect
which
is
not purely Attic, owing to the fact of his
long and frequent absences from his native country.^
In the histories of Thucydides and Xenophon there are

introduced set speeches, conventionally supposed to have
been delivered by generals to their troops, by statesmen

'
See A. Holm, Griechische Geschichie; Eng. trans. (London, 1894-99). See Alfred Croiset, Xenophon, son Caractere
et
'
son Talent (Paris,
1873).
THE PIÊ-ALEXANDRIAN PERIOD

to deliberative assemblies,
39
by ambassadors and by dema-
gogues.
records.
These speeches do not pretend to be authentic
They
are inserted partly to enliven the narrative

it
by interspersing
ticularly to
with personal touches, and more pareffectively
sum up
and within a short compass
the opinions or arguments which the speakers might have
been supposed to hold and to
utter.
They
are true in
substance though not authentic in form.
Their occurfifth
rence in historical writing shows that, during the

century. Oratory
had become an
art.
Of
course, a certain
kind of oratory, rude and extemporaneous, must have
been known far back in the prehistoric period, since

oratory
is
one of the accomplishments which make for
statesmanship.
The
primitive chieftain undoubtedly haarose.
rangued his followers when occasion

poetry of
verse.
Even
in
in the
Homer
this
there are speeches set
down
hexameter
Professor
But
imtutored oratory was,

it,
as
Sears
describes
merely
it
" protoplasmic
eloquence."
The
psychological basis of
was not understood.
The
and
graces of external form were not yet taught by precept.
Such power as oratory had, came from strong
feeling
the gift which some possess of swaying the minds and
imaginations of their hearers by communicating to them
something of their
own
passion.
By
the end of the sixth

to recognise that
is
century, however, educated
men began
the gift of eloquence, the end of which
persuasion,
could be acquired; so that in a philosophical treatise by
40

is
Diogenes of ApoUonia there
found embodied, "
like
trilobite in limestone," the following rhetorical injunction,
" It appears to
me
that every one
who
In
begins a discourse
ought to state the subject with distinctness, and to

the style simple and dignified."
'
make
fact,
the Greeks,
who
were essentially a nation of talkers, expected the
account of a man's actions to be accompanied and explained by his spoken words, so that
his intellectual
all
might judge of
it
and moral character.
Hence
was that
at
the time of the Persian Wars, eloquence
came
to be highly
valued as indispensable to the statesman, the diplomat,
and the commander
of,
armies.
Oratory,
or,
to use the
Greek term. Rhetoric
{pr^TopiKrj),
thus arose, comprising
both the practical and the theoretical art of speaking.

earnestly
So
last
was
it
cultivated that
Its
it
came
to
be called at
" the art of arts."
development was one of the steps

rise of
which accompanied the decline of poetry and the

prose.
Just as the
lyric
supplanted the epic, and pictur-
esque prose narrative was gradually preferred to poetry, so

oratory
still
further
remove from purely imaginative

literature with practical
composition
life.
helped to assimilate
Its rapid
growth was due, of course, to the spread
of
democracy by which the government of the State begift of
came the
the assembled people.
To
dominate the
reason, the impulses,
and the prejudices of the people were
at last the chief functions of the art of oratory.

'
See Sears, The History of Oratory, ch.
i.
(Chicago, 1903).
THE PR^- ALEXANDRIAN PERIOD
41
Already for the training of legal and judicial pleading,
a definite though imperfect system had been set

Cicero
*
forth.
ascribes
it
to the Sicilian Greeks,
who were famous The
in antiquity for their ready wit, their love of highly coloured
language, and their passion for subtle argument.

first
manual professing
is
to instruct
men
in the art of per-
suasive speaking
said to have been written
by Corax
of Syracuse in Sicily early in the sixth century b.c.

this date
With
then begins the formal development of the art of
Rhetoric.
Corax opened a school
at Syracuse in
which
he taught the principles laid down in his Te'^vv;

his pupil, Tisias, of
and
whom
little
is
known, made some

Gorgias of Leontini
additions to the rules of Corax.^
(485-380
B.C.),
probably a pupil of Tisias, carried the study
of rhetoric to Hellas proper, whither he went as an
am-
bassador to ask for protection against the encroachments

of Syracuse.
From
in the
that time he had a residence in Athens

city of Larissa in Thessaly,
and another
winning
widespread fame both as a public speaker and as a practical teacher of rhetoric.
So far as any evidences remain of

it
the teaching of Gorgias,

to a highly artificial
'
seems plain that his rules looked

style of oratory.'
and meretricious
five parts:
Brutus, 46.
rules divided
'These
tive, (3)
an oration into
(i) proeta, (2) narra-
arguments,
(4) subsidiary
remarks, and (5)
peroration.
Both
ei/cis,
Corax and Tisias made much

that
is
of
the value of what they called
to say, the semblance to truth
which in an oration makes the
whole of an argument appear plausible and therefore possesses an appeal

to man's sense of
'
what
is
just
and
right.
Two
orations ascribed to
him
are extant.
See Blass, pp. 44-72.
42
Studied antitheses, a profusion of simile and metaphor,

apostrophe, and other figures, together with a carefully
balanced rhythm, must have
made
his
most
finished elo-
quence resemble the so-called Euphuism of John Lyly and

his fellow-Elizabethans.
It was, in fact,
a foreshadowing
in
Greece
of
the so-called Asiatic style of eloquence
adopted in later times by some of the

Athens, however, a
vailed.
less
Roman
orators.
At
affected
mode
century
of eloquence pre-
There were great orators who were conspicuous

fifth
during the middle of the
B.C.,
and whose
little
manly, noble eloquence (the Attic style) gained

teachings such as those of Gorgias.
from
the noblest statesman whom was a period of great splendour. PeriGreece produced
The Age
of
Pericles
cles
adorned and enriched the
city
with the wealth con-
tributed
by the
allied
States.
Athens to him meant
Greece just as Paris to the French people has long meant

France.
Under
his
patronage, Greek
architecture
and
sculpture reached perfection.
He
planned the Parthenon,
the Erechtheum, the Odeon, and

public edifices.
many
like magnificent
He
encouraged literature as well as the

the centre of a splendid group, in
iEschylus,
other arts.
He was
which were Thucydides,

des,
Sophocles, Euripi-
Anaxagoras, Zeno, Protagoras, Pindar, and the great
sculptors Phidias
and Myron.
Athens was
brilliant
with
gorgeous festivals and crowned with the laurels of military

glory.
The
noblest figure of
all
was
Pericles
himself.
43
Though Thucydides
high
'opposed him, he generously records
the fact that Pericles never did anything unworthy of his

position,
that
he neither flattered the people nor

all his
oppressed his private enemies, and that with

limited
unin-
command
of public money, he
is
was personally
corruptible.'
Gorgias
said
to have
first
instructed both
Pericles
and Thucydides, but the
Athenian to apply
the rules of rhetoric practically in speaking before the public

assemblies and the courts
was Antiphon (480-41 1

models
b.c.)
He
was
also the first to publish speeches as If
for rhetoriinter-
cal study.
we examine
these
and the orations
woven
in the history of Thucydides,
we
is
find that they

fatal to effective
exhibit a certain self-consciousness

oratory. grace,
which
Lysias (458-c. 378 B.C.) shows purity of style and

is
though he
lacking in energy.
Isocrates (436-338
artistic oratory,
B.C.) is rightly
regarded as the father of
properly so called, and by his mastery of style he has influenced oratorical diction throughout
'Lloyd, The Age of Pericles,
Pericles (London, 1891).
2
all
succeeding ages.^
and Abbott,
vols.
Oôndon, 1875);
Isocrates (Milton's
"Old
Man
it.
Eloquent" and Cicero's "Father
of
Eloquence") was perhaps as well known for his rhetorical teaching as

for his practical application of
He
wrote speeches to be delivered

of 1000 drachma2, or
by
others,
and he gave instruction at the rate
about
$250, for a course of lessons, and he often
had a hundred pupils at a
time, yielding a revenue equivalent to $25,000.
The king
of
Cyprus
set
paid him 20 talents (about $22,000) for a single oration.
These
speeches were not merely delivered once, but were copied and read
wherever Greek was understood.
On
the other hand, he would some-
times spend from five to ten years in perfecting one of these show pieces.
44
mSTOEY OF CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY

spoke with ease, adapting the language of the people
He
to his
own
usage; his periods were flowing and rhythmical;

instinctive
and he had an
knowledge of everything which

It is
tends to the possibilities of harmonious language.

said that Cicero was a deep student of Isocrates.^
It
was not
until near the close of the Prae-Alexandrian
Period that the most magnificent representative of Greek

oratory arose in the person of Demosthenes.
He comthe art
bined the persuasiveness of Lysias, the
animation and
boldness of Thucydides, and he understood well

of
speaking in
like
short,
terse
sentences which
would go
home
arrows to the minds of an assembled multitude.
His superb oration

absolute mastery of
On
all
the
Crown shows not
only an
the resources of rhetoric employed
with great intellectual power, but also patriotic fervour
and that
sincerity
which belongs
insisted.^
essentially to the
et/co'?
upon which Corax had

So much
that
of the teaching in Greece was given orally

find in this circumstance
we may perhaps
an explana-
tion as to
why
the oldest rhetorical text-book

of the
now
in
existence belongs to the middle

B.C.
fourth
century
Corax, already mentioned, had merely discussed the
divisions of
an oration and the manner of presenting
its
arguments.
In the manual written by Anaximenes (who,

of criticism
by the way, wrote nine books

Jebb, Attic Orators,
'
ii.
on Homer), the
and
'See Blass, Attische Beredsamkeii, 2d
ed., 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1898);
pp. 1-34, 2d ed. (London, 1893).
See Butcher, Demosthenes, preface to last ed. (London, 1903).
THE PR^-ALEXA2SrDRIAN PERIOD

subject
is
45
treated practically rather than philosophically.
Anaximenes taught rhetoric to Alexander the Great, who

for his sake spared the city of
Lampsacus, though
is
it
had
sided with the Persians.
This manual, which
dedicated
to Alexander, was, until the last century, included
among
the works of Aristotle and generally ascribed to him,
though with considerable doubt.

his treatise
In 1828, L. Spengel in
on the
rhetorical writers prior to Aristotle'
conclusively proved the
work
to be that of Anaximenes.
The author
gories:
(i)
divides oratorical discussion into three cate-
Forensic,
(2)
Deliberative,
(3)
Declamatory.
This threefold division was accepted by the ancients from

that time.
The manual
gives excellent advice as to the
proper arrangement of the members of an oration, with
some further
brief
technical details.
The
book, however,
is
and
its
treatment of the subject very meagre.

with a
full
The
first scientific treatise
analysis
and a
is
comprehensive grasp of both theory and practice
that
of Aristotle in his Rhetorica, divided into three parts or
books.
As
this
is
the most important work on rhetoric

its
produced in ancient times, a short account of

development
plan and
of
may be
given here.
The
great point
is
departure in Aristotle's discussion of rhetoric

his view of
its
found in
functions.
Rhetoric to him
is
not the art

It
is
of ornamenting and beautifying discourse.
not
the
merely persuasion.
'
It
is
rather the
discovery
of
Published at Stuttgart, 1828.
46
possible
means
of
persuasion.
Hence,
rhetoric
is
the
counterpart of Logic, and the principles of logic enter into

its
laws as an essential part of them.

:
The
uses of rhetoric
are
(i)
the
means by which truth and

and
injustice;
justice
may
rise
superior to falsehood
(2)
the
means
(3)
of
persuasion that are suited to popular assemblies;
the
dis-
means
of seeing both sides of a case
and of thus
covering the weakness of an adversary's argument;

(4)
and
all
the means of defending one's
own
case against
it.
possible attacks that
can be made upon
The means
natural, " in-
of persuasion he sets forth as follows:

artificial
(i)
" proofs, such as the sworn testimony of witetc.;
nesses,
documents,
and
(2)
artificial proofs,
which
are either (a) logical, involving demonstration
by argu-
ment; or
else (b) ethical,
when the weight

confidence in his
of a speaker's
hearers,
own
character
inspires
and
emotional,
when he works upon the
feelings of his listeners
by appealing to
proof, he says,
their sympathies or prejudices.
Logical
depends upon the principle of giving " a
syllogism
from probability."
Of
the
nature of such
topic or general
syllogisms he distinguishes the
common
head, applicable to
all
subjects,
and the
special topic
drawn
from special
Following
arts, gifts, or
circumstances.
of
(i)
division
Anaximenes,
rhetoric
was
divided into three kinds:
Deliberative Rhetoric, which

is
has to do with exhortation or persuasion and
concerned
(2)
with future time as to expediency or inexpediency;
Fo-
THE PRffi-ALEXANDRIAN PERIOD

rensic Rhetoric,
47
relating to
accusation or defence and
concerned with time past as to justice or injustice;

(3)
and
Epideictic Rhetoric,
relating to
eulogy or censure,
and usually concerned with the present time and as to

honour or
rhetoric
distress.
The
first
two books
i.e.
of Aristotle's
deal
with
invention,
the discovery of the

relates to expres-
means
sion
of persuasion.
The
third
book
and arrangement.
Under the
latter
head he treats
of the art of delivery, considering verbal expression in
which
is
included the use of metaphor, simile, and terse
gnomic
sayings, of the
rhythm of sentences, and

(i)
of Style.
As
(2)
to style he notes four varieties:
the purely literary,

(4)
the controversial,
(3)
is
the
political,
and
the forensic.
Aristotle's Rhetoric
the most exhaustive, analytical,
and
scientific treatise
on the subject that has ever been

as
written.
It
is,
however,
has
been truly
said,
the
philosophy of rhetoric rather than rhetoric that he discusses.
His
mind was
intensely
analytical
and
was
always seeking for ultimate causes;

field
so that even in this
he
is
forever verging upon the sphere of the meta-
physical.
The
great importance of the treatise
is
that
it
prepared the way for Aristotle's Dialectic or Logic, which

in turn furnished
many
of the distinctions and classifica-
tions, destined afterward to be used in a different relation
by the
originators of
Formal Grammar.
by
Aristotle himself regarded rhetoric as standing side
side with logic, since each relates to the process of insur-
48
ing conviction.
The
orator
must be a
dialectician
if
he
would reach the highest excellence

dialectician,
effective
in his art;
and the
most
on the other hand,

a
will
make
his logic
through
command
of
the arts
of oratory.
Hence
Aristotle's rhetoric is really
a dialectic science.
In
his Organon, after he has set forth his system of logic,
he develops the methods by which

edge.
man
arrives at
knowl-
He
discloses the laws of thinking
and the modes
of cognition
from a study of man's faculty of coghition,
striving to gain
an
insight into the nature
and formation
of evidence
and conclusion.
In the course of this inquiry
he
tries to classify all possible objects of
human knowlare: (i) sub-
edge under definite heads.
In so doing, he drew up his
famous ten Categories

stance,
(6)
(^^(EtficaOTerato).
These
(2)
quantity, (3) quality, (4) relation, (5) place,
time, (7) situation, (8) possession, (9) action, (10) suffer-
ing, that is to say, passivity.*
The mere enumeration

we
them
find
of
these categories serves to
show how intimately they are

in our
connected with the classification that

formal grammar.
totle
Because, in setting
forth, Aris-
provided a terminology and a framework for the

in
Alexandrian and other grammarians

period, he has
the
following
been spoken of as the source in which

origin.^
(i) substance, (2) at-
both criticism and grammar find their

These ten categories are
tribute;
really reducible to two:
or (i) being, (2) accident.

Cassius,
liii.
'Dio
p. 353;
Reiske (294 R).
Aristotle's Rhetoric
vols.
is
edited separately with notes
by Cope and Sandys, 3
(Cambridge,
THE PR^-ALEXANDEIAN PERIOD

Rhetoric,
49
language study, criticism, literary training,

all
and philosophy were
popularised by a class of teachers

{aoîaral)
who became famous under the name of Sophists

Originally the
name
Sophist was given to any one
who
professed a particular knowledge of
some
special subject;
but about 450

educated
travelled
B.C.
it
was primarily applied
to well-
men who had

a
tuition
the gift of ready speech and
who
in
from place to place lecturing and teaching

fee.
return
for
They were the middlemen

to untrained
of learning
and made
intelligible
minds a
good deal of what was

writers
set forth
more profoundly by original

their counterpart in the
and
thinkers.
They have
peripatetic lecturers
who
traversed the United States from
1830 to i860, making addresses before " lyceums," and in

the university extension teachers of the last two decades.
Some
of
them were men
of great ability, such as Gorgias
of Leontini, already mentioned;
and Protagoras, a
the
is
brilliant
teacher of rhetoric in Athens,
who was
first scientific
individualist, taking as his motto "

all
Man
the measure of
things," that
is
to say, every
is
man must
be
his
own
standard of truth, since truth

absolute.
only relative and not
There was
also Prodicus of Ceos,
who
lectured
right
on
literary style {opOoeireia), laying great stress
on the
1877);
and
Zeller,
Aristotle
(London, 1897).
On
les
the rhetoric of the

1835);
Greeks, see Gros, Etude sur la Rhetorique chez

Perrot, Les Pricurseurs de Demostkene
Grecgues (Paris,
1873);
(Paris,
Girard, Eludes
sur I'^loqumce (Paris, 1847); and Bascom, The Philosophy
of Rhetoric
(New York,
1888).
50
use
of

words
{le
mot
juste).
Hippias
of
Elis
was
another famous Sophist.
He was
versed in
a
all
man
of prodigious
memory and profoundly

so far been developed.
his audiences
the learning of the
day, so that he attempted literature in every form that had
He
piqued and rather shocked

is
by attempting to prove that law

since
it
an
evil
and should not be obeyed,
forces
man
to
do many
things which are contrary to his nature.
In this he was
of
one of the
our day
first
representatives of
what the higher slang

temperament."
versatile,
describes as " the artistic
Such Sophists as these
brilliant,
eloquent,
and ingenious
thought.
of Athens.
sation.
had
an immense influence on
popular
Their society was courted by the leading
men
Even
Pericles took pleasure in their conver-
Greatest of
them
all
was
Socrates,
though he
professed to despise the Sophists as a class
and believed
himself to be other than a Sophist because he took no
money
for his teachings,
which were given in a desultory,
conversational
fashion.
From
Protagoras
and Gorgias
and Hippias, the Skeptics derived their doctrines; but

Socrates stands forth as the most inspiring philosophical
teacher of any time.
From
his
immensely suggestive talk,
Plato drew his inspiration, as did Aristotle
from
Plato.
Socrates gave an entirely
new turn
to philosophic teaching.
Before his time philosophy had been physical; after Socrates

it
became metaphysical and
ethical.
Just as the early
lonians had sought for a material origin of the universe,

SO Socrates thrust aside
all
speculations of the kind
and
"
asked the epoch-making question, "
How
shall
man
live?
The answer
Plato and by
to this question
Aristotle,
was sought not merely by
but afterwards by the Epicureans
and the
Stoics, the
Cynics and the Eclectics.
It should
be remembered, however, that, on the whole,
the Sophists as a class were rightly held in disesteem.
The
make
majority of
them were mere

and
smatterers, glib
and
shallow, perverting the truth,
willing for a price to
the worse appear the better reason.
In the end,
the later Sophists were nothing but smooth talkers, some-
times delighting in mere technicalities, which took with
them the
repute.^
place of reason, so that they
fell
wholly into
ill
But
it
was the Sophists
of the fifth century
who
gave a special impulse to the theoretical study of language.
Eemembering the importance

philosophical principles of
of rhetoric
and the quasi-
men
such as Protagoras and
Hippias,
it
is
not strange that there should have arisen
an immense amount of discussion regarding language, from the desire to discover the laws
of thought
through a
discovery of the laws which govern the expression of that
thought in
human
speech.
as
The
fact that
Language Study began

is
an adjunct to
the study of philosophy

plaining
'
immensely important as ex-
two
interesting facts,
the
fact that the purii.
On
the Sophists, see Benn, Greek Philosophers, ch.
(London, 1883);
Schanz, Die Sophisten (Gottingen, 1867); and Uebenveg, Geschichte der

PMlosophie,
i.
gth ed. (Leipzig, 1907).
52
suit
was conducted
in
a way so unlike that of the scienfact that a long time elapsed

scientific
tific linguist;
and the other
before the development of
grammar.
The
phi-
losophers were at
first
concerned only with the meanings

with their forms, their external
of words, and very
little
relations to each other, or their arrangement and govern-
ment
in
a sentence.
They
strove
rather to
dig
down
into the
very heart of language, to find out what lay
behind the sounds, and to penetrate into the working of

the minds that gave
them
currency.
Why
was a
one
certain
combination of
letters the representation of
idea, while
a certain combination of other letters stood for the representation of a different idea?
relation
of
In general, what was the
sound to thought?
These
questions
and
others like
them
first
attracted the philosopher to the
study of language, while they are the very last and most
remote problems to interest the modern

Hence,
for
its
if
scientific linguist.
the ancients had begun to investigate language

sake, they
own
would have created Grammar; but
as they took
up the subject merely as a means to another
end and from the standpoint of psychology, they invented

Etymology.
It
is,
of course, to
be understood
also that even the
most enlightened
researches
of the
Greeks in their most earnest

study of their
never went beyond the
own
of
all.
language.
They
scarcely even recognised the speech
other peoples as entitled to be called language at
53
is
The
more
Hellenic contempt for the non-Hellenic

strikingly displayed
nowhere
all
than
here.
To
the Greeks
foreigners,
and even
their
own kindred who spoke un-
familiar dialects, were styled "
dumb
" {dyXwa-a-oi)
The
contemptuous term ^dpâpo^

of the
is
merely another expression

talked.
same
feeling.
It
was only the Greeks who

like
Other people chattered
the birds of the

forest.
air,
or Jab-
bered like the beasts of the
Thus the
Carians,
the Thracians, the Illyrians, the Phrygians, and even the
Macedonians were said to speak " barbarian " tongues.' Demosthenes

called Alexander the Great a "barbarian."
in
This feeling also operated

of
keeping back the development

sense.
grammar
in its
modern
As a
rule,
no Greek
learned in
studied foreign languages.
His
own tongue he
childhood and he
felt
no need of instruction
in that.
As
for the jargon of alien races, he despised
both them and

is
those
who spoke them.
Themistocles,
who
said to have
spoken Persian very

exception.
ers
fluently, stands out as
a conspicuous
For a long time there were no language teachof language
and no study
from the standpoint of formal
grammar.
Persons
who
in ancient times acted as inter-
preters between Greeks and non-Greeks were either children
of
mixed parentage, speaking both
their fathers'
and
their
mothers' tongue; or else they were foreigners
who
studied
Greek
for the express purpose of serving as interpreters.

for the services of
There was, indeed, a steady demand

'
Strabo,
vii.
321; xiv. 662.
54
such men.
est

Herodotus nowhere implies even in the remotof the languages spoken in the
visited.
way that he knew any

countries that
many
he
In one passage
'
he
speaks of caravans of merchants in the region of the
Volga as needing seven interpreters

seven languages.
{epfi7]vei<;)
speaking
At a very much
later
period,
when
Alexander the Great penetrated India and questioned the
Brahmins on the subject of
their religion, the
conversa-
tion had to be carried on through a
series of interpreters.
The
Greeks, in fact, displayed an amusing naivete in their
astonishment at finding so
Greek, but
ease.
tical
many
people
who knew no
so
who spoke barbarian tongues with
much
They
were, in fact, apparently not gifted as pracfor
linguists;
even after Latin was the language

they seldom learned to speak
^
of their
own
rulers,
it
well.
Thus Plutarch
says
that he found
it
impossible to master
its
Latin, and that one needs to begin
study
when
very
young.
Strabo notes that historical treatises composed
in foreign languages
were inaccessible to the Greeks and
never read by them.'
On
the other hand, at an early period there
is
mention
of foreign scholars
and
writers
who
acquired an excellent
(in
command of
Greek,
men like
Berosusthe Babylonian
the
fourth century b.c.)

in
and Manetho the Egyptian, who wrote

their respective countries
iv. 24.
^.
Greek the records of

'
annals
Herodotus,
Strabo,
^ 3
Plutarch, Demosth.
ii.
4, 19.

which the Greeks regarded with a supercilious
55
indifference.
There
is
absolutely no hint in any ancient writer that any
of these foreign languages might be related to the Hellenic

dialects.
The
idea
would
have
seemed
preposterous
nearest apis
even to the most enlightened Greek.
The
proach to the suggestion of such an idea

Plato's dialogue, the Cratylus,
similarity
found in
where Socrates notes the

for
between the Greek and Phrygian names

objects.
certain
common
But though Plato
is
evidently
here upon the verge of a discovery that was

in the last century,
made
only
he failed to see the importance of the

set
fact
for
which he had
it
down, and chose rather to account
on the theory that the Greeks had borrowed a few
words from the Phrygians.

that of
That
his
own language and

nor did so keen
a " barbarian " people
had a common source
seems never to have occurred to him;
an observer as Aristotle perceive in languages " the law
and order which he

nature."
tried to discover in every realm of

that, as the
Hence,
it
came about
Greeks were
naturally slow in acquiring foreign tongues, as they
had a
supreme contempt for other languages than their own, and

as they entered on the investigation of the subject from a
purely philosophical and psychological point of view, the

first
stage of language study reached by
them was the
theoretical rather than
the empirical.
The Greek word
'Kdyo^
means
at once the
spoken word,
of that word.
and the reason which prompts the utterance
56

illustrates
This duality of meaning both symbolises and

the
spirit in
which the Greek philosophers approached the
study of language.
They wished
to determine
(i)
whether
the word and the thought had a necessary relation;

if
and
so,
(2)
what that
relation was.
Naturally enough, two
opposing views were soon formulated by two philosophical

schools.
The
Heracliteans
'
believed
that
because
all
truth
is
derived from language, language rests

basis.
upon an
immutable
Words
are either perfect expressions
of things or else they are only inarticulate sounds.

is
That
it is
to say, a
at
name must be
either a true
name
or
no
name
all.
it
Between every name,

signifies,
therefore,
and the
thing which
virtue of
there
is
a natural harmony by
which each word
in itself inevitably expresses
the innermost nature of the thing named.
The
Heracli-
teans thus held that language arose by nature

vofjLa).
{<f>v(Tei
or
The
Eleatics,^
on the other hand, regarded words

that the
as given to things arbitrarily;

like the
names
of things,
names
of slaves,
might be altered at pleasure;
and
that, in consequence,
no
light is to
be thrown on
mental processes or on the nature of thought,

ing the forms in which
it is
by study-
expressed.
One
of the Eleatics,
after the
a Megarian, Diodorus,
junctions, thinking to
named
his slaves
con-
show thereby the absurdity
of the
Heraclitean
'
doctrine,
which
recalls
Dr.
Johnson's
I.e. I.e.
the followers of Heraclitus of Ephesus, about 500 B.C.
'
the followers of Xenophanes and Parmenides of Elea.
TE& PRjE-ALEXANDRIAN PERIOD

famous
refutation of
57
Berkeley's
idealism.
Language,
therefore, according to the Eleatics, arose

(decrei
by convention
or
a-vvdrjicn).
This controversy has an interest far greater than any

merely
strikes
linguistic
discussion
could
possess.
It
really
down
into the
most profound
recesses of the hu-
man
mind.
It grazes the borderland of a
philosophical
question that has puzzled metaphysicians ever since
men
began to
reflect
upon the mystery
of their being,
question that has never been solved and that, humanly

speaking, admits of no solution.
in the scholastic period of the It
is
the question which
Middle Ages was known

It is
as the question of Realism and Nominalism.
the
question which, in after times, appeared as the question

of the
Freedom
of the
Human
Will.
Its discussion
by
the ancient philosophers led to the investigation of language.
As
it
was claimed that language corresponds

just as sensation
it,
naturally
and inevitably to the thought,
corresponds to the object which excites
the
first
in-
quiry which philosophers set before themselves was this:
What
is
language?
asserted
Heraclitus
that
language
is
the
immediate
product of a natural power which assigns to each thing

its
proper designation as a necessary element of the thing's
existence.
Names, he
said, are like the natural,

i.e.
not the
artificial images of visible things,
they resemble the
shadows cast by
solid objects, the
images seen in mirrors,
58

still
the reflected sun in

true
water.
"Those who
use the
word do
really
and
truly
name the
object, while those
who do
is,
not, merely
make an unmeaning
noise."
That
words are the immediate copies of things, produced by
nature herself, not due to any subjective influence or
human
ness
is
caprice,
but corresponding to
realities
by objecfit-
tive necessity;
(opOorr]';)
they have an abstract propriety and
and an
intrinsic force
and meaning.
This
the extreme statement of the Heraclitean doctrine which

so as to
was afterward modified by Epicurus
make
the
objective necessity, referred to above, a physical, organic

necessity.
Against the Heracliteans, the Eleatics defended their

thesis that
trarily
names
are given
and were always given
arbi-
by men who might with perfect propriety change

about.
them
Democritus
Heraclitean
propounded
view,
/cXet?
(i)
four
arguments
of
against
the
The
argument
Homonymy.
a collar-bone.
lutely
For instance,
means both a key and
Now
a key and a collar-bone have absohence,

if
no
relation to each other;
Kkek be the
it
inevitable
and natural name
for
one of them,
certainly
cannot be equally the inevitable and natural

the other.
(2)
name
of
is
The argument
of
Polyonymy.
A man
called avdpwiTO'i, or fêpo^jr, or

in
fipor6<;.
all
These terms are

three be the nec-
no way
alike;
how then can they
essary
names
of the one object?
(3)
The argument
of
Change, as when Aristocles comes to be called Plato.

(4)
59
The argument
<^j00jêtv
of Missing Analogy, as
when we have
the verb
formed from ^/joVt^ct-w, while from Swatoo-WT;

Siicaiocrvvelv.
we
find
no such verb as
it
In general
may be
said that the Heracliteans
num-
bered among their followers the majority of the ancient

philosophers, though Aristotle stands out as a great exception.
He, with his
dislike of anything mystical,

real,
and
with his practical hold on the
was an uncompromisand held that language

conviction
of
ing opponent of the natural theory,
depends on the
common argument and

all
men,
words
all
having no meaning at
their
in themselves,
but having
use them.
meaning put
into
them by
those
who
They
are
mere counters, whose value depends
wholly upon the assent of mankind.

It
was
evident, of course, to the Heracliteans them-
selves, after
little
study, that their claims could not be

it
made good
in
language as
actually existed;
for they
could not show
in the case of
many words any
essential
connection with the objects described by them;
and
it
was
also evident that
words had greatly changed since

first
the time
cussion
when they were
coined.
Hence, the
dis-
was put back from words
as they were then, to

this led to speculation
words as they had once been; and

as to the origin of language.
Setting aside the original
notion that
it
was
directly created
by the Deity, men
sought to show in what manner

If
it first
came
into existence.
word and object be
related,
what
is
the nature of the
6o
relation?

If
the original
in
name was
it
appropriate to the
thing
named,
what way was
appropriate?
The
general drift of opinion answered this question in favour

of the " onomatopoetic " theory, not in
its
crudest form,
but in the form in which

times by
it
has been defended in modern

his pupil
men
like
Heyse and
Steinthal,
and
of
cautiously by Whitney and by
Paul.'
(x.
passage
75)
Epicurus cited by Diogenes Laertius

fairest
gives the
this
and most temperate expression of what
view
meant:
"
Words
in the beginning did not originate
by express
agreement; but by the very nature of men, in the case of
each people, experiencing peculiar feelings and hearing

peculiar ideas, they expelled the air accordingly, thus ex-
pressing
different feelings
and ideas
differently, just as
people differed in location and surroundings."
This
is
in reality the theory of Heyse.
So Lucretius^
argues that speech arose from the impulse of things, just

as
children
who cannot
is
it,
speak, begin to gesture.
And
what wonder
ings
he
says, that
men mark
different feel-
by
different
sounds of the voice?
Even dogs and
horses and gulls and crows in the

ing
'
same way express vary-
moods and
passions.
Heyse, System der Sprachmissenschaft, edited by Steinthal (Berlin,

Steinthal, Gesckichte der Sprachwissenschaft bet den Greichen
2 vols.
1856);
und
Romern,
2d ed. (Berlin, 1891); and Whitney, The Life and Growth of Language (New York, 1880); id. Language and the Study of Language, 4th ed.
'
(New York,
foil.
1884).
Luaetius, v. 1028
6
its
The whole
nature
of
its
the ancient teaching on language,

origin,
is
and
summed up and
by
far the
digested in
that wonderful dialogue of Plato's which bears the

of Cratylus.
name
This work
linguistic
is
most profoundly
antiquity
insight.
philosophical
discussion that
proIt
duced,
is
full
of
deep truths and searching
not too
much
to say that no treatise on language before

is
the last century
worthy of comparison with
it.
Yet
its
importance has been only half appreciated by many, owing to the vein of
humour
that runs through

its
it,
and the
playful tone that characterises

sages.
most remarkable pasit
Some
scholars have even regarded
as purely a
piece of philosophical fun, a Platonic extravaganza
meant
only to
study.
it
make a mock
This view
is
of the whole subject of language
wholly untenable, and whoever holds
misses one of the most striking proofs of the greatness

It
is
of Plato.
precisely in the
mode
of treatment that
he has chosen to adopt, and because he has half hidden

his
deepest truths beneath a

is
veil of
humour, that the

Plato had re-
argument of the Cratylus

flected long
so remarkable.
and
seriously
upon the nature and phenom-
ena
of
human
speech; he had satisfied himself of
many
things of which his contemporaries had no conception; yet
when he came
tions
to gather together the results of his reflechis facts,

it
and to mass
still
was evident
to
him that
he was
far
from having attained a complete philoso-
phy
of language.
There were
still
too
many
things
left
62
unexplained, too
prefers to refrain
many
lacunae in his fabric.
Hence, he
from dogmatic statement.
He
will
not
claim to have a well-rounded and complete system; and,

therefore,
he
elects to treat the subject with a light touch,
to speak modestly
and with caution, and to
let his
own
observations
suggestions
fall
casually into the
mind
of his reader as
and incentives toward further

is,
speculation.
His
really serious spirit
therefore,
subordinated to a
humorous treatment,
as
it
so that in
the Cratylus
we
have,
were, a giant at play.
It gives us, in a
way, the
chips and shavings of his mental workshop, yet the chips
and shavings are those
of one
whose dust-heap contains

men.
more pure gold than the
treasuries of other
The
enes,
Cratylus
is
a dialogue between Socrates, Hermog-
and Cratylus.
Hermogenes
is
a disciple of the
later Eleatics,
and Cratylus a
sincere believer in the phi-
losophy of Heraclitus.
They have been arguing about

upon Socrates
names, and as each represents a point of view diametrically opposed to that of the other, they
share in the discussion.
of the subject,
call
to
He, as usual, professes ignorance
and then by questions draws out from each
of his friends their respective theories.

to them, Socrates criticises each,
Having
listened
and
in his turn enters
upon some speculations

most suggestive
of his
own
in a half-playful yet
discourse.
Just as between Realism and
Nominalism, Conceptualism stands as a compromise, and

just as
between the doctrine of Predestination and that
"
THE PRjE-ALEXANDRIAN PERIOD

of the
63
Freedom
of the Will stands out Determinism, so the
views advanced by Socrates represent a
mean between
the
" natural " theory of Heraclitus and the " conventional theory of the Eleatics.
Language, he
for
it
says,
is
natural,
and
it is
also conventional,
has in
it
elements that are natural and those that are

It is originally a
conventional.
first of all,
work
of art, for
names
are,
imitations of sounds, vocal imitations.
Yet vocal
imitations, like
any other copying, may be most imperfectly
executed,
and
this imperfection
is
may
is
involve the element of
chance.
For there
much
that
accidental or exceptional
their early
in language.
Some words have had
meaning so
obscured that they have to be helped out by convention.

Yet,
still,
the true
name is that which has a natural meaning.

and chance,
all
Thus,
nature, art,
enter into the formation
of language,
it
and they are so
closely intertwined as to
make
often impossible to separate them.
So far as we
may
hope, however, to discover the natural element and judge

of
it
as derived from art
and accident, we can do so only

In the
first place,
by applying to words a
strict analysis.
many
pound.
words, perhaps
most words, are
in their present
form, not primary words, nor even simple words, but com-
These we must
first
resolve until
we
reach the
are not the
simple forms.
But the simple forms themselves
primary ones, for these have been altered by time.
Hence,
which which
we must
in the
end resolve words into the
letters
compose them, because
these, or rather the sounds
64

This was well known
that the
they denote, must have a meaning.

to the
first
makers of language.
They observed
sound of a denoted vastness and length; that p expressed

motion as
in peco, po-q,
rp6iJi,o<;,
pv/jLêm (" whirl,")
because
in uttering that
sound the tongue was most agitated and

yjr,
(j),
least at rest; that
a;
and f required a great expendin imitative
iture of breath
and were therefore used

o-eKx/Ao'?,
words
such as
êeo
("seethe"),
and
in general
when the
of
thought of
\, in
air is involved; that
the limpid
movement
whose pronunciation the tongue

letter
slips along,
enables
that
to
express
;
smoothness
as in Xeto?, Xiirapov,
fDoXK&Se'i
(" gluey ")
that the sound of 7 detained the
slipping tongue so that
when
is
;
united with X, there
is
given
in \t
an impression of what
axpo'i,
glutinous
and clammy, as
yXvKm,
'yXoitoSr]<;
that
i',
being " sounded within,"
gives the notion of inwardness; while o suggests roundness.
Thus the first language makers impressed thought on names

by a principle of
a deaf and
clear,
imitation.
Gesture
is
the
method which
his
dumb
person would use to

is
make
meaning
and language
only vocal gesture, the gesture of

in
the tongue.
Yet though thought was stamped on words
their genesis, the lesson that

is
we may
learn
from words
not philosophical or moral; for the use of words varies

It
indefinitely.
may be
metaphysical, accidental, conven-
tional, or in some other
way
secondary, and so
may have
no
real relation to the
thought or feeling of the speaker at
the time.
THE PRiE-ALEXANDEIAN PERIOD

Such
is
6$
an outline of the Platonic views on language as
set forth in the Cratylus.
They embody
all
that
was best
and
and most
rational in ancient linguistic speculation,
contain principles that philologists have not yet rejected.

Plato, in fact,
is
the
first
to
draw attention to the
distinc-
tion between simple
and compound words.
In his men-
tion of the Lautgeherden, he
makes an immense advance

and
in speaking of the
in the physiology of language;
similarity of certain foreign
words
to the corresponding
terms in Greek, he approaches the very verge of a great

discovery.
is
His
classification of the letters of the alphabet
very
much
that which the most
modern phoneticians
agree to follow.
letters, or
He
it is
who
,
separated them into voiceful

voiceless letters, or conso-
vowels
((ftcoviêvTa)
and
nants
vowels
{d(j)a)va).
{r]u-Ci^(ova,
The
\,
jx,
letters
V,
he
subdivides into semi-
p, a)
and true mutes (d^doyya).

is
The
really
humorous part of the Cratylus
that in which
Socrates burlesques the extraordinary etymologies of the

Sophists, pouring forth a flood of conjectures on the
com-
position of the words which his listeners suggest to him,
and playing havoc with

"
all
phonetic order and system.
You
know," he says, " that the original form of the

is
word
always being overlaid and bedizened by people
sticking
on and stripping off
letters for
the sake of euphony,
and twisting and turning them

this
in all sorts of ways;
and
may be done for ornament or. it may time." And so in restoring the original
be the result of
form, he gives
66
himself a free
hand and
and
alters
and syncopates and apoco-
pates and extends
stretches until
Hermogenes
in a
sort of half -skeptical admiration cries out, " Well, Socrates,
you
is
have knocked them to pieces manfully."

because
derives
it is
Aid'qp
aeiOerip
" always running " about the earth;

exovorj
(" possession of
Texvq he
from
mind
")
and says " you have only to take away the

tween the
the
is
5?,"
t, insert o
be-
3.nd the v,
and another
between the v and

says, "
upon which Hermogenes very naturally
That
a pretty tough etymology."
Every one should read the Cratylus because in

parts
its
it
its
serious
abounds
in singularly acute speculations;
and
in
lighter passages it affords us
an excellent notion of the

fifth
absurdities
of the
word-mongers of the
century.^
Many,
in fact,
were the vagaries of the Sophists in their
guesses at etymology and at the principles of language-
making; and
it
was not only among the philosophers and

it
quasi-philosophers that this sort of thing prevailed, but

is
seen equally in the writers of pure literature,
who
in this
followed the prevailing fashion.

interest,
As a matter
this
of general
one should note that
etymologising craze
It
was something more than a mere

manifestation of a very
fad.
trait,
was simply one

quickness of
itself
Greek
imagination which from the earliest times reveals

linguistically in
an almost childish fondness
for playing
upon words,
'
for paronomasia, for punning.
This
is,
in
See Jowett's translation of the Cratylus in his Plato, and especially
the Introduction to the Dialogue in question (2d ed., Oxford, 1893).
THE PE^-ALEXANDRIAN PERIOD

reality,
67
an priental
trait,
as the
Hebrew
Scriptures attest,
trifling.
and was never regarded as undignified or

just as in the
Hence,
fifty of
book
of Genesis alone
we
find
some
these pseudo-etymologies, chiefly in plays upon proper
names, so we find the Greek poets, from Homer down, seeking analogies
and hidden meanings
in
words and names.

oSva-a-ofiai
Observe Homer's explanation of Odysseus from

(Od. xix. 406); of At^, ^ irdvTa'i aarai eXe^v? and iXeâtpo/iai {Od.
xix.
{II.
xix.
91); of
562
foil.).
The
great
pun
of
^schylus on the name of Helen,
'EXeVjj eXeVa?
classic in
eXavSpwi eXeTTToXt?, {Ag. 689) has become

lish
Eng-
through Peele's imitation
(in
Edward
I.)
" Sweet Helen,
Hell in her name, but heaven in her looks;"
and
in the
most
tragic scene of the

together.'
same play
(1040, 1049)
two puns are found
It is probable that this

.also its
playing upon proper names and
dignity depended
upon
the general belief in the so-called Onomantia, or de-
duction of omens from names,
which both Greeks and
Romans
believed in so devoutly that Leotychides pledged
the Samian people to a great expedition merely because
a perfect stranger
Hegesistratus.^
'Euripides
who urged
it
happened to be
called
was
called
rpayiKbs irviwKSyos.
Cf.
^sch. Prom.
86,
Ajax, S74 and in German, Lersch, Sprachphilosophie, 87s, 742, 11-17 (Bonn, 1841) Sturz, De Nominibus Graecis, in his Opusc. iii. Myths seem to have been built upon the basis p. 78 (Leipzig, 1825).
718;
;
of false etymologies, as Xais

2
and
Xaas.
Herod,
ix.
gi.
68

as the Greeks of this period etymologised,
Much
how-
ever, there is little
evidence that they went so far as to

itself
deal with the general subject by
and
for its
own
sake.
Such
oras
treatises as those of
Gorgias
On Names,
of Protag-
On
Elocution, of Prodicus
On
the Propriety of
Names,
and of Licymnius
to the rhetorical
On
and
Phrases are more properly referred

oratorical teachings of these
men
regarding which something has already been said.

nius,'
Licym-
however, did note and partly discuss and classify
synonyms, root-words, compounds, and cognates.
This
may
the
be taken roughly as standing on the border-land of
first
two periods
in the history of Classical Philology,
and as having shown some appreciation of formal grammar.
So far as the Prae-Alexandrians came to any etymological
agreement,
it
was
in generally admitting that three
principles are involved in the
development of words:
already discussed;
(i)
the principle of Imitation
(Mt'îjo"'?),
(2)
the principle of Metaphor (MeTaôpd), by which words

lose their primitive
meaning and are gradually extended
in their application, as
is
when
the word " head " or " foot "
applied to a mountain, or
when we speak
of a man's
(3)
thought as "bitter," of his voice as " sweet ";

ciple of Antiphrasis (AvTi(ppaa-L<;) of
the prin-
which the ancients
made much, and which they

'A
Sicilian teacher of
also called the

also wrote
making
of
Polus
who
a treatise on rhetoric.
See Schneidewin in the Gottinger Gel. Anzeiger for 1845.

words Kark
opposites.
is
69
their
evavrlaxriv, or the
naming of things by
The
is
is
philosophical principle on which this last
based
a sound one
i.e.
that of two antithetical
ideas,
one
apt to suggest the other, as light suggests
darkness, truth suggests falsehood,
and
so on; but the

It
etymological application of
to have occurred to
it
was grotesque.
appears
them because
of certain well-known
euphemisms, as when, for example, they found the Furies

styled Eumenides, " the
well-disposed."
They
also
ob-
served in Irony (Elpcoveid) a similar principle;

fore,
and thereis
putting the two together, they inferred that there
something in the
objects
human mind which

their
instinctively describes
by
recalling
opposites.
Hence, they ex-
plained
many words on
calum from
this hypothesis,' just as the later
Latin etymologists derived aridus from apBevecv, bellum
from
bellus,
celare,
and, above
is,
all,
the famous
lucus a non lucendo, which last
however, a perfectly
correct etymology, though the ancients misunderstood the
manner
of
its
derivation.
It will
be seen from the preceding pages that language

the Greeks at this time consisted mainly in
study
among
ingenious guesswork and in large and loose speculations.
As
yet there
was no such thing

ypd/MfiaTa
as
Grammar
in the later
sense.
The word
meant " the
letters of
the
of
alphabet";
'^paixiiana-Tri';
was an elementary teacher
reading and writing,

'
beginning with the alphabet.

et
See Lobeck, De Antiphrasi
Euphemismo.
(s.
n.
1.
n.)
70
tile

found in Attica^ has syllables scratched upon
<yap, Sep
it
{ap,
0ap,
and the
later,
like,
which show that spelling was
taught and,
reading.
But the word grammaiicus
{ypafj.p.ariKd';) , at
the time of which
we
are speaking, did
not mean a grammarian, but simply a person of ordinary

education,
that
is,
one who was able to read and write.
Nevertheless, as already suggested, a nucleus
had been
formed around which grammatical teaching in our sense

of the
word was soon to be developed. Etymology was a

subject
of
discussion.
favourite
(c.
Protagoras
of
Abdera
411 B.C.) was the

also genders.^
first
to distinguish grammatical
moods
and
tise
Prodicus of Ceos had written a treais
on synonyms; while Plato
regarded as having recog-
nised two distinct parts of speech, the
noun
(ovofia)
it
and
the verb
(prjp-a);
is
but the distinction which

strictly
draws be-
tween them
not
a grammatical, but a logical, dis-
tinction, corresponding to the difference
between subject
Aristotle,
and
predicate.
also goes
The
true distinction
further
is
made by
who
much
and mentions conjunctions

it
{a-wBea-ixoc),
a term loosely used by him, since
includes
every kind of connecting particle.

'
The term apdpa he
Roberts, Greek Epigraphy, p. 170 (Cambridge, 1887-1905).
Protagoras classified modes of expression as question, answer, prayer,
and command.
natural and not
all
In the matter of gender, he divided nouns as either
masculine, feminine, and neuter, this classification being, like our own,
artificial.
All
male creatures were regarded as masculine,

all
female creatures as feminine, and

uses the term 7^1-05 which
inanimate things as neuter.
He
was afterward adopted by the grammari-
ans in the sense of "gender" (Lat. genus).

used in an indefinite way of both pronouns and
71
articles.
He
distinguished between tenses,
and
classifies
verbs as
not only "active" and "passive," but those which are
known
to us as "neuter"
and
"deponent."
He
has
something to say of punctuation, though he mentions only
one punctuation mark

first
a short mark placed beneath the

This he
it is
word
of the line which ends a sentence.
called vapaypaipi^,
and
the origin of our word " para-
graph," applied to a long sentence or to a number of
connected sentences.
totle gives
It
is
further to be noted that Aris-
names
to subject
and
predicate.
All these disthis
tinctions
form no part of grammatical doctrine, since
did not as yet exist; but they were at the time logical or
metaphysical in their essence.
Later, the Stoics and the
Alexandrian scholars narrowed the definition of grammar

(^
T^X^V
jpafj,iMaTLKi])
and our modern meaning

its
of the
still
word became familiar even while

survived.
wider significance
Literary Study
was now imdertaken from the stand-
point of cBsthetics, and Literary Criticism became

scientific.
more
The
period which immediately followed the

richest
Persian
Wars was the
and most
fruitful
in the
intellectual history of Greece.
The poems
lines
of
Homer had
set forth in
been regarded as containing in their
something superis
natural and almost divine; and this feeling
the Ion of Plato.

inspiration
But popular
belief also held that
Homer's
was passed on from him to the great poets who
72
were his successors, just as certain branches of the Christian
Church assert the doctrine of an Apostolic Succession.

lyric poets
Thus the
shared in this general reverence, and
the great dramatic poets were ennobled by popular tradition.
We
have seen that some rude form of tragedy was
said to have originated with Thespis,
by
Pisistratus to present his plays
who was encouraged The great at Athens.
tragedians, jEschylus, Sophocles,

their masterpieces
and Euripides, produced
almost contemporaneously.
Comedy
its
(invented by Susarion) began to thrive and found

brilliant
most
exponent
in
Aristophanes
less
(444-388
its
B.C.).
A
less
newer form of comedy,

personal in
its
harsh in
criticism
and
allusions,
was presently developed
first
by
Aristophanes himself
fected
(Middle
(b.
Comedy) and was
per-
by Menander
342
b.c.) in the
New Comedy.
All these plays, both tragedies
and comedies, were proAthenians, and prizes
duced at the great
festivals of the
were given according to the decision of the people.^
The
study of rhetoric and oratory, the popularity of the Drama,
and the exceedingly great
intelligence of the
Greek mind
led at once to a careful study of the

in prose as well as poetry.
most famous works
Such study inevitably took

discusses a
the form of exegesis, as
when Plato
poem, of
Simonides in the Protagoras, taking up the questions as to

the meaning of certain words in the poem; then as to the
'
So at
first.
Afterwards, the prizes were awarded
by a committee
of
five judges
chosen
by
lot.

consistency of Simonides;
73
and
finally,
a long disquisition
:
on the poem as a whole.
Thus
says Socrates
"
great
deal might be said in praise of the details of the poem,
which
is
a charming piece of workmanship, and very
finished,
but that would be tedious.
I should like,
how-
ever, to point
out the general intention of the poem."

proceeds to do so at considerable length.
And then he
This
is
essentially exegetical treatment
and belongs to the

In the Republic
Aristotle in his
science of Hermeneutics, or exposition.
we have Esthetic Criticism.

Poetica
But
it
was
who produced a work
of true aesthetic criticism,

is
which, though brief and unfinished,
so full of suggestion
and profound thought as to make it to-day perhaps the most

widely studied of
all
his
numerous
writings.'
Professor
Butcher
calls attention to
one feature of the
treatise
which
art.
emphasises an important fact in the study of Greek
He
"
says:
distinction
fully
The
we
between
fine
and
useful art
was
first
brought out
art
by
Aristotle.
In the history of Greek
are struck rather by the union between the

It
two
loss
forms of art than by their independence.

for art
was a
when the
spheres of use and beauty
came
in practice
to be dissevered,
rative,
when the
useful object ceased to be decolife
and the things of common
no longer gave de-
light to the
'
maker and
to the user.
But the
theoretic
See Butcher, Aristotle's Theory of Poetry and Fine Art (London, 1902).
critical text
its
This volume contains a
and a translation
of the Poetics, with
a most admirable discussion of
teachings and their meaning.
74
distinction

between
fine
and useful
art
needed to be
laid
down, and to Aristotle we owe the

fine art as
first
clear conception of
a free and independent activity of the mind,
outside the
domain both
of religion
and
of politics, having
an end
ment."
distinct
from that of education or moral improve-
A famous passage in the Poetics is that which refers to the

doctrine of "purgation" (^Kadapa-vi).
Plato had said of
tragedy that
it
satisfies
"the natural hunger for sorrow
and weeping,"' and that "poetry feeds and waters the

passions instead of starving them."
ish the poets
Thus he would banAristotle,

kill
from
his ideal State.
on the other
hand, " held that
it is
not desirable to
or to starve the
emotional part of the soul;
and that the regulated indul-
gence of the feelings serves to maintain the balance of our

nature."
Professor Butcher, summarising an explanation
J.
put forth in 1857 by
Bernays, says that katharsis
is
medical metaphor and "denotes a pathological effect on

the soul, analogous to the effect of medicine on the body."
The
thought, as he interprets
excites the
it,
may be
expressed thus:
Tragedy
emotions of pity and fear

all
kindred
feelings
emotions that are in the breasts of
men
and by the
The
. . .
act of excitation affords a pleasurable relief.

called forth
by the
tragic spectacle are not, indeed, per-
manently removed, but are quieted for the time.

stage, in fact, provides a harmless
'
The
and pleasurable outlet
Republic, a. 606.

for instincts
75
which demand
satisfaction,
and which can
be indulged here more

It
is
fearlessly
than in
real life.*
popularly supposed that the doctrine of the Three

is
Dramatic Unities This

is
set forth in the Poetica of Aristotle.
not
strictly true,
however, since Aristotle definitely

of action,
demands only the unity
namely, that " within
the single and complete action which constitutes the unity

of a play," the successive incidents should be connected
together by the law of necessary and probable sequence.
One may
read into the treatise a suggestion of the unity of
time and the unity of place; yet these were not actually
formulated until the sixteenth century by Castelvetro, an
Italian editor of Aristotle.^
The Greeks
of Aristotle's time regarded tragedy as the
highest form of literature.
Certainly to
them
it
was
more moving and more profound

life
in its interpretation of
than even the
epic.
We
arts.
must remember, however,

it is
that the
drama
is
more than
literature, since
literature
blended with
painter's
there,
living
all
the other
The
dance, the song, the
colouring,
and
instrumental
music, too,
is
are
and the
effect of
animated sculpture
found
in the
men and women who

is
impersonate the characters.
Hence the acted drama

but
'
not literature pure and simple,

the
arts.'
it is
a melange of
cit.
all
Butcher, op.
pp. 227-228.
Literary Criticism in
the
'
See
Spingarn,
1908).
Renaissance,
pp.
90-101
(New York,
3
Peck, Literature, pp. 22, 28
(New York,
1908).
76
One
now
cus
dwells
upon
Aristotle's Poeiica,
because
it
is
the
most remarkable specimen of

possess.
aesthetic criticism
which we
But
criticism of various kinds
was
to be
found
in other writers,
and
especially in Heraclides Ponti-
(fl.
340
B.C.),
who came
is
to Athens, where he studied
under Plato.
jects
He
said to have written
upon many sub-
philosophy, mathematics,
we have a
of political science.
(b.
music, history, politics,

treatises
language, and poetry.
Only fragments of these
remain, though
synopsis of one of his books
on the subject
There was also Theoleft
phrastus of Lesbos
372
B.C.)
who has
fragments of
Style.
two works, one

the second he
solecisms.'
On Comedy and
is
the other
On
In
said to have treated of metres
and of
Much
criticism
must have been given

and
in the
orally
by the
Sophists in their lectures;
dramas themselves
This was
all,
by the playwrights in their

especially the case
hits at
one another.
with comic poets,

of
above
Aris-
tophanes,
who was fond

It
is
gibing at Euripides
and of
praising .Êschylus.
said that a whole passage of the
Telephus, by Euripides,
was subsequently omitted because

of
it.^
Aristophanes had
criticism
is
made such game
Another form of
to be found in the parodies of serious works.

et
'See Voss, De Heraclidis Pontici Vita
Scriptis
(Rostock, 1897);
and the
'
dissertation
by Rabe on Theophrastus (Bonn,
1890).
See Egger, Histoire de la Critique, pp. 45-70.
Later Antiochus of
Alexandria wrote a book on the poets
who were
criticised in the
Middle
Comedy.
See Atheuasus,
xi.
p. 232.

Even the
heroic poetry of
77
Homer and
of the Cyclic writers

is,
became a subject
of burlesque.
There
in fact, scarcely
anything more characteristic of the later Greeks than the

extent to which parody prevailed.
critical spirit
It indicates
how
far the
was supplanting the
creative;
for while
few
can create, any one can ridicule that which has been
created.
In the
in the
fifth
century, the mock-heroic
was represented
and Mice,
Batrachomyommhia, or
It
Battle of the Frogs

is is
ascribed to one Pigres.

direct
not in
itself,
however, a
parody any more than
Pope's Rape of the Lock
but
like that, it
may be
called pure literature.
With Hege-
mon
of Thasos, however, true Parody begins.
Hegemon
a play to
directly burlesqued the epic
Gigantomachia
in
which the Athenians were hstening when the news came to
them that
their Sicilian expedition in the
Peloponnesian
War had
parodist
been
utterly
destroyed.'
(c.
A
380
more audacious
B.C.),
was Matron
to burlesque
of Pitana
who was
the
first
Homer.
From him we have a

lines of the Odyssey.^
fragment which mocks the opening
The
first line
it
shows that
reads:
this
parody was of a gastronomical
nature, for
AetTTva
[JLoi
IcrireTe, Moi!<7a,
TroXvrpoiâ Kai /joXa jroXXd

filling
Sing to me, Muse, of the feasts that are
and many in number!
The
' ^
philosophers were parodied by

i.
Timon
of Phlius,
Athenseus,
p. s;
iii-
p. 108.
Athenaeus,
iv.
pp. 134-137, and Moser, Ueber Matron den Parodiker

vi.
in
Daub and
Kreuzer's Studien,
pp. 293
foil.
78

as the Sillographer,
known
whose
silli
(a-iWoi)
'
guyed
the teaching of the dogmatic philosophers in epic verse.
The
gave
classic
tragedy was burlesqued, though at a later

(or Syracuse) in plays which
period, by Rhinthon of Tarentum

rise to
the so-called
rire.
mock tragedy
must be
(iXaporpayaiSia)
or la tragedie pour
ironical spirit
It
said also that a certain
appears in a collection by Aristotle of ques-
tions intended to point out absurdities in
some of the
inconsistencies or
Homer
(II/JoySX^/iaTa).
latter part of this
There are evidences that during the
period a good deal of confusion existed in the texts of stand-
ard authors.
It is
known
that Aristotle himself edited a
special edition of
Homer
for the use of his pupil,
Alexander
edition."
B.C.),
the Great,
It is
an edition
known
as " the casket

(c.
also a
tradition that
Lycurgus
350
the
Athenian (not to be confounded with Lycurgus the mythical
Spartan
legislator), erected
bronze statues to the three

Sophocles,
great tragic poets, ^schylus,
and Euripides,
and caused authentic copies
of their plays to be
made and
preserved in the public archives.
These copies were made

Concerning
fact
after a careful collation of the actors' copies. this recension, however, very little is
itself is significant.^
'Literally "Squints."
known, though the
Even
if
the State codex prepared by

"It's a
Cf. our theatrical slang,
scream!"
See Paul,
etc.
'
De
Sillis (Berlin, 1821);
Delapierre,
La Parodie
etc.
chez les Grecs,
(London, 1871), and Carroll, Aristotle's Poetics,
(Baltimore, 1895).
tlie
Wilamowitz, in Hermes, xiv. 151; and

Euripides (Berlin, 1889).
id..
Introduction to
Hera^
kles of

Lycurgus was only a careful exemplar and not very
cally
79
criti-
made,
it still
remains a work of great importance in
the history of Text Criticism, because
down
to the time of
the Alexandrians,
it
remained a standard edition and was

It
held in great esteem.

really did
rest
seems probable, however, that
it
upon a
critical basis, since there
was no
lack of editions, nor could an arbitrarily chosen text have attained to so

critical
much
authority.
Granting also that the

existed,
comparison of manuscripts had not long
there were certainly autographa preserved in the families

of
the tragic
poets.
Furthermore, there was an
orig-
inal
codex in each instance, an assertion that cannot be

regarding the Homeric text.
still
made
The
original
codex,
errors,
however carefully copied, must
have contained
and may have been supplied with marginal notes
after
being compared with the version used by the actors in the

theatre.
for,
More than
this,
however,
it is
impossible to say;
regarding the methods of recension, no actual evidence
survives.
Attention was
much
earlier given to
it
Music than to the
other arts, and the study of
had a
scientific character.
title
Many treatises
earliest
are spoken of with the
Tlepl Mov(nicrj<!,
though none of them have descended to our times.
The
known
writer on music
was Lasus
of Hermione,
a contemporary of Xenophanes and Simonides, and said

to have been the teacher of Pindar.
He
is
a figure of
in
importance in the history of Greek music, introducing
8o
the dith3T:amb a
giving to
it
much
greater freedom of
flutes,
rhythm
in music,
an accompaniment of
and adding to the
number
of voices.
By some he was numbered among the

The Pythagoreans were
espe-
Seven Sages of Greece.'

cially
devoted to music,
among them, the famous Archytas

treatise with the title 'ApixovMov.
of
Tarentum, who wrote a
In the case of
many
of the writings that have descended to

it
us by report only,
is
impossible to be certain of their
exact subject, inasmuch as poetry and music were so closely

allied that the
name MovaiKr) was used indifferently of either.
The
only important treatise, written perhaps in the Alex-
andrian Age, of which
now we have any
portion,
is
that
by Aristoxenus styled
still
'ApfioviKo, I.TOi'êia, of
which there
remain some fragments, edited by Saran.*

of classical music
The foundation
ascribed by
(c.
among the Greeks was

Greek
of
them
to Terpander, an iEolian
is
Lesbos
675
B.C.),
who
said to have given the lyre seven
strings instead of four; curate.
but this statement
is
certainly inac-
Pausanius' says that Terpander merely added
four strings to the seven that already existed on the lyre.
Flute-playing was
still
older,
but was not scientifically

(c.
studied until the time of Sacadas of Argos
580
B.C.).
The
vocal music of the ancients differed from
modern
music in that part-singing

'
was unknown, there being only

and Diog. Laert.
i.
See Athenaeus,
viii.
p. 338,
42.
'Edited by Saran (Leipzig, 1893).

' iii.
12. 10.
Terpander
first set
poetry to music.

a
difiference of octaves, as
8
in the
when men and boys sang

in the
same chorus.
Another difference was
modes, which
were distinguished from each other by the place of the

semitones in the octave.
therefore, as against the
Greek music had seven modes,
two modes (major and minor)

These seven modes got
with which
their
we
are acquainted.
names from the three
great divisions of the Greeks
(Dorian, ôlian, and Ionian) and from the Asiatic peoples

(Phrygian, Lydian, Mixolydian, and HypoIydian).i
The musical
tinct
notation used by the Greeks had two dis-
systems of signs, one for the voice and the other
for the instrument.
Those
for the voice
were taken from
the Ionic alphabet; while the instrumental notation was
derived from the
first
fourteen letters of an older alphabet
which retained the digamma, besides an ancient form

of iota,
and two forms of lambda.
Only a few specimens

to us, the
of
Greek musical notation have come down

being a
last
hymn
to Apollo
found at Delphi in 1893

of
carved
upon the fragments
a stone.
It
has been
is
reconstructed by Oscar Fleischer, whose
theory
that
" Greek melody emanated from the words, while rhythm

'
See Engel, The Music of the Most Ancient Nations (London, 1866);
et
Gevaert, Hisloire
Theorie de la Musique dans I'Antiquiti (Ghent, 1881);
Westphal, Die Musik des griechischen Alterthums (Leipzig, 1887);
Monro,
Modes
oj
Ancient Greek Music (Oxford, 1894);
Henderson,
in
How Music
Developed
(New York,
i8g8);
and Gleditsch
ii.
Iwan Muller's Hand3d

ed.
buck der classischen Alterthumswissenschaft,
3,
(Munich, 1901).
Short History of
For a simple account of early music, see Untersteiner,

Music, pp. 13-4S
(New York,
1902).
82
and metre were given by the musical accents of the

words."
greatly
1
Greek music was introduced
at
Rome and was

entertainments
admired.
Nero
gave
public
resembling modern concerts, and Domitian (86 a.d.) built

a large
structure,
which he called the Odeum, for the
musical exercises that were held there under his direction.^
Greek painting reached
its
highest development at the

earlier fresco-painting
same time with
sculpture.
Even
had been borrowed from the Egyptians, and vase-painting which
we can
trace through existing remains, shows us
how continuous was

century B.C.
the development.
One may
believe
that the graphic art in Greece began as early as the eighth

;
and Eumares of Athens began
to distinguish
the sexes in his paintings, probably by the use of various

colours,
since
heretofore artists
had worked
in
mono-
chrome on walls or whitened
tablets of clay.
But
the
greatest painters were
those
who appeared
soon after the Persian wars.

called the discoverer of
Polygnotus of Thasos was

art,
the
taking subjects from
mythology (460
B.C.).
His contemporaries treated events of
recent history, decorating the public buildings and temples.
Polygnotus used only four colours
black, white, yellow,

the
scene-painter,
and red
ence
in
yet
gave variety to his painting by the differ-
shading.
Soon afterward
^See Fleischer, Die Reste der altgriechischen Tonhunst (Leipzig, igoo).

'Little
can be learned about music from
Roman
writers,
such as
Martianus Capella and Boethius, since they merely copy what they
learned from the Greeks.
THE PR^-ALEXANDKIAN PERIOD
83
Agatharchus of Samos, discovered new principles of perspective
and shading, on which subjects he wrote a book.

of
His methods were followed on panels by ApoUodorus Athens and others.
The
who
school which he founded

it
was
usually called the Ionic School, and

great rivals, Zeixxis,
truth,
comprised the two
copied nature with wonderful
and Parrhasius of Ephesus.
Encaustic painting
was perfected by
" Black
bull
in
Pausias, in the fourth century, and his

as
Ox" was
modern
famous in antiquity as Paul

Great
skill
Potter's
times.
was attained by
Apelles of Ephesus, whose work was very graceful.
We
have scarcely any remains of Grecian paintings of the

classical
age except those which are found upon the tombs,
usually Etruscan, and often copied from Greek models.^
Gem-cutting was learned from the Greeks by the Egyptians,
but
it
cannot be said that the Greeks greatly imtheir models.
proved upon
For cutting gems they used a
sharp stone (obsidian) or a minute metal disk worked by a

drill
which cut the deeper parts of the pattern.

sort of
The
tools
were charged with a

cared
little
emery powder.^
scarabs,
The Greeks
on
for
the
Egyptian
and preferred
cameos made
of onyx, the figures standing out vividly
a dark background.
The
oldest
Greek jeweller whose
See Woltmann and Woermann, A History of Painting. Eng. trans. (New York, 1901) Ghaxd, La Peinlure Antique {Vaxis,, i&g^) Cros and
; ;
Henri,
VEncaustique
(Paris,
1884)
and Bockler, Die Polychromie in
der antiken Sculptur (Aschersleben, 1882).

2
Pliny, //. iV. xxvii. 76.
84

to
name has come down

the
us
is
Mnesarchus, the father of

(c.
philosopher
Pythagoras
600
B.C.)-
The most
famous master
of gem-cutting in
Greek times was Pyrgo-
teles in the fourth century B.C.
He was
the only artist

like-
whom
ness.
Alexander the Great would allow to cut his

It
may
be added that not until later times did the

stones
love
of
precious
passion.^
such as pearls and
emeralds
become a
The
Prae-Alexandrian Period
may be
viewed as end-
ing with the d6ath of Aristotle (322 B.C.)
and the complete
domination of Greece by the Macedonian kings.
The
of
supremacy of Macedon,
in fact,
marks the decadence
what had been most

the
original
and
striking in the genius of
Greeks, whether
political,
literary,
or philosophical.
The
history of this period reveals in Greece the gradual
development and decline that have been repeated in the

history of every other nation since the world began,
when-
ever that history has extended over a sufficient time to

give play to the
forces.
same
creative
and the same destructive

at first a
So in Greece
we
its
find
vigorous
and
quick-witted people, in
formative period, cherishing a

intelligible
less as
comparatively simple
literature that springs
and
faith,
and with a
up
the result of conscious
art
'
than as the spontaneous outpouring of native genius,

See Middleton,
The Engraved Gems
of Classical
Times (Cambridge,
1891);
Murray,
;
(London, 1892)
tBology, ch. vii
Handbook of Greek Archaology, pp. 40-50, 146-173 and Fowler and Wheeler, A Handbook of Creek Arch1909).
(New York,
THE PRjE-ALEXANDRIAN PERIOD

seeking to give
fit
8$
expression to
tlie
national aspirations.
Gradually the notion of formal art and formulaic teaching

is
implanted in men's minds.
Schools
arise,
and what
the few have done before from natural prompting, the
many
learn to do according to rule and precept.

" Most can raise the floweis
now
For
all
have got the seed."
The
first result
is
to develop to the full the powers of

is
men
of genius.
There
a happy blending of the old
creative gifts,
and of the old freshness and spontaneity,
with the power that comes from training and from the
condensation of accumulated experience into definite
rules.
The Greek mind,

all
thus stimulated and developed, attacks
of the great problems that confront

intellect.
and challenge the
human
The
philosophy of language, the sources
of style, the arts of expression, the theory of government,
the laws of thought, the constitution of the universe, and
the nature of the gods themselves, are

lessly
all
explained fearits
and often with an acuteness that has never found
parallel.
But the
its
limitations
of the
efforts
mind
are
at last
reached, and
nescience;
most earnest
appear to lead to
so that Greece in the sphere of government

in philosophy with negation, in
ended with despotism,
religion with scepticism.
The Greek
in
genius in
its later
struggles
exquisite
can best be described
Matthew Arnold's
words as " a beautiful and

its
ineffectual angel beat-
ing in the void
luminous wings
in vain."
86
There
is
some truth
is
in the belief that a general

fatal to originality,
and highly
it
developed culture
because
inevi-
tably leads to established standards
and thus makes everytakes the
thing conventional.
A
is
dead
level of excellence
place of a few striking manifestations of creative power.
The
average
is less
man
more
intelligent,
but the exceptional
man
exist.
original, until at last exceptional

intellectually
men no more
and reduces
Society becomes
hlase
everything to formulas.
are slaves to
Creators give place to critics

call "
who
not
what they
good form."
But
it is
consistent with good

astic
form to be imaginative and enthusiis
and
original.
This
held to be eccentric.
Thus
in
is
a highly civilised community the whole drift of thought
toward the commonplace; and thus in the

the speculative and idealistic systems give
later philosophy,
way
to a sort of
mild eclecticism that does not go very far beyond the practical
questions which relate to the

is
life
of every day.
its
The
epic
supplanted by the drama with
many
meretri-
cious allurements.
In the drama
itself
the intense and

first
powerful tragedies of ^schylus and Sophocles are

thrust aside
by the rationalistic and rather cynical plays of
Euripides,! until tragedy gives

ing
way to
its
the elegant and amusits
comedy
of
Menander, with
it
urbane dialogue and
realism,
which takes
out of the realm of pure poetry.^

and pp. 237-60
the
^Set WtTxaXX, Euripides

(Cambridge, 1895)
;
the Rationalist, \nXroA\uzi\on.
and Decharme, Euripides and

Eng. trans.
Spirit
0} his
Dramas, pp. 74-92.

'
(New York,
1906).
Horace, Sat.
i.
4,
46-47.
THE PILE-ALEXAISTDRIAN PERIOD
87
the creative
The
Prse-AIexandrian
Age
ends, then,
critical.
when
impulse had largely yielded to the

for serious
What remained
men,
therefore,
was not
to attempt anything
new, but rather to study what had already been produced
to
came
lateral
analyse, to criticise,
into especial
and to
classify.
Thus
there
col-
prominence the sciences that are

literature
and subsidiary to
and
linguistic study
hermeneutics,
granmiar.
[Bibliography.
chapter, see
lexicography, text criticism,
and formal
In addition to the books already cited in

and Athenaeus, English
this
the anecdotal works of Diogenes Laertius, English

translation
translation (London, 1853),
(London, 1854); together with Saintsbury, A History of Criticism, i-j PP- 3-S9 (New York, 1900); Jebb, The Growth and Influence of Classical Greek Poetry (London, 1893) Haigh, The Tragic Drama
;
of the Greeks (Oxford, 1896); Denis,

(Paris, 1886); Croiset,
La Comedie
Grecque, 2 vols.
An
English translation
Poetry:
(New
Abridged History of Greek Literature, York, 1904); and Courthope, Life in
Law
in Taste, pp. 37-221 (London, 1901).]
Ill
THE ALEXANDRIAN PERIOD

A.
The Alexandrian School
In the year 306 b.c, Demetrius Phalereus, statesman,

poet, philosopher,
and
left
orator,
having been sentenced to
death at Athens,
Greece and passed over the sea to

It
the infant city of Alexandria in Egypt.

twenty-five
was exactly
years
from the time when Alexander the
Great, had, with his

of the city to
own hand,
traced the general plan
which he gave his name and as to which

it
he issued the most peremptory orders that
shovild
be
made the
metropolis of the entire world.
The commands
of a king cannot give enduring greatness to a city; but
the natural advantages of Alexandria were such that a

great
commercial community, when planted there, was
sure to live
and
flourish
throughout succeeding ages.
Alexandria lay upon a projecting tongue of land, so

situated that the whole trade of the Mediterranean centred
in
it.
Down
the Nile there floated to
its
wharves the
treasures
wealth of barbaric Africa.
To
it
also
came the
of the East, carried over vast spaces
by caravans
silks
from China, spices and jewels from India, and enormous

masses of gold and
silver
from lands of which the names
were scarcely known even to contemporary geographers.

88

In
its
89
harbour were the vessels of every country, from
Asia in the East, to Spain and Gaul and even Britain in

the West.
To
the outward eye, Alexandria was extremely beautiful.

its
Through
entire
length
ran two great boulevards,

diversified
shaded by mighty
trees,
and
by parterres of
multicoloured flowers amid which fountains splashed and

costly
marbles gleamed.
One-fifth of the whole city
was
reserved for the Greek kings
who succeeded
Alexander,
it,
and was known

long,
as the Royal Residence.
In
before
were the palaces of the reigning family;
and there
were, besides, parks and gardens, brilliant with tropical

foliage
and adorned with masterpieces of Grecian and
sculp-
ture, while sphinxes
obelisks gave a suggestion of

his
oriental
strangeness.
As one looked seaward,
eye
beheld, over the blue water, the rocks of the sheltering

island. Pharos,
on which Ptolemy
II.
reared a pyramidal
lighthouse of marble four hundred feet in height at a

cost of eight
hundred
silver talents ($940,000),
and
justly
numbered among the

the time
tained
seven wonders of the world.
At
when Demetrius took
refuge there, the city coninhabitants,
more than one hundred thousand

life.
and
was humming with
Its people
were
alert, energetic,
proud of Alexandria's
future.
distinction,
and ambitious
for its
Dinocrates,
its
its
designer,
had planned
it
it
with a
sublime belief in
destiny, giving
a circumference of
its
more than
fifteen miles,
and
foreseeing already
coming
QO
splendour.

Ptolemy
title
Soter,
who was
just
about to assume
the style and

tions
of a king,
ideas.
was a man of large concep-
and
liberal
His mother had been a con-
cubine of Philip of Macedon, so that Ptolemy was believed

to be half-brother to the great Alexander, under
whom
great
he had served vyith conspicuous success in Asia.

soldier
and a consummate statesman, he was

in his love of art
also a true
Greek
fact,
and science and
literature.
In
he had himself written a narrative of the wars of
Alexander.*
He was
still
carrying on a campaign against

its
Antigonus; but the contest was nearing
end, and
al-
ready Ptolemy was turning his thoughts to magnificent

designs for enhancing the glory
capital.
and splendour of
his
It
was the psychological moment

All the conditions
rich,
for
some remarkable
achievement.
able.
were absolutely favour-
Here was a
populous,
and youthful
city,
possessing the Hellenic traditions of intellectual greatness,
yet growing
Hellas.
ised
up
in a
world that was broader than
little
Its people
were receptive to new

civilisation far older
ideas, liberal-
by contact with a
itself,
than that of
Greece
and
filled
with an intense desire to gain at
once, not only the commercial,
but the intellectual su-
premacy of the world.
The
first
Greek king of Egypt
'This narrative was largely used by Arrian in preparing his chief

work, the Anabasis of Alexander.
The fragments
of Ptolemy's
work
can be found in the Didot edition of Arrian (Paris, 184S).

possessed practically unlimited resources.
91
He was
gifted
with a trained intelligence and taste, and inspired with a

splendid enthusiasm for
all
that was noble and refining.
The
suggestion alone
was needed to employ these unusual

that should
opportunities in a
way
be worthy of their
inherent possibilities.
exiled Athenian,
Such a suggestion came from the
Demetrius Phalereus.
Demetrius himself was a
man
well fitted to influence
even so independent a ruler as King Ptolemy.
among
the last of the Attic orators of
He was distinction. He
hundred
in
had governed
his native city so ably that three
and ninety statues had been erected by the Athenians

his honour.
He was
also a highly cultivated scholar, the
schoolmate of Menander, and a pupil of Theophrastus,
who succeeded
School.
Aristotle at the
head of the Peripatetic
To him was due
the revival of Homeric recita-
tion by the Rhapsodes, after these had fallen into disuse.
He was
Iliad
himself the author of two books relating to the

relating to the Odyssey, supposed to have
and four
dealt with text criticism.

fitted
No
one could have been better
than he to advise the king in whatever related to

There-
any project for the advancement of learning.

fore,
one
is
not surprised that to him
is
ascribed the sug-
gestion which soon rendered Alexandria the intellectual

capital of the world
and profoundly influenced the sub-
sequent history of Greek and
Roman
learning.
The
im-
mediate fruits of his wise counsel were two
the
estab-
92
lishment of a great
Museum
(to Mvcrelop),
and
also the
foundation of the famous Alexandrian Library.'
An
account of the
Museum
is
given by Strabo.^
in the
It
was attached to the royal palace

quarter of the
city,
most beautiful
overlooking the harbour, and surporticos,
rounded by lawns,
art.
and marvels of decorative

its
It
contained an
observatory for
library,
astronomers,
laboratories,
a selected
and a great
hall
which was
practically a theatre of magnificent proportions arranged
as a public lecture room.
In a second
hall,
the scholars
all
who were drawn
to
the
Museum from Museum
countries
dined together, like the master and fellows of an English

college.
Attached to the
were botanical and
zoological gardens.
The
so
object of the whole institution

research.
was
to
encourage
original
At
first
there
was no teaching,
that
the
Museum
bore a strik-
ing resemblance to the Carnegie Institution in

ton.
Washing-
Later
it
became
in essence
a great university in
specialty,
which the professors lectured, each on his own

to students
who numbered
at one time as
many
as four-
teen thousand.
The
professors were primarily under the
supervision of principals
whom we may
while the
call
deans, chosen
of the
by the whole body;

'
administration
Athenaeus, v. p. 203.
Strabo, xviii. p. 794.
See also Parthey, Das Alexandrinische

i.
Museum
(Berlin, 1838); Ritschl, Opuscula,
pp. 1-70, 123-172, 197-237; Weniger,
Das Alexandrinische Museum

Greece, pp. before the
(1895);
Walden, The Universities
0} Ancient
48-so (New York, 1909); Graves,
History of Education
Middle Ages (New York, 1909).
93
Museum was
in the
hands of a
priest appointed
by the
king and in later times by the
Roman
emperor.
The
expense of the whole was borne by the public treasury.
The second Ptolemy grouped

faculties
the lecturers under four

Literature,
representing,
respectively,
Mathe-
matics, Astronomy,
and Medicine, corresponding to the

Pure
modern
Science,
divisions of Philosophy, Applied Science,
and Medicine.
The
ever,
administrative head of the

all
Museum was
not,
how-
charged with
the functions of an American uni-
versity president
or chancellor.
We
it
find in Alexandria
a practical division of duties such as has been proposed

in very recent times,
single
became
seems impossible
for
man
to be at once the administrative

university.
and the edueducational

in
cational
head of a great
The
head of the University at Alexandria was the person
charge of the great Library, which sprang up side by

side
with the
Museum,
and was
from
necessitated
all
by
it.
The second Ptolemy

which,
as
collected
parts of Greece
of
and Asia an immense number of manuscripts, some

already
said,
were stored in the Museum,
while the rest were housed separately in another building
known
as the Serapeum.
Foreign books were also pur-
chased and translations of them were added to the Library.'
The
'
Septuagint version of the Old Testament

first
is
said to
Callimachus, the second librarian, was the
to introduce a
num-
ber of Egyptian and
Hebrew manuscripts.
94
HESIORY OF CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY

Galen mentions the fact that the
Sophocles,
have been thus made.
autographa or original copies of Êschylus,
and Euripides were purchased

believed at the time of
its
for the Library,
which
is
greatest
fame to have contained

six
between
five
hundred thousand and

before
hundred thousand
volumes/
were some
Even
fifty
the
death of Demetrius there

its
thousand volumes on
shelves.
Private
collections such as that of Aristotle
were purchased, as
well as rare editions

It
and
especially authoritative copies.
can readily be seen
how
the existence of an endowed
school side
by
side with a library of such magnificent pro-
portions would quickly foster the systematic and orderly
study of
many
subjects that
individuals,
had previously been taken

working independently and
up
at
random by
often with very unsatisfactory and inadequate materials.
At
last, in
every sphere of learning, a large body of highly
trained men,
provided with every
facility
for
research
and freed from any pecuniary anxiety, could labour without haste and without
rest,
apportioning their work so
as to bring into play the peculiar talents of each,
and
accumulating a great mass of data
of
it
facts,
results,
and
principles,
which each succeeding generation found
classified for its use
and to which
in
turn
added.
Hence,
spirit
at once a great development of the scientific

'
in
See Ritschl, Die Aleocandrinischen Bibliotheken (Breslau, 1838);

(Berlin, 1882);
Birt,
Das Antike Buchwesen

ch.
Geraud, Les Livres dans VAntiquite,
X (Paris, 1840); Castellani, Ddle Biblioteche ndl' AntichiUi (Bologna,
1884).

every
direction
95
followed
almost immediately upon the

Library and what
is
establishment of the
Museum and
roughly and somewhat inaccurately styled the Alexandrian School.
There were,
in fact, several distinct out-
growths from the Alexandrian researches and training,
but there was no " school " at

that word
all
in the sense given to
when we speak
of the Ionic School,
or the
Pythagorean School, or the Stoic School.

these a
tain
In each of
cer-
number
of able
men were
all
dominated by
common
philosophical
principles
and ideas
and
holding fast to a
common
theory.
But
at Alexandria
lived
such was not the case.

together in the
The
learned
men who
Museum had no
common.
single philosophy
activities
all
and
held no theory in
Their
took the
of
most diverse
direction.
The
far
only thing that
them
possessed together was
a love of science
and
of scientific
methods.
It
would be
more proper
to speak of the
" schools " at Alexandria, since there were really
many,
school of mathematics,
a school of astronomy, a
school of medicine, a school of philosophy, a school of

literature,
a school of grammar and

criticism.*
linguistics,
and
finally,
a school of textual
Yet these
'
different schools
had one
characteristic
1845);
so
See
St.
Hilaire,
De
I'Ecole
d'Alexandrie
(Paris,
Simon,
Histoire de I'Ecole d'Alexandrie, 2 vols. (Paris, 1844-45);
and Vacherot,
Kings-
Histoire Critique de I'Ecole d'Alexandrie, 3 vols. (Paris, 1846-51).

ley's
Alexandrian Schools (Cambridge, 1854)
is
disappointing and re-
lates only to the philosophical side.
g6
far in
common
as to give a sort of family likeness to
all
the productions of the Alexandrian scholars, and thus in
some measure to
"school."
justify us in speaking of the
Alexandrian
Just as the writings of the earlier
Greeks
exhibit a certain instinctive originality
and freshness of
thought, so the writings of the Alexandrians are steeped

in erudition.
They
smell of the lamp.
Before
is
all
else,
they are learned productions;
and
this
the trait that

their hands.
belongs to every single work that

It
is
came from
seen no less in their literature than in their science.

writer has very aptly said:
A German
"It
is
as though
the great library strove to reproduce

vidual work."
itself in
each indi-
Therefore
of
we
find the Alexandrian Poetry,
such
as that
Callimachus,
Aratus,
and Apollonius,
suggesting to the reader at every turn a learned treatise.
So Philetas of Cos
(c.
300
B.C.),
though a writer of
It
elegies,
died from overwork in scientific study.

deed,
was
he,
in-
who made
the
first
attempt at an Homeric lexicon

the mathe-
{"AraKTa, TXaxTaaC)}
The astronomers and
maticians were morbidly anxious about the rhetorical and
grammatical merits of the language in which they wrote

of the equinoxes
and the
ecliptic, or
the solution of the
quadratic equation.
So, again, the geographers
and
his-
torians supplied their treatises with archaeological notes.
And
thus, at
first,
even the most abstract lectures were
given in verse.
'
It
was an age
of encyclopaedic scholarfoil.
See Couat,
La
Poesie Alexandrine, pp. 68
(Paris, 1882).

ship;
97
and
it
tinges the Alexandrian

treatises
epics
and dramas
no
less
is
than the
on grammar and lexicography.

Influence,
felt
This
what
is
meant by the Alexandrian
at
an influence that was afterward so powerfully
Rome, where
it
reproduced
itself in
the writings of Varro,
the polymath, no less than in the lines of Vergil, the most
learned of
It
is
all
the Latin poets.
precisely because the
whole tendency of the Alex-
andrians was toward reflection and research that their
work
in pure literature
was
of slight aesthetic value, being of imagination,
formal, pedantic,
and void
and that
their
philosophy was marked by a learned eclecticism.
The
and
highest philosophy, like the noblest literature, demands,

in addition to
mere
learning,
an
intellectual subtlety
genuine inspiration.
But the study
of mathematics, of
mechanics, and of physics was

respects so sure in
scientific
its results
now
fruitful,
and
in
many
as to be the admiration of
men
to-day;
while no one can overestimate the
enduring value of that systematic labour in the study of language (lexicography and grammar) and in the criticism
of texts.
So
far as literature
is
concerned, the Alexandrians were
at their best in collecting
and preserving what had come

centuries.
down
added
to
them from the preceding
What
they
of of
of their
own was
merit.
vast in
Little
amount and devoid
any great esthetic
more than the names
the Alexandrian writers of epics and lyrics and dramas
98
are
known
to-day.
Here and there a few fragments
tell
of vast
volumes which were read and even admired at
Alexandria, but which were either so obscure in their
treatment or so technical in their themes as to deserve

the oblivion that has
come upon them.
On
rian,
the other hand, the Alexandrians reduced criticism

of style to
and the study
an exact
(c.
science.
The
first libra-
Zenodotus of Ephesus
lyric
300
B.C.), collected
the epic
and
poets
Lycophron
.lEtolus,
of Colchis, the
comic poets
and Alexander of
librarian,
the tragic poets.

(c.
Callimachus of Cyrene
275
B.C.),
The second made a
catalogue of the Library in one hundred and twenty books
which
may
be said to have laid the foundation for a
scientific
study of Greek literature.

(c.
The
third
librarian,
Eratosthenes of Cyrene
treatise
200
b.c.),
wrote an admirable
on geography and another on the Old Comedy,
in at least twelve books, bringing to bear

ject
upon the subtaste.

(c.
a wealth of knowledge and excellent
The
B.C.),
fourth librarian, Aristophanes of Byzantium
200
has been styled "the greatest philologist of antiquity."

It is
he
who
is
said to have invented the accents

in writing Greek,
which
are
of
now employed
punctuation.
and
also a system
critical
Likewise
he suggested
signs
{a-rjfj,eia)
and used them
in his editions of
Homer, Hesiod,
writers.
of the three great tragic poets,

It
is
and other famous
claimed also that he wrote the Hypotheses or con-
densed plots to the greater dramatists, with notes and

aesthetic criticisms.^
99
is
Most important
of all
his estab-
lishment of what have become

or
lists
known
as "the
canons "
of the very best authors of Greek antiquity.
Ths
Alexandrian Canon^ was prepared with the greatest care,
and
it
represents the matured and final judgment of the
Alexandrian students of literature as to those names of
Greek writers whose works embodied the very highest

excellence in their especial spheres,
and who were thought
to be models for
all
future authors.
The
Poets,
(2) (3)
details
of the
Canon
are
as
follows:
(i)
Epic
Homer, Hesiod, Pisander, Panyasis, Antimachus.

Poets,
Iambic
Archilochus,
Alcaeus,
Simonides,
Hipponax.
Lyric Poets, Alcman,
Sappho, Stesichorus,
(4)
Pindar, Bacchylides, Ibycus, Anacreon, Simonides.

giac Poets,
(5)
Ele-
Callinus,
Minnermus,
Class),
Philetas, Callimachus.
Tragic
Poets
Ion,
(First
^schylus,
(Second
Sophocles,
Class,
Euripides,
Achaeus,
Agathon.
or
Tragic
Pleiades),
Alexander the Êtolian, Philiscus of
Corcyra, Sositheus,
Homer
the Younger, ântides, Sosi(6)
phanes or
Sosicles,
Lycophron.
Comic Poets (Old
Comedy), Epicharmus, Cratinus, Eupolis, Aristophanes,

Pherecrates,
Plato.
(Middle
Comedy),
Antiphanes,
'
See Gudeman, Outlines of the History of Classical Philology, 3d
ed.,
pp. 11-13 (Boston, 1902), and infra, pp. 100-102.

^
The word canon
{Kaviiv)
meant
originally
a reed, and then a car-
penter's rule;
so that, in a figurative sense, the
whatever served as a model or norm.

really
word came to denote The Canon Alexandrinus is

seen in the text above.
made up
of several canons as
may be
ICX)
Alexis.
lus,
(New Comedy), Menander,

(7)
Philippides, Diphi-
Philemon, Apollodorus.
Historians, Herodotus,
Thucydides, Xenophon, Theopompus, Ephorus, Philistus,
Anaximenes,
Orators),
Callisthenes.
(8)
Orators
(the
ten
Attic
Antiphon, Andocides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isasus,
^schines, Lycurgus, Demosthenes, Hyperides, Dinarchus.

(9)
Philosophers,
Plato,
(10)
Xenophon, ^schines,
Pleiades
Aristotle,
Theophrastus.
Poetic
(seven
poets
of
the same epoch with one another),

Aratus, Philiscus,
ApoUonius Rhodius,
Homer
the Younger, Lycophron, Ni-
cander, Theocritus.
This Canon was
felt
to be necessary owing to the great
multitude of books that began to appear in the Alexandrian

Age.
of
There was a certain apprehension

prevail
lest
the weight
of
real
numbers should
and
lest
against the
claims
merit,
the great classics should be lost in a flood
of innovation.
The Canon was
intended to serve and
it
did serve as a standard of comparison by which ary productions must

purity of style and
sion.
all liter-
be judged;
and thus
it
preserved
some
definite laws of literary expres-
From
the standpoint of our
own
times the estab-
lishment of the Alexandrian
Canon wrought both good
and harm.
It
undoubtedly led to the preservation of
some
of the greatest
works of antiquity; but
it
also led
to the loss of other works that
would be of inestimable
philologist.
value to the
modern
classical
These
latter
works were allowed to perish just because they were not
lOI
included by the Alexandrian critics in their authoritative

list.
The mere
was
fact that such a clearly defined standard
existed,
also, doubtless,
an injury to the most
gifted
writers of the following centuries.
It fostered a spirit of
imitation
and discouraged the
free play of their talents
by compelling them to a
sors
sort of conformity with predecesdifferent
whose genius and temperament were of a very
type.'
Of
original composition
under the head of pure

is
litera-
ture, the
most
interesting genre
is
it
found
in the Idylls of
Theocritus, whose time

of this period as to
fair
so well within the early days
make
as
doubtful whether
it is
wholly
poets
to class
him
an Alexandrian.
The
lyric
come next
in order of merit, the best of
them being Cal-
limachus, of whose work, however, only a few h)Tnns and
fragmentary passages and epigrams remain.
It
may be
said that in the writing of epigrams the Alexandrians were
very felicitous, as might have been expected from those
who
so carefully studied the art of expression
and who
style.
were always striving after neatness and precision of
The dramatic works composed

wholly
lost.
at Alexandria are
now
Of
the epics, two famous specimens remain,
the Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius,

andra
'
and the Alexdull,
of
Lycophron.
The
first
is
inordinately
See Usener, Dionysii Halic. Librorum de Imitatione RdiquicB (Leipzig,

Steffen,
1899);
zig,
1876);
De Canone qui Dicitur Aristophanis et Aristarchi (LeipHartmann, De Canone Decern Oratorum (Gottingen, 1891);
op.
cit. i.
and Susemihl,
pp. 44S. 484;
ii-
674 foU- 694-697.
I02
heavily charged with ponderous learning,

parts Hke a dictionary of antiquities.
its
and reading
in
As
to the second,
obscurity passed into a proverb even in ancient times.

truly typical of the age are the so-called "didactic
More
epics" of Aratus on astronomy and meteorology (after-
wards translated into Latin by Cicero), and that of Nicander of Colophon on cures for poison and the bites of
venomous
of the
creatures.
As time went
on, the literary
work
Alexandrians became more and more pedantic
and
until
far less
it
imbued with the

to an end not
far
spirit
of pure literature,
came
from the beginning of the
Christian era.^
The
by
Alexandrian Philosophy was always characterised

It
eclecticism.
originated
nothing.
The most
any
rate,
interesting school that arose in
Egypt
after the Library
became
due
established
was Jewish or
was, at
largely to the influence of Jewish rabbis

their religious teaching, so as
who began
admit
into
to widen
it
to
some
of the philosophical conceptions of
the earlier
Greeks.
in
The
result
was a body
of semi-religious doctrine
superficially har-
which philosophy and theology were
monised.
The most
elaborate
expounder of this har-
mony was
Aristobulus, an Alexandrian
Jew
(c.
i8o
B.C.)
whose commentaries on the Mosaic Books, dedicated to

Ptolemy Philometor, sought to show that the main teach'
Suidas called
it
a "poem of shadows."
The
scholia
by Tzetzes are
however, very valuable.

'
See Couat,
La
Poisie Alexandrine (Paris, 1882).

ings of
103
Greek philosophers,
especially those of Plato
and
Aristotle,
were derived from the Pentateuch.
Three cenbegan to
but the
turies later,
when the
influence of Christianity
be
felt,
Neo-Platonism was thereby modified;

were
hostile
later
Neo-Platonists
to
Christianity;
and
their system, in the
hands of lamblichus and Julian the
Apostate, was set forth as a substitute both for Christianity
and the older pagan faith>
In the Pure and Applied Sciences, the achievements of

the Alexandrians
classical
lie
somewhat beyond the

It
strict limits of
philology.
may, however, be well to enu-
merate some striking results which were attained.

comprise the measurement of the sun and
tarchus
treatise
These
Aris-
moon by
first
;
of
Samos (310-250
B.C.);
(c.
the
systematic
on geometry by Euclid
300
B.C.)
the develop-
ment
of the geometry of three dimensions

first
by Archimedes
(287-212 B.C.), as well as the
application of mathescholar;
matics to hydrostatics by the

scientific treatise
same
the
first
on conic sections by Apollonius of Perga
(260-200 B.C.); the working out by Eratosthenes (275-194

B.C.) of
what was
later called the
Julian Calendar;
the
determination of the true length of the solar year (within

six
minutes) by Hipparchus
(c.
160
B.C.), after
whom
time
no
of
real
advance in astronomy was made
until the
Copernicus,
'
some
cit.;
sixteen
hundred
years
later;
the
See Kingsley, op.
and Whittaker, The Neo-Platonists (Cambridge,
igoi).
I04
invention of trigonometry, also by Hipparchus;
and
finaly,
the construction of the fire-engine, the steam-engine, the

nickel-in-the-slot machine,
and many curious mechanical
toys
by Hero
(c.
125 B.C.), to
whom
have also been ascribed
writings
on the solution of the quadratic equation and
the introduction of algebra.'
As Aristophanes was
essentially the
great (f>iX6Xoyo';
among
the Alexandrians, so Aristarchus was essentially

all
the great KpiTiK6<; of
antiquity.
Born
in
Samothrace,
he was a pupil of Aristophanes at Alexandria, where his

stupendous labours as a
afterwards,
critic of literature
made
his
name
with
and
even to this day, proverbial.

its
It is
him that
text criticism reached
highest development
until recent times.

It is evident that the literary
study of an author, pur-
sued in a thorough and systematic way, will soon result

in questions relating to the integrity of the text, especially
when the author has been long dead and when there
variant versions from which one has to choose.
exist
It
has
pre-
already been
viously
shown that something had been done
toward the criticism of the Homeric texts and also

This work was
inquiry
the texts of the great dramatists.
now
and
on,
taken up at Alexandria in a
with ample means for
'See Berry,
its
spirit of scientific
prosecution.
As time went
(London, 1899);
Short History of Astronomy
Ball,
Great Astronomers
(New York,
Cajori,
1899);
Ball,
History of Mathematics
(London, igoi);
History of Mathematics
(New York,
1906);

a definite School of Criticism was established.
librarian,
105
The
fiirst
Zenodotus of Ephesus,
may be
regarded as the
founder of this school.
The
fact that his duties
were
partly those of a cataloguer, purchaser,
and
classifier led
him to look with
especial interest
upon the work
of
mak-
ing collections, so that one finds
him preparing a
sort of
corpus of the epic and lyric poets and elaborating the
Homeric glossary of Philetas
into a
more ambitious work.

called the
He
very
It
also put forth

first scientific
an edition which may be
edition of both the Iliad
and the Odyssey.
was published
is
shortly before the year 274 B.C.
Hence
Zenodotus
called hiopOmTri'i,
and
his
work the
Biopdma-a,
or Recension.
In preparing the text of Homer, Zenodotus introduced

four kinds of corrections:
(i)
Elimination, the complete
omission of certain lines that he regarded as absolutely

spurious;
(2)
Query, the marking of certain

still
lines as very
doubtful, though
not so doubtful as to justify their

Transposition, the rearrangement
(4)
omission altogether;
(3)
of the order of certain lines;

Fink,
Emendation, the subHankel, Zur GescMchte
History of Mathematics (Chicago, igoo);
der Mathematik
treatise
im Alterthum und
Mittelalter (Leipzig, 1874);
and the
on Hiero's ingenious mechanical toys with drawings

Greenwood, Pneumatics (London, 1851).
to illustrate
them
was
in
in reality
an invention
of the Egyptians.
B.C.,
As The
to algebra, this
first
treatise
on
algebra dates back to the year 1700

scribe,
when Ahmes, an Egyptian

edited
copied part of an algebraic work written eight hundred years
before his time.

(Leipzig, 1877).
The book
of
Ahmes has been
by Eisenlohr
I06
stitution of
new
readings for the old/
As was
natural in
a lexicographer, he paid great attention to the vocabulary

of
Homer, and
his corrections
side.
appear to have been
made
chiefly
upon the verbal
His proof of what could be
done by a minute
study of
word and phrase began a new

in
era of philological study,

distinct
and one
which language, as
from
style, received
a very close attention.
The
processes of text criticism
now began
Homer.
to be extended to
other texts than those
of
We
have
already
mentioned the great edition of the tragic poets by Alexander iEtoIus,
and the
edition of the comic poets
by
Lycophron.
The
TlivaKe;
of
Callimachus,
previously
spoken
of,
were really more than a catalogue of the books
in the Alexandrian Library, since they contained critical
observations on the genuineness of each volume, an indication of the

ing
its size.^
first
and
last
word of
each,
and a note regard-
This was essentially Bibliography employed
in the service of criticism.
The
studies
treatise
third librarian, Eratosthenes, of
whose
scientific
something
has been
already
said,
compiled a
on the Old Comedy
in not less
than twelve books.

time, not only a
In
it
he seems to have given for the

critical
first
complete and
ject
treatment of the language and sub-
of the comedies,
but also an exhaustive
series
of
excursus on such themes as were of collateral interest and

'
Examples
iii.
of his corrections
foil.
may
be found in H. F. Clinton's Fasti
Eellenici,
'
pp. 491
(Oxford, 1824-1834).
et
See Egger, Callimaque
VOrigine de la Bibliographie (Paris, no date).

importance,
107
e.g.
the structure of theatres, the scenic
apparatus, the actors, the costumes, the different kinds

of elocution,
and, in fact, everything pertaining to the
general subject.*
His successor, Aristophanes of Byzantium, availed himself fully
of the material which
was now at hand.
The
Alexandrian Library had already existed for an entire century,
and
it
had been thoroughly
sifted,
arranged, and
classified, so
that there was needed only a great
mind
to
put
it
to the best possible use.
Much had
already been
done
toward the
establishment of some principles of

failures
criticism;
but the results of previous successes and

utilised to the full,
were now to be
liberal
spirit.
and
in
a broad and
The whole
sphere of Greek literature beof Aristophanes;
came a
field
for the labours
and
in
taking upon himself so heavy a task, he set to work in a

spirit of catholicity.
His criticism was not wholly verbal,
nor was
it
even wholly diplomatic,
that
is,
criticism
based upon the comparison of manuscripts.

of these,
It
was both
senti-
and
it
was
inspired
and tempered by the

sorts.
ment
critique.
His
errjfjLela
were of various
Ten
of
them were known

of Aristophanes.
as the Sea irpoaaiBCai, or ten
markings
These were the two breathings, the three
accents,^ the two quantity marks (the long and the short),
'
The fragments
of his writings will be
found in Berhardy, Eraios-
thenica (Berlin, 1822).
^Breathings and accents, however, were not regularly written in
Greek manuscripts
earlier
than the seventh century a.d.
Io8
the
mark
of separation inserted between words where the
point of separation might not be obvious, the hyphen (a
curved
as in
line
drawn under the
letters to
finally,
show the connection,

the apostrophe used
It
compound words), and
either to
mark
elision or the
end of a foreign name.
was
p.
regularly written after a
word ending
in k, x> 1. "^t or
When
a double consonant was found in the middle
of a word,
an apostrophe was placed above the

letters.
first
or
between the two
Besides these, Aristophanes also
made The
use of the full

its position.
point or period, whose value depended
upon
The
high point was a
full stop.
point on the line
was a semicolon.
The
point in a middle position
was a
comma.
The
last
disappeared from use in the ninth

it
century a.d.,
when
was replaced by the mark which we
now
call
a comma.
critically
Aristophanes also edited

texts.
a great
number
of
He
prepared a supplement to the catalogue of
Callimachus;
given;
he
helped
compose the
Canon already
first
he wrote a treatise on metres, and also the
scientific
work on
lexicography, of which about one hunstill
dred fragments are
preserved.^
critical
We
need not dwell in detail upon the
methods
of Aristophanes, since they can
be much better seen in
the work of his remarkable pupil and associate, Aristar'The fragments

of Aristophanes are edited
by Nauck, AristophanU
Byzantii Fragmenta (Halle, 1848).

chus of Samothrace
(c.
IO9
is
217-145
critic,
B.C.).
He
the best
type of the Alexandrian
since he confined himself
to the single field of criticism and did not seek to be

as a polymath.
known
He
first
completed the general terminolsetting forth the eight parts of

participle,
article,
ogy of formal grammar,

speech
noun, verb, pronoun, adverb,
conjunction, and preposition.'
Aristarchus finally determined the fixed critical principles that
were to be applied in establishing the correct
text
of
an author.
of
These principles he employed

Alcseus,
in
editions
Archilochus,
Êschylus,
Sophocles,
Aristophanes, Hesiod, Pindar, and especially the Homeric
poems, of which he published two great
editions, writing
It
notes on special points together with commentaries.

is
in the editions
(e/cSoo-et?)
that one can best judge of
his ability as a critic, since in
them the
difficulties
were
far the greatest because of the long lapse of time, because
of the large
variations
number
of manuscripts,
and Jêcause
of the
due to the preceding
recensions.
There were
political interests involved in
many
of the changes
made
in the
Homeric
text, precisely as
some earnest theologian
must have made

Testament to
'The
speech.
i.
the famous interpolation in the
New
of
establish the doctrine of the Trinity (i John, was not recognised by the Greeks as a part
interjection
It
came
20).
into formal
grammar with
cited
the
parts 4.
The Alexandrians claimed

and they
all.
Roman teachers (Quint. that Homer recognised the

of the Iliad
(i.
eight parts of speech,

xxii. sq)
two passages
185 and
each of which contains them
110
V.

It
7).*
was probably because

and
of his
knowledge of these
interpolations
of the reasons for them, that Aristar-
chus approached the work of recension in a sceptical

spirit like
that of F. A.
Wolf
in later times.
His main
purpose was to rid the text of the additions and corruptions of the three preceding centuries.
It is interesting
to note the details of his system, which can best be seen
by taking up some of the concrete examples preserved

us in the Venetian scholia.
for
The examination
five processes:
(i)
of
an author by Aristarchus involved

(2)
the arrangement of the text;

(3)
the
determination of the accents;

forms;
(4)
the determination of
allusions, etc.;
all
an explanation of the words,
and
(5)
/Jicri9,
or criticism proper, including
questions
of authenticity
and the
final
judgment that
as a whole.
is
to be passed
upon the author and

In carrying out
employs
ecessors,
theirs
all
his
work
his
work
as a text critic, Aristarchus
the sources of information used by his predspirit far
but always in a
more
scientific
than
had been.
Thus,
like
Zenodotus, he studies the
Homeric use
of words, holding with
him that a knowledge

of the
of the substance
must be based upon a knowledge
language.
Yet he does not confine himself to the archaic,

He, as an "analogist,"
^
rare, or foreign words.

'
considers
;
ed.
1833 3d Ludwich, Aristarchs Homerische Textkritik (Leipzig, 18841885); Jebb, Homer, pp. 91-98 (Glasgow, 1887).
1882);
'
See Lehrs,
De
Aristarchi Studiis Homericis (Konigsberg,
Infra, pp. 119-120.
THE ALEXANDRIAN PERIQD
III
these as being less important, from the very fact of their

rarity,
than the words and phrases that lend colour and
individuality to the
work as a whole and which,

Homeric
sense.
since they
So, for ex-
are familiar, give a clue to the
ample, Aristarchus remarks that in Homer, &Be always
has the meaning " thus " and never " here " or " thither ";
that ^dXkeiv refers
always to the hurling of missiles,
while ovrdêiv
quarters
is
;
is
used of striking or wounding at close

has the sense of "flight"; that
in
ttoVo?
that
</)o'/3os
employed
especially
reference
to
combat;
that
'OXu/oiTTos
in the Iliad
means the
actual mountain,
and
so on.
This careful study gave him a standard of usage

called
when
upon to decide between two
conflicting readfor in such a
ings in
two manuscripts
of equal value;
case he gave the preference to the reading that
was the
more consistent with the general usage of the poet (rb

edifiov Tov 'KOL-qrov).
Again, in establishing his text, he ascribed great weight

to
manuscript authority,
just
as Zenodotus
and
Aris-
tophanes had done before him; but Aristarchus exhibits
an acuteness and system

scripts
sors.
in his classification of the
manu-
not
to
be foimd in the work of

have grouped
his predeces-
He
seems to
them generally
in
" families," and to have determined both by compari-
son and by the internal evidence of a codex

the establishment of a canon.
editions," the
its
value in
Thus we
find " private
work
of individual editoirs;
"city editions,"
112

State supervision;
'
made under
among
rate
and " popular
editions,"
which he distinguishes those that are

fairly accurate.
more inaccu-
and those which are
That Aristarchus made no such minute

subdivisions
of
divisions
and
manuscripts
in
their
" families "
and
" groups " as are found in the work of modern

texts like that of Horace, for example,
is
critics in
due to the impor-
tant fact that in his time the variants in

variants of words
Homer were
and addiThis
and particular
verses;
while the limits
of divergence being very narrow, the omissions
tions were of a comparatively unimportant kind.
implies a
text,
common
basis of tradition,
embodied
in a vulgate
possibly that of the Pisistratidean recension.
The
better
otus,
lines.
judgment of Aristarchus, as contrasted with Zenodis
seen in his tre&,tment of the so-called formulaic

line
This repetition,
for line,
was too much
for
it,
Zenodotus,
who
rejected the frequent appearance of
for instance, in the Iliad, where the " baneful
dream
" of
Zeus to
book.
Agamemnon
Aristarchus,
occurs three times in the second
however,
rightly
saw
in
this
the
let
naif redundacy of the primitive story-teller, and so he

it
stand.
On
the whole, though Aristarchus was sceptical,

averse to altering his text
;
he was very
much
and
for this
conservatism he has been censured in modern times, for

instance,
by Wolf and Lehrs.
Aristarchus questioned and
doubted, but he did not often introduce an emendation.

'
See p. 15.

In his
critical
13
work he employed various

of these were
signs (arjjieia).
The most important

(i)
The
oêXd'i or spit, -, to indicate that
a line was
spurious.
Such lines were said to be " athetised " (aOerelv)

is still
This obelus
(2)
used in
8-,
critical texts
by German
-j
,
scholars.
The
hiirXr),
or
>
<j
or
used either for
exposition, to call attention to
some
especial point, or to
mark a word which

the construction
(3)
is
is
used only once, or to indicate that
the same as in Attic Greek.

fj-,
The
The
dotted dipl6,
to
denote that the reading
adopted by Aristarchus differed from that of Zenodotus.

(4)
asterisk,
*, to mark a genuine formulaic verse
as distinct from one regarded by
him as
spurious.
in
If the
repeated verse was spurious,
it
was marked
one of the
two places where
it
occurred, with the asterisk or the

line.
obelus prefixed to the

(5)
The
antisigma, D,
and the stigma,
r,
were used
together to denote repetitions of the same idea.'

stigma, alone, denoted only suspected spuriousness.
interesting to
The
It is
know
of
that out of the 15,600 lines of the

athetised.
Iliad
and the Odyssey, 1160 were

criticisms
in
The
Aristarchus
were not, apparently,
embodied
"
any one great standard work, but were spread

Iliad, viii. 53S-S37.
For instance,
was marked, and so was passage

critical signs see
538-541, because the last-named verses seemed to repeat the sense

of the former.
For the best account of these

foil.
Gardtop.
cit.
hausen, Pal'dographie, p. 288

ip.
(Leipzig, 1899)
and Susemihl,
432
foil.
114
over a great quantity of monographs, marking each the
development of a new hne of research or the statement

of a
new
principle.
Hence
it
is
that his critical
work
never was canonised in one single standard text.

also, it is
Hence,
so difficult to distinguish
what
is
the work of
Aristarchus
himself
from that which belonged to the
Aristarchean School,
to
the great
number
of students
difficulty,
and scholars who carried out

in fact,
his ideas.
This
was
felt
even in ancient times, as in the Augustan
Age; and
tain
we
find
Didymus Chalcenteros
of
trying to ascer-
what readings
this only
Homer were approved by

we have down
Aristarchus
and
The
work
about a century after his death.

of the critical
imperfect knowledge that
of Aristarchus as a
whole
is
due to the roundabout

to us.
way
in
which notices of
it
have come
Didy-
mus, just mentioned, collected the Homeric writings of

Aristarchus.
Aristonicus of Alexandria, a contemporary
of Didymus, wrote a treatise
on the
critical signs
employed
with
by Aristarchus
this matter,
in his text work;
and
in connection
incidentally quoted the
arguments relating
to the verses
B.C. 1 60,
marked with these
signs.
About the year
Herodianus wrote a
of the
treatise
on the accentuation
Nicanor about the
and prosody
Homeric poems.
same time improved a work on Homeric punctuation.
Now
between the years 200 and 250 a.d. some unknown
scholar
made an epitome
of these four writers
Didymus,
a way
Aristonicus, Herodianus,
and Nicanor
in such
115
as to form a continuous critical commentary on the Homeric

text.
The Epitome
of the
Four Treatises
and
in
(usually spoken
of simply as " the Epitome,"
Germany
as the
Viermanner
Scholien)/
was
in the tenth
century a.d.
copied into the margin of a codex of the Iliad.
This
Codex
is
the very famous Codex Venetus

in the Library of St.
of the Iliad,
It con-
No. 454,
tains
(i)
its
Mark
in Venice.
the
Epitome, undoubtedly somewhat altered
from
(2)
original form, as the language, etc., shows;
and
other scholia.
This MS.
is
almost the only source
from which we can get any

of the views of Aristarchus.
definite
knowledge in
detail
It is also the only
MS.
pre-
served in which the critical signs of Aristarchus are employed.
The
scholia of this
Codex were
first
edited
by
Villoison in 1788.'
Text
criticism in antiquity reached its highest point with
Aristarchus.
ability
His
followers
were often
men
of
great
and indefatigable industry, but their attention seems
to have been directed
more minutely
to verbal,
i.e.
gram-
matical criticism, and to have become narrower and more
pedantic as time went on.
The Alexandian
School was,
in fact, essentially a school of
grammatical scholarship,
accurate, careful,
and deeply learned, but with perhaps
too great a fondness for regularity, for strict rules, and a

sort of Procrustean willingness to secure absolute uniformity in
'
language and in
its
laws by crushing out that
idio-
See Hubner's Encyclopadie, pp. 37-40 in the second ed. (Berlin, 1892).
Il6

is
matic freedom of both form and expression which

essential attribute of a living language.
the
After Aristarchus,
who
died about
143
B.C.,
critical
studies were continued at Alexandria
by
his successors,
among whom may be noted Hermippus

writer of
of Smyrna, a
biographies,
much drawn upon by

who wrote
of
Plutarch;
Apollodorus of Athens,
chronology from the
in trimeters, a
B.C.,
work on
fall
Troy to 1444
and a com-
mentary on the Homeric catalogue of the

wise composed a treatise
ships.
He
like-
On
the
Gods in twenty-four books
which was a treasury of minute and curious information

" freely
and extensively pirated by
later writers."
The
successor of Aristarchus
his
was Ammonius, who had been
pupil;
and
after
(c.
him came Didymus Chalcenteros

B.C.
of
to
Alexandria
65
-c.
10
a.d.),
who
is
said
have written nearly four thousand books, lexicographgrammatical, exegetical, and archaeological.'
ical, critical,
About the year 75 b.c. there appeared anonymously a great manual of mythology the first of its kind from
which
many
of the later writers
drew
extensively.
One
The
should also speak of the grammarian Tryphon, and the com-
mentator Theon who lived in the

Alexandrian School grew
less
first
century a.d.
and
less
important after the

part of the Library
middle of the
first
century b.c.
A good
was destroyed during the
siege of Alexandria
by Julius
of
'See Blau, De Aristarchi Discipulis (Jena, 1883);

the fragments of
and the edition
Didymus by Moritz Schmidt
(Leipzig, 1854).

Caesar (47 B.C.). Later,
I17
the Great gave
in
when Theodosius
his consent to the destruction of all the
pagan temples
the
Roman Empire
(389 a.d.), a
mob
of fanatical Chris-
tians demolished the temple of Jupiter Serapis,
and with
it
a large portion of the Library.
From this time, Alexandria,

exist;
as a centre of learning, ceased to
and when the
Arabs
in 641
took the
city,
they merely completed a work

for centuries.
of devastation that
had been going on
[Bibliography.
See, in addition to the
works already
cited,
Susemihl, Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur in der Alexandrinerzeit,

2
vols.
(Leipzig,
1891-1892);
Bernhardy, Geschichte
der griechischen
Litteratur,
et
sth ed. (Halle, 1877-1892);
Renan,
Milange d'Histoire
427-440
(Paris,
de Voyages dans I'AntiquiiS, pp. 389-410,
1898);
and the
special biographical
foil.);
articles in
Pauly's Real-Encyclopadie (Stuttgart, 1893

History of Classical Greek Literature, vol.
i.
also Mahaffy,
foil,
pp. 35
and
vol.
ii.
pp. 427-438
(New York,
1880).
B.
The Pergamene School and Other Centres

OF Learning
School at Alexandria had for a long time attracted
at once
The
those
who were
men
of genius
and of profound
however,
it
learning.
After the
death
of Aristarchus,
tended to become more and more a gathering-place for

near-sighted critics to
whom formulas were more

symmetry
important
than
facts.
To them
and
a rule of grammar or a paradigm

in
was
sacred,
their reverence for
language
was carried so far as to provoke an inevitable opposition,
Il8

last in
which was organised at
the famous School at Per-
gamum. which
Alexandrians.
arose to meet and assail the theories of the
Pergamum was an
in the
ancient town, about

It
fif-
teen miles from the coast of Mysia in Asia Minor.'

ruled
was
by a dynasty founded
B.C.
Alexandrian Age; and

of the arts
in 263
Eumenes
became a patron
and
sciences, inviting philosophers
and sculptors to
his court,
among them being

the Middle
losopher Lycon.
I,
Arcesilaus,
who had
and
first
presided over
Academy
at Athens,
the Peripatetic phiAttalus
The
the
successor of
of king,
Eumenes was
who assumed
title
won
victories over
the
invading Gauls, and then began to gather the books for the
Pergamene Library that was to

andria.
rival
the collection at Alexlike that in
He
laid out
grounds for an academy
Athens, and sought the friendship of philosophers, historians,
and mathematicians.^
The
king himself conde-
scended to authorship, though his taste was more for

sculpture.
His victories over the Gauls were
commemoDying
rated in a set of magnificent bronzes.

these in marble
is
copy of one of
as "the
the famous figure
known
Gladiator," but
more
properly " the
Dying Gaul," and

at
now
preserved in the Capitoline
Museum
Rome.
Of
the artists
whom
for
he patronised, one recalls especially
Antigonus of Carystos,
'
who wrote on
is
art
and likewise
Pergamum,
The name
it
parchment (pergamena)
derived from
where
'
was
first
made.
of
It
was to King Attalus that Apollonius

Sections.
Perga dedicated his work
on Conic

on natural phenomena.
19
Pergamum was adorned

rose
with a
it
splendid buildings, above which
the Acropolis,
as
thousand
feet
above the sea
level,
and protecting,
were, the court of the goddess Athena, a vast quadrangle
bounded by colonnades and adorned by majestic

of
statues
of
Homer, Herodotus,
Alcseus,
and other great writers
the past. the kings
These and similar works were carried out by

of
Pergamum
until
in 133
b.c.
Attains III
bequeathed his entire realm to the
Roman
people.
The
scholars of
Pergamum
were, on the whole,
more
varied in their interest than those of Alexandria.

Stoics controlled
The
the teachings,
(c.
and the
real
founder
was Crates
of Mallos
168 b.c),
who became
to the Per-
gamene School what Aristarchus was
to the Alexandrian.
Aristarchus reverenced rule in language, while Crates based

his teachings
upon exception; and the catchwords which
represented the distinction were avdXoryia and avcofjiaXia}
Crates and his followers regarded the mere verbalists of
Alexandria with a species of contempt.

text criticism,
He
held that
and
especially the text criticism of
Homer,
Crates derived the expression &vu/ia\la from the treatise of Chrysip-
pus,
On Anomaly.
The fragments
of
Crates with a commentary on
them will be found in Wachsmuth, De Craiete Mallota (Leipzig, i860); and on the Pergamene School see Wegener, De Aula AUalica (Copenhagen, 1836). For some discussion on Analogy and Anomaly, see
Aulus
Gellius,
ii.
5,
where reference
est
is
directly
made
to Aristarchus
. .
and
est
Crates.
"'AvuXoyla
similium similis dedinatio;

consuetudinem
cit.
i.
.ivuiiaX ta
inmqualitas
decUnationum
sequens."
On Analogy and
Anomaly,
see also Sandys, op.
pp. 156-158.
I20
ought to embrace the whole mass of problems

physical, mythological,
historical,
and philosophical
suggested
in
the Homeric poems.
He saw
and
in the text, allegories
and
allusions to the cosmical

Stoics.
astronomical theories of the
In
fact,
he regarded
Homer more
as a teacher
than as a poet, placing his SiBaa-Kokia before his ^v'^ây coy la.
The importance
of this view of Crates
is
found
in the fact
that because of his desire to read into the text the allegories
which he saw there, he was led to propose a large

of conjectural emendations in
full
number
which the principle Thus,
of anomaly gave
play to his ingenious mind.
while Aristarchus represents cautious diplomatic examination of the text
and a reluctance to
alter
what he
finds in
it.
Crates
the
is
the type of the brilliant conjectural emendator,
Bentley of antiquity.
Only fragments have come
down
tary
to us of his writings; but they include a

epics,
commen-
on the Homeric
on Hesiod, Euripides, and
Aristophanes;
a catalogue of the Pergamene Library like
that which Callimachus
made
of the Library of Alexandria; It
and a work on the Attic
dialect in at least five books.
may be
noted, en passant, that Crates laid the foundation
of the study of
grammar
at
Rome,
to which city he
was
sent as an ambassador in 157 b.c.^
His most important

flourished in the
successor
first
was Demetrius Magnes, who
century B.C. and
who wrote on synonyms
together
with some biographies.

'See infra,
p. 157.

It
121
might well be assumed that Athens should have been
the seat of a great institution of learning; indeed the case.

it
and such was

Pericles,
So
far
back as the time of

school of
had been
called
it
"the
Greece,"
and even
in its decadence
long kept the
fire of
learning bright.
Both before and immediately

Christian Era,
it
after the beginning of the
contained an organised faculty of accom-
plished professors
who
lectured to students from
all
parts
of the civilised world.

result of
The
University at Athens
was the
organ-
two previously
the
(j)T}poi,
existing
institutions the
isation- of
and the schools
of the philosophers
and
Sophists.
The Ephebi,
or free Athenian youths, were
in early
times enrolled into a corps that was primarily
intended for the defense of the State.
They were educated
both physically and mentally, and they formed the nucleus

of
what became the student body

changes in the constitution of this
for its transformation
of
the
university.
Two
way
body prepared the
from a quasi-military organisa-
tion to a university.
(i)
all
These changes were:
Not
to Athenians
The
neglect of the principle of compulsion.
were enrolled, but only those

(2)
who
chose.
Membership was no longer confined
or even Greeks.
These changes
left
a body of young men, organised and
regularly enrolled, free to follow such a course of training
as best suited their inclinations
and
capacities,
and ready
to be turned to any line of study that
had the advocacy
122
of brilliant, energetic,
and popular men.

the
influence
The
schools of
for
the
philosophers
supplied
necessary
completing the change from a military college to a great

university.
Four schools of philosophy had
since the time of the
Macedonian wars been
flourishing
at
Athens.
These
were the Academic or Platonic School, the Peripatetic

or Aristotelian School, the Stoic School,
and the Epicurean.

its
Each
of these schools
from the time of

sufficient to
foundation had
received an
endowment
maintain and per-
petuate
it.
Plato had purchased a small garden near the
Eleusinian
Way,
in the grove of
Academe,
for three thou-
sand drachmas.
His philosophic successors, Xenocrates

in the
and Polemon, continued to teach
same
spot;
their
wealthy pupils and the friends of learning added to the
grounds and bequeathed suf&cient funds for the support

of the philosopher,
and thus
practically
endowed an acato his successor,
demic
chair.
In
like
manner, Aristotle
left
Theophrastus, the valuable property near the Ilyssus;
and Theophrastus,
in the will
whose text has come down to
us in Diogenes Laertius,^ completed the permanent endow-
ment
of the Peripatetic chair.
So Epicurus
left his
prop-
erty in the
Ceramicus to be the nucleus of an endowment
for his school,^
and the
Stoics
were probably
in like
manner
of phi-
made
independent.
' '
Around these four schools

V. 2. 14.
Diog. Laert. xx. 10.

losophy,
1 23
which, being
endowed,
taught gratuitously, a
multitude of teachers of rhetoric,

logic,
grammar,
hterature,
physics,
and mathematics
clustered.
The world
soon learned to think of Athens as a great seat of learning
and
culture, brilliant
and renowned.
Students flocked to
It
her from every quarter and country.
appears to have
been necessary to become enrolled among the Ephebi,

but the scholars selected for themselves their
tors,
own
instruc-
and attended such

of these students
lectures
as they
chose.
The
number
became enormous.
Theophras-
tus alone lectured to as
records
show the
many as two thousand men. The names of many foreign students, some of
From
later sources
them being
of the Semitic race.
we
learn that matriculation took place early in the year; that
the students wore a
gown
like that of
the undergraduates
at the English universities; that they pursued athletic sports
with
much
ardour;
for
that at the theatre a special gallery

certificates of
was reserved
them; that
attendance at
the courses of lectures were required; that they were under the general direction of a president; that fees were exacted
in the
shape of an annual contribution to the university

that breaches of discipline were punished, as
Library;
at Oxford,
by
fines;
that the relation between student and
professor was very close, so that for a student to cease to
take a course was very cutting;
and that the students

"
themselves " touted " for the professors.
Most
of the
young
enthusiasts for learning," says Gregory Nazianzen,
124

partisans of their professors.
"became mere
all
They
are
amciety to get their audiences larger
and
their fees
increased.
This they carry to portentous lengths.
They
post themselves over the city at the beginning of the year;

as each
newcomer disembarks he
falls into their
hands;
they carry him off at once to the house of some countryman

or friend
who
is
best at trumpeting the praises of his
own
professor."
Private tutors
((f>v\aKe<>)
were often employed.
They
looked over the students' notes, "coached" them on the

subjects in which they were
most
interested,
and helped
them
at their exercises.
At the end of the year there
seems to have been an examination.
Freshmen seem to have been subject to a
sort of hazing.
Gregory, in a funeral address over his friend Basil, recalls
some
find
of the
memories of
their sport with freshmen.
We
one of the professors, Proasresius, asking his class
not to haze a new student, Eunaphius, because of his

feeble
health.
Sometimes the
inferior
officers
of
the
university were subject to similar annoyances,
and Liba-
nius
tells
of one of the tutors
who was
tossed in a blanket.
There were likewise other famous schools given over to

the higher education in the East and in the West,
chines, the great rival of
.^s-
Demosthenes,
is
said to
have
founded a school for oratory in the island of Rhodes, and

there were famous teachers in Lesbos.
Tarsus, in Asia
Minor,
had
faculties
representing
all
the branches of

humanistic studies.
rivalled even
I25
In
like
manner, MassUia (Marseilles)

it.
Athens and drew students away from
The
further development of
endowed education
will
be
spoken of as belonging more particularly to the Graeco-
Roman
there
is
Period.'
After the time of
Didymus
Chalcenteros, already noted,
nothing in the history of text criticism among the
Greeks that needs especial mention.
As men
of genius
became
rarer,
formal grammar, lexicography, and the
epitomising of earlier writings occupied the time of those
whose minds were
satisfied
with the purely mechanical
phases of scholarship.
To
this later age
we owe the
great
collections of Scholia that
have come down to us from
the codices of classical authors

(i)
and that are important
because of their value in determining the true reading of

(2)
the classical texts; and
because in
many
cases,
by
reason of the blunders of subsequent
scribes, they
have
sometimes slipped into the text

source of learned controversy.
glosses
itself,
there to
become a
A
will
it
note on the ancient
may be
of
some value
This
for reference in speaking of
text criticism hereafter.
necessarily anticipate
is
a portion of the narrative; but

this place.
'
best considered in
See Capes, University Life in Ancient Athens (London, 1877);
Ma-
haffy,
Old Creek Education
(London,
1882);
;
Eckstein,
Lateinischer
und
Griechischer Unterricht (Leipzig, 1887)
Wilkins, National Education
in Greece in the Fourth Century before Christ (London, 1873);

first five
and the
chapters in Walden, The Universities of Ancient Greece
(New
York, 1909).
126

(y\S)cr<Ta)
A gloss
that
viii.
was, in the language of the Greek critics

in the text
II.
and grammarians, the name given to a word

required
527.
explanation,
e.g.
KopeeraKpop'^TOv^ in
In course of time, ordinary words
obsolete or
may
acquire a
new shade
of
may become meaning, or may

As these
be employed in a technical and peculiar sense.
words would require a
special explanation for the benefit
of the general reader, the

such.
name
yXaxrcra
was given to
all
Thus, Plutarch speaks of the words which belong
to the purely poetical language, and those that are purely

local, as
yXmrrai {De Audiendis
Poetis, 6).
Galen applies
the term to the obsolete medical expressions of Hipparchus.

Aristotle
uses
it
of
provincialisms
{Poet.
21.
4-6).*
Quintilian
to voces
employs the synonymous term yXcoaarfiiara

usitatas
(i.
minus
8.
15;
cf.
i.
1.
35).
Originally
the word that needed explanation was simply defined
by writing
(oVojtia
its
simpler synonym, the word in
common
i.e.
use
it.
Kvpiov, Arist.), in the
margin of the text beside

pair of words,
Then
word
the term
jXaicra-a
meant the
the
in the text
and
its
explanatory word in the margin,
the two being viewed as constituting a whole. the explanation alone was called yXaxra-a.
glosses begins the history of lexicography
;
Ultimately
With these
but the glosses
soon ceased to be purely lexical and became encyclopaedic

in character,
'
geographical,
iii.
biographical, historical,
or
find
Cf. id. Rhet.
3.
^.
As
early as the fifth century b.c,
we
glosses
treatise
spoken
of,
since Democritus of
Abdera
(c.
410
B.C.)
wrote a
on them
(Tlepl T\w<r(r4uv).

philological, according to the
27
purpose or the tastes of the

these
glossographer.
The
of
chief
of
glossographers
of Cos,
we
and
have already mentioned,

Aristophanes
Herodianus.'
collected
Philetas
Zenodotus,
Crates,
Byzantium,
Aristarchus,
In
later times, the glosses
were regularly
and arranged as running commentaries on the
language of the text,
the best-known
Magnum.
is
collectors of these
being Hesychius, Photius, Zonaras, Suidas, and the compiler
of
the Etymologicum
In
its
developed
meaning, the word " gloss "
to be understood in the
same sense as scholium.

to us with the author's
Very few scholia have come down
name
attached; but such as exist

lines
are usually written

of a codex
upon the margin or between the
and copied from the work of the
earlier scholiasts.
The
scholia generally bear evidence of having been written

later
much
than the date when the codex
itself
was
written.
Scholia in the margin are
known
as glosses
marginales;
glosscB inter-
those written between the

lineares?
lines are called
Something must be said here of the study of Art
among
the Greeks.
So far as any evidence remains, their
early writings
in
on
this
theme must have been very limited

There
is
extent so far
as they concern aesthetics.
'Athenaeus, writing about the year 250 A.D., alluded to thirty-five

glossographers.
^See Matthai, Glossaria Graeca (Moscow, 1774-I77S);
list
of
the
most important (Gk.)

Cf. also
scholia is given
by Gudeman,
op. cU. pp. 20-21.
Hubner, Encydop. pp. 37-40, 2d ed.
(Berlin, 1892).
128
scarcely a of
HISTORY OT CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY

mention of any formal discussion on the history
sculpture,
architecture,
painting,
or
music.
The
an
historians,
and
also the philosophers, merely give, in
incidental way, detached

art, artists,
and inadequate suggestions as to

art.
and works of
As
in literature, so in music,
the Greeks of the Pras-Alexandrian

selves
Age devoted themPhilostratus
more to creation than to

first
criticism.
remarks, however, in the

Sophists, that Hippias
(c.
book
of his Lives of the
420 B.C.) of Elis was wont to
dispute on the subject of painting and sculpture; and that
Democritus of Abdera wrote a work on painting from the

living
model
(Jlepi Zayypaipia^)
Other
treatises, of
which
writ-
we know, were
practical in their character

artists,
and were
ten by artists for
regarding the
"canon"
or mathe-
matical demonstration of those proportions which produce
beauty in the
human
form.'
There
are,
however, acute
criticisms of painting scattered
throughout the writings of

of the Alexandrian Period,
aesthetic.
Aristotle;
and by the beginning

criticisms
we come to
dotes
which are not technical but

first
Thus, Duris of Samos was among the
to collect anec-
and aphorisms with regard to
painting.
Many
representatives of the Peripatetic School busied themselves
'The
B.C.
first
of these canons
was that
of Polyclitus in the fifth century
After Polyclitus,
came many
and graphic
to write
upon the technical
side of
sculpture;
but not until after Aristotle was there much written on the
arts.
aesthetics of the plastic
Vitruvius in the preface to his
seventh book names a number of writers

the principles of artistic symmetry.
who concerned themselves with

in the
29
same way.
As a
rule, the
artists
themselves
men who
lar,
understood sculpture and bronze casting
were
of
the authors of these treatises.
At Pergamum,
in particu-
much
attention
it
was paid to
sculpture, as
we have
Ten
already seen, and
was there that the Canon

to
Sculptors
drian
'
was probably drawn up

of the
match the Alexanof our informa-
Canon
Ten
Orators.
Most
tion with regard to these early writers

scholars,
late
comes from
Roman
from
especially
from Pliny the Elder; or
else
Greek writers such as Strabo and Pausanius and
Lucian.^
'
Quintilian,
xii.
10. 7.
"
See Jones, Select Passages from Ancient Writers Illustrative of the His;
tory of Greek Sculpture (London, 189s)
Overbeck, Geschichte der griech-
ischen Plastik (Leipzig, 1894)
and Fowler and Wheeler, Greek Archaeology
(New York,
1909).
IV
THE GRiECO-ROMAN PERIOD

Tradition
ascribes the date of the founding of
It
Rome
to the eighth century B.C.
was
long, however, before the
Roman
people either acquired or attained anything that
deserves the
name
of literary culture, polite learning, or
philological study.
Unlike the Greeks, the
Romans were
a rugged race, an inland race, apart from the magic and

the mystery of the sea.
The
small settlement along the
Tiber was pastoral and agricultural for

having
little
many
centuries,
commerce with
external peoples, dwelling
in constant
danger from formidable neighbours, against
whom
it
could prevail only by the strictest discipline and
the intensest concentration of interest.
Thus, the Ro-
mans came
to possess the civic virtues in a high degree.
Primarily, their ideal

tion,
was
efHciency, intelligent coopera-
and a love of the concrete.
Their patriciate was
formed of the fighting men.

to military science
distinctive quality
Their arts were arts relating

religion.
and statesmanship and
One
which they possessed was a wonderful

Later,
tenacity of purpose.
their
when they had vanquished
enemies throughout Italy and had builded a great
nation, the characteristics

in
which had been wrought out
them by
centuries of
toil
and
effort
were to be seen not
130
THE GE^CO-ROMAN PERIOD
I3I
only in what they created, but in what they took from

others
and transmuted
into something that
became almost
purely Roman.'
By
the fourth century b.c. they were reaching the point

literature of their
where a
own was beginning down
to display
an evolution quite independent of any impulse from without.
Their annals were set
in simple prose.
Their
It
is,
laws were expressed precisely and with clearness.
indeed, quite characteristic of the difference between the
Greeks and the Romans have been

set to learn
that
Greek children should
by heart long passages from the
Homeric poems, while

to memorise the
Roman
of the
children were compelled
Laws
sung
Twelve Tables.
Yet there com-
were at
Rome
at least the beginnings of

in artless rhythms.
poetical
position in lyrics
at
Lyric Poetry
Rome was
the
first
found, not as an exotic, but in the
nenicB,
spells,
the charms, the lullabies that were
crooned over little children,
and
in other songs that
were
chanted to the accompaniment of the dance.^
native
Drama
sort of
extemporaneous comedy
was
not
unknown.
We
find even the traces of a gradual drift

Italicus to the
away from the ancient versus

'
more regular
and Weise,
the folkLiterary
See Pais, Ancient Legends of

;
Roman
History, Eng. trans., pp. 1-59

;
(New York, 1905) Michaut, Le Ginie Latin (Paris, 1900) Charakteristik der lateinisckcn Sprache (Leipzig, 1905).
2
See the pages on very early Latin
poetry, the priestly literature,
and the
the hymns, the writings

legal
litanies,
in Duff,
History of Rome, pp. 63-89 (London and Leipzig, 1909).
See also De-
douvres, Les Latins, pp. 39-79 (Paris, 1903).
132

This
last,
form of the Saturnian measure.

often rude,
though
it
was
was capable
to the early
of a really artistic treatment,
and
it
was
Romans what
Nor
the dactylic hexis
ameter was to the early Greeks.

that Oratory
there any doubt
was
fairly well developed, since oratory, as
has been rightly said, belongs to " the literature that tends
to
statesmanship."^
Eloquence was necessary for the
senator, or the popular leader,

for the
and
it
was necessary
also
commander
of
an army
in the field.
Therefore
we can reasonably
assert that even
had Rome not come

would
still
into contact with Hellenic influences, there
have been created, slowly, but quite surely, not only a

literature
but a learning, absolutely
Roman
both in form
and content.^
There had been some desultory relations between the
Romans and
pania the
the Greeks farther back than
is
recorded by
authentic history.
From
the Chalcidian Greeks of

their Alphabet.'
Cam-
Romans had borrowed
From
the Etruscans also the

'
Romans had
acquired certain
The
earliest
dates formal
Roman oration written out for publication almost anteRoman poetry. It was delivered in 280 B.C. by Appius
for at least
Claudius against the terms of peace offered by Pyrrhus, and was read and
studied at
'
Rome
two
centuries.
See Sears, op.
oil.,
p. 94.
See Ihne, Early
Rome (New York,

ii,
1902);
Mommsen, A
History of
Rome (Eng.
trans.) vol.
pp. 23-315
(New York, 1903-05); and the
early chapters of Bernhardy, Grundriss der romischen Litteratur, 5th ed.,
(Brunswick, 1875).
^See Lindsay, The Latin Language, pp. 1-12 (Oxford, 1894); Peters,
"Recent Theories of the Alphabet," in

Society (1901);
vol. xxi.
Journal of the Oriental
and Clodd, The Story
of the Alphabet
(New York,
1903).
THE GR^CO-ROMAN PEMOD

religious beliefs
133
and practices
as well as arts.
But when
the
Roman arms
came a
advanced southward and began to con-
quer the Greek

there
cities of
Magna
Graecia and Sicily, then
direct contact with Hellenic culture.
This
was
in the early part of the third century B.C.
At that
time, the
Romans,
in
their
war with the Greek king
Pyrrhus, overran the luxurious towns of southern Italy
and seized the
rich
and splendid
city of
Tarentum.
The
knowledge which thus came to them of the magnificence

of Greece
diers,
was a
startling revelation.
To
the rough
art,
sol-
and
rustic cultivators of
literature
Latium, Greek
Greek
science
and Greek
and learning became

Little
realities
to fascinate and to encourage imitation.
by
little
there sprang up in
Rome
a sort of
Graecomania compar-
able with the Etruscomania of the later imperial age and
with the successive Gallomania and Anglomania of our
own
the
country in the last century.

language, and
The Romans
learned
it
sister
many
of
them spoke and wrote
in preference to their
own; while men
of genius adapted
the
still
rude Latin tongue to the varied forms of Hel-
lenic literature.
Not long
afterward, the First and Second
Punic Wars burst forever the bonds of
Roman
isolation.
Because of them the

that was not
Roman
people gained an outlook
Roman
merely, nor even Latin and Italian,
but
in the
end broadly cosmopolitan.
As by a
flash,
Rome
saw
at once
what high
civilisation
and exquisite culture
really
meant.
In a single generation, Greece gave to
134

the treasures which she had been garnering for
Rome
centuries.
The
effect
upon the whole subsequent developpeople was profound and lasting.

significance of
ment of the
Roman
The
ablest
minds among them grasped the
the revelation.
Men
of
like the Scipios

life.
and the Metelli wel-
comed the graces

called
By
this
time there was a so-
Greek
of
set
which grew
in influence, despite the gibes
and sneers
Cato and other partisans of the ancient order.
In time, thousands of captive Greeks, including
men
of the highest attainments, were scattered over Italy as
hostages,
ambassadors, and teachers.

evidence of Hellenic Influence
is
The
first
probably to
(c.
be found in literature when Livius Andronicus
250
B.C.),
by birth a Greek, was brought as a

after receiving his freedom,
his native language. It
slave to
living
Rome, and,
by teaching
made a
was he who translated the Odyssey
into Saturnian verse.
It
was a rude and uninspired piece

it
of work, yet for generations
remained a schoolbook for

B.C.
Roman
the
first
boys and
of
girls.
In 240
he set upon the stage
many dramas which he
laboriously constructed
after Grecian models.
He
likewise attempted lyric poetry,
being commissioned by the State to write a

of Juno.^
'
hymn in honour
citi-
Gnaeus Naevius, who was freeborn and the

ed.,
i,
See Ribbeck, GeschkUe der romischen Dichtung, 2d
p. 15 foil.
(Leipzig, 1897-1900);
.
and Mommsen, History of Rome, Eng.
trans.,
ii,
p.
498 (New York, 1903); the chapter in Mackail's Latin Literature (New
York, 1907); and that on

ship,
"The
Earliest
Italian Literature" in Nettle-
Essays in Latin Literature (Oxford, 1883).
THE GILECO-EOMAN PERIOD
I35
zen of a Latin town in Campania, really marks the begin-
ning of Latin literature.
He was no
foreign sycophant, but
had the independent
spirit of his race.
He
wrote much,
adapting often from the Greek, but also producing dramas
based upon
Roman
history.
In these and elsewhere he
did not hesitate to attack the most powerful patricians,

especially the Metelli.
For
this, in
the end, he was impris-
oned and banished and died

a
in exile.
He
was, in truth,
Roman
of the
Romans.
He
clung to the native Satur-
nian verse, and in his Punica, writing of the First Punic
War, he introduced that legend which

iEneas with
links the
Trojan
Roman
history.
Thus, he was the precursor

read,
of Vergil, for his Epic
was long
and parts
of
it
are
embedded
in the
Mneid}
To
Naevius are also due the
beginnings of Satire, whereof Quintilian long afterward
remarked that
" satire, indeed,
is
wholly ours."
Not
only
did Nsevius use the native Saturnian verse, but he held

fast to the
Roman love
of alliteration
^
and
repetition
which
died
were distasteful to the Greek poets; he

left
so that
when he
behind him a mass of literature which was neither
Greek nor imitated from the Greek, but was rather

in spirit
Roman
him
and
if
in
form.
He and
never
on the
those
felt
who
followed
prove that
'
Rome had
i,
the deft touch of the

satire, Nettleship, Lectures
Quintilian, x,
93.
Also,
Roman
and Essays (second series), pp. 24-43 (Oxford, 1895).
Ôn
et
alliteration, see
Botticher,
De
Alliterationis
apud Romanos Vi
The Use of
Usu
(Beriin, 1884);
and on dynamic
repetition, Abbott,
Repetition in Latin (Chicago, 1902).
136
Hellene,
it
would
still
have given birth to prose and verse

Professor Duff has rightly said,
worthy of a great nation.

in
speaking of this
Roman strain, which is never missing:

is
This native Kterature, then,
often cumbersome,
and as yet
less
lacks the highest distinction of style
and grace, but
is
no
often
solemn and dignified

ful
it is
always masculine.
However power-
and
brilliant the
incoming Hellenic influence, these pre-Hellenic

not be disdained as feeble and discon-
products of
Rome must
this early
nected with the literature that was to foUow.

create;
Impotence cannot
and
work had
issue.
It contained the
it
germs
of later success.
Genius cannot be borrowed:
can be modified
the loan
its
and developed.
own.
Above
all, it
can borrow, and
make
That was the case with Rome.
In truth, no nation possessing the power of growth,
endued with energy, and able to make

remain
in its literature a
it
history,
can long
mere
imitator.
itself,
In a thousand
conquering
its
directions
must
strike
out for
own
difficulties, fulfilling its

its
own
own
ambitions, and achieving

character.
Since, then,
great things which alter

literature
is
a mirror to reflect this character and

allied
the
achievements that are
with
it,
'
it
will
soon
reflect
the interplay of myriad forces, the presence of innumerable cross-currents, the perpetual shifting
of the golden sands of thought.
in leading-strings,
and changing
it
For a while
it
remains
but after a time
will evolve its
own
Let
masterpieces and will work

us take an example from
them out
in its
own way.
modern times and compare
the literature of England with that of the United States.

Duff, op.
cit.,
p. gi.
THE GRyECO-ROMAN PERIOD
I37
The language of the two nations is the same, but Americans were at first too much cumbered with material affairs
to attempt in any serious
way
the literary
art.
They read
had
English books or they imitated them in a pathetically
humble
shaken
fashion.
off
its
But
in time,
after the Republic
political
bonds and had developed new

began to show that
It
it,
interests of its
own,
its literature
too,
was attaining independence.

it
found new themes
and
first
had new modes
of treating them.
One
sees the
departure from the English model in Irving and in

After that, and
Cooper.
when the young nation had grown

there arose authors such as
conscious of his
own power,
Emerson and Thoreau, Walt Whitman, Bret Harte, Clemens,
Howells and a score of others who were American

all
to the very core in
they wrote.
And
little
so in
Rome
the imitative period lasted only a very

feeble,
time.
In the
creeping,
childish
sense,
it
ends with
Gnaeus Naevius,
full
and soon afterward there

whose technique
bursts forth into
flower a literature
came from
Hellas, but
whose
in
spirit
and character were
Roman.
Latin literature,
fact,
was revolutionised
by two men, both

gave to Latin the
of Italian birth,
initial
who by
their genius
it
impulse which freed
forever
earlier
from any
slavish subservience to the Greek.
The
language in which Livius Andronicus wrote his stumbling

measures, and which even Naevius used clumsily, though
with
force,
lacked that lightness and mobility which would
138

it fit
make
also
for poetry
and
for the finest prose.
It lacked
an ampler and
fuller
vocabulary which should give
both to the poet and to the prose writer a more varied

instrument of expression.
c.
It
was Quintus Ennius (239fit
172 B.C.)
who made
it
the Latin language

(c.
for noble
B.C.)
poetry;
and
it
was Titus Maccius Plautus
254-184
who gave
in a later
a wealth of new words, which, to be sure, in
his time did not all
win general acceptance, but which

approval of the
still
century received the
greater master, Cicero.
Like Livius Andronicus, Ennius was a teacher;

like Livius,
and
his
his personal influence
helped to
make
also
literary innovations successful,
a circumstance
shown
and example.
of the
due
to the tact
and
linguistic skill
in everything
he did.
Ennius held precisely the position in the

to give weight to his teaching
Roman world He had

young nobles
personally trained in letters
many
who were
taking their places at the head of the State.
He was
Cato,
the intimate friend of several of the Scipios, and
he has been said to have taught Greek even to the Elder
who was famous
for his hatred of
all
that
was
Greek.
Ennius was himself a
man
of
most engaging
personal qualities, well-read, genial, courteous, and refined;
and with these natural

carried forward the
gifts
and
artificial
advantages, he
work
of
Naevius.
His sensitive ear
and correct
verses
taste rebelled against the

first
heavy and lumbering
which were at
his
models and which were the
I39
best that could be written under the limitations of the
language as
it
had hitherto been used
for literary purposes.

it
He set himself
lightness, the
the task of infusing into
some
of the
Greek
grace.
:
Greek smoothness, and the Greek
The
greatest obstacles in the
way
of this were
two
first,
the obstinate adherence by his predecessors to the natural

or word-accent, which kept the verse on the level of prose;
and second
(partly because of this accentual limitation),
the extraordinary number of long syllables.'
He now
With
attempted an experiment that was destined to give to
Roman literature much sagacity he

in
not only stateliness but

refrained from
style.
making any innovations

There,
tradition
iambic and trochaic poetry.
had
already established a usage which he did not care to
combat; but he turned to an entirely new kind of verse
and to a new theme, which might

a new system of Prosody.
justify
and render natural
It has
been a mooted question whether the dactylic

at all in Latin before the time
literary
hexameter had been used

of Ennius.
There
exist
no
remains of such verse

According to
that
can be confidently called genuine.
Varro, Plautus wrote his

it
own
epitaph in hexameters, but

it
cannot be shown that he did
earlier
than the composi-
tion of the great epic of Ennius

called
the Annales.
in
The
so-
Marcian Oracles were possibly
hexameters, though
the quotations given by Livy do not justify this view.

'
Yet
Horace, Ars Poetica, 2S9~26o.
140
even
this
if
some few stray attempts had been made
at imposing
metrical
form upon Latin, certainly no extended

in
it;
literary
work had ever been written

had the
field,
and Ennius,
in writing the Annates,
field entirely to himself.
As
it
was
distinctly a
new
such changes as he might
make
in the
matter of forms and measures and quantities

less criticism
would arouse
than
like
changes in a more
familiar sphere.
The
alterations that he effected
by
his
own example may be roughly summarised

(i)
as follows:
A A
fairly
frequent use of a metrical accent as distin-
guished from the natural, colloquial accent of a word.

(2)
diminution in the number of varying quantities.

all
Ennius regarded as short nearly
the syllables as to
as, for instance,
which there had previously been any doubt,

mus&,
(3)
pairS.
Thus
dactyls were
made
possible
and
easy.
By way
of compensation he regarded
all
vowels
liquid)
that stood before two consonants (not a

as being long
(4)
mute and a
by
position, after the rule of the Greek.
The
elision of a final vowel, or of
a syllable ending
little
in
before a vowel.
Ennius himself also made
account of a
final s, in this following
the pronunciation
prevalent at that period and long after.'

'
Birt, Historia
Hexametri Latini (Bonn, 1876);
Miiller, Greek
and
Latin Versification, Eng. trans. (Boston, 1895);

altrSmischen Metrik (Leipzig, 1890);
(Paris,
Plessis,
Klotz, Grundziige der

et
Metrique Grecque
(Berlin,
ii.
Latine
1889);
Westphal, Allgemeine Metrik
1892);
and the
treatise by Gleditsch in Iwan Miiller's
Handbuch,
Compare also Havet,
De
Saturnio Latinorum Versu (Paris, 1880); Thurneysen, Der Saturnier

1885);
(Halle,
and du
Bois, Stress Accent in Latin Poetry, pp. 24-74
(New York,
1906).
THE GR^CO-ROMAN PERIOD
141
These changes seem comparatively simple, yet they were

sufficient to alter radically the
whole structure of Latin
verse.
The number
of doubtful vowels which were
now
converted into short ones gave to the language of poetry

that ease and lightness which are to be found in later
dramatic compositions.
Whatever was done by succeed-
ing writers in giving mobility to the language,
was done
first
wholly because of the example which Ennius

in relieving
set
the heaviness of verbal structure.

his changes, there
After he
had made
syllables
all
were
still
left
many
long
it
which Lucretius, and Vergil
after him,
found
expedient to shorten.
But
it is
because of Ennius that the
language of Latin poetry has definiteness and form, that

it
became better
fitted for
it;
the use of those
who were
further
to polish
and enrich
while,
on the purely
literary side,
he
fall
set
a very high standard below which no writer could

receive
and hope to
an equal share of honour.
Ennius, as already said, was a great innovator in form
and
style.
He was
not a creator of language, in spite of
the praise given him by Horace.^
There remain to us
about twelve hundred fragments of the different writings

of Ennius;
but
in all of
them
there are to be found only
twenty-two words that are peculiar to him, while in 430

lines of a writer like Pacuvius,
who
prided himself upon
his conservatism, there are
thirty-three aTra^ elprj/ieva.

see
From this comparison one can

'
how
little
Ennius prob-
Horace, Ars Poetica, 54-56.
142

the vocabulary of the language.
it
ably added to
The
verbal enrichment which

source,
needed came from another

first
and one which would at
sight
have seemed a
most unlikely one.

It is
in Titus
all
Maccius Plautus that one
finds, after
surveying
literature, ancient
and modern, the

of course,
closest
parallel to Shakespeare,
essential differences,
modified,
by many
but on the whole true enough to be
very striking.
origin
Like Shakespeare, Plautus was of humble

of a country town.
and the native
Like Shake-
speare's, his education

sort
seems to have been chiefly of that
which comes from association with
men
rather than
with books.
Like Shakespeare, he was at
first
a subordi-
nate, attached to a theatre; then a

ised old plays;
hack writer who modern-
and
finally,
a dramatist
who apparently
in
wrote with
little
care for fame, but with the thought of his
audience always before his mind.

Plautus wrote resembles in
The age
which
many ways
the age of Eliza-
beth and James.
There was
in the air the stirring of
an
adventurous
of
its
spirit.
The
nation was awakening to a sense
own power, and
entering
upon an era
of conquest
and supremacy.
mercurial temper
Rome was
of
touched by something of the

just
Greece,
as the
England of
Shakespeare displayed
ness of France.
in battle, just as
fleets of Spain.
much
too,
of the gayety
and
reckless-
Rome,
was facing the Carthaginians
England was confronting the armies and
The
victory of Duilius off Mylae,
and the
THE GR/ECO-ROMAN PERIOD

defeat of the
I43
Sicily,
Armada by Drake,
the conquest of
and the colonisation of the

its
New
World,
stirred
these, each in
own time and
in its
own way,
Rome and Engand po-
land to their depths.

litical
There was an
intellectual
quickening which stimulated both the
Roman and
the English people to look with favour upon whatever
was new,
original,
and strong.
If the people
for
whom
if
Plautus
and
Shakespeare
wrote were
much
alike;
the ages in which they lived were
not dissimilar, so the cast of mind and the richness of

intellectual
endowment
of these
two great masters
of
language have a kinship of their own.'

of course,
The
differences,
are
all
is
immensely
in
Shakespeare's favour.
spirit of
In Plautus there
nothing of the
pure poetry
which breathes through almost everything that Shakespeare

wrote.
His tone
is
many
degrees lower.
The
fact that
he wrote comedy
alone, while
Shakespeare composed
immortal tragedies as well;

types
the occurrence of the same

the
the
foolish old
man, the austere old man;
swindling slave, the faithful slave;
the loose young man,

lying,
and the
precise
young man; the
foul-mouthed
courtesan, and the inexperienced, affectionate meretrix;
the parasite, and the bullying soldier,
all this repetition,
despite the writer's extraordinary inventiveness
and
vigour,
becomes monotonous and perhaps makes us

'
feel that
we
See, in general, Ribbeck's

i
comments
in the first
volume of
his Romische
Dichtung,
(Leipzig, 1897-1900).
144
have been tarrying too long among the slums of the ancient
world.
Very much, however,
of this absence of
what
is
elevating
and
refined,
much
of its coarseness
and
vulgarity,
were imposed on Plautus by the conditions under which he wrote.
Forbidden to touch upon

fate of Nasvius, with
Roman
topics,
and
warned by the
an audience that did
not yet contain the well-bred portion of the community,
and being thus
practically
forced
to
model
his
plays
criti-
upon the
cise
New Comedy
severely.
of the Greeks, one
must not
him too
Plautus was working in a harness
which sorely hampered him.

ities
Then, too,
his
own
sensibil-
were not
nice.
He had
been himself a slave and he
had consorted with other
slaves;
and never,
like
Eimius
and Terence and Shakespeare, was he a prot^g6 of the

great.
He saw
only one side of
life,
it
and that the
side
which verges on the gutter.

audiences most of
the stage.
all
And
was
this side that his
delighted to see reproduced
upon
Hence we must compare Plautus not with
Shakespeare as a whole, but with those portions of Shakespeare where the themes and the motives of the
two
dramatists are similar.

said that Plautus
is
Judged
in this
way,
it
cannot be
inferior.
His buffoons, his hypocrites

richly
and sharpers and
slaves
and courtesans are as

life
humorous and doubtless quite as true to

as
in their
way
is
those
whom
John
Shakespeare drew.
FalstafE
is
Pyrgopolinices
Latin.
merely Sir
turned
into
Megar-
onides in the
Trinummus
the twin brother of Polonius,
THE GILECO-ROMAN PERIOD
I45
while the Dromios of Shakespeare are actually taken from
the MencBchmi of Plautus.
But
it is
not from the
literary,
but from the
linguistic,
standpoint that
is in
we have now
if
to look at Plautus;
and
it
his language,
anywhere, that Shakespeare finds his
rival.
After studying Plautus carefully,

of the
we
are conscious
more and more
enormous debt which the Latin
language owes him.
He
alone,
it
by
his
individual
and
unaided genius, transformed
from an awkward, cramped,

fit
ungraceful dialect into an instrument of speech

expressing a wide range of
clearness
for
human thought
with ease and
and
precision.
Plautus was a great language-
maker, and not merely an improver.

caught at an idea, but flung
priate verbal form.
If
it
His fancy not merely
out at once into an appro-
he had not the word he wished,
then he
made
the word;
and when he had made
it,
it
was, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, the very word
which the language lacked, so that
it
fixed itself firmly in
the vocabulary of the people, and remained there because

it
was an actual
necessity.
Plautus as a word-maker
boundless as his
seems inexhaustible.
wit.
His
fertility is as
No
Latin writer except Apuleius, three centuries
afterward, ever coined so
many
words.
The comparison
of Plautus with Apuleius shows exactly where the great-
ness of the former
lies.
Apuleius coins words from mere
eccentricity or because he will not take the trouble to find
the fitting ones.

L
Plautus strikes out a
new
phrase, a
146

because the
striking combination, a picturesque epithet,
existing vocabulary
is
too poor to furnish an equivalent.
To sum
it
up in a sentence, the invention of Plautus proves

the invention of Apuleius
the poverty of the language;
proves the poverty of the writer.
Plautus
is
the one who, in this period of transition,
doubled the capacity of the Latin language.,

that he invented were
The words
made by him
instinctively, accord-
ing to the various formulae which

scribed^ with so
Horace afterward deadditions which he
much
insight.
The
made
(i)
(BIkt))
to the Latin vocabulary fall
under various heads:

e.g.
Words borrowed
,
directly
;
from the Greek:

;
dica
dapsilis
(Sai/rt\7j?)
dulice {BovXikco';)
euscheme
(eiiaxvfJ'a)';);
logos (X0709); sycophantio {avKotâvTeco); tar;
pessita
(2)
(T/saTreftrrj?)
etc.
Comic words,
e.g.
chiefly
patronymics and long com-
pounds:
Virginesvendonides, the son of a pander,

flitch of
and, comically again, pernonides, " a

scribed majestically as the son of a
talosagittipelliger.
bacon " de-
ham.
So, again, scu-
There
is
very
little
doubt that Plautus
here in a semi-comic
way
tried to
do what the learned

is,
Pacuvius seriously attempted,

Latin of compound
Pacuvius.
(3)
that the formation words, but Plautus as did

failed
in
New
words formed
after the analogy of other
words
near which they stand in the text, or which suggest them:

'
Horace, Ars Poetica, 46-72.
THE GR^CO-EOMAN PERIOD

e.g.
I47
sicelicisso sug-
perenticida suggested
by
parenticidi;
gested by atticisso;
and recharmido and decharmido sug-
gested by charmido (from Charmides).

(4)
Compound words
freely
made and
e.g.
generally there-
after adopted into
the language:
opiparus, parci-
promus, pauciloquia, salipotens, stuUiloquentia; and even

better, opimitas, mendicitas, minatio, moderairix, oratrix,
perdisco,
perlibet,
etc.
Words
of this
class are
either
based upon existing words and modified to give a different shade of meaning, or they are invented of necessity:
e.g.
osor, perplexibalis, pollentia, trahax, etc., or else they are
verbs boldly formed out of existing nouns and adjectives:

e.g.
paro, parasitor, pergrcecor, scortor, sororio, etc.
It will
be seen that Plautus enriched the language with
words
for
common
use.
His
word-formations
were
brought about with that unerring judgment which makes

the
new word, from the
very
moment when
If
it
it is
uttered,
seem Latin and utterly indigenous.

word,
it is
be a Greek
If
it
so modified as to take on a Latin form.

it
be a new word,
already existing.
sense, this
is
formed upon the analogy of words

it
If
be an old word used in a new

given
it
new
sense
is
where the context makes

Plautus
followed
is
the
new
sense absolutely plain.
the
first
of
language-makers.
Those who
him employed
his methods though they wrote for the learned.
Thus
to
T. Lucretius Carus, in the
first
century
B.C.,
gives
Roman
literature
a philosophical terminology so far as he
"
148

it
needed
Cicero
in setting forth the teachings of materialism.'

later enlarged the philosophical
still
vocabulary by
the.
coining words to express thoughts for
which
Latin
language then had no
equivalent.^
When
Christianity
began to spread over the Empire, African writers such as

Tertullian
and Augustine and
St. all
Jerome introduced a
fashioned their words
theological vocabulary ; but they
on the principles which Plautus
in the early
days of Ro-
man
culture
had grasped by
is
instinct.'
Apuleius, with his

litera-
fantastic
combinations,
as
the Carlyle of Latin

said before,
is
ture, while Plautus,
was
the
Roman
Shakespeare.
Thus the Latin language and the Latin
literature de-
veloped side by side, in a growth that was steady and

continuous.
vius,
The drama was
enriched by Marcus Pacu-
who
represents a succession of the
work
of Ennius.
is
His doctrina, for which he was so famous in antiquity,

seen in his attempt to
tical carefulness,
'
make
long compounds, in his syntac-
and
in his introduction of philosophical

coitus,
See such words as corpus in the sense of "matter";
and glomeraSee
men, "a mass''; corpusculum, or principium, or primordium, each meaning
"an atom"; sensus =
oXaBriais;
rerum summa, " the universe."
To\le,DeArtis Vocabulis Quibusdam Lucretianis (Dresden, 1866); Merrill's

Introduction to his Lucretius, pp. 42-47
(New York,
1907);
and Reiley,
The Philosophical Terminology of Lucretius and Cicero (New York, 1909).
^Note such words as

See Reiley, op.
cit.
ratio (Kiyos) , qtialitas
{iroiiTris) , species
{etSoi).
'See Schmidt, De Latinitate Tertulliani (Erlangen, 1870); Condamin,
De TertulUano
Cooper,
Christiana
in the
Lingua
Artijice
(Lyons,
1877);
and
1895) .
Word Formation
Roman Sermo Pkbeius (New York,

speculation after the
I49
manner
of Euripides.
Then
there
follow Lucius Attius, with a
much more
original
mind, and
proba;bly the greatest of all
Roman
writers of tragedy;
and the young African, Publius Terentius (185-159 b.c),
who composed comedies which

most admirable.
polished
in their
own manner
are
He
gives us, in fact, the urbane

all
and
comedy
of the drawing-room,
with singular
of character.
refinem.ent
and a remarkable appreciation
Later, the legitimate
drama
declined,
and mimes took the

in these
place of tragedy and comedy.
Yet even
mimes
as, for instance,

is
those of Publilius Syrus and Decimus
Laberius, there
practical
the true
Roman
sententiousness, shrewd
wisdom, and abundant humour.'
Attempts were
in its ear-
made
lier
in the
Augustan Age to revive the drama
form, but of these attempts
we have no
remains, as
we
have of the tragedies of the younger Seneca written in the

time of Nero and influencing the dramatists of France and
England
in recent centuries.
Ennius had invented a form

It
of satire as a sort of literary miscellany.
was taken up
from
with
much
force
and
fire
by Gaius
Lucilius,
whom
Q. Horatius Flaccus developed a genial form of poetical
composition in hexameter verse, in which he pointed out
good-humouredly the
follies of his
contemporaries.
After
him, Aulus Persius Flaccus, a rather prim and bookish

youth, imitated Horace without his first-hand knowledge
'Otto, Sprichworter der Romer (Leipzig, 1890);
Proverbs (Baltimore, 1902).
and Sutphen, Latin
150
of
life;

while later
still,
Decimus Itinius luvenalis converted
satire into
a whip of scorpions, and lashed the hideous
vices that
he saw about him, infusing into his lines a cer-
tain grim irreverence which has led

first
him
to be styled the
exponent of American humour.

influence
The Greek
was responsible
for
what we have
In 155
B.C.,
of philosophical writing
among
the Romans.
Carneades, a vehement and rapid speaker, representing

the
New Academy, with
its
essential scepticism,
came upon
a diplomatic mission to
Rome from Athens.

The
While there,
he publicly discoursed with eloquence and subtlety on the

advantages of
justice.
next day, with equal elo-
quence, he refuted
all his
arguments of the day before.

demonstration of his belief
This was,
that
in fact, a practical
is
human knowledge
applause, but he
uncertain and that
we have
no absolute standard
of truth.
His orations won him
much
was
sent back to Athens without
loss of time, as
being one whose tenets were essentially
immoral.
Nevertheless,
from
this
time,
philosophy
disciples
especially that of the ethical schools
found
Roman
and
expounders among the Romans.'

gave to the world nothing that
is
philosophers
new; yet we owe to such
writers as Lucretius the Epicurean, to Cicero the Aca'
See Vsenei, Epicurea (Leipzig, 1887);
Martha, Le Poeme de Lucrece,
4th ed. (Paris, 1885); Tliiaucourt, Les Traitis Philosophiques de Cic&ron

et
Lews
Sources Grecques (Paris, 1885)

1893);
Zeller, History of Eclecticism,

i
Eng.
trans.
(London,
Lecky, History of European Morals,
(New
York, 1884); and Binde, Seneca (Glogau, 1883).
151
demic, and to Seneca the pseudo-Stoic, a body of literature
which
is
both interesting in
itself,
and valuable
as supply-
ing a knowledge of those

lost.
Greek
treatises
which have been

is
Lucretius,
in
all
particular
(96-55 B.C.),
perhaps
the greatest of
the
Roman
poets in originality, in
power, and in the peculiar appeal which he makes to the

inherent materialism of millions, even at the present day.
His technique
fect;
in his use of the

-writer
hexameter
is still
imper-
but the genius of the
and
his passionate spiristyle
tual melancholy
in
overcome defects of
and make him
some
respects a
model even
for Vergil
and the cloyingly
exquisite Ovid.
Epic poetry was continued from the rough Saturnian

in
which Nasvius wrote
his
Punica
until
it
culminates in
the splendid national poem of the ^neid a marvellous
mosaic of
literature,
all
that was finest in both Greek and

P. Vergilius
Roman
woven together by
Marc with con-
summate skill.
Later, the Spaniard, Lucanus, composed in
the Pharsalia an epic of almost contemporary events,

following the model of Nsevius and Ennius, but suc-
ceeded only in writing brilliant
lines
which have added
largely to the world's collection of epigrams.
The
among
epic
on a Grecian theme, and known

Statius,
as
the
Thebais,
by
the
marks the end
of serious epic poetry
Romans.'
Lyric poetry in native rhythms, as already said, ante'
See Gubematis, Storia detta Poesia Epica (Mflan, 1883).
152
dates

Hellenic
influence,
though of course
this
early
poetry was informal.
But we have already noted that
Livius Andronicus composed a set lyric in honour of Juno

at the request of the State.
However,
this
attempt was
unfruitful, since the Latin language
was not yet adapted
for lyric composition that could vie with that of the Greeks.
It
was not
until the
time of Quintus Valerius Catullus that
we
find lyric
poetry in Latin; for Catullus, an Italian to
the core, poured forth in sapphics and easy metres the wild
longing
of
heart
surcharged with
,
intense
emotion.
train-
In
many
respects Catullus
lyrics
was an Alexandrian by
ing;
but in the
addressed to Lesbia, his tortured
mingling of love and hate are so free from the pedantry

of Alexandrianism as to
of Gabriele d'Annunzio.
infinite grace, dignity,
make him seem

With no such
the predecessor
passion, yet with
humour,
wit, or melancholy, accord-
ing to his subject, Horace followed Catullus,
and to-day
must be
styled the greatest master of lyric verse

for
among
the Latins;
difficult
he managed with perfect ease the more

lyrists,
measures of the Grecian
and remained
less
Alexandrian and more truly

Elegiac verse
contemporaries.
Roman than any of his in Rome was especially
represented by Ovid, and Propertius, and Tibullus,

temporaries, or nearly so, of Horace.^
'
con-
See Ribbeck, op.

Sellar,
cit.
i;
and
also
The Roman Poets of
Werner, Lyrik und Lyriker (Leipzig, 1890) the Augustan Age (Oxford, 1892), Cf.
(Paris, 1843);
du
Mfiril, Poesies
Populates Latines
and Weissenfels,
Horaz
(Berlin, 1899).
THE GRiECO-EOMAN PERIOD
1 53
Roman
(234-149
prose begins practically with Cato the Censor

B.C.)
soldier,
statesman, orator, farmer, and

science,
also writer;
for he
produced works on military
on
agriculture,
and what would to-day be
of vast interest
to us, a treatise entitled Origines,^ in which he discussed
the history, antiquities, and language of the
Roman people.
Practically
Some slighter treatises of his relate we have
respectively to medicine,
to epistolary composition, and to anecdotes.

all
that
left is
the
little
monograph, De Re Rustica,
a practical handbook on the management of a farm. Other Romans at a comparatively early period wrote the
annals of their
own
country, but they employed the Greek
language until the time of Cato.

with
its
This form of narrative,

attractive to the
patriotic background,
was very
and
Romans;
so that, after Cato
his contemporaries,
we
and
find History written
by Varro,
Atticus, Hortensius,
Cicero himself, whose two famous contemporaries, Julius

Caesar and G. Sallustius, reached a very high degree of
eminence.
Sallust, indeed,
may be
thought to challenge
Thucydides,
whom
After
he imitated, just as Titius Livius, in
the Augustan Age, wrote almost as delightfully as had
Herodotus.
works,
the
him
Tacitus, in his
two remarkable
brought
for after
his-
Annates and
the
Historic^,
torical writing to a climax of excellence;
him
on
we
find
only
biographies
like
that
of
Suetonius
'The fragments
denburg, 1858).
are collected in a
commentary by Bormann (Bran-
154

or
else
the Twelve Caesars

sketches.'
epitomes and fragmentary
In their prose-writing the Romans developed,
first
among western
later Greeks.
peoples, prose fiction in the
form of the
novel and romance, in which they were imitated by the
But while the Greeks
in fiction
were almost
always prolix and unreal, the Romans, as might have
been expected from their love of the concrete, struck out

at a single blow, as
it
were, the realistic novel in the so{d.
called Satira of Gaius Petronius derfully

in its
66 a.d.) which
,
is
won-
modern
in its treatment of character as well as

life
sound criticism of
remains, yet
it
and
learning.
Only a portion
of
it
is
one of the choicest fragments of
ancient literature as well as a clew to
much
that would
otherwise be obscure in the
life
and language of the com(second century a.d.), of
mon
people.
Lucius Apuleius
Medaura
fiction in
in Africa, represents better the earlier
form of
as Mi-
which short
stories (generically
known
plot,
lesians), are strung together

'
by a thread of
but are
toricorum
The fragments of the Roman historians are collected by Peter, HisRomanorum Fragmenta (Leipzig, 1883). See Ulrid, treatise on
of
the general characteristics
ancient history (Berlin, 1833);
Gerlach,
Die Geschkhtschreiber der Rdmer (Stuttgart, 1855); and the introduction

to
biography
Mommsen's history (New York,
of
Rome. On biography,
Wiese,
see West,
Roman Auto-
1901);
(Berlin, 1840);
and Suringar,
De Vitis Scriptorum Romanorum De Romanorum Autobiographis (Leyden,

is
1846)
Much
biographical material
found in the form of
letters
especially those of Cicero, Pliny, Seneca, Sjrmmachus, St. Jerome, St.
Augustine, and Cassiodorus.
See Roberts, History of Letter-Writing
(London, 1843).

not as yet woven into anything
form.
It
is
55
like
a definite unity of
odd that these two
writers are practically
the only ones
who
in
Roman
literature
have
left
behind
of
them anything
number
like
completed works.
later,
The Greeks
the same period as Apuleius, and

vast
of romances,' a
poured forth a
number
is
of
which have been
preserved.
dorus,
The
best of
them
the Mthiopica by Helio-
composed
in the fourth century,
and the curiously
symbolistic novel,
Daphnis and
Chloe.
The author
from
of
the latter
influence
is
unknown, but the book has exercised a strong

fiction
St.
upon modern prose
Pierre
to fimile Zola.
collection of imag'nary letters written
by Alciphron, a Greek sophist
of the second century a.d.,
give us very piquant pictures of
Bohemian
life in
Athens.
In addition to these various forms of pure
literature,
there were written Epigrams of which the master in Latin

is
Martial, though the
Romans seem
to have relished no
less
the pointed lines of Plautus and Horace and Lucan
in poetry,
and the sententious aphorisms of Seneca and
Tacitus in prose.^
'
These accorded
Roman
well with ;he spirit of

Dunlop,
See Chassang, Histoire du
(Paris, 1862);
History
la Grhce
of Fiction, last ed. (London, 1896);
Salverte,
Le Roman dans
Ancienne
(Paris, 1894);
Warren,
History of the Novel
Collignon, Etude sur Petrone (Paris, 1892);
the Introduction
(New York, 1895); by Hildeto

igoS).
brand to
'
his edition of Apuleius (Leipzig, 1842);
and the Introduction
Peck's translation of the Cena Trimalchionis, 2d ed.
(New York,
See Booth, Epigrams Ancient and Modern, 3d ed. (London, 1874)

coarse epigrams directed against the emperors,
and for the rough and rather
see Bernstein, Versus Ludicri in CcMares Priores (Halle, 1810).
156
homely wisdom that was to the Romans what speculative

philosophy was to the Greeks.
So comedy of the farcical
type and the cynical shrewdness of the
mimes were
pre-
fered to tragedy at almost every period of
Roman culture.
Romans
In
literature.
The
truth
is
that only on the surface were the

in
ever Hellenised either
language or in
language, highly educated
men
wrote
in
the so-called
of the
their
less
sermo urbanus, corresponding to the

Castilians.
esiilo culto
life,
In the easy converse of daily
among
friends
and intimates, they used a much looser and
formal sort of Latin

letters,
the
sermo cotidianus of Cicero's

in
for example.
The man
the street spoke the
sermo
plebeius,
which was nothing more than the older
Latin which had at one time been current everywhere,
but which
boleth of
exquisitely
now was
wrought
held by the literati to be the shib-
ignorance.^
As
to literature, ornate orations,
lyrics,
learned epics, and carefully
penned
histories
have come down to us bearing the impress
of Grecian models;
but we know that for the people at
large there existed

tions,
an immense mass of popular composi-
sometimes transmitted orally and sometimes not
nursery songs, lines sung by children at play, the
tri-
umphal chants
of the
common
and
soldiery, as well as fables,
familiar letters, riddles,
acrostics.
Against Terence
we must
'
set Plautus;
cit.,
against the epic of Vergil
we must
See Cooper, op.
Introduction; Olcott, Studies in the
Word Forma-
tion of the Latin Inscriptions
(Rome, 1898);
op.
cit.
Grandgent, Vtdgar Latin
(Boston, 1908)
and du M&il,

set the satires of
57
Horace and Persius; against the

set
stately
prose of Cicero
we must
the slangy and ungrammatical
and yet
vivid jargon
which flew back and forth between
Trimalchio's guests.^
Again,
Roman taste
is
seen in the choice of those literary
forms which were regarded as most admirable.
The
Greeks might hold tragedy to be the noblest form of

composition, but the
Romans gave the first
place to oratory
and
history, while they enjoyed the epic only because (as
in the case of the
Mneid)
it
ministered to their pride of
nationality.
If
we look at their philological studies, we shall

As
early as 159 B.C. there
see that they gave the preference to such as were of a practical character.
came
to
Rome
said,
Crates, the
grammarian from Pergamum,^ and, as
during his stay he excited
much
interest in theoretical
grammar and
linguistic studies generally.
Even
earlier
than this time essays had been written on the ancient

literature, partly to allusions.'
explain
its
meaning and partly
its
After Crates there was
much
attention paid
to etymology, and in fact, two schools arose, one deriving
Latin words from Greek, which was the practice of Hypsi1
See Petronius, chs. 27-78, translated as Trimalchio's Dinner
by Peck,
2d ed. (New York, 1908).

^
Supra, p. 120.
Attius
'Lucius
wrote
history
of in
Greek and
Roman
of a,
e,
poetry
(Didascalica),
and made some reforms and

y,
Roman
orthography, abandon-
ing the use of the letters z
and denoting the quantity
and u
by doubling them when they were

other Italic dialects.
long, thereby imitating the usage in
See Boissier, Le
PoUe
Attius (Paris, 1857).
IS8
crates
(c.

loo
B.C.),
and the other explaining everything

itself.
on the basis of Latin

school
is
The
great
name
in the latter
that of M. Terentius Varro (116-28 B.C.), a
man
of prodigious erudition,
which caused him to be styled Varro was one of
"the most learned of the Romans."

the great scholars of
all
time, to be
compared with EraGreeks, with Scaliger
tosthenes and Aristarchus
among the
and Lipsius
just after the Renaissance,
and with
Momm-
sen in very recent years.
Before giving any account,
however, of his philological labours, an incident should
be mentioned, the influence of which has continued to

the present day.
In the year 80
B.C. there
a roving scholar, a native probably of
Rome Alexandria. He
came
to
at
had been trained both
in his native city
and
Pergamum.
each
He had
school,
listened to the disputes of the linguists of
and was
well versed in
is
all
their doctrines.
This
person,
Dionysius Thrax,
an admirable type of the

creative
middleman who stands between the

the
as
mind and
grammar,
mind that is entirely receptive.

already seen,
Until his day,

so
we have
was not
much an
art in itself
as an adjunct to logic and philosophy.
Dionysius Thrax
made
was
digests
of
the lectures which he had attended,
putting
down
the results in a didactic manner.
This
precisely
what most appealed to the
Roman mind
One
something
definite, concrete,
and dogmatic.
treatise
of Dionysius, his
ciples
Te^v
it
TpafinariK'j, set forth certain prinfirst
which made
the
treatise
on Formal Grammar.
THE GRjECO-ROMAN PERIOD

Translated into Latin,
it
59
became a standard text-book,

to us the technical terms of
and from
formal
it
there have
come
in
grammar employed
modern languages. ^
this
A Roman
many
contemporary of
Greek grammarian was

have notices in
L. JElias Praeconinus Stilo, of
whom we
the
of the later writers, although even fragments of his
writings do not remain.
He was
and
first
Roman
of
to
deserve the
name
of philologist.
He was
knightly
gift
rank, an aristocrat
of natural oratory;
by
birth
training,
and had a
though he sought no
political oflSce,
and merely wrote orations

of the
scholar,
for his friends, after the fashipn
Greek
orators.
He was
a type of the patrician
and had the true
patrician's taste for antiquarian
knowledge.
authority
in
Therefore he came to be a profoundly learned

relating to ancient Latin, both
upon ever)^hing
the matter of antiquities and in the usages of the earlier

Cicero styles
language.
'
him " most learned

The Armenian
in
Grecian
In the fourth century the book was translated into Armenian, while
version has given
the original was somewhat curtailed.
us back five more chapters than any of the later Greek manuscripts contain.
See the edition by Uhlig (Leipzig, 1883);
and the French trans(Paris,
lation
by
Cierbied,
cit. i.
MSmoires
p.
et
Dissertations
1824).
Cf.
also
cit.
Grafenhan, op.
402
foil.,
and the accoimt
in Steinthal, op.
A list
may
of these grammatical terms in Greek, with their Latin equivalents,

the History of Classical Philology,
be found in Gudeman, Outlines of

Thus, we have
8j'o/ia
3d ed. pp. 30-32.

"case"; XP^""'
= iempiis,
"tense";
= oie, ''noun"; avlvyla = amjugatio,
tttQitis^ casusi
"conjugation";
genus, "gender"; fyxXuris
= rnodus,
son"; dpidfu)i= Humerus, "number."

pear in Greek,
it
was
first
called
"mood"; wpoaSnov = persona, "perAs the ablative case does not ap"the Latin case" {casus Latinos), and by
Quintilian, ablativus.
l6o
literature

as well as in Latin," while his pupil, Varro,
litteris
speaks of him as
ornatissimus memoria nostra.

of the
He was
likely
undoubtedly the
first
Romans who had any

It
claim to be regarded as a classical philologist.
was very
he
who took up
the teachings of Dionysius Thrax
and applied them to Latin, thus becoming the First of

the
Roman Grammarians.
Likewise, he wrote
commen-
taries
on such ancient works as the Carmina Saliorum and
on the Twelve Tables.
Gudeman
believes that he even

critical signs;
prepared an edition of Plautus with

this last there
is
yet of
no
direct evidence.
His greatest fame comes from the fact that he was a

teacher of Marcus Terentius Varro, the most learned, the
most
indefatigable,
and the most

In a
prolific of
any
Roman
to
scholar
who
ever lived. " Varro
later century St.
Augustine
says of him:
feel surprised
had read
so
much
that
we ought
that he found time to write anything;

that
and
he wrote so
much
we can hardly
all
believe that
any one
In
fact,
could find time to read
that he composed."
he wrote at least
six hundred.*
Varro was, however, no mere recluse.
He commanded
a squadron in the war against Mithradates; he served as a general of
Pompey
in Spain,
and though he was comhe escaped him-
pelled to surrender his troops to Caesar,

self
and remained steadfast to the

So Auson. Prof. Burd, xx.
20.
aristocratic cause until
'
Cf
Boissier, Etudes sur
M.
T. Varron
(Paris, 1861).

the
final battle at Pharsalus.
l6l
Since resistance to the dic-
tator
was then
useless,
Varro returned to Rome, expecting
perhaps to be put to death.
But the high-minded

and wished
to
Caesar,
who was himself a

ship, received
scholar,
promote scholar-
Varro most graciously, and gave him the
agreeable task of founding a great public library in Rome.'
This was the more pleasing, since Varro's own splendid

private library
had been destroyed
in the Civil
Wars, just
as his beautiful villa at

defiled
Casinum had been plundered and

scene which Cicero has depicted
by Antony, a
with almost hideous realism in his second Philippic oration.
Out
cause
of Varro's encyclopaedic works, not
many
remain,
partly because they were too numerous, and partly beit
was the habit
of
Roman
scholars to condense
and
abridge long works, taking from them whatever seemed
most
interesting.
It
is
for this reason that

in the
we have
the
most valuable part of Livy only
form of an epitome;
lost,
that the greater portion of Petronius has been

that
of
and
re-
Varro's
six
hundred or more works there
main
*
to us only his treatise
on husbandry {De Re Rustica),
Suetonius, Julius, 44.
Varro never completed the task which had

first
been assigned him.
The
pubUc hbrary was opened by the private
munificence of Asinius PoIIio (34 b.c).

of
At
last, five
imperial hbraries,
which two are the most celebrated,
first
that founded
by Tiberius
all,
and famous
for its complete collection of State papers
and public docusince
ments, and the Bibliotheca Traiana, the most magnificent of
most of the books

(Boston, 1889).
in
it
were written or inscribed upon thin leaves of ivory.

in the Light of Recent Excavations, pp. 178-205
SeeLanciani, Ancient
Rome
1 62
HISTORY OP CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY
a number of quotations and references scattered throughout the pages of Latin literature, and
finally,
a very
much
corrupted collection of six books taken from his great

treatise
on the Latin language
{De Lingua Latino)
about one-quarter of the whole.^
him
his highest reputation

it
The book which gave among the ancients, who con-
sidered
truth,
it
his masterpiece, has practically perished and, in
probably did not survive the end of the sixth cen-
tiu"y A.D.
This was his Antiquitatum Libri, divided into
forty-one books,
and crowded with the vast knowledge
which
its
author had acquired by years and years of
patient reading
and research.
To be
noted also are his
Sententim, a collection of pithy sayings,
much quoted
in
the Middle Ages, and his Saturcs written in a mixture of
prose and verse (Menippecs).

It is the treatise
on the Latin language

to Cicero) that
itself
is
(one part of
interesting,
still
which was dedicated
most
both because of the subject
and because we
treatise
possess a portion of the book.
The
seems to
have been arranged in three great
divisions.
The
first
seven books dealt with the origin of words and phrases,
and was,
in fact, a history of the
Latin language largely
from the point of view of
etymologists.''
The
next six
books were grammatical,' relating

'Edited by A. Spengel (Berlin, 1885).
chiefly to the
forms and
'Supra,
'
p.
146
foil.
In these books Varro examines the natural and arbitrary divisions in nouns and verbs. Words are " naturally " divided according to analogy, and " arbitrarily " divided according to anomaly.

inflection of
1 63
nouns and verbs, since Varro regarded these
as the only two real parts of speech
in
this
last
respect
resembling the Semitic grammarians.
The
eleven
books have
to
do with the laws of syntax
{ut verba inter

still
se coniungantur) .
The
six
books which we
possess
re-
are, as is seen above, partly etymological
and partly
lating to inflections.
They
give us incidentally a great
deal of information about curious points of ancient usage

at
Rome, and Varro shows wisdom
in not attempting to
derive the vocabulary of his language from the Greek.
On
that
the other hand, he etymologises entirely
by
ear, so
many
of his derivations are as absurd as those which

in the
were prevalent
Middle Ages.^
This monumental work, even in the scanty fragments
which remain
to us, has always
been studied with great

(v-vii).
profit, especially the purely lexical portion
Its
arrangement
is
it
not alphabetical,
are taken
but the words that

their
Varro treats in
up by groups based upon
association with one another.
Thus
the author begins
the fifth
book
(after
a short introduction) with names re-
lating to places, discussing first the
word
locus
and
its
derivatives locare, locarium,
and
so forth, following this
by
a division of places in heaven

to the former,
and places on
earth.
Turning
1
he regards caelum as the

is
antith-
Thus Varro says that
canis
derived from cano because dogs give
signals (canere) at night;

cero),
that stags are called cervi from gero (quasi
because they carry huge antlers;
and that
dives is
from divus,
because a rich
man
is like
a god in wanting nothing.
164
esis to

terra
and
its
partial
synonym humus, which sugand other words

relat-
gests humor, humidus, udus, sudor,
ing to moisture, as puteus (a well), lacus, palus, stagnum,

fluvius, jlumen, stilUcidium, amnis.
The sound
of
amnis
suggests to
him
the
place-names, Interamna, Antemnae,
and Anio.
Because the Anio empties into the Tiber, he

Tiberis.
discusses the etymology of
And
so one
word
suggests another, and he takes each of

it,
them and
defines
giving the etymology

in
and
citing
from both poets and

various uses of the
prose-writers
illustration of the
word or name
in question.
In
this
way we
K.
the
receive the
impression of a familiar, off-hand lecture, and such seems

to
have
set
been
forth
his
intention
though
in
O.
Miiller
has
an hypothesis that
De Lingua
Latina
we have
only the rough unfinished notes of a book
rather than the
book
itself in its
completed form.^
ety-
Whatever one may say of Varro's rather childish

mologies, he does give the explanation which the
Romans
and the
themselves were wont to hold as to the origin of certain
words.
But
his citations
from authors now
lost,
occasionally full explanations which he gives of matters

of usage and law, are a source of information to which
scholars will always resort. position as the
On
such matters, Varro's

his
most learned of the Romans gives
utterances the weight of unimpeachable authority.

1
It
may be
that Varro published an epitome of the work in nine
books.
See Roth, Leben Varros (Basle, 1857).

Especially important
since
it
165
was
his labour as a critic of texts,
resulted in the establishment of a Plautine
Canon.
It is the
one instance of such a canon created among the

lasting to the present time.
to
Romans and
with
In his treatise
on the comedies of Plautus, he appears
have discussed
much acumen
name
As
the question as to which comedies
bearing the
of Plautus were genuine

is
and which
of such
were spurious.
plays
well known, the

great,
number
had become very
owing
to the fact that the
name
Plautina was used as a generic term for a certain

^
type of fahula palliata;
and because the plays of Plautus

of another writer, Plauall,
had become confused with those

tius.
Hence
Gellius says that, in
130 comedies were
generally styled "Plautine."

true from the false
To
the separation of the

set himself to
among
these,
Varro
work,
using both the traditional information that had descended

to his time, lated, .of
and
also the texts
which he compared,
col-
and
criticised
with great acuteness.
The number The

general
genuine plays he set at twenty-one.

is
acceptance of his dictum
seen in the fact that of the
whole
list
of 130, only the twenty-one fabulae Varronianae

to
have survived
modem
times,
lost
one of them, the Vidularia,
having been practically
during the Middle Ages.^

in
Glossography
1 2
flourished
Rome,
though
it
was
Gellius,
iii.
3.
ii.
See Ritschl, O^MSCMia,

;
(186S);
Neue
Plautinische Excurse (Leipzig,
1869)
189s).
and on the
lost Vidularia,
Leo,
De
Vidularia Plauti (Gottingen,
1 66
almost wholly of a lexical and grammatical character.
During the Ciceronian, Augustan, and
Silver
Ages
it
served to explain and illustrate the meaning of archaic
Latin and also the plebeian form of speech.

tinguished glossographers Prasconinus Stilo
lius Opilius created
The
dis-
and Aurestudy of
scientific
basis for the
the Latin language by going back to the oldest records
and studying them.
The
results of their
work and
that
of their contemporaries
have in
{e.g.
many
to
cases
come down
to
us in
special
glossaria
others),
Plautus, Terence,
Vergil, Sidonius,
and
from seven of which Cardi-
nal Mai, in the nineteenth century, compiled his great
Glossarium Vetus.^
Roman grammarians and
critics early
(c.
began
B.C.)
to edit
Latin texts.
M. Antonius Gnipho
114
published commentaries on the Annales of Ennius.
Cicero (or his brother Quintus) published an edition

of Lucretius.^
It is
unfortunate that no exact details concerning the

criticism of texts have
Roman Roman
come down
to us.
Most
scholars appear to have confined themselves to
the writing of marginal glosses.
They
distinguish the
various processes:
emendatio, distinctio, and adnotatio,

of notes, these notes
which
last
word means the adding
being sometimes brief signa, and sometimes brief com^See Lowe, Prodromus Corporus Glossariorum Latinorum (Leipzig,
1876).
'
See Munro, Lucretius, Intr.
ii.
pp. 2
foil.

mentaries in the modern sense of the word.
1 67
Suetonius
wrote a treatise on these notes, part of which has come
down
to us written in Greek.
He
mentions twenty-one
of the
critical signs, chiefly variations
and combinations
obelus, asterisk, dipl6, antisigma,
and point (punctum)
yet they appear to have been used less for textual than
for aesthetic for
and
literary criticism {Kpuyii or distinctio),
which there were
also other
symbols that Suetonius
merely mentions without

critics
is
describing.^
subscriptio,
To
of
the
Latin
due the so-called

the
which one
hears a good deal in

subscriptio
is
study of
manuscripts.
A
fol-
a note added to a manuscript.
It usually
begins with the word legi (also recognovi, contuli),
lowed by the name of the
reviser,
with the date, place,
time, circumstances, or other details regarding the revision.
This revision
indicated
by the subscriptio
is
usually not a critical recension of the text, but only a

sort of proof-reading,
i.e.
a guarantee of the correctness
of the copy from an original.^

It is to
be noted that the
Romans
paid considerable
attention to Epigraphy.
'
Inscribed stones on which the

of these is of
E.g. notae simplices. addition.

It
One
is
some importance
as being
distinct
the sign
h, called alogus, and marks an

such as the aequore iusso Aen.
anacoluthon, or a
X. 444, so
difficult expression,
marked by Probus.
are found in manuscripts
of
^ Subscriptiones
aU
the
best
Latin
writers, including Caesar, Cicero, Vergil, Horace, Livy, Persius, Martial,
Quintilian, Juvenal,
and Mela.
See Haase,
De
Lat. Cod.
MSS.
Sub-
scriptionibus (Breslau, i860).
l68

their public
Greeks preserved
documents were stored in
the temples of every Hellenic city,
and records were
hewn upon
ally written
the walls and pediments and altars, so that,
as Hiibner says, " the history of a
Greek
city
was
liter-
upon her
stones."
These inscriptions were
frequently cited as documents by the
Greek orators and
afterward by the historians, but
it
was not
until the
Alexandrian Age that regular collections of them were
made by
such scholars as Philochorus (300 B.C.) and

B.C.),
Polemo (200
who was nicknamed

B.C. until
a-TrjXoKOTra^ be-
cause the study of inscriptions was a passion with him.
At Rome from about 50
200 a.d. they are
quoted by the orators and historians, and studied by
some
cus,i
legal
of the
grammarians, such as Varro, Verrius Flacof Berytus

;
and Probus ^
while they are collected for
purposes by the writers on
Roman
(c.
jurisprudence.
Passing over Ateius Prsetextatus

called philologus^ aiid
29 B.C.),
(3
who was
the
annalist
Asconius Pedianus
a.d.),
well-known commentator on Cicero, and

Fenestella (19 a.d.),
the
we come
to the
next great name,

(c.
which
is
that of
Marcus Verrius Flaccus
10 B.C.), tutor
to the children of
Augustus, and a scholar

in
who
deserves
especial
mention for his rank
both philological study

Verrius Flaccus
first
and the general history of education.
may
fairly
be described as the compiler of the

Îbid.
Latin
'//ro, p. 169.
^
Suetonius, Gram. 10.
THE GRiECO-ROMAN PEIUOD

lexicon ever written, though perhaps
truly called
it
1 69
might be more
an encyclopasdia.
Its title
was De Verborum
It
Significatu, written in
more than twenty-four books.

it
was a
lexicon because
defined and illustrated by citations
the words of the Latin language in their alphabetical

order. It
was an encyclopaedia because
it
gave information
on innumerable
topics concerning history, antiquities,
and
grammar, and with exhaustive and elaborate quotations

from every
class of writers
poets, jurists,
and
historians,
as well as from ancient legal dociunents, rituals, and
sacred formulas.
This great work
in its original
it
form
is
now
lost.
In the second century a.d.
was abridged by
a grammarian, Pompeius Festus, in an arbitrary fashion
which allowed only one book
to
each of the
letters of the
itself
alphabet, and this abridgment
by Festus was
com-
pressed into a
still
briefer epitome
by the monk Paulus
or Paul Wamefrid, usually spoken of as Paulus Diaconus.
The epitome by
A.D.), is
Paulus, dedicated to Charlemagne
(c.
800
now
the principal source of our knowledge of
the original treatise; but
many
fragments of the notes by
Festus remain, while Gellius here and there cites extensive passages at first
hand from
Verrius.
These show
how
were
the original treatise was mutilated both by Festus
and by Paulus.^
Yet badly as the remains of Verrius

most valuable source
treated, they are perhaps the
of information remaining for the study at second hand of

*
All the remains have been edited by Thewrewk de Ponor (Prague, 1 891)
170
archaic Latin
of
and
for curious information
on the subject
Roman
Verrius
antiquities.^
is
to
be remembered for another thing

first
his
the
system of education, which for the
time
among
Romans appealed
to
spirit of
emulation and ambition
rather than to the dread of punishment.
In teaching,
Verrius offered prizes for proficiency in study, and laid

stress
upon the reward of merit rather than upon the
chastisement of neglect and ignorance.^

It
was
at this time, after the beginning of the first cen-
tury of our era, that the
Greek and
Roman
field.
learning be-
came
so blended as to
be
thereafter, in the sphere of the
higher studies, substantially a single
Henceforth
all
Romans
and with
largely
of cultivation were not only familiar with

its literature,
Greek
but the Greek world had become
Romanised
in its institutions to
and
in
many
of
its
customs.
that
Greeks flocked
Rome
in
such great numbers
we
find Juvenal, a little later, complaining that the
Roman
capital
had become a Greek
city.
Both languages
in
were spoken side by side; Romans wrote in Greek or
Latin as they chose; the pages of their most familiar and

intimate compositions (the letters of Cicero, for example)
were studded with Greek phrases and allusions;

the Greeks, though they never took so kindly to the
while
speech, busied themselves in reading

>
and writing
Roman Roman
See the chapter on Verrius Flaccus
by Nettleship
in his Essays in
Latin Literature, pp. 201-247 (Oxford, 1885).

*
Suetonius, Gram. 17.

history
1 71
and
in the scientific study of
Roman
institutions.
Dionysius of Halicarnassu
wrote of the archaeology of
Rome.
Plutarch, that
remarkable
in
master of
lives
literary
portraiture,
found
parallels
the
of
Greeks
and Romans, and
in his
Ama
'Pfofia'iici]
investigated the
meaning of Roman customs.
One
of
the
best-known
Roman
quillus,
historians
and
scholars, Gaius Suetonius

in
Tran-
composed partly
Greek and partly
in Latin his
learned summaries of the usages of both peoples.^

intellectual
The
unity of Hellas and
Rome became
now
finally
clearly
visible in the
system of education
as
it
accepted
by the Romans, uniting
did the early theory of
the Latin people with that of the
more highly
intellectual
Greeks.
As Roman thought and
literature in this period

it
grew more and more academic,
is
proper here to
summarise the principal features of the Graeco-Roman

Educational System, as giving a general conspectus of the
progress of learning in the ancient world.
The Roman
part of
'
training, as a whole,
a Greek structure on a Latin

it is
may be described as foimdation. The elementary

scientific
native
is
the
more purely
part of
it is
Suetonius
best
known
for his biographies of the
Twelve Caesars
of imprecations
yet he wrote
many
treatises, chiefly
on antiquarian subjects, such as the
names of
articles of clothing, the origin
and early import
and words
ments
of abuse,
an account
of celebrated courtesans, a
manual
of
court etiquette, and a collection of miscellanies in ten books.

of these lost treatises are edited
The
frag-
by
ReifFerscheid (Leipzig, i860).

in Greek.
It is not
known which
See the preface to
them were written in Latin and which the edition by Roth (Leipzig, 1886).
of
172
foreign.

This represents, of course, the history of
i-n
Roman
education,
the
which simpler forms were developed before

felt
Greek influence had been
at
Rome;
while the
scientific features
were introduced after the time of Livius

In other words
(to
Andronicus and Ennius.
use
modem
The
called
terms), the common-school system at
Rome was Roman;
the secondary and higher education were Greek.
very
names given
at
Rome
to the three classes of teachers
were most
significant.
The
elementary teacher
is
by a Latin name
both classes
(Jitterator
or magister liUerarius)
titles
while
of advanced teachers had

rhetor).
borrowed
from the Greek (grammaiicus,
In early Rome, education was regarded as important,
though
it
was not obligatory by

Greek
States.
law, as
it
was
at
Athens
and
in other
Schools were
few.
Most
itself
fathers taught their
own
sons at home.
This in
implies that the teaching

tarian character.
was very simple and
of a utili-
Reading, writing, arithmetic, and the
memorising of the Twelve Tables comprised nearly everything that

these
B.c.^
was taught
in
the elementary schools after

in the fourth or fifth century
^
had been established

Plutarch's statement
that Spurius Carvilius
was must
the
first
person to open a school at
Rome
(231 B.C.)
be understood as referring to the secondary schools alone. In the elementary schools the course, as stated above,
'
Livy,
iii.
44
v.
44
vi. 25.
'
Quaestiones Romanae, 59.

was one
of reading, writing,
attractive at first
1 73
and arithmetic.
ivory letters
oil
Reading
was made
devices.
by using
and other
Writing lessons were given
wax
tablets ruled
with
lines.
Arithmetic was regarded as extremely imit
portant, though
was not pursued much
further than
addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division.

stress
Great
of a
was
laid
on mental arithmetic, which consisted on the

;
rigid drill
in calculation
fingers
up
to
sums of
four and five places of figures
while complicated prob-
lems were solved by means of the abacus or calculating

board.
Fractions were viewed as
very
difficult.
The
Roman
system of reckoning was originally duodecimal

,
(by twelves)
but later decimal (by tens)
Boys of wealthy
were sent
in
families, after finishing their elementary studies,
to the
grammar
school,
where they received instruction
the
first
principles of a liberal training {eruditio liberalis)}
The
to
chief object
which the grammaiicus had
in
mind was
impart a thorough knowledge of the Greek and Latin
poets, this
knowledge covering not only purely
literary
discussions of style
and metre, but

topics,
also the subject-matteir,
such as
ethics.^
historical
geography,
mythology,
and
Long passages
of favourite authors were learned

also practised.
by
the
heart,
first
and writing verse was
Late
in
century B.C. there were added the subjects of
music and geometry.'

'
Cicero, Tusc.
ii.
11, 27.
i.
' '
Cicero,
In Verrem,
18,
47
Quintilian,
i.
4.
Seneca, Epist. 88, 9
Suetonius, Tib. 3.
174
History and geography were, as time went on, more
and more valued as a part
of a liberal education.
We
have seen that even about the beginning of the Alexandrian Period, Descriptive Geography took definite shape
and form.
sailed
It
was then
that Scylax, a Carian Greek,
down the Indus and around through the Indian

the
Ocean and
voyage.
Red
Sea, occupying thirty

is
months
for the
His name
attached to a so-called Periplus,
which, however, could not possibly have been written by

him.'
little later,
Eudoxus
of
Canidus proved matheof
matically the
spherical
shape
the earth,
and
first
divided the globe into five zones.
The campaigns
of
Alexander the Great laid the western and southern parts

of Asia
open
to
Greek research.
Physical geography
in their commercial
it
was developed by the Ptolemies

expeditions;
and
all
geographical knowledge, so far as

skill
then existed, was used with scientific

andrians, such as Eratosthenes,
by the Alexof Nicaea,
Hipparchus
and Posidonius of Apamea (90
B.C.).
We
have only frag-
ments, however, of most of these geographers.

great and enduring
(c.
very
work
is
that of Strabo of
Amasia
20 A.D.), which combines descriptive geography with
ethnology.
To what the Greeks had knowledge of the Roman conquests.

work
is
learned he added
And though
on
the
his
historical
lost,
his
treatise
is
geography
(TrjwypaîKa) in seventeen books

'
most complete
cit.
See the edition by Fabricius (Leipzig, 1883); and Antichan, op.

geographical treatise of antiquity.
It is, indeed, It
it
175
very far
to
from a dry and monotonous screed.

read,
was meant
be
and
it
is
very readable, so that
has been called
a sort of
political or historical
geography.
Napoleon
caused
it
to
be rendered into French, with notes.' During
the wars in Gaul and the East,
maps
(tabulae)
were
prepared at
all
Rome and
Roman
displayed in the porticos, where
could see them and understand the despatches which

the
came from
armies.
M. Vipsanius Agrippa,
by order of Augustus Caesar, made a great map, on
which were indicated the distances between important

places throughout the
the origin of
Roman
Empire.
This
map was
greatly to
in
modern maps, and contributed

It
our knowledge of Topography.
was often copied
whole or in part, and from

Itineraria, or
it
were made the so-called
maps intended
for particular expeditions.
The most
date
interesting of such
now
in existence is the soIts
called tabula Peutingeriana,

is
preserved in Vienna.
about 250 a.d., and

originally
it
consisted of twelve slips of

all
parchment which
marked out
the world as
known to the Romans. At

of a part of Kent.^
present the pieces which should
contain Spain and Britain are lost with the exception
Rivalling
1
Strabo in science
but not equalling him
5 vols.
(Paris, 1805-19).
See the Introduction by Tozer to his
English edition of selections (Oxford, 1893).

'
For a representation
of this geographical curiosity, see the Atlas
Antiquus of Justus Perthes (Gotha, 1893).
176

the Alexandrian
lists (c.
in interest or breadth of knowledge,
astronomer, Claudius Ptolemaeus,

of places, with their latitude
made
150 a.d.)
atlas
and longitude, and an
the
first
known which shows the Indian Ocean as a

After this time there
is
closed sea.
nothing novel in
geography and
Pausanias
(c.
topography except the great work of

175
of
a.d.),
who
wrote
an
itinerary
is
(n6/>t7j77?a-i?)
Greece in
ten books,i which
an
invaluable
study of Hellenic topography.
Pomponius
Mela, a native of Spain, composed a clear and concise
account of the world as

time.^
known
the
to the
Romans
a
of his
At
the
of
end
of
Graeco-Roman
Period,
Stephanus
Byzantium
compiled
is
geographical
dictionary, of which the
substance
taken from older
and better writers; and
in the sixth century, one
Cosmus
time
described India in a book where occurs for the

the
first
name
of
China {Sinarum Regnum).
After completing his studies under the grammaticus, a
Roman was
cation.
scientific
held to have received a fairly complete eduspecial
But such as were desirous of more
and
teaching had their choice between the schools of
the rhetors
1
and the
universities
at Athens,
Rhodes,
Translated with a commentary
by
Frazer, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1898).
^SeeFrick, Pomponius Mela und seine Chorographie (Leipzig, 1880). The remains of the minor Greek geographers are edited by Miiller, 2
vols.
(Paris, 1882); those of the
Latin geographers by Reise (Frankfort,
1878).
For a study of early cartography, see Nordenskjold,
Pen^te
(Stockholm, 1897).

Alexandria, or Pergamum, or Massilia.^
the rhetors were
1 77
The
as
schools of
more immediately
fit
directed to rhetorical
life
teaching so as to
the student for public
an orator
prose,
and statesman.
Here was taken up the study of
beginning with the simple narratio, passing on to the

declamatio or suasoria, and ending with the controversia,
which had
to
do with
life.
legal points
and complicated queswas nothing

to
tions of practical
In
all
this there
appeal to that numerous class of students who, setting

aside any political or legal ambition, desired to cultivate
as specialists the field of the natural sciences, of pure
mathematics, of medicine, of philosophy, or of

If these persons
linguistics.
remained
in
Rome, they could
carry on
their
work only by employing
at great expense the services
of
a private instructor in the person of some learned
Greek.^
Thus
Cicero,
when a
boy, had in his father's

the celebrated
house various Greek
tutors,
among them
Archias of Antioch, while only one of his masters (Quintus
^lius) was a
'
Roman bom.
Later, he studied under
See supra, pp. 88-1 25. See Saalfeld, Der Hellenismus in Latium (Wolfenbiittel, 1883)
;
'
Eck-
stein, Lateinischer
und
Griechischer Unterricht (Leipzig, 1887)

;
Compayr6,
Clarke, The
op.
cit.
History of Paedagogy, English translation (Boston, 1886)
Education of Children
at
Rome (New York,
1896)
and Munroe,
Petronius satirises the ineffectiveness of private instruction (1-4)
when
the teacher was dependent on the good-will of the student, and therefore let
fool
him choose advanced studies prematurely. " Now as boys they away their time in the schools, as young men they are jeered at in
is still
the forum, and what
more
disgraceful, the thing
which they have
learned wrong they are ashamed to admit
when they grow up."
178
Philo the Academic, while he learned rhetoric from Apollonius
Mob
of
Rhodes and trained himself
in close thinkto
ing under Diodotus the Stoic.
Then he went
Athens,
where he attended the lectures of Antiochus and subsequently heard the chief philosophers and rhetoricians of
Asia.
It
was
his practice every
day
to
declaim in both
to acquire
Greek and Latin with other young men, so as

fluency
and
style.
At
this
time he seems to have given
serious attention to only
one of his own countrymen, the
great lawyer, Scasvola.
The Roman
the
c.
theory of education was fully set forth in
first
century a.d.
by M. Fabius Quintilianus (35-
97
A.D.),
a very cultivated Spaniard
who
lived
and
taught at
Rome.
This was, indeed, the so-called Period
of Spanish Latinity, represented not only
by Quintilian
but by the two Senecas,^ the epic poet Lucan and the
epigrammatist Martial.
In this
same century, indeed,
Rome had
who was
in twelve
its first
foreign emperor in the person of Trajan,
a Spaniard,
bom near
Seville.
Quintilian's
work
books
is
entitled Institutio Oratoria.
It gives
his view of the complete training of
an
orator, beginning
with early childhood.

as to the
He makes
in
it
evident that to him,

is
Romans
generally, oratory
the supreme art.
The
orator
must be trained
grammatical studies, he
skilled in all the arts
must be a master
1
of language
and
The Elder Seneca was a

pen a number
professional rhetorician,
and we have from
his
of suasoriae
and
J.
controversiae,
which are edited by
Kiessling (Leipzig, 1872),
and H.
MUller (Prague, 1887).

of persuasion; but he
79
must
also
be much more than
this.
He must be
deeply versed in the learning of his time, in
the history of his
own
country, in philology, in law, and
in science, in order that as
an orator he may draw upon

ornament,
of exalted
it
an inexhaustible store of
illustration, allusion,
and anecdote.
character, for
Finally,
he must be a
is
man
no oratory
truly effective unless
is
imbued with moral earnestness and absolute
sincerity.
first
"The
perfect orator
is
the perfect
is
man."
The
book
of Quintilian's treatise
it,
peculiarly interesting because in
speaking of the early grammatical training of a child,
he discusses minutely the alphabet, the parts of speech,

word-changes,
spelling,
punctuation,
barbarisms,
sole-
cisms, analogy, the influence of custom,
and
at last ety-
mology.
All these things
he
illustrates
by a number
of
examples and anecdotes, which have been
to later genera-
tions a treasure-house of curious facts regarding the Latin
language. Throughout the book the tone
is
very
modem,
and some of
his precepts
lie
at the very foimdation of
modem
ment
teaching.
Thus, in speaking of corporal pimishhe says very sensibly

suffer corporal
:
in school,
this
"That boys should

custom be common,
it is
punishment, even though

;
I can scarcely allow

fit
in the first place, because

;
disgraceful
and a punishment
if
only for slaves
and
in the
second place because,

to be affected
the disposition of a
boy
is
so base as not
like the
by
reproof, he will
;
become hardened,
finally, if
worst
of slaves, even to lashings
and
a person
will
who
regularly
has charge of his tasks be with him, there
be no need of any
l8o

. .
such punishment. with blows,
Moreover, after you have cowed a boy

to treat
how
are
you
manhood when no such

even more
difficult studies
threat
can
him when he grows to early be employed, and when
must be pursued?
Add
to these con-
siderations that
many
things often occur to boys while being

likely afterward
whipped which are unpleasant to mention and

to cause
shame under the sway
of pain or terror.
Such shame
others,
enervates and depresses the
mind and youths then avoid

^
because they have lost their self-respect."
Note
also the following brief
dictum
by
and who
is
" Give cast
me
a boy
fails.
who
is
stimulated
praise
downRea
when he
His powers must be cultivated under the in-
fluence of ambition.
Reproach wiU sting him to the quick.

In such a boy I
shall
ward wiU
incite him.
never fear any

It
is
indifference; nor
wiU a love of play in boys displease me.
sign of vivacity,
and I cannot expect that one who

be eager in his
is
is is
always duU
indifierent
. .
and
spiritless will
studies,
when he
even to that excitement which
natural to his time of hfe.^
Therefore, as early as possible, a child
must he taught that he should
do nothing in a harum-scarum way, nothing dishonestly, and nothing without self-control.

of Vergil
: '
We must always keep in mind the maxim

is
So important
habit in the case of the very yoimg.' " *
The Tenth Book sums up

criticism
Quintilian's general literary

carefully
of
the
Roman
the
authors,
comparing
This com-
them with the

parison has
writers of like genres in Greek.
made
book much read

is
for the criticism,
not being that of a
bom Roman,
3, 14.
temperate, impartial,
Its con-
and written with a certain mellowness of tone.

1 ^
Quintilian, Inst. Oral.
i.
'
work and no play makes Jack a Adeo in teneris consuescere multum est.
Cf. "All
dull boy."

elusions are essentially those of
l8l
modem
times.
Thus he
places the
of
Roman epic poets not far behind the epic poets Greece, the Roman orators such as Cicero practically
level
on a
with the great orators of Athens, and he regards
satire as
an independent creation of
is
Roman
genius.^
His
own
spirit
style
marked by
that
tempered epigrammatic
which was
characteristic of the time.

is
Thus he
says,
"Though ambition
in itself
fault, it is still often the
source of achievement."
experience counts for
to
"In almost every undertaking,

theory."
more than
"He
is
is
equal
any task who believes himself to be equal to it."

is
" Noth-
ing
trifling in
our studies."
erases."
"The pen
often most
to
useful
when
it
"We
do not come
write
well
by writing
quickly, but
we come
"It a
to write quickly
by
writing well."
"An
evil
speaker
is
dififers
from an
evil
doer only in opportunity."
full
heart and mental
power that make men eloquent."
more famous
piece of literary criticism had already

B.C.)
been written (about 20
by Horace, and
to
its
it
became
as
known
Ars
to
scholars,
It
is
though not
author,
the
Poetica.
written in the discursive fashion

is full of
which Horace loved; and
brilliant lines
which
embody
the
wisdom
of a skilled writer
and accomplished
man
1
of the world.
Such, for example, are the following
sentences and phrases.
Each
of
them contains a world

Book by
See Peterson's edition of the Tenth Book, with his introduction

;
(Oxford, 1891)
(Paris, i8go).
and a separate
edition of the First
Fierville
1 82

keen observation, and some of them belong to the
:
of
language of universal criticism
dicere.
Purpureus adsuitur pannus.

Difficile est proprie
communia
Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus.
Ne
Ut
pueros coram populo
Medea
trucidet.
Scribendi recta sapere est et priacipium et fons.

pictura poesis.
Nescit vox missa reverti.
Dr. O.
W. Holmes once
full of brittle
said of
Emerson:
"His
paragraphs are
sentences which break apart,

like the
and are independent units

colony."
fragments of a coral
also
full
The poems
of
Horace are
of these
"
brittle
sentences " and, taken together, these sentences

the body of his doctrines.
is ill-knit;
crystallise
The Ars
Poeiica
it is
lacks proportion and
but the essence of
an injunction to hard labour on the part of the

letters, to
man
of
much
reading, to self-criticism, and to a deep

life.
knowledge of human
merely a declaimer
with things.'
^This
Without these the poet
is
who
deals with words rather than

is
Very much the same thought

of
elaborated
times by the
poem
Horace has been imitated in

his
modem
Italian scholar,
Gerolamo Vida, in
;
De
Arte Poetica, written in the
sixteenth centiiry
by Boileau
in his Art Poliigue (1674);
by Alexander
Pope in
but
his
Essay on Criticism (1711); and by Lord Byron in his clever

Hints from Horace. See Cook, The Art of Poetry (Boston,
less serious
1892),
and Weissenfels
(Gorlitz, 1880).
The
best
edition of the
p. 180.
Epistles
Analyse der Ars Poetica commentary in English is by Wilkins in his of Horace (London, 1885). Cf. also supra,
Aesthet.-kritische
THE GILffiCO-ROMAN PERIOD

by Persius Flaccus,
in the first of his satires,
183
which
ridicules the artificial character of the literary language

of the day.
Quintilian was a winning, graceful writer; he was also
a student of language, and a
critic
of literature.
The
period in which he lived and taught saw

tractive writers,
in the
many
other at-
and
it
saw
also the pursuit of linguistics
form of grammar, and likewise an abundance of

literary
soimd
criticism.
His contemporaries were the
Spaniards already mentioned, and likewise Tacitus, the

historian,
both
Plinys,
Petronius,
Persius,
Juvenal,
teacher of
Statius, Silius Italicus,
and Suetonius.
The
(c.
Quintilian himself, Q.
Remmius Palaemon
35-70 a.d.),
was perhaps the
first
author of a school grammar in the
modem
his rules
sense.
He
distinguished four declensions,

c.
and
Ars Grammatica (published

which were more
rigid
70 a.d.)
contained
and
less elastic
than those of
the early
Roman
grammarians.
Bom
a slave, originally
a weaver by trade, and noted for his most disreputable

character, he
was nevertheless extremely popular

of
his
as
teacher because
remarkable memory,
gift for serving
his
glib
speech, and his truly

in set formulas.^
*
Roman
up knowledge
See Marschall,
;
De
Q.
Remmii Paimonis Libris Grammaticis

Gram.
23.
(Leipzig,
1887)
also
Suetonius,
Cf.
Nettleship's
study of Latin
series,
grammar among
the
Romans
in Lectures
and Essays, 2d
pp. 145-
171 (Oxford, 189s); and K. Schmidt, BeitrSge zur Geschichte der Gram-
matik (Halle, 1859).
184
Teachers of grammar became very numerous during
and
after the time of Quintilian,
and the remains of
their
treatises
have been collected into seven volumes and a

It
supplement by Keil.^
may be
said,
however, that only
a few of these so-called grammarians have any genuine
knowledge of their subject.
They copy from one
another,
and
this
copying displays not only their lack of ethics, but
their lack of knowledge.
Some
of the later
grammarians
do not even understand the teachings which they copy.
Remmius Palsemon
is
mainly responsible
for
having
made
the
Vergil the centre of scholastic instruction for the
Roman
first
world, just as
century a.d., the
Homer was for the Greek. After Roman grammarians show little
Their manuals (known as
artes)
independent research.
were merely school-books relating
to the simplest rules of
orthography, syntax, and prosody.

of
Such are the works
Marius Victorinus, Servius, Charisius, Diomedes, and

this last scholar
Terentianus Maurus,
tion to metres.
devoting his atten-
Two
granunarians stand out with deof
served prominence.
One
them
is jfElius
Donatus, who
St.
lived in the fourth century of
our era and was one of
Jerome's
teachers.
Apart
from his
commentaries
on
Vergil and Terence,
Donatus wrote a
treatise {Ars Ifonati
GrammaiiccB) in two parts.
The
first
part
is
called
Ars
Minor and
in
it
he
treats only of the eight parts of speech.
In the other, called Ars Maior, he discusses

'Keil, Grammatici Latini (Leipzig, 1853-1880).
grammar
THE GR.ECO-ROMAN PERIOD

more
elaborately.
185
of as
The book was

it
so
much thought
a practical
treatise, that
was continuously used down

(in
through the Middle Ages, and the word Donatus
Chaucer "donat") came
to
be synonymous with the word
"grammar,"
dictionary,
just as in English in
"a Webster" means a
and as
French un Bottin means generically
a city directory.^
The
merits
other
Roman grammarian whose work

of
has
many
taught
was Priscianus
Constantinople,
who
Latin there in the sixth century a.d.
After compiling a
number
of small grammatical treatises, he published the
most complete and systematic Latin grammar that has
come down
to us
from antiquity.
It
is
called Institu-
tiones Grammaticae,
Its
and
is
divided into eighteen books.

to its full quotations
it
importance
is
largely
due
from
ancient literature.^
scholar
An
epitome of
(c.
by the mediaeval
Rabanus Maurus
776 a.d.) vied with the work
of Donatus throughout the Middle Ages.^

principles of
For the general

on ApoUonius
grammar, Priscian drew
largely
Dyscolus, of Alexandria,''
tific
who was
the founder of scien-
syntax
(c.
140 a.d.) and of
whom
Priscian himin technical
self said that
he was the greatest authority

cit.
' '
See Keil, op.
iv,
and Grafenhan,
op.
cit. iv.
p. 107.
He
quotes especially from Plautus, Terence, Cicero, Sallust, Vergil,
Horace, Ovid, Lucan, Persius, Statins, and Juvenal;
and
less
freely
from Cato, Ennius, Lucretius, Catullus, and

'
Cassar.
See infra, p. 229. See Skrzeczka, Die Lehre des ApoUonius Dyscolm (1869).
1 86

in this respect his
grammar, though
son ^lius Herodianus

dedicating to
was undoubtedly a formidable
rival,
Marcus
Aurelius a work on prosody in twenty-one books.
The
more
grammar
of Priscian
was
so often
it still
copied that
exist.
than a thousand manuscripts of
Contemporary with Quintilian was M. Valerius Probus

Berytius,
who has been
called
"the greatest
Roman
phi-
lologist"; but like
many
of the later Latin scholars his

the field of text-criticism,
work was almost

with
entirely in
critical signs, as for instance
upon
Vergil, Horace,
Terence, Lucretius, Persius.
He
likewise wrote a treatise

later
on these symbols.*
It
will
be observed that the
grammarians were not of

Thus,
Quintilian
Roman
or of Italian birth.
was a Spaniard;
Probus a Syrian;
a native of
Suetonius probably a Spaniard;
Priscian
Caesarea in Mauretania, though he lived mainly in Constantinople.
This plainly shows us that

After
Rome was no
the
longer
Roman, but cosmopolitan.

its
Spanish
Period of
literature
came
the African Period, repreas Apuleius, Fronto,
sented by such well-known
names
TertuUian, and perhaps Aulus Gellius.

of the Ciceronian and Augustan Ages
The golden Latin

had changed
to
the"silver" andlaterto the "bronze" Latinity. Thesmall
group of those who had
set the fashion in
language at
Rome
rately,
were imitated painfully enough, yet quite inaccu-
by
writers of foreign birth.

:
Of 'this Dr.
Cooper has well said

'
F. T.
Steup,
De
Probis Grammalicis (Jena, 1871).

"There was a growing proportion
surveying, medical
of writers
187
on
architecture,
etc.,
and veterinary
to;
topics,
gastronomy,
whose
attainments were too meagre to enable them to write correctly,
however much they wanted
and
their
works naturally contained
a strong colouring of plebeian vocabulary.
An important influence
class of writers
was
also exerted
by the no
less
munerous
whose
birthplace
was outside
of Italy,
and whose speech,
in spite of
education and long residence at the capital, retained, to a varying

degree, traces of their aUen origin.
Even Livy, born

than
in northern
Italy, incurred censure for his Patavinitas.
Under the Empire, the
provinces became even more
fertile
Rome
itself in
the pro-
duction of
men
of genius;
Spain and Africa especially became
the centres of veritable schools of literature, possessing marked

characteristics,
which reacted strongly upon the
literature
of
Rome."
It is
because the people
who had received Roman
citizen-
ship,
though
bom
and
living outside of Italy,
were anx-
ious to acquire a correct use of the Latin language, that
many grammarians. The very last of them is the Spaniard Isidorus, who died about 636 a.d. He had been Bishop of Seville, and was a man of very wide readwe
find so
ing,
an eloquent speaker, and one who had been trained
in the ancient learning as well as in that of his
own
time.
He
never visited
Rome
imtil nearly
twenty years before
his death, whither he went to confer with Gregory the
Great.
His grammatical writings are two
in
number,
relating to the distinctions
and the proper use of words.
He
1
likewise wrote a collection of glosses, beside

See Cooper,
numerous
Introduc-
Word Formation
in the
Roman Sermo
Plebeitis,
tion,
XXXV (New York, 1895).
1 88
treatises
on
historical
and theological
subjects.
With
him ends
the production of
grammars
that
show any But
original research or that represent original sources.

just as foreigners desired to
know
the rules of the language
which
their masters spoke, so they also liked to

all sorts
inform
themselves on
of subjects relating to the earlier

series
Roman
paedists
history.
Hence we have a
the
of Encyclo-
who supplemented
work
of the grammarians.
first
Varro, already mentioned, was the
of these,^
and
from him many succeeding writers borrowed.

Pliny
The Elder
(23-79 A.D.)
in his
Historia Naturalis had got

information,"
together an enormous mass of "general
ranging from prescriptions for the sick, to jewels worn by

fashionable
lius
women.
In the second century, Aulus GelAtticae in twenty books,
wrote his
Nodes
on every
his-
possible sort
torical,
and
legal,
of subject philosophical, grammatical, drawing upon many sources that are

to us.^
now unknown
of these scraps
instance,
One may
get an idea of the variety

topics ;
as, for
by a
citation of
some of the
at
"The
fact that
Women
Rome
do not Swear
It
is
by Hercules nor
Disgraceful to be
Bitterly
Men
by Castor";
"That
More
Damned
with Faint Praise than to be

the
Rebuked";
"Why
Stomach
is
Relaxed Be-
cause of Sudden Fear";
"Concerning King Alexander's
Horse which was Called Bucephalus";

*
"Concerning the
Supra, p. 158.
See Ruske,
'
De Avli GelUi Noctlum Atticarum Fontibus
(Breslau,
1883).
Best edition of the Nodes by Hertz (Leipzig, 1886).

Ancient Sumptuary Laws";
1 89
"Whether Xenophon and
Plato were Jealous or Ill-disposed

" Concerning the
Toward Each Other";

of the Porcian
Race and Names
Family"
"The Force and

treatise
Derivation of the Particle Saltern."

is
Mainly grammatical, but partly encyclopaedic,
the
by Nonius Marcellus, an African,
in the fourth
all
century.
He
copied from earlier writers, and most of
perhaps from Aulus Gellius.

least original,
His book, though not in the

its
has a value of
own
for
what he has
preserved in
illustrated
it.^
Similar works of easy erudition
may be
by
St.
c.
Jerome's
translation of the Chronicle of

it
Eusebius (264-
340 a.d.)^ with additions which bring
down
to the year
378 a.d., and in the same century the

senator,
very interesting medley by the Graeco-Roman
Macrobius, whose Saturnalia in seven books
is
crammed
with interesting though by no means authentic anecdotes
and conversations, together with jokes and

cism.
bits of criti-
The form
of the whole
is
is
copied from the Banquet
of Plato,
and the substance
derived from
many
a source.'
fact that
lively turn is given to the Saturnalia
by the
last
it is
cast in the
form of
table-talk.
The
and almost
and
'
De Compendiosa
Doctrina, edited
by L. Muller
(Leipzig, 1888),
Lindsay, (Leipzig, 1903).
See Nettleship, LeUures and Essays, pp. 277-
331 (Oxford, i88s).

'
St.
Jerome's rendering of the Scriptures into idiomatic Latin gave
following generations a chance to study the plebeian speech.
See Wissowa,
De Macrobii Satumalium
Fontibus (Breslau, 1888).

is
Text edition by Eyssenhardt (Leipzig, 1893). There of the Saturnalia into French by de Roson (Paris).
a good translation
igo

is
the greatest of these encyclopaedic works
that of
Isi-
dorus, called Origines, in twenty books,
an
immense
survey of
fact that
all
it
knowledge.
Its
title
is
derived from the
professes to give explanations of the various

it
subjects of which
treats.
It is in reality
nothing but a
compilation;
yet this
and
his
other similar work,
De
Naiura Rerum, were widely read throughout the Middle

Ages and furnished many a hint for those who put together
the Gesta
Romanorum.^
It is astonishing
how wide was
the reading of Isidorus.

his
As Bishop
of Seville he allowed
monks
to
read nothing of the pagan compositions
except the grammarians; but he himself raked the literatures of Greece
and Rome, picking out with almost a was

diverting.
journalistic sense whatever
He was
a great
lover of books, having in his library fourteen large bookcases, while his walls displayed the portraits of twenty-
two
favourite
authors.
in
Isidorus
sixth
was one
still
of
the
few
a
ecclesiastics
who
the
century
in
retained
knowledge of Greek.
With him,
fact,
its
the Grsecoend.
Roman
West
of
Period had
more than reached

to
The
Europe was yielding
new
masters, Gauls and
Goths, and Visigoths, and Germans; and the Dark Ages

had, in fact, begun.
[In addition to the other see Boissier,
'
works cited in the present chapter,

(Paris, 1891)
;
La Fin du Paganisme
id.
La
Religion
See Dressel, De Isidori Originum Fontibus (Turin, 1874), and infra,
pp. 224, 225.

Romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins
Genie Latin (Paris, 1904)
;
IQI
;
(Paris,
1906)
Michaut, Le
Hardie, Lectures on Classical Subjects
(London, 1903) ; Duff, A Literary History of Rome, pp. 664-670 (London, 1909) ; Teuffel-Schwabe-Warr, A History of Roman Literature, ii. (London, 1892) Kortum, Geschichtliche Forschungen
;
(Leipzig, 1863)
Zingerle,
Zu
Spatern Latein. Dichtern (Innsbruck,
1873) ; Arbenz, Die Schriftstellerei in

1877)
;
Rom zur Zeit der Kaiser

trans., pp.
(Basle,
Nettleship, Transactions of the Oxford Philological Society
for 1880-81; Boissier,

;
Roman Africa, Eng.
238-289
(New
York, 1899) Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, 8 vols. (Oxford, Curteis, A History of the Roman Empire from 3751880-1899) 800 AM. (London, 1875) Suringar, Historia Critica Scholiastarum
; ;
Latinorum (Leyden, 1834-5); Norden, Die Antike Kunstprosa. (Leipzig, 1898) Church, The Beginning of the Middle Ages (Lon;
don, 1895);
and Bemont and Monod's Mediceval Europe, pp.
33-124, Eng. trans.
(New York,
1906).]
THE MIDDLE AGES

A.
The Monastic Learning

Middle Ages
is
The gloom
of the
foreshadowed in the
general vitiation of literary taste which began to be noticeable as early even as the second
and
third centuries a.d.

(i)
(2)
The immediate
causes of this decline are two:
the the
cosmopolitanism of the later

spread of Christianity.
Roman Empire; and

as soon as
it
Rome,
had
fairly
secured the mastery of the whole world, ceased, in the

course of a single century, to be
Roman.
The
capital
became a great gathering-place

and language. "has turned
its
for
men
^
of
every rank
Juvenal,
"The
Syrian Orontes,"
says
course into the Tiber."

knights,
its
Rome's merpro-
chant-princes,
its
senators,
its jurists, its
vincial governors,
and
at last even its emperors,
were
Greeks,
Gauls,
Spaniards, Africans,
almost
anything
but Roman, or even Italian.
Briinner has
shown almost
Empire
conclusively that the whole history of the Later

is
the history of a continuous struggle between the Gerfor the control of the
manic and the Iberian elements

government.
iii.
62.
192
THE MIDDLE AGES

In no sphere of activity
apparent than in
A.D.,
literature,
is this
I93
cosmopolitanism more
when,
after the second century

its
and even
earlier,
one finds the great names of
masters to be the names either of Spaniards, or Gauls, or

Syrians,
or
Sicilians,
or Africans.
literature
all
The
result
itself
of this
denationalising of
Roman
showed
before
very long in the neglect of

literary traditions.
that
was best
in the native
Not only Ennius,
Plautus, Terence,
Lucretius; and Varro ceased to be read;
but even Vergil,

It
is,
Horace, and Ovid were regarded as old-fashioned.
indeed, evident that Gauls and Spaniards and Africans,

learning Latin as a foreign language, would be unable to
appreciate the niceties of diction, the exquisite appropriateness of phrase and epithet, and the
more
delicate
cadences and rhythms that mark the work of the highly

trained writers of the Golden
Age
of Latin literature.
it
Prosody was the

always an
educated,
first
to
suffer,
since in Latin
was
un-
artificial
thing and largely foreign
to the
who more
readily caught the accented beat of

alliterative jingle of the
the Satumians or the triumphalia.
carmina
Hence, as early as 250

his
a.d.,
we
in
find
Com-
modianus writing
that
Carmen Apologeticum
syllabic
hexameters
frankly discarded
quantity
and accepted and

it is
accent as the basis of his metrical system;

likely that very
un-
many
of his readers
knew
the difference.
The language
itself also
suffered in the
mouths and on
the pens of foreign writers.
Prepositions govern what-
194
ever cases appear to be most convenient.

heteroclite with surprising facility.
Nouns become
Conjugations change
places
and there
is
a wild dance of genders.
Of
course
far
these extreme breaches of
morphology and syntax are
from universal; but the nicer distinctions of the language

were
lost to the perceptions of
it
both readers and writers.

having been blunted
Hence
was
that, the sense of style
and destroyed, the second and third centuries studied

the rhetoricians, and read not so
much
It
the great writers of
Rome,
as abridgments of them.
was an age of epitomes,

extracts;
of condensations, of scrap-books
florilegia
and elegant
of
and
spicilegia.
This explains why so many of
the most valuable productions of the earlier centuries have
not come
preserved
down
in
to us at all;
and why others have been

abridgments
meagre abridgments, or in
Such were the
of abridgments.
treatises in
Greek by
is
King Juba
of Mauretania,
whose @eaTpiKr} 'linopia
now
lost,
though
much
used by Julius Pollux, in his
'OvofiacTTiKov,
a dictionary in ten books arranged by
subjects; Hephaestion, a writer of a

forty-eight books, all
lost,
work on metres
in
though his
them
survives;
Valerius
;
Harpocration,
own epitome of who wrote a
lexicon to the ten orators
Herennius Philon of Byblos
(sometimes called
"Philobyblos"), whose books were

;
mainly
five
lost
except in one
and Pamphilius, whose ninety-
books on glosses were epitomised until they were

five.
only
THE MIDDLE AGES
1 95
The
spread of Christianity was perhaps even a more
important factor in blotting out a taste for literature and

destroying the literary records of the past.
failure to appreciate
.
The
general
and admire what was
fine in the
productions of the preceding centuries was only a negative

injury.
The
teaching of the Christians, on the other
hand, was aggressively and offensively directed toward

their destruction.
In the early days of the Church, Chris-
tianity spread chiefly
among
the ignorant,
who
not only
failed
to value
what was
dislike
aesthetically precious,
but
felt
that suspicion
and
which the vulgar always exhibit

Later,
toward what they cannot imderstand.

of education and culture
when men
St.
men
like St.
Augustine and
Jerome
appeared,
they regarded the writings of the

their influence,
pagans as thoroughly pernicious in

the
all
more because they could themselves appreciate

and power.
St.
their
attractiveness
Jerome was,
in fact, a scholar
and thoroughly
familiar with classic literature;
and
this
was even made the basis of an accusation brought against
him by
his fellow
Christians.
He was
at last openly
charged with defiling his works with quotations from
pagan authors; of having employed monks

writings of Cicero;
to
copy the
and of having even on one occasion
polluted the minds of
some
children at Bethlehem
by
tells
explaining to them various passages of Vergil.^
He
us in
one of his Epistles

'
how he was
rebuked in a
Epist.
hx
adv. Rufinam, I. ch. ssx.
196

for his guilty admiration of Cicero, being
dream
borne
"being
in the night before the throne of Christ, accused of
a Ciceronian rather than a Christian," and scourged by

the angels so that
when he awoke
in
the morning his
shoulders were covered with bruises.^

(the
Pope Gregory I
Vienna, for
Great) rebuked Desiderius, Bishop of
having taught the classics and thus "mingled the praises

of Jupiter
and Christ
polluting the
^
mind with
blas-
phemous
praises of the wicked."
It
was believed and
taught that the writers of the classics were burning in

hell.
In such monasteries as
still
kept any of the manusilence
scripts of the secular literature,
and where vows of
were imposed,
it
was customary when any monk wished

it
a copy of Vergil, Horace, or Livy, to indicate
by
scratch-
ing his ear like a dog, this being the animal
whom
the
pagan writers were supposed
to resemble.^
fiercer type,
With men of a
Tertullianus
sterner
and
and
fanatics like
Montanus, the
its
zealots like
whole
mass of pagan
demned.
block;
its
literature
was sweepingly and savagely con-
Its
philosophy was a snare and a stumbling-
history lies
and slanders;
its
poetry licentious
and obscene; the mythology of
graceful fables, a plain
enticement to the worship of demons.

'
Tertullian in a
Epist. xxii.
ii.
'Lecky, vol.
p. 201.
Maitland, Dark Ages, p. 403. (London 1853).
Because of their hos-
tility
toward the
classic writers, Julian the
Apostate forbade Christians

the schools.
to teach rhetoric
and grammar
(classics) in
THE MIDDLE AGES

fiery
I97
passage of his
De
Spectaculis denounces the gods of
the mythologues as devils, the worship of
them
as devil-
worship, and the prose and verse that celebrates them

as devil-literature.
This was the age when asceticism

life
suddenly burst into
to teach
men
that salvation in
the next world was incompatible with comfort in this;

that the enjoyment of the beautiful in literature and art
was
of the flesh;
and that squalor and
filth
and
intellectual
ignorance paved the
way
to
a heaven beyond the grave.
To
ture
of
the early ascetics, the refined pleasure of pure litera-
was
as dangerous
and
little less
sinful than the love
women.
Hence, we find
St.
Anthony, the foimder of

Hence, an-
monasticism, refusing to learn the alphabet.

other priest,
who was famous
as a linguist, voluntarily im-
posed upon himself the penance of silence for thirty years;
and another who found
in the cell of a brother
monk
few books, reproached him with having defrauded of their

property the widow and the orphan.
pernicious,
All learning
was
and
it
was the boast

et
of St. Benedict to be
described as nescius
indoctus.
"It
is
the duty of a
to teach."
monk,"
said St. Jerome, "to
weep and not
Literature, in fact,
tians as
was
in the
minds of the early Chris-
much
associated with the cult of paganism as

suffered alike as soon as the Christians
was
art ;
and both
gained control of the civil power.
The images
of the
gods were mutilated and broken
the most famous master-
pieces of ancient art were destroyed because
they de-
1 98
picted subjects from the classic myths; and so, the rolls of
papyrus and vellum which contained the writings of the
myth-makers shared a similar
fate.
It
was an
anticipation
of the Puritan frenzy of the sixteenth

centuries,
and seventeenth
when
so
many
cathedrals were desecrated, so

destroyed,
bits,
many
paintings of the saints
and so many
priceless
carvings broken
significance
into
to the
because they gave

of
beauty and
ritual
the
Catholic
Church.
The same
species of fanatical frenzy
marked
rolls of
the course of the early Christians.
Innumerable
papyrus covered with copies of the great masterpieces of
Roman
literature
were used for wrapping goods.

their original texts
Parch-
ments were scraped of
and used again

libraries
(palimpsests) for religious writings.
The
that
contained them were pillaged by mobs.
In 389 (or 391)
under Theodosius, that part of the Alexandrian Library
which then stood
in the
Serapeum was sacked, and the
books partly burned and partly scattered.

Nisibis
The
library at
and the greater one of 100,000 volumes

;
at
ConI
stantinople were both burned (477)

(c.
and Pope Gregory
600)
is
said to have allowed the noble Palatine Library
at
Rome
1
to
be destroyed.^
is
This, however,
only traditionally reported.
The
favourite say-
ing of Gregory was that "the oracles of

of
God
are greater than the rules
grammar"
and he
is
discreditably distinguished for his zeal in burn-
ing the manuscripts of Livy because they ascribed so
Draper, Hist. 0} the Intellectual Development of Europe (New York, 1899); Lecky, ii. 201 ; Guingerig, Eist. Littiraire
de
I'ltalie,
i,
heathen gods.
See
much power
to the
pp. 29-31.
THE MIDDLE AGES
199
Other causes than the two already mentioned greatly

diminished the world's supply of books and rendered
more
difficult the
renewal of that supply.
The
separation
of the Eastern from the Western
Empire had had a very

and preservation from
unfavourable
effect
upon the
it
collection
of books, dividing, as
did, the learning of the East
the learning of the West.

to
The Roman
in
librarians ceased
collect
works written
Greek, and the Byzantian

cared
it
librarians,
literature,
who had never now

felt
much about Roman

whatsoever.
Finally,
no
interest in
the conquest of Egypt by the Arabs in a.d. 641, destroyed

at a
blow what
off
still
remained of the Alexandrian
libraries
and shut
from Europe the supply of papyrus upon
which the makers of books depended.

All these facts
must be considered
in accounting for
the loss of so
many works
to
of classical literature
whose
re-
nown ought
have preserved them, and also for the
comparatively few manuscripts of early date that are
now known
to exist;
the neglect of good literature, the

hostility
growing ignorance of the people, the
of the
Christians to classical learning, the destruction of books
and
libraries,
and the barbarisation of the Empire.
In
the sixth century, one might, amid the deepening social
and
intellectual darkness of the
Western World, have
felt
safe in predicting that the literary splendour of Greece
and
Rome would
soon be only a faint and dying memory,

fact.
never again to be quickened into a living
That
this
200

actually not the case
is
was
in a very large degree
due
to
the energy, the influence,
and the example
of a single
man.
Early in the sixth century occurred an event which in

itself
would seem
to
have no possible connection with the
history of classical philology or the preservation of classical

learning,
and yet which was,
in fact,
one whose importance
to the student of palaeography
can scarcely be exaggerated.
About the year
529, one Benedict, a native of Nursia,
foimded the order of monks that took from him the

of Benedictines.
name
Monachism had already

in the Eastern
arisen
and had
an extraordinary vogue
Empire, having
rapidly that his
begun with
first
St.
Anthony and spread
so
disciple,
Pachonius, lived to see himself the head of
seven thousand followers.

find
it
Within a single century we
recorded that in the one district of Nitria, in the

less
Egyptian Delta, there were no
than
fifty
monasteries.^
Yet
in the East, almost
from the beginning, the system
was notorious
class of
for its gross abuses.
There sprang up a
lived in small
monks
called Sarabastse,
who
com-
munities,
and frequently wandered about the country,
leading in
many
cases a
life
of idleness
and open
profligacy.
Even
in the monasteries,
the want of any well-defined
regulations left the door

practices
open
to all sorts of licentious
which tended
to bring the
whole institution into

Christian Church in
contempt and scandal.

'
In
des
fact, the
See
Mohler,
Geschichte
Monchthums (Regensburg, 1866-68)
Harnack, Das Monohthum (Giesen, 1895).
THE MIDDLE AGES

its
20I
early years really
found
its
greatest danger not in
the persecutions of
the,
pagan emperors and governors,

of
its
but
in the character of
many
own members.
"Men
entered the Church to escape from military service, or to
avoid burdensome municipal offices";
worn-out rakes
who had
exhausted every other form of excitement, hare-
brained enthusiasts in search of a
new
sensation, vicious
curiosity,
and depraved men and women impelled by

all
these flocked around the teachers of the
new
faith in
the expectation of a fresh stimulus to their jaded fancies.
Hence, almost immediately, arose scandals and extravagances of which the details are given by contemporary
writers.^
The
festivals of the
martyrs were at one time

licentious
suppressed by the authorities because of the
manner
of their celebration.
The
pilgrimages to Palesis
tine attracted such
motley crowds that the Holy Land
described by
St.
Gregory of Nyssa as a hot-bed of dethe Agapae, or love-feasts, often

All
bauchery.
Even
orgies.
in
became
drunken
these
evils
were
concentrated
and condensed
were often
many of
the oriental monasteries, which
filled
by men who made the profession of
Christianity only a pretext for the practice of the most

filthy vices.
It
'
was
at a time
when monachism
I. ch. xi
as then imderstood
;
See Jortin, Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, 5 v. (1751-53)
Cave,
Primitive Christianity, pt.
(London, 1687)
;
Miiller,
De Genio
Aevi Tkeodosiani
Morals,
ii,
(Copenhagen,
foil.
1797)
Lecky, History of European
pp. 149
(Am.
ed..
New
York, 1884).
202

fallen
and practised had
into
such disrepute, that
St.
Benedict (529 a.d.), founded his famous Order at Monte

Cassino, about halfway between
Rome and Naples.
It
was
a place destined to be of the utmost importance in the

history of classical texts
and
learning.
Benedict was a
man
of
of
little
education, but of a very spiritual mind, of an
unblemished character, and gifted with an imusual. amount
common
sense as well as of piety.
He had
been made
the abbot of a monastery of the Eastern type,

left it in
and had
disgust at the license which he found prevailing
there;
but his experience was useful in suggesting to him
the defects of
that
it
monachism
as then understood.
He saw
required
their
was not enough
that the
monks should be
to fast
and pray and sing

left to
at certain times, while
remaining hours were
idleness;
but that some rule
should be devised to give them rational
and wholesome
occupation and to provide for a stricter discipline.

this
To
rule
end he composed
in the year 515
his
famous Regula
Monachorum, which ultimately became the universal

of
monachism
in the
Western Church.
its
It is
not neces-
sary here to go into
details.
It
required continual
residence in the monastery; laid out a scheme of
manual
recog-
labour for the monk's spare hours
and above
all, it
nised the desirability of mental as well as bodily occupation,
permitting such
monks
as were qualified, to engage
in teaching
and
in copying manuscripts for the library.

is
'The date
only traditional.
Some
give
it
as 520.
THE MIDDLE AGES

St.
203
Benedict had, of course, no thought of preserving the
secular learning of the age,
and intended the
literary
labours of the
monks
to
be spent wholly upon
ecclesiastical
and
theological writings;
but he did not so specify, and
the permission given by his Rule soon received an interpretation
fraught
with momentous results
to
modem
scholarship.
In the year 540, Flavius Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus,
Roman
patrician of senatorial rank, descended from a

Bruttii, praefectus urbi to
rich
and noble family of
under four
of the Gothic kings,
and secretary
King Theodoric,
entered the Benedictine monastery of Vivarium which he
himself had founded (529), and took the vesture and the
obligations of a
monk.
Cassiodorus had been during his

of the world
public
life
not only a
man
and a statesman,
but a scholar and writer, one of the few

in the
men
remaining
Western Empire who had studied with care the

both Greece and
his
earlier literature of
Rome
tastes
and
after his
retirement to
the monastery,
remained unlife
changed, while the more ample leisure of his new
gave him far more opportunity
to cultivate
them.
His
but,
own
writings as a
monk were
purely theological;'
taking advantage of the rule which enjoined copying and

teaching,
'
he began systematically
his public life
to
train
the younger
and put forth
During
he wrote on the
liberal studies,
DeArte Grammatica, which was used as a text-book throughout the Middle Ages. See Hodgkin, The Letters of Cassiodorus (London,
a
treatise,
1886)
Church, Miscellaneous Essays, pp. 191-198 (London, 18S8).
204

to
monks
an appreciation of the value of the secular
literature
and
to
encourage by every possible means both
the collection and preservation of classical manuscripts
and the multiplication of them

sessed of a very large fortune,
influence
in careful
copies.
Pos-
and being a
man
of great
and energy, he laboured incessantly

life
to the
end
of his long
for this
important object, with such success
that he actually succeeded in

of his
making every great monastery

Academy," a storehouse of
Order " a
sort of Christian
classical literature,
with
its
scriptorium or writing-room
especially set apart for the copying of parchments.
More
than
this,
he
made
the Benedictine Order essentially a
learned Order, with traditions of scholarship which have
been honourably maintained to the present day.^

great a debt
is
How
and
owed
to Cassiodorus in
modern
times,
how
general had been the destruction of manuscripts that

is
were written near the time of their original composition,
seen by recalling the dates of the early codices in existence.
Thus
iEschylus,
and a part
of Sophocles, are
found
in the
so-called Laurentianus (or
Mediceus) at Florence, belong-
ing to the eleventh century.
The
oldest manuscript of
Herodotus goes back to the eleventh century, that of
Thucydides to the tenth century, and that of Plato to the

ninth century,
though
is
this is incomplete.
The
oldest
manuscript of Plautus
'
a palimpsest preserved at Milan,
See
Olleris,
;
Cassiodore, Conservatur des Livres de I'AntiquiU Latine

trans., pp.
(Paris, 1884)
Montalambert, The Monks of the West, Eng.
71-
78 (London, 1861).
; ;
THE MIDDLE AGES

and was written
tains only a few
as early as the fifth century; but
it
205
con-
odd
sheets, the other codices being as late
as the eleventh or twelfth century.
The
oldest codex of
of Lucre-
Horace belongs to the ninth century; the oldest

tius to the tenth century.
The
oldest codices of Vergil are

in
as ancient as the fourth century,
Vatican and one at

tions
'
two of them being the Florence,' having correcthis latter
made by
Asterius,
Roman consul
first
in the year
exist,
494 a.d.
cxsdex
Fragmentary papyri as old as the
century b.c.
and a
in fragments of the sixth century.

^
It
may
be interesting to mention some of the other important manuis
scripts.
Thus, of Homer, the oldest codex
the Codex Venetus
of the
tenth century {Iliad), and of the twelfth century {Odyssey); of Herodotus,

the Codex Florentinus or Mediceus in the Laurentian Library of the tenth
century
of ^schylus, a
of
Codex Laurentianus
(or
Mediceus) of the eleventh

of Euripides, a
centiury;
Sophocles, the
same codex with jEschylus;
Codex Vaticanus
tury
of the twelfth century; of Aristophanes, a

;
Codex Raven-
nas of the eleventh century of Thucydides a Laurentianus of the tenth cen;
of Plato, a
Codex Clarkianus (Bodleian)
of the ninth century
and
of Demosthenes, a
Codex Parisinus
of the eleventh century.
Of Latin
authors,
among
others
we have
of Plautus a
;
Codex Ambrosianus (Milan) Codex Bembrosias (Vatican)

Codex Parisinus
;
of the fifth century (palimpsest)
of Terence, a
of the fifth century (mutilated), the rest of the ninth century; of Lucretius,
aLeidensis of the ninth century
of Catullus, a
of the
ninth century (only a part), the rest of the fourteenth century

six
of Cicero,
Codices Parisini of the ninth century; of C^sar, a Codex Amstelo-
damensis
sini of
A of
the ninth or tenth century

;
of Sallust,
two Codices Pari-
the tenth century
of Vergil, a
Codex Vaticanus
of the fifth century

;
of Horace, a
Codex Bemensis (incomplete)

xvi.) of the eighth
of Ovid,
;
a Codex Petavinas (from A. Petavius, Cy.

Livy, the Codex Veronensis (bks.
of Tacitus, a
iii.-vi.)
century
of
of the fifth century (palimpsest)

;
Codex Mediceus
of Juvenal, the
Codex
a
Pithceanus (from P. Pithou) at Montpellier of the ninth century; of Martial,
a Codex Parisinus
of Pliny the Elder,
206

facts are quite sufficient to
These
show that with
scarcely
classical
an exception the only manuscripts of the best
authors that give anything more than isolated fragments

are copies
made
later
than the
fifth
century.
Had
it
not
been for the labours of the Benedictines and of those
who
followed their example, the remains of classical literature
would have been so scanty as to give us no

of that literature
real conception
and learning
as a whole.
With
St.
Benedict must be mentioned the
Roman
friend.
patri-
cian and scholar
who
is
said to
have been his
This
(or
was Anicius Manlius Torquatus Severinus Boethius

Boetius) , almost the last of the
Westep Romans to
possess
a good understanding of Greek.
He
gained the esteem of
Theodoric, King of the Ostrogoths,

capital in the year 5000.
who made Rome
his
Over the Goths, Boethius

countrymen found
little
exer-
cised such influence that his
oppres-
sion in the Gothic rule.
In the end, however, he was ac-
cused of treason, his property was confiscated, and after

being imprisoned, he was executed
cruelty.
titled
five
(c.
524) with terrible
While
in prison,
Boethius wrote his dialogue enIt
De
Consolatione Philosophiae.
was divided
into
books, and was written in a close imitation of the best

is
Latin models, while the poetry which
interspersed shows
palimpsest from the monastery of St. Paul in Carinthia of the sixth century
(bks. xi.-xiv.)
;
of Pliny the Younger, a

;
Codex Laurentianus (Mediceus)
of
the ninth century

(incomplete)
century.
;
of Quintilian, a
Codex Bemensis
of the tenth century of the ninth
of Suetonius,
a Codex
Memmianus or Parisinus
THE MIDDLE AGES

metrical accuracy.
207
in
For seven centuries he was held
great reverence, and even in later times his

forgotten.
work was not

a knowledge
He
is
the
first
writer
who shows The
of the Arabic (Hindu) numerals.
Consolatio found
many
translations,
among them one by King
Alfred into
Anglo-Saxon, and by Chaucer and Queen Elizabeth into

English.'
Now that
western Europe had been overrun by foreign-
ers speaking every sort of language
and
dialect,
one might
have supposed that the Latin language would have sunk

into disuse.
But
just the contrary
was the
case.
It
was
Its
the only stable language
known
and
to
men
it
of that time.
dignity and masculine brevity

intercourse between kings
made
fit
medium
it
of
princes.
Finally,
was the
language of the Church, and the Church was slowly conquering the barbarians
ancient
who had overrun
the provinces of
Rome.
Nevertheless, as the spirit
and
history of
Latin literature were unknown, merely the faintest possible

tinge of grammatical
and technical knowledge could be
imparted to students
who
tried to get a smattering of the
language for practical purposes onfy.
Even those who

knowledge of what
knew how
a boast of
'
far they
were from any
real
they were studying, gloried in their ignorance, and made

it.
Grammar was
translation
is
regarded as pedantic.
1897).
The most modem
by James, (London,
1891).
See, also,
Hildebrand, Boetius und seine Stellung zum Ckrisienthum (Regensburg,

1885)
;
and Stewart, Bo'ethius (Edinburgh,
2o8

its
knowledge of
able.
rules
was held
to be
somewhat
discredit-
One
of these scholars (Wolfhard in the Life of St.
Walpurgis) speaks of his
own barbarisms
is,
of style, but tells

full
the reader that his dung-heap

pearls.
nevertheless,
still
of
Gregory the Great had spoken

earlier date.
more
forcibly
at
an
"
The
place of prepositions and the

it
cases of nouns I utterly despise, for I consider
indecent to
confine the words of the heavenly prophets within the

rules of
Donatus."
priest of
Cordova uttered the same

ferocity.
thought with a vigour that verges almost upon
" Let philosophers and the impure followers of Donatus,"
he says, " ply their windy problems with the barking of

dogs and the grunting of swine, snarling with skinned
throat and bared teeth:
let
the foaming and bespittled
grammarians belch wind, while we remain the evangelical

servants of Christ."
Even
as late as the fourteenth cen-
tury the well-known anecdote of the
Emperor Sigismvmd
at
the Council of Costnitz

feeling
is
characteristic of the popular
about grammar.
In a speech against the Hussites
he had used the word "schisma" as a feminine noun, for
which he was corrected by a monk, who called out that

schisma was a noun of the neuter gender.
Whereupon the
emperor asked,
"How
do you know it?" "Because Alex"
ander Gallus says so."

"
And who
is
Alexander Gallus? "
A monk."
" Well," said Sigismund, " I

I fancy that
am the Emperor
as
of
Rome, and
my word
is
good as any
monk's."
'
THE MIDDLE AGES That the Church did not do more to keep
of learning
is
209
alive the spirit
her.
not, however, to
feel surprised
be counted against
We
The
ought rather to
that she did so much.
conditions of her existence and the difi&cult mission that
she had to perform have been very fairly
Mr.
J.
A. Symonds:
summed up by
much
" The task of the Church in the Middle Ages was not so
to
keep learning alive as to moralise the savage races who held Europe
at their pleasure.
.
After the dismemberment of the Empire,
the whole of Europe was thrown open to the action of spiritual
powers who had
to use unlettered barbarians for their ministers
and
missionaries.
To submit
this vast field to classic culture at
the same time that Christianity was being propagated would
have been beyond the strength

to undertake this teisk,
of the Chmrch,
even had she chosen

of antiquity not
and had the vital forces
been
exhausted."
The
had
worst feature of the mediaeval
spirit
was
that
it
lost the
power
of appreciating, even in the slightest
degree, the classic sentiment.
was
its
absolutely a sealed book.
To scholastics, The free air of

its
classicism
paganism,
passionate love of beauty,
abounding
life
and
viril-
ity
and colour and richness were as remote from the
conception of the mediaeval
monks
as the sunlight
is
is
remote from the conception of one who

blind.
congenitally
Whatever they studied they studied in the spirit

Their criticism was
If,
of Scholasticism.
warped and
cramped and
'
distorted by theology.
for instance, they

i.
Symonds, History of
the Italian Renaissance,
pp. 61, 62 (London,
1875).
2IO

it,
admired Vergil's famous Fourth Eclogue, they admired

not because
it
was
in itself a beautiful piece of verse,

it
but because they thought

birth of Christ.
a prophecy of the approaching

licentious passages of
The most
Ovid
were explained
allegorically, just as
modern commentators
have explained the sensuous Hebrew of the Song of Songs.

If they
tleties,
taught grammar, they
filled it full of
strange sub-
discovering the three Persons of the Trinity in the

in the parts of speech.
verb,
and mystic numbers
Words
God,
were even defined theologically, as when the scholastics

after defining voluntas as expressive of the nature of
and voluptas
of the nature
of the Devil,
then coined
the blended form volumtas as expressive of the
mixed
nature of man.
It is
easy to imagine what remarkable
feats of ingenuity their etymological speculations exhibit.
Nevertheless, although the Church's task
was to moralise
the barbarians, education was one of

It rejected the
its
it
chief instruments.
pagan
literature while
retained the lanafter
guage
in
which that
literature
had been written; and
paganism was thoroughly
extinct, the literature itself
was
revived and taught in the monastic and other schools
during the Middle Ages.

exactly
It is
somewhat
difficult to define
what period
of time lies properly within the medi-
Eeval age.
The
decline
began when Constantine trans-
ferred the seat of the
Empire from
Some
to
Byzantium
(Constantinople) in 330, because, after that,

lost its chief significance
Rome
itself
both
politically
and from the
THE MIDDLE AGES

standpoint
of scholarship.
Its
211
records
become more
Its ofiBcials
and more melancholy with advancing

flocked to another and a foreign
city.
time.
The emperors had

its
not only turned their backs upon

its
gates, but
upon
language and
its
civilisation.
Henceforward Rome's
population diminished.
Its temples fell into decay,

it
and
there began to brood over
the portent of destruction.

archives,
The new
visited
Caesars carried
away the
and
it
lost the
prestige of the imperial court.

it
Some
of
its
rulers never
in
at
all.
The Emperor Constantius had been
power
several years before
he saw the former capital of the

it
Empire, and then he journeyed to

barbarian prince
only at the request of a
whom
The
he was entertaining, and who was
anxious to behold the city which had once been mistress

of the
(c.
world.
historian,
Ammianus
Marcellinus,'
330 -c. 378
A.D.), gives
an
interesting account of this
visit.
Constantius himself seems to have been astonished

of
by the magnificence
"As
Rome.
the Emperor gazed upon the vast city spreading along the
slopes, in the valleys,
and between the summits
of the
hills,
he
declared that the spectacle which first

thing that he had yet beheld.
met
his eyes surpassed every-
Now his gaze rested on the
temple of
Tarpeian Jupiter,
entire provinces,
now on baths so now on the massive

now on
magnificent as to resemble
structure of the Colosseum,
mightily compact, the summit of which seemed scarcely accessible

to the
human
eye
the Pantheon, rising Hke a fairy dome,
and
its
sublime columns with their gently sloping stairways adorned

Marcellinus was himself a Greek by birth, though he
of
'Ammianus
wrote in Latin
the Latin
foreigner, often
clumsy and often
affected.
212
with statues of heroes and emperors, besides the Temple of the

City, its
Forum, the Forum
of Peace, the Theatre of
Pompey, the
of Trajan,
Odeon, the Stadium, and

Eternal Rome.
all
the other architectural wonders of

to the
its
When, however, he came
Forum
a structure unequalled by any other of
kind throughout the
world, so exquisite indeed that the gods themselves

it
would
find
hard to refuse their admiration, he stood as
if
in a trance, surveying
with a dazed
picture,
awe
the stupendous fabric which neither words can

rear.
nor mortal again aspire to
Being asked what he
thought of Rome, the Emperor replied that in one respect only was
he disappointed, and that was in finding that

not immortal."'
its
inhabitants were
Not
long afterward, in the reign of Honorius,
Rome
witnessed her last great imperial spectacle
when
that em-
peror entered the city to celebrate his triumphs over the
Goths
(403).
There
is
something
still
pitiful in
the attitude
of this great city,
which was
the most magnificent of
any
in the world, accepting with almost hysterical gratitude

its
the visits of curiosity which
emperors from time to time
condescended to give
ticos, its
it.
Its very beauty, its
maze
and
of porits
wilderness of marble, bronze, and gold, and
gigantic palaces gorged with pictures, statues,
jewels,
only heightened the melancholy of
its
decadence, with a
its
diminishing population
streets
now grown
too small to crowd

its
and too unwarlike to defend
walls.
It is really
then from the year 330 that we must date

,
The
Beginning of the Middle Ages.

practically
In 395 the Roman Empire
embraced the
'
entire Christian world

xvi. 14 foil.
from East
Res Gestae,
THE MIDDLE AGES

to West, and southward to the great Sahara.
213
Yet already
there were stirrings in the North and West,
among the
wave
Germans whose
toward
Italy
six tribes*
were already
rolling like a
and the western possessions of Rome. In 410,
Alaric headed the Visigoths, penetrated Greece, and later,
streaming through Italy, sacked the great city which for

eight
hundred years had never
fallen into the
hands of an
enemy.
In 415, Spain became an independent kingdom
under Teutonic invaders, the Burgundians established

themselves in southeastern France and Switzerland, and
later
were amalgamated with the new Prankish kingdom.
In 449, the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes invaded and conquered Britain.
Worse than
all,
there
menaced
Italy the
savage and ape-faced
Huns
of Ugro-Finnic stock, whose
hideous customs made them seem a host of demons rather
than an army of mortal men.

long on
Yet they did not remain very

Gaul
(at
Roman
soil,
since they were routed in
Chalons) by the allied
Romans
and Teutons (451), one

having perished in the
hundred and
battle,
sixty
thousand
men
which was even more epoch-making than those of
Thermopylae and Marathon.

in the
But the Roman Empire

In 455, the
West was
destined to destruction.
Vandals
sailed across the
Mediterranean from Africa, and
plundered Rome.
In 476, the Herulian Goth, Odoacer,
became emperor
of the West, receiving a timorous consent

Franks, and Suevi.
'Ostrogoths, Visigoths, Vandals, Burgundians,
See Gregorovius, History of the City of

trans.,
i.
Rome
in the Middle Ages, Eng.
chs. iv-v
(London, 1894).
214

in Constantinople.
from the emperor
Thus, one
may
say
that the Middle Ages began, either with the transfer of the
capital to Constantinople in 330, or with the establishment
of Gothic
power
in Italy in 476.
is
convenient time from
which to date The End
the year 1453,
when the Eastern
Empire
fell,
and the triumphant Muhammadans poured
through the gates of Constantinople.
The
history of scholarship in the

is
Middle Ages, so
far
as concerns western Europe,
conveniently divided into
the Early Christian Period
(300-751),
the Carolingian
Period (751-911), and the Period of Scholasticism (9111476).
During the
first
of these three periods, the leaven
of civilisation
like order
was
at
work
trying to bring about something
among
the rude barbarians
who had
shattered
and mastered the Western Empire.
One
great source
of civilisation lay in the retention of the Latin language.

It
was not, as is often said, the
influence of the
Church alone
that
made Latin the chosen speech

had become
also the urgent
of the invaders as soon
as they
settled in their
new
possessions.
It
was
need of having some one
intelligible
medium
and
of
communication, a
language which Goths
Visigoths, Franks, Burgundians,
and Vandals could

All the diacast, as
it
use with the certainty of being understood.

lects
and patois
of
Germany and Jutland were
were, into the one great crucible.
They were simmering
and uniting and separating, and taking on continually new

forms and new idioms.
There was a chaos of human
THE MIDDLE AGES

speech, and amid
stable, settled,
it
215
the Latin language alone was the one
and
fit
instrument for the purpose for which

later,
men
used
it.
little
the Church confirmed this
selection;
and when, even
in the
Dark Ages, men
still
attempted to write and teach philosophy or theology, and

the elements of a learning that had been well-nigh
it
lost,
was
but natural that they should employ the only lan-
guage which they knew, and which was capable of expressing accurately
and
easily their
conceptions.
All these
reasons together, the need of a universal language, the
usage of the Church and the requirements of scholarship,
gave Latin Ytry great prominence.
It
spread from the
courts and monasteries and churches, into the mouths
and the understanding
of the
common
people, so that
it
was once more almost a genuine

proofs are not wanting.
reign of Theodosius, a
in the lingua
vernacular.
Of
this fact
In the fourth century, during the
Gaul addressed the Roman senate

rustica,
Romana
rude and rough, but

still
still
intelligible to his hearers.
There were
fifth
compositions
written in Latin during the
and
sixth centuries,
and
intended for the

in
common
people.
Fortunatus,i writing
Latin the
will
life
of Saint Aubin, says in his Introduction that
he
be careful not to use any expression that may be
unintelligible to the populace.
popular song in very
good Latin has come down to us celebrating the victory of

Clotaire II over the Saxons in 622.
'
In the same century,
535-600.
Edition by Leo and Krusch (Berlin, 1881-1885).
; ;
2l6

life
Baudemind composed the

reading,
of Saint
Amandus
for public
and wrote
it
in fairly
grammatical Latin.
in public
Latin
was
also universally
employed
documents and
it
public correspondence.
And
not merely was
written
and spoken as a matter of

least capable of succeeding
necessity,
but some of the
men
were
fired
with an ambition to
gain honour from

that Chilperic
exists
I.
its
use.
Gregory of Tours'^ informs us
attempted Latin verse;
and there
still
a letter written in metrical Latin by Auspicius,
Bishop of Tours, to a Count who bore the barbarous name

of Arbogastes.
The growth
of the papal
power did a great There was
deal to propagate
and protect the use of Latin.
constant communication between the Papal Court and the
newly founded States, and

of the
it
was
all
in Latin.
The bishops
of the
Church were nobles
of the
kingdoms and
Empire, and they made Latin the language of the courts.
The papal legate presided

'
over royal and imperial councils,

is
The Latin
It
of Gregory himself
interesting as seen in his History of
the Franks.
shows how even with educated
men
like himself
Latin
literature
was fading from remembrance.
He
quotes Vergil, but un-
metrically.
His citations from other Latin writers are probably borrowed.
He
ject
uses the accusative absolute
and apparently does not know that subIn him

e
and verb should be
in agreement.
;
and
are confounded
c before i
;
aspirates are practically disregarded

like s.
and he pronounces
and
See Bonnet, Le Latin de Gregoire de Tours (Paris, 1890)

in the
Monceaux,
;
Le Latin Vulgaire,
Revue des Deux Mondes (July 15, 1891)
du
Meril, Poesies Populaires Latines antSrieures au Douzieme Siecle (Paris,
1843)
Nisard, Essai sur
les
Pontes Latins de la Dicadence (Paris, 1867)

of the Latin Inscription
Olcott, Studies in the

1898'),
Word Formation
(Rome,
and Grandgent, Vulgar Latin (Boston, 1908).
THE MIDDLE AGES

and so the deliberations were
in
217
Indeed, the
Latin.
breach between the Greek Church and the
Roman Church
Church
tongue.
is
was due very
largely to the fact that the Eastern

its official
would not accept the Latin language as
The Roman Church

Hellenic grace,
its
did well in not yielding.
Latin
essentially a liturgical language.
Lacking some of the
sonorous sentences and majestic peri-
ods seem
made
for the stateliness of worship.
Of
course the mingling of Latin with the so-called bar-
barous tongues, injected into itsvocabularyalarge number

of unusual words, just as the syntax
was violently deranged.
Paratactic sentences and illiterate spelling were to be
expected, and likewise an extensive use of prepositions.
On
the other hand,
it
must be remembered that

in the
all
these
things had been
common enough
and
in
language of the
ignorant, even during the Golden Age, as may be seen plainly

in the plebeian inscriptions,
such writers as Persius

Latin of literature
and Petronius and
St.
Jerome.
The
was never
Therefore,
ity,
identical with the Latin of
men's daily speech.

steril-
when we come upon a

what should be
period of literary
we
find
called a reversion to popular
usage rather than an absolute corruption of what had

previously been refined and regular.
The
plebeian speech
comes to the surface everywhere, and sweeps away book

language.
This vulgar Latin lasted long, even
in
remote
parts of Europe, and
among
the
illiterate;
so that
Dante
calls the Sardinians " apes "
(simiae)
because of their
'
2l8

In like manner, so soon as
assiduous imitation of Latin.
there ceased to be any definite standard of versification,
the
nicely
out,
balanced
quantitative
system
so
carefully
wrought
from Ennius to Ovid, gives way to an accentual

is
system which
not new, but really very old
older even
Before
than the Hellenizing Period of Latin
literature.
Ennius, the populace chanted rude ditties that were rhymed
and
full
of alliteration.
After the downfall of western

is
culture, the
same
sort of poetry again
common.
Indeed,
accentual rhythm and rhyme were not estabHshed by the
Church
in the Christian
hymns; but rather did the
priestly
poets compose
hymns
in the sort of
metres that were most

of these
familiar to their congregations.
Some
hymns
are
very beautiful, and they retain their place in the literature

of succeeding ages,
such of them,
Creator Spiritus,
for example, as the
Dies
Irae,
Veni,
and Mortis Portis
Fractis, Fortis, this last
by Peter the Venerable. ^

is
A
It is
good example of semibarbarous Latin prose
given
by Drager
from a
in the Introduction to his Historische Syntax.

life
of Theodoric the Ostrogoth
(c.
454-526)
"
Rex vero
vocavit Eusebium, praefectum urbis Ticeni, et in-
audito Boetio protnlit in
eum
sententiam.
Qui mox
est, ita
in agro Cal-
ventino, ubi in custodia havebatur, misit rex et fecit occidi.
Qui
accepta corde in fronte diutissime tortus

creparent.
'
ut oculi eius
Sic sub tormenta
ad ultimum cum fuste occiditur."

1889)
;
See Duffield, Latin
Hymns (New York,

(Paris, 1847).
and du M6ril, Palsies
Latines
2
du Moyen Age
A very admirably written monograph,
full of
illuminating illustrations,
is
Clark's Studies in the Latin of the Middle Ages (Lancaster, Penn., 1900).
THE MIDDLE AGES
219
As
ity is
is
well said
by Dr. V.
S.
Clark: " Barbarism in Latinimpossible to set an exact

partly of individual
a relative term, and

its
it is
date for
beginning.
It
was a matter
writers as well as of age."
We
can find barbarisms in
Latin during the
classical
period that match precisely
some
of the barbarisms of the mediaevals.^
We
must
remember that Latin remained throughout the Middle Ages

practically the
mother tongue of
all
the professional and
official classes, for it
was the language of the Church, the
law courts, and of both religious and secular instruction.
On
the other hand,
among
the peasants,
it
gradually de-
cayed or rather, perhaps, was transmuted into the Romance

languages; so that the literary language was styled lingua
Latina, while the
common
speech was called lingua Ro-
mana.
" It
is
probably impossible to determine just when
Latin ceased to exist as a spoken language among the com-
mon people. But the question of peasant dialects, while it may be interesting from the standpoint of Romance philology, has very
little
to
do with the transmission of
literary
Latin through the Middle Ages.

with
is
What we
are concerned
the extent to which Latin was understood by people

illiterate,
who, even though
or nearly so, on account of their

life,
position in social and economic
correspond in a general
'
way
to
what we now sometimes term the reading

and small landholders, and
*
classes,'
townspeople
traders,
and the
better class of artisans
craftsmen, the
Canterbury
Supra, p. 210.
220

first
pilgrims of the latter half of the

centuries.
It is natural to
decade of Christian
suppose that people of this class

it
understood Latin and continued to employ

long after
it
occasionally
had ceased
'
to
be the ordinary medium of com-
munication."
Something
like
a definite learning appears during the

(c.
reign of Charlemagne
800).
This monarch's chosen
adviser
was the great mediaeval educator, Alcuin, who
Latinized his
name
into Flaccus Albinus.
He was
born at
Later,
York, where he became the head of a large school.

in Italy,
he met Charlemagne, who
said,
"Come to my court
Alcuin gladly
and teach
my
subjects the liberal arts."

first
accepted the invitation, and at

himself in rhetoric
taught the Emperor
and
logic.
To
aid
him
in his work,
.
Charlemagne established a court school (Schola Palatina)

Alcuin also founded
new
schools throughout France and

existed.
improved those which already
At Tours he
set
up
a seat of learning modelled after his

Alcuin, though imperfectly trained,
of his time
;
own
school at York.
was the greatest scholar
for, in
addition to knowing Latin fairly well, he
had a smattering of Greek and Hebrew.

are especially to be noted a Rhetoric
principles of
1
Among his works
and a Grammar, the
which are drawn and partly garbled from the

XLma.
Cf. also
See Muratori, Ant. ltd. Disserlatio
du
M6ril, Palsies
Popuiaires LaUnes, p. 264 (Paris, 1S43).
Poggio in his Bistoria Convivialis
mentions the fact that Latin was spoken by the

(1380),
women of Rome in his day and that he had learned from them Latin words that he had never
See Clark, op.
cit.,
heard before.
p. 15.
THE MIDDLE AGES

writings of Cicero.
221
ill-digested,
Both of these books are

wit, intended,
and are imbued with a clumsy

divert the scholar.
no doubt,
to
Thus, Alcuin gives an imaginary dia-
logue between himself and his imperial pupil,

Alcuin.
Charles.
What
I
art thou ?
am
Alcuin.
Charles.
See
man (homo). how thou hast shut me

a
in.
How so ?
am not the same
man.
as thou,
Alcuin. If thou sayest I
and that I
am
a man,
it
follows that thou art not a

It does.
Charles.
Alcuin.
Charles.
Alcuin.
But how many syllables has homo? Two. Then art thou those two syllables ?
;
Charles. Surely not
but
why
dost thou reason thus ?

sophistical craft
Alcuin.
That thou mayest understand

canst be forced to a conclusion. I see and understand from
and
see
how thou
Charles.
what was granted at the start,
am homo and that homa has two syllables, and that I can be shut up to the conclusion that I am these two syllables. But I wonder at the subtlety with which thou hast led me on, first to
both that I
conclude that thou wert not a man, and afterward of myself, that I
was two
Still
syllables.
more
characteristic of Alcuin's teaching
is
a part of
the dialogue in which Pepin, " a royal youth," questions
Alcuin (Albinus) as follows

Pepin.
What
is
writing ?
of history.
?
Albinus.
The guardian The
Pepin.
What is
What
language
Albinus.
betrayer of the soul.

generates language ?
Pepin.
222
Alhinus.

The
tongue.
is
Pepin.
Albinus.
What What What
the tongue
The whip
of the air.
Pepin.
is air ?
Albinus.
The guardian
is
of
life.
Pepin.
hfe
Albinus.
The joy
of the
happy
the expectation of death.
Pepin.
What is death ? Albinus. An inevitable event an uncertain journey

; ;
tears for the
living
the probation
of wills
the stealer of
men.
Pepin.
What
is
man ?
of death
;
Albinus.
place.
The slave
is
a passing traveller
a stranger in his
Pepin.
What
man
like ?
Albinus.
earth).
An
apple
{i.e.
because he hangs between heaven and
It will
be seen from these dialogues that while Alcuin,
like all the mediaeval scholars,

classic tongues,
knew something
Thus,
of
the
he had
lost entirely the classic spirit,
and
indeed his knowledge was rather fanciful.

true spirit of a
in the
monk, he derived
coelebs (a bachelor)
from
cesium (heaven), and then gives the sapient explanation

that a bachelor
is
one who
is
on the way
to heaven.
The
parts of an hexameter line are called pedes because the
metres walk on them.
Littera is leg-entibus-iter,
because
(a mast)
the littera prepares the path for readers.
Mdlus
has the penult long, as against mtilus (with a short penult)
because a mSlus homo does not deserve to have a long a I
The
vowels are the souls of words, and the consonants are
the bodies.
The
soul
moves
itself
and
also the body.
THE MIDDLE AGES

while the body
the consonants
is
223
soul.
immovable apart from the
Thus
may be
written by themselves, but they
cannot be pronounced when separated from the vowels.

It is reported that
Alcuin forbade any one to read the
classic poets.
So, while
he did much to prepare
for the
great revival of learning, five centuries later, his immediate

influence
was rather harmful than otherwise.

taught what
they
could,
The
cathe-
dral
schools
but even their
ablest scholars spent their time in constructing ingenious
but foolish Latin
trifles
to
show
their cleverness.
Thus
they wrote for their
own amusement what
they called
echoici versus, or lines of
poetry which read the same
both backward and forward, "serpentine verses" and

reciproci versus. '
classical writers
It is interesting to
know how many of the

Putting aside the
of Pliny,
were read at
this time.
Church
Cicero,
fathers,
we have mention by Alcuin

Statins,
Vergil,
Lucan, the grammarians, and
Horace.^
Where
the classical writers were not locked up
in bookcases, they
were sometimes paraphrased, or
else
Examples of these are found even in the

ing from Sidonius
:
classical writers, as the follow-
Praecipiti
modo quod
decurrit tramite flumen

cito deficiat.
Tempore consumptum iam

where the
'
(Epist. ix. 14.)

distich,
if
read backwards, word by word, gives a second distich.
This
list is
taken from a poetical account by Alcuin of the Library at

also
York.
One might add
from other sources Juvenal, a part of Livy,
Martial, Ovid, a part of Persius, Phaedrus, Propertius, Seneca (in part),

Silius Italicus,
two plays of Terence, Tibullus, and Valerius Flaccus.
224
centones, or

patchwork variations, were made from them.
Thus, the conversation between Dido and Anna {Aeneid,

iv.)
is
imitated:
Anna, dux
Mea lux,
Iste quis sit ambigo,
Quis honor, Quis color,
Voltu quis inteUigo
Ut reor, Ut vereor, Hunc nostra connubia

Poscere,
Id vere Portendunt mea somnia.

If the learned
it is
had
so
little
share of the classical spirit,
not hard to understand
how
dense was the ignorance

faint
of the uneducated layman.
The names and some

still
echo of the exploits of the heroes of antiquity

through men's minds
:
floated
Alexander the Great, as a remark-
able conqueror; Hector of Troy, as a bold knight and lover;
Helen, who set the town of Troy on

ful
fire;
Vergil, as a
powertold of
wizard
who had once gone down

vi.)
;
into hell
and
what he saw there {Aen.

ful beauty,
Venus, as a
woman of wonderflitting
these
were
all
imperfect memories
about
all
in legends,
and
fabliaux,
and
minstrels' songs,
and
confused with tales of chivalry and magic, and forming
part of innumerable stories about giants
and dragons and

faithfully
dwarfs and demons,
specimens of which are
THE MIDDLE AGES
225
preserved for us in the Gesta Romanorum,' and the Alex-
ander Saga, and faintly indicated in the Faustus-legend
and the Niebelungenlied.^
Even
in
Italy,
where one
might suppose that the great architectural works of the
Romans would have

had forgotten
it
kept their history in part
alive,
men
entirely,
and explained the Colosseum, the
Palatium, the Pantheon, and the great triumphal arches

as the
work
of
demons and
sorcerers,
much
as the
German
peasants of to-day speak of the
Roman
military works in
Wurttemberg as Teufelsmauer.
figures of
In Naples the carved
Roman
heroes,
men, and statesmen were supof these ancient structures said to have
posed to be talismans.
Many
were ascribed
to Vergil,
who was
known a
hell
spell so powerful as to
compel devils to come from

reprobates,
and
as
build for
Goliardi,
him.'
The wandering
known
went about singing half-lyrical songs celebrating
love
and wine.
Nevertheless, the Carolingian

'
Age
left
deep traces upon

written
A collection of curious anecdotes borrowed from all sources and

Most
of
them have "morals" attached to them, and they are written in almost childish Latin. Some of them in later centuries were borrowed by Shakespeare, Chaucer, Gower, and Schiller for their plots or
ia Latin.
themes.
Howells,
See the English version edited
My Literary Passions, p.
for the
14
by Hooper (London, (New York, 1895).
1894)
and
'See Engel's bibliography of the older Faust-literature (Aldenburg,

1885)
;
and
Niebelungenlied, Lichtenberger, Le
(Paris, 1891).
ii.,
Poeme
et
la
LSgende des Niehdungen

'
See Comparetti, Vergil in the Middle Ages, pt.
Eng. trans. (London

Vergil,
and
New
York, 1895)
and Leland, The Unpublished Legends of
(New
York, 1900).
On
the Alexander-Saga, see Spiegel (Leipzig, 1851).
226

Alcuin^
mediaeval Europe.
may be
said to
have originated
the University of Paris;
and
his schools sent out teachers
into the far North, so that even Ireland
became an im-
portant
home
of learning, with schools
and abbeys and

manuscript of
monasteries of great repute.
The
oldest
Horace
an
(the
Codex Bernensis) .was undoubtedly copied by

in the eighth
Irish
monk
or ninth century, since on
the margin are found words written in the Erse or Irish alphabet.
But the
first
impulse toward a revival of classical study
under Charles the Great died out within the period of a

few generations.
decadence
seized
is
The immediate
reasons for this
new
partly to be found in a superstition

all
which
upon
Christendom
in the tenth century.
Men
of this
were obsessed with the belief that the world was to

be destroyed
in the
year looo.
With the horror

eyes,
approaching dissolution before their

that deepened as every
horror
day brought them nearer and nearer
to the time of the expected cataclysm,
all
learning
fell
into
absolute neglect.
It is difficult for
us to conceive of the
profound gloom that brooded over the peoples of Europe

as the thousandth year approached.
See The Life of Alcuin
Men
ceased to build
(London, 1837)
1892)
;
'
by Lorenz, Eng.
the Great the
trans.
West, Alcuin and the Rise of Christian Schools

linger,
(New York,
;
Mul-
The Schools of Charles Europe during
(London, 1877)
Rashdall, The
;
Universities of
Books and
their
Makers during
cit., i.
the
Middle Ages (Oxford, 1895) Putnam, Middle Ages, i. (New York, 1896)
and Sandys,
op.
466, 497.
THE MIDDLE AGES

houses, to buy, or to
ties
sell.
227
their domestic du-
They forsook
and betook themselves

all
to the churches
and the shrines
of the saints;
worldly interests were swallowed up in the
great dread that oppressed their souls.
When the dreadful

that
year arrived,
it
brought with
it
everything
could
heighten and intensify the universal terror.
hideous
plague broke out, the crops

to
failed, the
very seasons seemed
have been checked in
their courses.
Such imperfect
accounts as have come

as
it
down
to us of that period give us,
were, only glimpses of the fearful scenes that were
enacted,
the wailing of women, the prayers
of the priests,
the lamentations of the diseased,
many becoming mad
with
fright,
half-naked fanatics stalking through the streets

;
of cities
and invoking damnation upon the wicked while
those lost souls whose

of pardon threw off
own
sins
had driven them and with a
to despair
all restraint
sort of blas-
phemous
crime.
defiance plunged into every form of lust
and
When
the year looi was ushered

still
in,
and the
world remained
unvisited
by the angel
back
of death, a
life;
great reaction came.
Many went
to their old
but the Church, with a profound feeling of gratitude and

relief,
resolved to signalise the respite by a

to this fresh enthusiasm that the
revival of study
new
activity.
It
is
second impulse
toward a
must be
traced.
whole century, however, elapsed before much progress

of the eleventh century
had been made; but with the end

the great movement
known
as Scholasticism
was
fully
228

Scholasticism
under way.
than an
dialectic
was rather an
Its
intellectual
sesthetic
development.
philological.
chief
features are
re-
and not
The whole movement
volves about the philosophical question of
Realism and
Nominalism; but
wits
this discussion, while
it
sharpened men's
and made them acute
in reasoning, was, after all, little

is
better than the labour that
done
in a treadmill;
for the
schoolmen were not
free to question
anything fundamental.
The Church
and
prescribed for them a ready-made solution of
every great philosophical problem, so that the dialecticians

casuists of the
Middle Ages were only travelling

at
all,
in a
circle,
making no progress
but only vexing their souls

intellectual cage.
and beating against the bars
of
an
This
narrowness and lack of freedom became more and more

oppressive as time went on, and
to the bolder spirits of the age.
more and more vexatious
The time from the

divisible into
classical learning.
eighth century to the fourteenth
is
two periods, viewed from the standpoint of
The
first
period begins at the end of

established
the eighth century
when Charles the Great
Monastic Schools, and
made
the
first
attempt, probably in
the history of the world, to provide for a universal gratuitous primary education,
and
for
Higher Schools.
This
period
is
a short one, inasmuch as the educational establish-
ments of Charles died out within a few generations to make
way
for a
new barbarism.
The second
period begins with
a second restoration of learning under the guidance of
THE MIDDLE AGES

Scholasticism
229
a period which saw the
Founding
of the
Great Universities.
This second revival of learning was
not, however, permanent,
and the new love
of study again
decayed and was followed by the Renaissance, that final impulse toward liberal culture which forms the beginning of
all
modern educational
history.
These three
revivals of
learning, which were really revivals of classical study, were
each stronger than
its
predecessor, and each prepared the
way to some
magne and
body
of
extent for the next.

it
The
first,
under Charle-
Alcuin, though
lasted but a short time, left a
men
devoted to teaching, and gave some slight
degree of continuity down to the founding of the universities,

as Professor
West observes, "so
sheltering studies in various
monasteries and cathedrals that some of the greater schools,

thus kept
the
alive,
afterwards became natural receptacles for

life
new
university
of the next age."
The first of these
periods Just mentioned
was marked by
a more systematic study of the Latin language.

portance of grammar began
The
im-
now
to
be recognised as the
only safeguard against the absolute corruption of that

tongue.
for its
One
of the great French monastic schools took
motto the sentence, In omni doctrina grammatica

Its study
all
praecedit.
was made the
basis
and
starting-
point of
secular learning,
and the minuteness with

corrective to the
which
it
was pursued proved an admirable
slovenly carelessness in the use of Latin which
had marked
the ecclesiastical writings of the preceding centuries.
230
In the twelfth century three great schools survived of the
numerous establishments founded by Charles the Great,

and are distinguished
of classical learning.
at
for their influence in the preservation
These were
at
Laon, at Paris, and
Chartres.
In them a number of
famous teachers
ushered in the scholastic period and did

the forms at least of pure Latinity.
much
to
keep alive
Of
these three schools,

its
the School of Chartres

interest
is
the most remarkable because
was
less
theological
and
dialectical
it
than
its
literary,
so
much
are the
so that Poole justly says of
that
character
was
it
that of " a premature
humanism."
whose pupils
of
St.
Associated with
styled
names
of Fulbert,
in
him " Soc-
rates,"
and who died
1029/
Bernard (1091-1153);
to reason
and of Abelard (1079-1142), who boldly appealed

as against authority
and thus foreshadowed freedom
of
speech and of research, which ultimately became the watch-
word
of the nascent universities.^
In this school Bernard of Chartres composed hexameters
on the model of Lucretius, wrote a commentary

first six
on the
'
books of the Aeneid, and
drilled his pupils
Not
the canon associated with the story of Ab61ard and H61oise.
The
^
great Fulbert was bishop of Chartres.
See the biography of

Peter Abilard
St.
McCabe,
and
St. the
Bernard by Sparrow-Simpson (London, 1895) (New York, 1901) and Compayr6, Aboard
;
Origin and Early History of Universities

controversiahst
(New York,
is
1893).
Bernard, the great

of
and mystic,
of
usually called
Bernard
Clairvaux.
Bernard the writer
beautiful
hymns
is
known
as Bernard of Cluny.
The two men
were, however, contem-
poraneous.
THE MIDDLE AGES

in the forms
23
and
rules of
grammar
as he understood them,
introducing, at an early period of the course, the reading
of the classical texts.
Upon
these he
commented
freely,
besides treating
them grammatically, pointing out the

and the poetic
style,
difference between the prose
and de-
veloping his system in a
way
that suggests the enlightened

in prose
methods of a
later age.
Everyday exercises
and
verse composition were required,
and an
insistence
upon
good models marked
his teaching.
One
of his maxims,
is
which has been quoted by John of Salisbury,

of the originality of his
significant
mind
"
Among the
said,
virtues of the
grammarian
These
this is one, to he ignorant of
some things."
schools, as has
been already
formed centres
about which ultimately rose the
earliest Universities.
Any
cathedral school which boasted of the presence of a famous

teacher drew to
it
a crowd of students, such an institution
being called at
first
studium generale.
These
bulls
finally re-
ceived a sort of incorporation

charters, with the
by papal
and royal
power of perpetuating themselves by en-
dowing
where.
degree,
their graduates with the right of teaching every-
This license to teach was the origin of the academic
and as soon as the studium generale had become a

it
corporation
received the
name
of Universitas.
Perhaps
the oldest university was that of Bologna, which was
founded in 1093, while Paris had a separately organised

teaching body as early as 11 69.
sity at
Oxford became a univerlittle
about the same time
Cambridge, perhaps a
232
earlier.
The
oldest
German
university
is
that of Prague,
whose foundation dates from 1347.
During the whole
period of scholasticism which practically ends in the thirteenth century, while the Latin language
as a
was greatly used

its
medium of communication and while

it
general forms
were studied,
cannot be said that the classics were either
read or appreciated outside of a few centres like that of

Chartres.
The
teaching of the age was as narrow as
its
thought.
Latin was studied only as a vehicle for scholastic

It
disputation.
was spoken
little
fluently
by
all
scholars, but
the classics were very

the language
read;
while the vocabulary of
was
filled
with a swarm of new words and
expressions partly theological

legal
and philosophical, and partly
and
political.'
The
only persons
who kept who
alive the
left Italy
older classical tradition were a few Italians
and established themselves

Europe.
in various parts of
Western
Among
these were Anselm,
who became ArchJohn
bishop of Canterbury in the year 1093, and whose predecessor Lanfranc, together with
men who,
Italy.
like
of
Salisbury
and a few
of
the French scholars,
still
knew
something of the Latin of ancient
That
so
many manuscripts have
survived to us dating
is
from the eleventh and twelfth centuries,
due to no wide-
spread love of classical learning, but rather to the fact that

'
haeceitas,
Cf such words as nominalismus, materialiemus, realismus, quidditas, and see Du Cange's Glossarium ad Scriptores Mediae et Infinae
.
Latinitatis (last ed.,
1884
foil),
passim.
THE MIDDLE AGES

in the monasteries copying
233
the
was imposed upon
monks
by way of penance.
There was
also a certain pride in pos-
sessing books, irrespective of any desire to read them.
This pride was wholly the pride of the

all
collector
it is
and not
largely
at
the pride of the scholar; nevertheless, to
due
the preservation of such manuscripts as
we now
possess.
Among
these
storehouses
in
which were hoarded the
treasures of classic literature, are especially to be noted
the libraries of
Monte
Italy;
Cassino, Naples, Bologna, Milan,

Fleury,
and Bobbio
pellier,
in
Tours,
Clvmy,
Mont-
Chartres, Grenoble, Lille, Lifege, Paris, Marseilles,

in France;
and Caen
Augsburg, Freystadt, Strasburg,
Leipzig, Wiirzburg, Mainz, Konigsberg, Zweibriicken, in
Germany; Leyden, Utrecht, and Dordrecht

St.
in
Holland;
Gallen
in in
Switzerland;
Copenhagen
in
Denmark;
in
Stockholm
Sweden;
Seville
and Saragossa
Spain;
and Oxford, Cambridge,

land.'
Salisbury,
and York
to
in
Eng-
So true was the remark ascribed
Geoflfrey
(est)
of Sainte-Barbe-en-Auge:
Claustrum sine armaria

It
quasi
castrum sine armamentaria.
may
interest the
reader to see which are the oldest classical codices

extant :
1
now
bridge, 1894)
See Clark, Libraries in the Medi<Bval and Renaissance Period (CamDugdale, Monasticum Anglicanum, 8 vols. (London, 1849)
; ;
Wattenbach, Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (Leipzig, 1875) Deschamps, Wehle, Diciionnaire de Geographie d I' Usage du Libraire (Paris, 1870)
;
Das Buck
(Leipzig, 1879)
and Putnam,
op.
cit.
(New York,
1896-97).
234

List of Some of the Oldest Classical Manuscripts'
A
I.
Greek.
a.
Fragments
of Euripides' Antiope
and Plato's Phcsdo, 250
B.C.
(Flinders Petrie Pap5rri, ed. Mahaffy, Dublin
Academy,
known.
1890.)
h.
The
oldest specimens of a classical text
few
lines of the
XI. Iliad (ante-Aristarchean and non-
Zenodotean), 240 B.C.

c.
Louvre Fragmenta
Alcman, second to
of Euripides, second century B.C.

first
d.
e.
century, B.C. (Paris).
Iliad fragmenta (Banks, Harris), second century B.C.
/.
g.
Papyri from Herculaneum, 79 a.d. (Epicurus, Philodemus).

Aristotle.
h.
i.
Herodas, Bacchylides.
First to second century a.d.
Menander (discovered
in
Egypt, 1905).
k.
/.
Hyperides, 150 a.d. (London, Paris).

Berlin fragments of the Melanippe of Euripides, third to
fourth century.
m. Pap3T:us fragments of Isocrates, fourth century (Marseilles).

n.
0.
Codex Ambrosianus
of the Iliad (Milan).
Fifth to
Codex Vaticanus
Fragmenta
of
Dio
Cassius.
sixth
p.
q.
Eiuripides' Phaeton,
and Menander, Fragments.
century.
of Aristoph., Birds (Paris).
n. Latin.
a.
Fragments of the Younger Seneca,

lanevim).
first
century
(Hercu-
b.
Manuscript of Vergil, fourth to

ence, Vatican).
fifth
century (chiefly Flor-
c.
Fragmenta
(Orleans).
of
Sallust's Eistoria, third to
fourth century
d.
e.
Codex Bembinus of Terence, fourth to fifth century (Vatican). Codex Puteaneus of Livy, sixth to seventh century (Paris).
of the dates in this
list
'
Many
are conjectural, though agreed
upon
by
scholars.
THE MIDDLE AGES

Palimpsest.
235
Juvenal and Persius, fragmenta in codice Vaticano, third to

fourth century.
Codex Veronensis and Codex Vaticanus of Livy. Lucan (Vienna, Naples, Rome), fourth century.
Cicero's
De
Republica, fourth to fifth century (Vatican).

fifth
Cicero in Verrem, fragmenta in Codice Vaticano, Gains,

fifth
century.
century (Verona).
fifth to sixth
Platus (Codex Ambrosianus),

Gellius
century (Milan).
and Seneca, fragmenta,
fifth to sixth
century (Vatican).
Fronto, fragmenta, fourth to sixth century (Vatican, Milan).
Livy, fragmenta (Vienna),

It
fifth
century.
has been said that most of the codices preserved in
these and other libraries were, for the most part, Latin
and not Greek.

tradition,
By
the eighth century, Greek, even as a
had faded from the memory of Western Europe.
Hellenic literature
was
little
more known
at that time than
was Sanskrit down
to the
end of the eighteenth century.
The names
authors.
of
Greek
poets, philosophers,
and statesmen
in Latin
were familiar only from the mention of them
Their actual personality, their time and country,
and
find
their places in history,
were
all
a blank.
Thus we
Eunuchus
Smaragdus, a mediaeval grammarian, so ignorant of
the meanings of Greek words as to think that
Comcedia and Orestes Tragcedia were the names of authors.'

1
Almost the only exception to

in Ireland, whither
this general ignorance of
Greek
is
to be
in the
oimd
Greek was probably brought from Gaul
fifth
century.
The
Irish schools
were admirably conducted, and for a
time the country was unmolested by the dwellers upon the Continent.
While in Gaul and Germany and Italy there was continual
strife
and
'
236
Even when a little Greek had filtered its way into the knowledge of the mediasvals they used
it
to vitiate
and render
barbarous the Latin which they wrote.
Thus, the gram-
marian, Vergilius Maro, in the seventh century (whose

preceptor wrote a
of Latin), coined
work
in
which he discusses twelve kinds

the analogy of the Greek.
new words on
(from
For example,
rex
scribere
was supplanted by charaxare, while

^/joVo?),
became
ihors
so that the mixture of

to re-
Greek with Latin and the garbling of Latin forms

semble Greek, resulted in an argot which
is
difficult to
understand and which might well have justified the theory

that there
were twelve kinds of Latin,
or, indeed, as
many
little
kinds of Latin as there were
monks who knew a

Irish
Greek.
There remains a composition by an
monk
which contains the sentence: 'Pantes' solitum elaborant

agrestes
'
orgium,' two out of the five words being Greek.
These are only a few of the quaint things that were conceived by the mediaeval grammarians,
who made even
deeper darkness out of a glimpse of daylight.
Thus we
hear of long discussions on what was the vocative of ego,
and of furious debaters rushing
at
one another with drawn

to inchoative verbs.^
swords because they could not agree as
a deepening of intellectual darkness, Irish scholars preserved the older

learning and carried
it
to
Bobbio and Pavia and

i.
St. Gallen.
!
See Cramer,
De
GrcBcis
Medii
Mm Studiis,
;
24 (London, 1849)
;
Hyde,
Literary
History of Ireland (Dublin, 1899)
Newell,
St.
Patrick, his Life
and
Teachings (London, 1890)

^ '
and Bury, Life of St. Patrick (Cambridge, Hisperica Famina, edited by Stowasser (1887).
See Sandys, op.
cit.
i.
1905).
p. 450,
with the references there given.
THE MIDDLE AGES

Another thing that interested the mediaeval
it
237
scholars, as
had the Romans and even the
Aristotelian
.
Greeks,
'
was
the so-called Liberal Arts {artes liberales)

distinct
Aristotle
made a
practical
division
between the
liberal
and the
or
technical
to
arts.
Varro and Cicero carried

culture,
over the distinction

forth nine subjects
Roman
homo).
and Varro
set
which made up the training of the

{liber
Roman
mar,
sic,
gentleman
These nine were gram-
logic, rhetoric,
geometry, arithmetic, astrology,

architecture.'
mu-
medicine,
and
The
later
Romans,
under Alexandrian
of liberal arts, and
cine
influence, sought to lessen the

it is
number
probable that they dropped medi-
and
architecture, though
we have no
of the
first
direct proof
of this.
About the beginning
Middle Ages, the

discouraged liberal
Western Church, which had at

studies
on the ground that they were pagan, gradually
came
to cultivate
them because they ministered

In
this the
to
the
higher spiritual truth.
Church was,
curiously
enough, going back to Aristotle, and even to Solon,

taught that
soul.
St.
/JLovacK'^
who
or liberal culture
(a.d.
is
the training of the
Augustine
354-430)
altered the
number
of the liberal arts, so that his category contained only

seven;
and
in this
he was followed by the famous gram-
marian, Martianus Capella, a native of Africa, but a teacher

at
Rome, where he
wrote,
somewhat
earlier
than a.d. 439,

Philo-
a sort of educational allegory called

logies et
De Nuptiis
Mercurii.
'
> Politics, viii. i.
RitscU, Opusc.
iii.
371.
238

is
This work
fiction as
it is
as important in the
history of prose
for
its
in the history of education;
author
tried to
story.
dragged
fiction into the service of

pill
grammar and
sugar-coat the
of philology with
myth and
Martianus
strikes out
medicine and architecture on the
ground that they are
utilitarian studies.'
In Boethius
we
find a separation of the liberal arts into
two gro"ups
first
arithmetic, geometry, music,
and astronomy, which form
what was afterwards
called the
Quadrivium
trio
while gram-
mar, rhetoric, and logic form a

as the Trivium.
which was soon known

a work upon
the
Cassiodorus wrote
liberal arts, fixing the
number
at seven
and even asserting
that this
number had a
"
mystical meaning, since he quoted
the text:
Wisdom hath
builded her house;

^
she hath
hewn out her seven
pillars."
This
classification
and
this mystical interpretation of the
number seven continue ^

and was
pupil,
is
down through
Maurus."
the writings of Isidorus,*
especially
favoured by Alcuin^ and by Alcuin's
Rabanus
This famous teacher (whose name
also written
later
Hrabanus) was
bom
at
Mainz, of which
city
he was
made Archbishop.
'
Studying under Alcuin, he compiled

pp. 332
Martianus
Prov.
ix. I.
(ed.
by Eyssenhardt,
and 336).
all
' '
Seven was a mystic number, not only among the Jews, but among
the great nations of antiquity.

in
See an interesting chapter on the subject
Hadley, Essays (New York, 1873).

*
Supra, p. 190.
'
Sapra, pp. 220-223.
His collected works are to be found in Migne's Patrologia Latina,

Cf. the
vols, cvii-cxii.
monographs by Kohler (1870) and Richter (1882).
THE MIDDLE AGES
239
an abridgment of the Latin grammar of Priscianus which
was much used throughout the Middle Ages.
He
is
connecting link in the development of classical study, as

are his
own
pupils
Rudolphus and Trithemius, who wrote
biographies of their master which can be found in Migne's

Patrologia.
Toward
the end of the
Middle Ages, there appears the
remarkable figure of Roger Bacon,' an Englishman

at Ilchester, educated at
bom
Oxford and
Paris,
and
finally
enrolled in the Franciscan Order.

find
In his writings one can
that
clearness
of vision and keenness of criticism

to scholastic teaching.
which were inimical
Bacon reaches
out and figuratively clasps hands with

times.
men
of
modern
His chief works are the Opus Mains, the Opus
Minus, and the Opus Tertium (fragmentary).

wrote
He
also
compendium on philosophy and another on

His originality gave great force
to his learn-
theology.
ing,
which was beyond that of any contemporary.
He
in a
thought much, and he set
down what he thought
vigorous style and with a certain audacity which was rare
among
his fellows.
So far
in
advance was he of others
in the sphere of physics, that in his
own
time he was reIt is likely
garded as a sort of wizard or necromancer.

that he
had a knowledge
of
gunpowder and that he had
experimented with the steam-engine as well as with a

,
number of chemical compounds.

^ c.
Taking up
his doctrines
1214-1294.
240
briefly,
we may
note that he
criticised
the Fathers for
spending too
little
time in studying the ancient languages,

failing to
and thus by neglect of them
understand the
wisdom
of the ancients.
Furthermore, he declared that
no perfect knowledge of the Scriptures can be had without
knowing Hebrew and Greek, or that philosophy can be

thoroughly pursued without studying Arabic'
All current
translations are inaccurate, because the" translators are not
familiar with
foreign
words and leave many of them

whereas Bacon says very acutely,
standing in the text;
that a translator ought to be familiar, not only with the
language that he
is
translating
and
also his
own
language,
relates.
at-
but likewise with the subject to which the text
These are golden words, and they deserve the serious

tention of
modem
publishers.
five
Bacon says that there are not
men
in the
Western
world who are acquainted with Hebrew, Greek, and Arabic
grammar.
He
shrewdly notes
the
difference
between
having a purely colloquial knowledge of any language and

a knowledge which
is
scientific,
is
which goes down
to the
very foundations, and which
therefore the knowledge of

insists
a philosophical linguist.
Bacon, consequently,
still
upon
grammar, grammar, and

he
is
more grammar; and
in this
the forerunner of a philological school of
modem
times.
He
criticises
even the errors of translation to be
'
Referring to the Arabic translations of Aristotle of which the originals
were practically unavailable to the Western world.
THE MIDDLE AGES

found
asters
in the Vulgate,
241
and he
hits
hard those
text.
critic-
who have
ventured to change the
He
says:
" Every one has the impertinence to alter whatever he
does not understand
a thing which he would not do
in
the case of classical poets."
Here, Bacon drops a hint
or two for the criticism of the texts of the Scriptures,

hints that were to be fruitful in the time of Valla
the
and
Erasmus.'
Bacon was by no means one who merely
criticises
worK
of others.
He showed
his interest in
grammatical
study by writing a Greek grammar, a manuscript of which,
now
in the library at
Corpus Christi College, Oxford, has
the Greek characters beautifully written and contains a

short Greek accidence ending with a paradigm of the verb
TVTTTOj.^
Greek lexicon has
also
been ascribed
to
Bacon.
Nevertheless there
was
little
Greek known
to the
scholars of that time,
and
in
at
Oxford so much of Aristotle

It is
as of
was read was read
a Latin translation.
worthy
remembrance that another Franciscan, the famous
traveller,
Raimundus
Lullius, tried to persuade, first the
Pope and then

of
1
the University of Paris, to establish a school
oriental
It
is
languages (Greek, Arabic, and the Tartar

this
.
worth noting that an Oxford scholar of

d'apres Roger
time spent forty
years in correcting and explaining the Vulgate.

Latine au xiii
s.
Cf Martin, La Vulgate
;
Bacon
(Paris, 1888)
and Gasquet
in the
Dublin Review for January, 1898.

2
Dr. Sandys observes
(o#.
cit.
i.
p. S9S) that
"Bacon's own knowledge

his time,
of
Greek was mainly derived from the Greeks of
and
it is
their
pronimciation that he invariably adopts."
'
242
dialects)
,
HISTORY OF CLASSICAL PHtLOLOGY

thus anticipating the great oriental schools which
thrive
to-day at Paris and Berlin.^
Bacon's opuscula,
gathered from the fragments of his minor work, are very

interesting as
showing his unusual mental
activity.
He
had a
Greek.
sort of glossary of Latin
words derived from the
He
corrects a
number
of
ing, quantity,
and etymology.
common errors in spellHe tells some anecdotes,
as, for instance, that
he himself has seen the Greek text
of the
fifty
books of Aristotle's Natural History, mentioned

p. 17),
by Pliny
(viii.
and altogether takes us back

Gellius.^
to the
is
many-sided curiosity of Aulus
Altogether he
very fairly described by Hallam in a single sentence: "
The
mind
of
Roger Bacon was strangely compounded of almost
prophetic gleams of the future course of science and the

best principles of the inductive philosophy, with a
more
than usual credulity in

time."
the
superstitions
of
his
own
MedicBvalism
is
something very
it.
difficult to
understand,
and many views are taken of
Its spirit,
when properly
and
apprehended, was certainly not a

decay.
spirit of desolation
It
sprang out of the ruins of antique greatness

cit. ii.
Rashdall, op.
p. 96.
^
'
See supra, p. 188.
There
is
an edition of Bacon's works edited by Brewer (London,
i8sg).
very excellent and comprehensive study of Bacon

;
Charles (Paris, 1861)
and a
later
is that by monograph by Parrot, Roger Bacon, sa
Personne, son Genie, ses (Euvres
et ses Contemporains (Paris, 1894). His Greek grammar was published, with notes and an introduction, by the University of Cambridge (Cambridge, 1892).
THE MIDDLE AGES

from which
it
243
drew much of
its
own knowledge, though

its
often without any consciousness of
value.
The Middle
of
Ages appear
to
some as having been wholly a time
gloom when
intellectual pursuits
were discouraged, partly
through lack of knowledge, and partly by the discourage-
ment which came from an almost savage environment,

pierced only here and there by rays of light and glints of
colour.
Yet
in reality the true
Middle Ages were very
differentfrom this description.

cess of assimilation,
tiquity
There was a gradual proof an-
by which the highest thought
was
to
be transformed into something different
and new.
So we have the blending of the pagan past
and the Christian present, combining what was beautiful

in the antique
world with what was spiritual in the Chris-
tian teaching.
us, since so
As we look
at Medieevalism
it
often shocks
in conit.
much raw
brutality
was everywhere
to
tact with that
which was in the end
master
We
seem
at first to
be standing on the borders of a dark and
almost fearful waste, from within which v/e can hear the
rending sound of continuous devastation.
give our patient study to
it,
Yet when we
that the
we grow conscious
process
nation.
is
not one of destruction, but rather of germia chilling cold, there

is
is
Instead of
something
warm and
Thus
of
it
stimulating, that
always noticeable.
rude, yet the originalityartists of
its
Art
may have been

its
has appealed most strongly to
modem
times,
while the grandeur of
Gothic architecture attains the
244
height of the sublime.
Even
its
Philosophy, as wrought
out by the scholastics, has been revived and has flourished

for
two centuries, not merely within the great schools of the
Catholic Church, but
among men of
As
every
mode of thought,
from Kant
to
Leo XIII.^
to the political side
the
clash of principalities
strife
and powers and the almost incessant
of kings and popes
and mercantile communities,

:
Professor J.
W.
Burgess has admirably written
On
" Men have been wont to call the Middle Ages, 'DarkAges.' the contrary, they are full of light.
In them the great questions
of the relationship of individual right to political right, of local
government to central government, and
of ecclesiastical govern-
ment
to secular government, were raised
and drawn into conscious

of
consideration.
Had
the
European empire
Charlemagne been
perpetuated, Europe might have become a second China, but would
never have been what

the
it is
viz.,
the source of the civilization of
modern world.
The
iinceasing conflicts of the

local
Middle Ages
between private right and pubKc law,
government and central
government, state authority and Church authority, were necessary

to bring
men
out from under the monotony of slavish subjection
to the artificial, external Church-state system of the Carlovingian
empire, and develop

into the
them by the antagonism
of thought
and
will
power
of producing
systems more reflected and more free."
In Letters and Learning,
we owe a
great debt to the
Middle Ages.
For a time, the fanaticism of the Early
Church destroyed much; but from the eighth century a

'
See Picavet's remarkable monograph entitled Esquisse d'une Histoire

et
GSnSrale
Perrier,
Comparee des
Civilisations Medievales
(Paris,
1905)
and
The Revival of Scholastic Philosophy (New York, 1909). See also AUbutt, Science and Medimval Thought, pp. 72, 78 foil. (London, 1895).
THE MIDDLE AGES
245
great deal was done to preserve and transmit the classical

tradition, although
by no means
in the classical
spirit.
The
use of Latin as a lingua franca, even in a corrupted
form,
made
of
it
a thread that pierced the mazes of the
mediaeval labyrinth.
One
recalls the
names of the great

his im-
hymn writers, of the great teachers, from Alcuin and

Fulda, Servatus Lupus, Walafrid,
mediate pupils, such as Rabanus Maurus, who lectured at
who was
in literature the
precursor of Dante,' John of Salisbury,
who was a mighty
figure in English classical scholarship, Joseph of Exeter,
Albertus Magnus,^
Thomas Aquinas,
himself,
his favourite pupil,
and
finally
Roger Bacon
who
stands, as
it
were,
not far from Dante in the

ing Renaissance.
classics
first faint light
of the
com-
As we have
in part
seen,
many
of the Latin
were read
and some of them
in their entirety.
Many
known
that were not read were nevertheless copied in the

scriptoria.
monastic
Of
those ancients
who were
well
(in addition
to the Fathers) are Terence, to
Horace
(who was much admired by Alcuin), Ovid,

spurious poems were ascribed, Lucan,
to
whom many
who was supposed

astrology. Statins,
be an authority on geography and
Martial, Juvenal,
who with
Persius was esteemed for his
stem morality,
the
Cicero, of course, with the younger Seneca,

Quintilian,
Elder Pliny,
Cornelius
Nepos,
Cffisar,
Sallust, Livy, Suetonius, and the historical anecdotes of

' "
See Ker, The Dark Ages, See d'Assailly, Albert

le
p.
159
(New York,
1904).
Grand
(Paris, 1870).
246
Valerius Maximus.
Civili
The fragment
of Petronius
De
Bella
was
fairly well
known, and was used
for reading in
the schools.
Of
all
the classics, Vergil held the foremost
place largely because he
was believed
to
have been one
of the " Christians before Christ."
As
small
to the adjuncts of classical literature, there
was the
grammar
of
Donatus
and many compilations of

exist to-day
bits
Priscian's great work, of
which there
more
than a thousand manuscripts.
Sometimes
of text
were quoted in
this
illustration of the rules of
grammar, though
was unusual.^
There were
also
produced a number
of lexicons, or rather glossaries
and vocabularies.
The
mediaeval teachers used to dictate to their students wordlists
which were carefully copied and then often abridged,
corrected,
and enlarged according as they passed from one
possessor to another.
One
of these glossaries, compiled
as early as the ninth century, has
been edited with a com-
mentary, while containing also the substance of twelve

others.
Something
like
a genuine lexicon was produced

scholar,
by one Papias, the Lombard

it
about 1063, though
was
in reality a sort of encyclopaedia.
The Low
Latin
word Dictionarium did not come

' 2
into use for a long time.
Supra,
p. 184.
See the monograph on

(Leipzig, 1902).
grammar contained
in
I.
MUUer's Handbuch,
V.
i '
Gottingen, 1854.
See also the elaborate description of mediaeval
glossaries in
collection
Lowe, Prodromus Glossariorum Latinorum (Leipzig, 1876). of these glossaries was begun in 1876 by Goetz under the
patronage of the Royal Literary Society of Saxony.
THE MIDDLE AGES

Papias called his
trincE
247
own
It
dictionary,
Elementarium
in
it
Doc-
Erudimentum.
circulated
manuscript until
at Venice
after the invention of printing,
when
was issued
in 1491.
In the twelfth century an English monk,
Osbom
of Gloucester,
ary,
made an attempt
at
an etymological diction-
which he called Panorama.
About the year 1200,
Hugutio, Bishop of Ferrara, compiled a Liber Derivationum.

Eighty-six years later, the two works last
men-
tioned were used by Balbi of Genoa,

his
who based on them

with a rather
famous Catholicon, which was not only a manual of

also of rhetoric
grammar, but
and
criticism,
extensive lexicon of ecclesiastical Latin.
These were the
best dictionaries
known
to the
Middle Ages.'
the Middle Ages wholly in
Thus
far
we have regarded
their relation to the history of
Western
civilization,
from
the downfall of the Western Empire to the beginning of the

thirteenth century.
It
remains for us
to consider
here
the Eastern or Byzantine Empire (also called
New Rome)
which had
its
seat at Constantinople
(Byzantium) and
which outlived the Western Empire by more than a thousand years.
lished in A.D. 330,
The Eastern Empire was practically estabwhen Constantine made Byzantium the
capital of the whole
Roman
world; but the actual breach

in a.d. 395.
I.
between the East and West came

'
In that year
Handbuch,
i.
See the monograph on Lexicography in

;
Muller's
(Nordlingen, 1902)
De
Vit, Preface to the Lexicon of Forcellini (Prato,
1879)
Mahn,
Darstellung der Lexicographie nach alien ihren Seiten
(Rudolstadt, 1817).
248
the
Roman Empire was
divided between the two sons of
Theodosius.
capital
Arcadius took the Eastern half, with his

while Honorius received the
at Constantinople,
half,
Western
with his capital at Rome.
The
long and
tangled history of the Eastern
Empire
is
the record of
constant
strife,
sedition, folly, treachery,

it
misgovemment,
and murder.
years.
tale of
Thus
has been neglected until the last few

called
it
Even Gibbon
" a tedious and uniform
weakness and misery."
Montesquieu sweepingly
declared that " the history of the Greek
Empire from
Phocas on was merely a succession of
revolts, schisms,
it
and
treacheries."
Taine vividly condemned
as being
" a gigantic mouldiness, lasting a thousand years."

It
has been computed that of the 107 persons

to
who
ruled
from 395
1453 (when Constantinople was stormed by
the Turks), 20 were murdered, 18 were mutilated, 12 died

in a
death, 8 died in warfare in

violence or disgrace.
monastery or a prison, 12 abdicated, 3 starved

all,
to
73 out of 107
met with
Perhaps the best excuse for the
existence of the Byzantine
Empire
is
found
in the fact
that
it
formed for centuries a barrier between Asia and

latter
Western Europe, so that the

sion
had time
to attain cohe-
and a
sort of unity of purpose, to develop a
new
repel
civilisation
and the military power necessary
to
wild hordes, such as the Saracens

shattered at
whom
Charles Martel
Tours
in the eighth century, or the
Turks who
were hurled back from Vienna
in the sixteenth century.
THE MIDDLE AGES

If
249
we
look more carefully into the history of Byzantium
in its later years,

civil
we
shall find that while religious schisms,

it
wars, and violence of every kind shook
to its centre,
spirit,
there are everywhere traces of the older
Roman
surviving and making themselves visible.

history of
Indeed, the
civil
Old Rome
is
very largely a history of

surprised that
war,
and
so
we must not be
of the
New Rome showed

from Old
;
many
same
characteristics.
oriental.
It differed
Its rulers
Rome in being far more

its
were despots
people were, as has been said of the Parisians, " half
tiger
and
half ape."
In other words, princes and populace
alike alternated between the
most
it
childish
amusements
and the most bloody
strife.^
Yet,
had the Roman power
of assimilation, and of recuperation after periods of ex-
hausting warfare.
stantine
Some
of
its
emperors, such as Consoldiers
Copronymus (741-773), were great
and
organised more effective armies than the world had yet

seen.
in Asia
The
boundaries of the Empire were extended, both
and Europe.
Again and again the administration

Against the
was reformed and commerce stimulated.

Byzantium
Hungarians, the Turks, the Armenians, and the Bulgars,

successful wars were waged.^
'
itself
was a
For a diverting account of
life
in Byzantium, see Marrast, Esquisses
Byzantines (Paris, 1874).

'
See Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the

1899)
;
Bury (Cambridge,
(London, 1890)
;
Bury,
History of the Later
Roman Empire, edited byRoman Empire
and Oman, The Story of the Byzantine Empire (London
and
New
York, 1892).
250

city.
magnificent
Rome on
the Tiber
was ransacked
to
make
the
new
capital deserve the title
of " Imperial."
Statues and paintings and jewels gleamed and flashed in

all its
public buildings.
Its architecture
has been styled

of
" the complete
monumental expression
Greek Chriswhich
tendom."
chose the
the
to
It
was the Greek

as
its
architectural genius
Roman dome
roof,
fundamental unit in place of

lofty piers,
wooden
and then, by using

use
it
was able
suspend the
dome and
with any kind of ground-
plan.
Domes were even

is
multiplied at will;
and
this (with
semi-domes)
characteristic of the Byzantine architecture

in the great masterin
wherever
it
can be found, especially
pieces of St. Sophia
and the Church of the Apostles
Constantinople, as well as in
many
In
churches in Russia,
fact, the
Northern
types
Italy,
and Asia Minor.
Byzantine
this
is
were Graeco-Asiatic in
their origin,
and
why
they suggest at once an Orientalism which
we can trace
in almost everything
which the Eastern Empire originated.

art,
As
for other
forms of
there are few remains of

first,
Byzantine Sculpture, partly because there existed,
an
oriental lack of skill in
drawing the
figure,
and second,
iconoclastic
because
many
of the
Greek Christians were

Fresco-painting, Mosaic,
artists
in the literal sense.
and PanelByzantium.
painting
were practised by the
of
Most
It
is
of the frescoes
and panels have now disappeared.
only from the mosaics
made
prior to the twelfth cen-
tury that
modem
archasologists
can get any good idea of
THE MIDDLE AGES

the early Byzantine painting.
greatly
251
it
We
know, however, that
influenced
it
the Christian artists throughout the
Middle Ages, and
was
felt
even in the later frescoes in the

the middle of the eleventh
catacombs at Rome.
Toward
century, the Italian States and the
Norman Kingdom
who
at
the South imported Byzantine artists in mosaic

Italian
trained
pupils
and thus spread the Byzantine influence

It is in the
throughout
Italy.
Minor
Arts, however,
which
have
to
do with decoration, such as the illuminating of
manuscripts with gorgeous colours, ivory carving, tapestry

weaving, rug-making, and the carving of cameos, together
with embossing, chasing, and enamelling the most exquisite bits of
gold work, that the
skill
of the Byzantine artists
was supreme.^
Byzantine Literattire has in
tion)
^
itself
(with one excephistorian.
very
little to
interest
any one save the

wrote
Scholars and priests of Byzantium

tracts
iimumerable
and
controversial treatises,
which have mostly per-
ished, 'as
they deserved to do.
The
Byzantine Histo-
rians
form a group of writers who busied themselves

the
history of
with
the
Eastern Empire
down
to
its
destruction
by the Turks, and there were some who

that.
kept on writing even after

siderable value.
'
Five of them have con-
These are Zonaras, Nicetas, Nicephorus,

(London, 1894)
See Texier and Pullan, Byzantine Architecture
Essenwein, Byzantinische Baukunst (Darmstadt, 1896); Bayet,
VArt
Byzantin (Paris, 1892).

=
See infra, pp. 254-257.
252
Chalcondylas, and Procopius.
The
first
four of these
give a continuous history of the Byzantine

its
Empire from
is
begirming down
to the
year 1470.
Procopius
noted
as a collector of scandalous stories which he jotted

in his Anecdota, or " secret history."
down
was
In
it
he gives his
private notes relating to the court-life with which he
very intimate;
and the book reminds one of some of the

to us the
French memoirs which reveal
piquant sayings
and doings of the French court imder the old regime.

This book of Procopius was not published
death.
It is written in a fresh
imtil after his
and
interesting style,
and
in
consequence has been read more than almost any other

production
fifteen
of
the
Byzantine
historians.^
There
are
other writers of Byzantine history whose imited

in the
works are published with a Latin translation

Scriptorum Historic Byzantina?
Really remarkable
the codification of the
Corpus
among
the Byzantine writings
is
Roman Law made by

It
the Byzantine
lawyer, Tribonianus, an Asiatic Greek, at the

the
1
command
of
Emperor
is
lustinianus.
was a
collection of authorihis orations, the

is
For a separate edition of Procopius, including

referred to Dindorf, 3 vols. (Bonn, 1838).
reader
There
an old and
1663).
rare translation of Procopius into English
by Holcroft (London,
Fall.
The most amusing or

'
startling passages of Procopius
were transferred by
Gibbon to the footnotes

In 36
vols., edited
of his Decline
and
by Labbfe
48
(Paris, 1711;
vols,
it
reprinted at Venice in
1733)is
similar collection in
was begun at Bonn in 1828, but

were done by such distinguished
badly executed, although parts of
scholars as Niebuhr, Bekker,
and the brothers Dindorf.
THE MIDDLE AGES

ties,
253
and
to
it
we owe the
treasures of ancient jurisprudence

lost.
which must otherwise have been
The whole has been
known
since the sixteenth century as the Corpus luris
Civilis.^
It will thus
be seen that so much of the
literature of the
Eastern Empire as has been preserved was of a formal
and not very
artistic character.
Doubtless the populace
had
its
own ephemeral
left,
prose and verse, of which there are

for instance, in the so-called politici
some fragments
versus
{arixoC iroXiriKoi)
written
in
popular
metres,
and the cheap novels composed by Theodorus Prodromus

of Constantinople.
He was
imitated
by Nicetas Euge-
nianus, and there are also eleven books on the adventures
of
Hysmine and Hysminias, which
are perhaps the original
source of the world-famous story of
Don
of
Juan.*
To
Byzantine Scholarship, Classical Philology owes an
enduring debt.
originality,
The
learned
men
gift
Byzantium lacked
but they had the
of patience to
an extireless
traordinary degree.
in collecting scraps
Like the historians, they were
and fragments,
in this
in
making up excerpts
and compilations, and

rich material for
way
preserving the wealth of
modem
known
times.
Almost
it
all their
material
was derived
'
at second hand, whether
was
lexicographic,
It is
in.
four parts,
as (a) Codex lustinianeus; (J)
Pandedm
or
Digesia;
(c)
Institutiones ; (d) NoveUas, this last mostly written in Greek.
Edited by
'
Mommsen and
others.
See
Waxman, The Don Juan Legend

(April, Sept.), 1908.
in Literature, in Journal of
American Folh-Lore
254
historical,

or etymological.
things,
Thus Photius
(c.
820-c. 891)
wrote
many
among them two volumes which

Greek language
sent as an ambassador to Assyria
are of great service to the student of the
and
literature.
He was
and beguiled his stay there by making abstracts of 280

books,
many
of which are
now
lost.
Sometimes he varied
so that the whole,
,
his abstracts
by
criticisms
and comments
^
which
is
called
Myrohihlion
(Mvptoî^Xiov)
gives
us a synopsis of
much
ancient and valuable literature.

its
Remarkable
historians
for
its
extent and for
preservation of early
was the encyclopaedia of history compiled by

the
one
of
emperors,
Constantinus
Porphyrogenetus
like
it
(reigned from 915 to 959).
This book was something
the Historian's History of recent times, since, while
was arranged according
to the subject-matter, its text
was
that of the earlier authors
who had
treated these themes.
An
extremely important work in the growth of Lexiis
cography
the Lexicon of Suidas
(c.
976).
This
is
is
remarkable monument
psedic.
to the erudition
which
encyclostill
The
sources
upon which Suidas drew are
only partly known; but his reading must have been

strous in
its
mon-
scope and range, as his book

It
is
is
almost mon-
strous, rudis indigesfaque moles.
a grammar, lexicon,
and geography
all in
one.
The
little
subjects are arranged in
alphabetical order, but with

'
care or
ix.
skill,
and
it is full
See Krumbacher in Miiller's Handbuch,

1
(Nordlingen, 1897),
pp.
193
foil.;
Hergenrother, Photios, 3 vols.
THE MIDDLE AGES

of serious mistakes which
255
show that Suidas was not posStill,
sessed of the critical spirit.
the
work
is
extremely
valuable because
it
contains so
else.^
much
information that can
be found nowhere
Following Suidas came loannes Tzetzes,
who was
also a
very voluminous writer, mainly of scholia; for besides his

allegories of the Iliad
and Odyssey
in ten
thousand verses
(hence Chiliades), interpreting Homeric mythology in a

rationalistic
way, he prepared a commentary to the Iliad,

left scholia to
the Pseudo-Homeric works, and has

to Aristophanes, to
Hesiod,
Oppian, and especially
to
Lycophron's
Alexandra.
to that
Here he
gives us the only clew that
we have
obscure and mystical poem.^
the
rhetoric of
Hermogenes.
He also He was fond
epitomised
of writing
the so-called versus politici?
Eustathius, Archbishop of
Thessalonica, wrote about 1175 a valuable commentary on

the Homeric
scholia
poems which
is
based upon sound Homeric
and other
pen a
excellent sources, while
we
also
have
from
his
fine preface to
a commentary on Pindar.
lost.^
The body of this

1
work itself has been

is
From the stand-
The
best edition
that of Bekker (Berlin, 1854), but see also the

cit.
Prolegomena to Bernhardy's edition, pp. 2S-9Sj and Krumbacher, op.

pp. 562-5702
Supra, p. loi. Some think that this work was written by his brother,
See Hart,
Isaac Tzetzes.
'
De Tzetzarum Nomine,
Vita, Scriptis (1880).

(Berlin,
Supra, p. loi.
His works are edited separately by Bekker
1816), the Chiliades 1840).

*
by
Kiessling (Leipzig, 1826),

cit.
and Lehrs
(Leipzig,
See Krumbacher, op.
pp. 526-536.
See Krumbacher, pp. 536-541.
The
1837).
preface to Pindar has been
edited
by Schneidewin (Gottingen,
256
point of pure literature, the most interesting Byzantine

writer
is
Maximus Planudes
treatise
(1260-1310).
it
Though he
more
to the
wrote scholia and a
on syntax,
is
point that he translated into Greek a
number
of Latin
authors such as Caesar, a part
of
Cicero, the sayings
(disHcha) of Cato, the Metamorphoses of Ovid,

cially the
and espe-
Heroides of Ovid, basing his translation on a
valuable
manuscript
all is
which
is
now unknown.
Most
important of
the Anthology which he compiled with

is
much
Greek
taste
and which
the younger of the two great
Anthologies.
It
This
really
one
is
called
Anthologia
Planudea.
the
first
was
based on earlier anthologies,
having been made by Meleager of Gadara about
B.C. 60.
To
it
Meleager gave the
title
'AvdoXoyia, or
"
of
The Garland."
Alcaeus,
This original Anthology was made up

forty-six other poets,
poems by Meleager himself and

Anacreon,
of the
first
including
Sappho,
and Simonides.
The poems were
all
order and were epigram-
matic in the Greek sense,

thought, either tender or
briefly
embodying a
pathetic,
single
all
humorous or
and
of
them
exquisitely polished, so that they
glowed and glinted
with light and colour.
This work was immensely popular,

to
it
and continual editions were made

centuries,
throughout the
until in the tenth century a.d.
one Cephalas
edited the
mass of poems and made
practically a
new
less
compilation.
literary taste.
Planudes did the same, though with far
Nevertheless the Planudean Anthology was
THE MIDDLE AGES

the only one
257
until the seven-
known
in
Western Europe
teenth century.
It is the basis of the
famous translation
by
Grotius.i
In 1606, Salmasius (Claude de Saumaise)

Heidelberg the older and finer
This, however, was not published
it
found
in the library at
collection of Cephalas.
for
one hundred and seventy years, when

in his Analecta;
was included
by Brunck
until there
nor was
it
critically edited
appeared the edition of F. Jacobs in 1803.^
No
skill
and no
modem
language can
fitly
and
artistically
translate these wonderful poems.
They
are the embodi-
ment
of
of
Greek genius, and they sweep the whole gamut

feeling with
human
a sureness of touch and an exqui-
site artistry that are utterly inimitable.
Another means by which Western

ified
civilisation
was mod-
came from
the Crusades, which indirectly brought

also
Western Europe into contact with the Byzantines, and

with the Turks, Saracens, and Arabs.
The First Crusade

Seventh or
last
occupied the years 1096-1099.
The
Cru-
sade began in 1270 and ended in 1272.
It is impossible
that hundreds of thousands of Europeans could have beInfra, p. 349.
In 13 vols.; revised in 181 7.

(Paris,
recent edition
is
that in Didot's
Biblioiheca
1872), while a fine critical edition
was begun by
Stadtmiiller in 1894.
See Thackeray's Anthologia Graca with English
notes (London, 1877) and Mackail, Select Epigrams (London, 1891).

Stadtmiiller has added to the Palatine collection a
brilliant
poems from
all,
ante-classical sources
number of the most down through the Byzantine
period, so that, in
not
less
than three hundred poets are repi esented.
The Heidelberg
s
collection is called Anthologia Palatina.
258

the
come acquainted with
ways and customs and
art
and
re-
learning of older civilisations than their

ceiving impressions which they carried
own without
home with them.

have enriched Eu-
In
fact, the
Crusades are generally held to have checked
the advance of the
Muhammadans,
to
rope by promoting trade and establishing
new
industries,
by bringing into circulation great quantities of money
which had hitherto been hoarded, and by making more important the free cities of Europe.
vasive
Finally
and most perwith the higher
was the
intellectual effect of contact
culture of the Byzantines and Arabs.
Those Europeans
in the sages of
who had been fond

the East
of philosophy
found
men who were their masters, and who

far better
could teach
them even Greek philosophy

learn
it
than they could
in the schools
and
universities of their native lands.
This led
to a certain toleration,
and often
to a liberality
of thought
which verged on skepticism.
Some Crusaders
said, "
even became
Muhammadans.
^
As has been
The
roots of the Renaissance are to be found in the civiliza-
tion of the Crusades."
So
'
much
for Byzantine
and
oriental influence through-
See Wilken, Geschichte der KreuzzUge, 7 vols. (Leipzig, 1807-1832)

the Crusades,
Michaud, The History of

ler,
Eng. trans. (London, 1881)

;
Kug-
Geschichte der Kreuzzuge (Berlin, 1891)
Von
Sybel, Geschichte des
ersten
Kreuzzuges (Leipzig, 1900)

;
Archer and Kingsford, The Crusades
(New York, i8g8)

(Berlin, 1898)
lin,
;
Rohricht, Geschichte des Konigreichs Jerusalem
and
especially Prutz, Kulturschichte der Kreuzzuge (Ber-
1898).
THE MIDDLE AGES

out the Middle Ages.
It
259
was
for the
most part represented
by men
of erudition rather than of taste,
who turned
their
to
backs in large measure on the old learning in order

engage in theological controversy or
political strife.
But
they at any rate preserved the manuscripts of the true
Greeks, and they were to exercise a direct influence at a
time
when
the mist of the Middle Ages
was
dispelled in
to
Western Europe and when mankind awoke a new heaven and a new
'
what was
earth.'
cit.;
cit.,
On
the literature of the Byzantines, see Krumbacher, op.

i.
Wil-
amowitz, Euripides und HeraUes,
pp. ig3-2i9;
Gibbon, op.
and
Hankius, De Byzantinarum Rerum Scriptoribus Gracis (Leipzig, 1677).

Cf. also Sandys, op.
cit.
i.
pp. 387-439
Mr. Frederic Harrison's ByzIt is inhis Outlines of the
antine History in the Early Middle Ages, p. 36 (London, 1900).

teresting,
though inexplicable, that Dr. Gudeman in
History of Classical Philology should have devoted nearly five pages to
the Byzantine scholars of the Middle Ages, while the scholarship of West-
em
Europe
for nearly
a thousand years a page.
is
put
off
with a mere biblio-
graphic notice
filling half
VI
THE RENAISSANCE
The
Renaissance
the
most remarkable
intellectual
is
movement
that the world has ever seen
too often
regarded as being primarily nothing more than an intellectual reversion to the great
models of
classical antiquity,
as being almost exclusively

ological.
literary, artistic,
and
archas-
Yet
this is
only a narrow and imperfect view.

in Italy
The Renaissance which began
was rather a pro-
found and far-reaching revolt against the narrowness
and mental routine of mediaevalism.

of humanity in Western
It
was the waking

lethargy,
Europe from a prolonged
to burst all the fetters that ages of tiresome tradition
had
forged for
it,
and
to struggle
up
into the sunlight of intel-
lectual freedom.
It
was a great declaration
of indepenfelt in
it
dence, the effects of which were ultimately to be
every sphere of
human
activity.
it
In philosophy
over-
threw scholasticism.
In religion
paved the way directly

it
for the so-called Reformation.
In art
inspired the mas-
terpieces of Michelangelo, Rafaelle,
and
Da Vinci
in Italy,
and the great schools of painting that soon afterward

sprang up in the Netherlands and Flanders.
tecture
it
In archiIn
restored
the
beautiful
260
classic
models.
THE RENAISSANCE
politics
it
261
finally
abolished
feudalism by giving birth
to the sentiment of nationality,
and sowing the seed from

to spring.
which constitutional government was

ence
nicus
it
In
sci-
made astronomy
Galileo.
It
truly scientific through Coper-
and
invented
printing
and, by
the
employment
of the compass,
was enabled
It
to discover the
New World
ence of
this
and the Indian Ocean.
would be imposinflu-
sible to exaggerate the
tremendous and far-reaching

effects
effort
life.
wonderful movement whose
have per-
meated every department of
intellectual
and
left
enduring traces in every sphere of
modem
field
The Renaissance began

and
for our purposes
in
the
of
its
scholarship,
we need
consider
importance
of the
first
only from that particular point of view.

significant signs of the
One
is
coming change
to
be seen
in
Dante,'
who not only broke away from who

likewise wrote a
mediaeval tradition
in using the vernacular Italian verse, while taking Vergil
as his model, but
number
of treatises
in the Latin language that were the foreshadowing of the
new
spirit.
In one way, Dante does not belong to the
history of the Renaissance.
He
is
is
in
many ways
a pure
mediaeval in his sympathy with the world for which he
wrote;
yet in a large sense he
truly the herald of the

first
coming dawn.
"In him
its
the
modem mind
first
found
its
scope and recognised
freedom;
dared and did

art.
what placed
it
on a
level
'
with antiquity in
Many
1265-1321.
262
ideas,

moreover, destined to play an important part in the
their germinal expression.
coming age received from him

It
may
thus be truly said that Dante initiated the move-
ment
of the
modem
'
intellect in its entirety,
though he did
not lead the Revival considered as a separate

in this evolution."
movement
The Renaissance
in its first period
began
in Italy (1250-1453),
and was marked by a wide-
spread revival of interest in classic literature and classical

ideals.
Its first sign
was a passion
for the largeness

this
and
the richness of the
pagan world, and
we
see in the
vigour and magnificence of Dante's
own
verse, in striking
contrast to the dull formalism of those
who had
before his
time written for the mediaevals.^

It is a
popular error which ascribes the Renaissance
to the influence of the
Byzantine Greeks.
Some wrongly
say that after the capture of Constantinople by the Turks

in 1453,
many
scholars
and writers
fled
westward and im-
parted their learning and their knowledge of the Greek

classics to the
Western peoples, especially
in Italy.
But,
least
as a matter of fact, the Renaissance
began at
century before the
fall
of Constantinople, as can easily

brilliant career,
be seen by considering the
not merely of
Dante, but of the true protagonist of this period, Francesco

Petrarca,
whom we
shall
mention a
Italy, p. 69.
little later.
We
have
Symonds, The Renaissance in
See Federn, Dante and His Time, Eng. trans.

Scartazzini,
(New York,
1902)
and
Handbook
to
Dante, Eng. trans. (Boston, 1897).
THE RENAISSANCE
also seen that
263
in the thirteenth
Roger Bacon, who flourished
century, composed a Greek granunar and pronounced his
Greek
after the
manner
of the Byzantines.
few Greek
teachers of eminence
had been known
in Europe,^
but they
seem
small
to
have excited no great
interest outside of a very
set.
Nor was
its
the
mediasval
mind
necessarily
cramped and
culture crude.
One
could hardly say
that, after recalling
such names as those of Gregory the
Great, of Cassiodorus, Alcuin, Charlemagne, and the great

scholars
and teachers who were best known
in
France and
England.
ration
The Renaissance means

desire.
It
rather a
new
inspi-
and a new
was
essentially secular
life,
and
its
almost pagan in
thirst for
its
irresponsibility, its love of
and
mental freedom.
The
mediasvals had been" al-
most wholly under the guidance of the priesthood, and

their chief concern
had been with the mysteries of

it
faith.
Their philosophy was ingenious, but

It could split hairs
was very narrow.

finally
most dextrously, but
men grew
into
for them.
weary of the
splitting of hairs
and shook themselves

life
a realisation of what a larger
must mean
So the Englishman, William of
Ockham,
expresses the
new
feeling in a
new philosophy
of Nominalism.
Mar-
sigilo of
Padua
teaches the importance of the individual

right to think
and that the individual has a

as seems best to him.
in
and organise
Wiclif in England, and John
Huss
Bohemia, and many other independent minds organised

'
Boethius, Isidorus, Alcuin,
Rabanus Matirus, Bacon,
et al.
264
at their pleasure throughout Europe.
They taught
to
the
importance of the individual Christian
Christianity
and the
right of individual interpretation of the Scriptures.
A brief survey of Francesco Petrarca's activities will give

an understanding of what was actually done at the beginning of the true Renaissance.
first
It
was he who took
the
positive steps in the revival of learning.*
Possessing
the fire and the passion of a Catullus, he openly revolted
against the dimness and bareness of mediasvalism.

reverted with an almost fierce intensity to the
He
free-
pagan
dom and
ders.
spontaneity of thought.
He
travelled widely
and
visited the learned
men of France and Germany and
Flan-
He saw
a larger world than his predecessors knew,

life.
and he took a more comprehensive view of human
His poetic instinct and exquisite taste rejected the dull

writings of the scholastics with their barbarous
satires.
and clumsy and

in
For
his
own
inspiration he
went
to Vergil,
his studies he enlarged his Latin vocabulary
from the Cic-
eronian and Augustan writers.

verse,
Apart from his Italian

Its
he composed an epic
in
Latin entitled Africa.

it
subject
was the Second Punic War, and
was
received
with an enthusiasm that can

understood.
now
scarcely be realised or
But
it
recalls to us the significant fact that
one of the great motives which led

a renewal
in Italy of
to the
Renaissance was
the national spirit, so long stifled
both in
politics
and
art.
The
petty republics
and small
(1304-1374-)
THE EENAISSANCE
principalities
265
had almost blotted out the memory of the
time when the great

the world
Roman Empire had been mistress of and when Rome gave law to Spain and Gaul
and Africa and Asia Minor.
recollection of this fact

all
now
thrilled
through the minds of
Italians
and inspired
to re-
that sentiment for Italian unity which
was destined
main a
vital thing
down through
Kingdom
the succeeding centuries

it
until gradually the
of Sardinia gave
actuality
when
in 1870 the
King of a United
Italy burst through
the walls of
Rome and made
that ancient city the splenState.
did capital of a
new and powerful
As
its
to Petrarca's
is
Latin epic on the Second Pimic War,
verse
imperfect.
still
The Latin
poets of the Renaissance
period were
obliged for a long time to guess at
many
of the quantities in the words which they employed, and
they often guessed wrong; yet there are in this
poem many
which
a
splendid passages of which perhaps the most significant

of
all is
one of nine
lines in the ninth book,^
is
spirited
and
striking
prophecy of the Renaissance
itself.
One more
known
important fact remains to be mentioned.

it
To
Petrarca's mind,
texts
began
to
be apparent that the
classical
to his
world formed but a small part of the
great and splendid mass of literature that had once existed;
and he appears
ery.
to
have
set himself to the task of its recovin his travels,
Wherever he went
he searched for
manuscripts of classic authors, and with some measure of

' ix.
273-282.
266
success.

At Liege he discovered two new orations of
letters.
Cicero and a part of Cicero's
At Verona he found
a portion of the Institutio of Quintilian,
then practically
all
unknown.
More important
in its
way than
the rest
as a philological discovery, he recognised
and acknowl-
edged the very close relation of Latin to Greek,
a wonboth
derful achievement for the time, as strange, in fact, as the
much
later discovery of the relation of Sanskrit to
Greek and Latin.
In his old age, Petrarca, like Cato,
made an
there
effort to
master the Greek language.

in
Unluckily
capable
to
was no one
Florence at that time
who was
sent
of teaching him,
and he died without learning enough
read a copy of
Constantinople.^
Homer which had been

first
him from
Petrarca was the
true son of the Renaissance, in
that his love for classical antiquity
was not
in the least
degree overlaid by mediaevalism, as was that of Dante. Despising

all
that
had been done
in the preceding seven

to return to the
hundred
spirit
years,
life
he struggled passionately
of the classical age.
and
Before his death he
had attained
to
a Latin
style of
remarkable purity, and in
his EpistolcB, his
De
Viris Illustrihus,
and
his dialogues
he
struck the note of classicism so clearly and so splendidly

as to
waken
the dormant genius of Italy once
more
to
'
Petrarca urged his friend and disciple Boccaccio to render this copy
into Latin,
of
Homer
and the task was very imperfectly performed with
the aid of a Calabrian Greek, one Leonzio Pilato.
THE RENAISSANCE
life.i
267
Petrarca's gifted secretary, Giovanni da
Ravenna
(or
Giovanni Malpaghini), an accomplished Latinist, was the
most noted missionary of the new movement.

from
city to city all
Travelling
over Italy, he gathered about
him
a host of pupils to
the
whom
he taught the Latin, not of

of Cicero
monks and schoolmen, but

to
and
Cassar,
communicating
them the new impulse, and

felt
stirring
them
with a new enthusiasm that had been

self
both by him-
and by
his inspired master.

is
Giovanni Boccaccio,^ who

his
best
known
to
moderns by
Decameron, was an enthusiastic son of the Renais-
sance.
Italy,
His mother was French, but he was soon taken to
where he flung himself

city of Naples,
into the
gay
life
and natural
beauty of the
which was then, under King
Robert, a centre of culture
and
learning.
At the same
time he became interested in classical study and had spent
much
leius.
time in copying manuscripts of Terence and ApuIt is likely that the latter author,
whose book
is
professedly a collection of Milesian tales, gave Boccaccio
the
first
suggestion for his Decameron, which
is,
in arrangeis
ment and manner, a
collection of Milesians, that
to say,
of short, witty stories as

'
we know them now.

the Africa
But from
Italian
There
is
critical edition of
by Corradini with an
translation (Oneglia, 1874).

(Paris,
On Petrarca himself, see M6zieres, PMrarque

Robinson and Rolfe,
et
1867);
Geiger, Petrarca (Leipzig, 1874);

1898),
Petrarch
(New York,
and de Nolhac, PUrarque
VHurmnisme,
2d
ed. (Paris, 1907).

*
1313-1375-
268

is
the standpoint of a classicist, Boccaccio
most impor-
tant because of the fact that he attained to an excellent
Latin style and wrote a number of treatises in Latin on

various subjects, quite after the
manner
(let
us say) of
Varro or Suetonius.^
His disciples and those of Giovanni

preached the gospel of
classi-
Malpaghini
cal culture
in
their turn
at Venice,
Mantua, Rome, and other
Ital-
ian
cities.
Leonardo Brunt ^ made excellent translations
of Aristotle, Demosthenes, and Plutarch; while Barbaro,

Strozzi,
and others shared
in the enthusiastic labours.

,
One
of them, Colutius Salutati (Coluccio di Salutato) chancellor

to the city of
Florence in 1375,
first
used in the public docu-
ments of
forced
his ofhce the sonorous
Latin of Cicero, and thus

for
upon popes and princes the necessity of securing
themselves scribes and secretaries

the classic style.
who were masters
of
The
interest
which pertained
to every-
thing which had to do with classical antiquity led Ciriaco

de' PizzicoUi (Cyriacus of
Ancona)
to feel
a strong enthu-
siasm for archaeological rather than literary remains.
He
ransacked every part of Italy and the Greek islands,

collecting, besides manuscripts,
bits of sculpture,
gems,
medals, and coins, and taking note of such inscriptions as
seemed
to
him
significant.
When
asked what was his
object in these endless joumeyings, he replied,
"I go
to
'
See Korting, Boccaccio's Leben und Werke, pp. 742

;
foil.
(Leipzig,
1880)
Symonds,
op.
cit.
pp. 87-97, '33
Cochin, Boccaccio, etc. (Paris,

2
i8go).
1369-1444.
THE RENAISSANCE
awake
269
the dead "; and this reply has been regarded as the
key-note of the early Renaissance.*
The
recognition of the value of
Greek which had come

part of every
visited
to Petrarca in his later years
now became a
scholar's
training.
Giacomo da Sciaparia
Con-
stantinople in 1375, the year of Petrarca's death, for the
purpose of learning Greek from those who spoke

Salutato and
Strozzi founded a chair of
it.
Greek
at the
University of Florence.
In 1396 Manuel Chrysoloras,

Italy;
a learned Byzantine, came from the East to
and
while teaching Greek at Florence, established schools for

the study of that language at Padua, Milan, Venice, and
Rome.
Cosimo
de'
Medici, then head of the Florentine
Republic, founded a special academy for the study of Plato.
The
rich citizens of Florence vied with one another in
their munificence
classical learning.
and enthusiasm
for the furthering of
Niccolo de' Niccoli, Pietro di Pazzi,
Manetti, and Palla Strozzi are but a few of
many famous
names.
The
first
gave his entire fortune
to the collection
and reproduction
of ancient manuscripts.
Di Pazzi kept a
teacher of Greek and Latin always in his house, and com-
mitted to
memory
the whole of
the jEneid and long

life to
chapters of Livy.
Manetti devoted his
the further-
ance of what has been called
Humanism
ii.
in opposition to
^Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum,
pp.
xxii.
i;
129
foil.;
Hiibner,
oil.
Romische Epigraphik in Muller's Handbuch,

155
foil,
Symonds,
op.
pp.
and
injra, p. 270.
270
Medisevalism.i
He
strove also to harmonise the teach-
ings of Christianity with those of
paganism.
Strozzi
employed
all
the facilities which his great commercial in-
terests in other countries
gave him for the discovery and
purchase of manuscripts.
It is perfectly clear
fall
from
all this,
that
it
was not the down-
of Constantinople
and the dispersion of Greek scholars
that brought about the Renaissance, since the thirst for

learning, the
reversion to the classical spirit, antedated
the end of the Byzantine
Empire by nearly eighty years:
"Circumstances favoured a rapid spread of the new culture.
The Italian cities, grown rich under democracy, but having tired somewhat of its responsibilities, had been passing into the control
of that extraordinary series of despotic rulers
who
united with a
brutal unscrupulousness of character a taste for the best in Mterature and art without a parallel.
It
was one
de'
of the chief
aims to
power
for a
new-made tyrant
like
Cosimo
Medici that he prosort.
vided the means of existence for talent of every
Even
the
bloody ruffians who, one after another, held power in Milan, made
places for scholars
and
artists,
maintained
libraries,
and encouraged
The ancient universities of Bologna, Padua, and Salerno were reinvigorated by the healthful breath of the new learning and stimulated by the rivalry of the new schools founded by the younger repubhcs. The Papacy, with a free hand after the
learned research.
Council of Basel (1431-1449), passed into the control of a series of
men
like
Nicholas V., Pius
II.,
and Leo X.,
in
whom
the interest in
learning
and
art
was an absorbing passion.
In
fact, learning,
under
the Itahan humanistic impulse,
may be
said to have taken
on the
form of a
import.
fine art
and thus to have concealed much

these favouring conditions
^
of its serious
Under
all
it is
not strange that
Infra, p. 271.
'
THE RENAISSANCE
271
a certain flippancy of character came to be associated with the cleverness of the fifteenth-century scholars.
caccio
The Ughtness
of Boc-
had seemed the natural expression
of exuberant joy in the
human Mfe. A century later, this sincerity had way to an over-refinement that knew no limits. Everything was permissible in the name of aesthetic experiment. Without in any formal way renouncing their allegiance to Christianity, many became more really interested in philosophy than in
natural things of
largely given
doctrine,
and increasingly
lax in following the ordinary forms of
devotion."
Here, then,
is
to
be seen what
is
meant by Humanism
of course sugfine
as opposed to Mediaevalism.
gests humaniias,
Humanism
which
to the
Roman mind meant
breeding combined with geniality, careful cultivation, and
a certain urbanitas
in other words, the characteristics
which to-day mark the one

gentleman and a scholar.
is
whom we
The
would describe as a
key-note of
Humanism
a toleration of individual tastes and an objection to every
form of dogmatism.
degree.
The
medieevals were dogmatic to a
The men
of the Renaissance imposed
no check
all
upon the
assthetic tastes of others,
though they were
bound
together by a
common
relations
love of
what was
fine
and
gracious and beautiful.^
Returning
Italy,
'
to
the
between Byzantium and
we can
readily see in the first place that the Renais-
See infra, p. 272.

Voigt, Die Wiederhelebung des klassischen Alterthums oder das erste
;
Jahrhundert des Humanismus, 3d ed. (Berlin, 1893)
Burckhardt, The
;
Culture of the Renaissance in Italy, Eng. trans. (London, 1898)
and
oil.
Gasquet, The Eve of the Reformation (London, 1905)
Emerton,
op.
272
sance antedated the sack of Constantinople by the Turks

(1453).
It
is,
indeed, of the utmost importance to clas-
sical literature that the general interest in the
Recovery
of Greek manuscripts began while Constantinople
was
still
an independent Grecian
postponed,
city.
Had
the Renaissance been
many
of the literary treasures brought to Italy
in the early part of the fifteenth century to supply the
demand
to
of Italian scholars
must have remained
in
Greece
it is
be destroyed
in the pillage of
Byzantium, where
traditionally said that at least 120,000
books were taken

it
and burned by the
fanatical Turks.
As
was, from the
year 1400 to 1450, there

portation of
was an
increasingly brisk im-
Greek
texts into Italy,
and an even greater

Thus, Nicholas
V.,
demand
for translations of
them.
who, as a monk, had run deeply into debt for manuscripts,

became, when Pope, a munificent collector and patron.
It
was
his
purpose to have
idiomatic
all
the
Greek
classics
rendered
tained
in
into
and lucid Latin.

in
He
main-
hundreds of copyists
his
service,
and agents
for
foreign
countries were employed

It
by him wholly
to
procuring codices.
was he who gave

for
Perotti five
into
hundred ducats
Italian,
($1200)
translating
Polybius
and
to
Guarino a thousand gold
florins for a like
version of Polybius into Latin.
He
also
promised
Filelfo
the
sum
of ten thousand gold florins for a metrical render-
ing of
Homer.
Even when
the plague drove

all his
him and
copyists
his
court from
Rome, he took with him
and
THE RENAISSANCE
translators lest he should lose
tion of
273
any of them.
His
collec-
books numbered at his death two thousand volumes

Car-
and became the nucleus of the Vatican Library.

dinal Bessarion, the translator of Aristotle
and a part of
thousand gold
Xenophon,
florins,
collected,
at a cost of
thirty
manuscripts to the number of six hundred.
For
the safe keeping of these, the Venetian Republic, in 1468,

erected a massive building, and thus laid the foundation of
the great Library of

tion
St.
Mark.
this
The
noblest Italian collec-
which existed at
time was that of Frederick of

as a boy he
Urbino (1444-1482).^
Even
had begun
to
purchase books, and as soon as he reached manhood he

kept some forty copyists continually at work.
His library
was one
of the most complete of the age, including a wide
range of literature which represented not only theology, but

philosophy, medicine, and a
prising
all
list
of
Greek authors, comand

all all
of Sophocles,
all
of Pindar,
of
Meeven
nander.^
In his possession were catalogues of
the great
libraries of Italy
and of foreign
libraries, including
'
Also called Federico di Montefeltro.
The complete Menander was
probably- lost at the sack of Urbino
by
Cesare Borgia.
Scholars hope for the ultimate recovery of books that
have been regarded as wholly

valuable source.
chylides
lost. The Egyptian papyri may prove a Thus very recently they have yielded parts of Bacand Menander. The mediaevals possessed MSB. of authors
now lost. We may now

of Petronius, for all of
look for the missing books of Livy, for the
MSB.
Menander, and perhaps

of
for the lyric poets like

veriest fragments
Sappho, Alcaeus, and others

are
whose writings only the

i.
now known
to exist.
See Burckhardt, op. cU.
p. 268.
274
those so far
away
as Oxford.
It is
worth noting that his

but what was
literature
collection contained not only ancient works,
then "
modem,"
that
is
to
say,
contemporary
Dante,
Petrarca,
and Boccaccio.
Here was the true

classical scholars
type of humanist, and one that
modem
would do well
to emulate.
Too
often they narrow their

profits
knowledge to a small comer of a specialty which
only two or three, and they ignore the great golden world
outside,
pulsating with
life
and
filled
with millions of
things of which no one should be altogether ignorant.
The
present writer has himself
come
in contact to
with purclassicists
blind ignoramuses
who were supposed
be
but who
really
knew nothing
of the classics, because they
were ignorant of the thousand and one things which shed
an
interpretative light
upon
classical learning
through the
varied,
multicoloured sources of general literature and
history
and
politics
and
art.
These are the creatures
who have
of their
too often dragged the classics
down
to the level
own
ignorance.
One may wish
to-day for a
new
Renaissance which shall be actuated with the same wide
sympathy and the same comprehensive learning that
marked the great Revival

But, after
classical texts
all,
in the fifteenth century.
the greatest services in the recovery of
were rendered, not by popes and princes, but

persons who, having
little
by
less distinguished
money
to
spare, gave the
more
freely of their time
and labour. These
went
forth like seekers after hidden treasure in a search
THE RENAISSANCE
that
275
had
for them, in their enthusiasm, all the romantic
zest of a
new Crusade.
It
must be remembered
that while
Italy
was ablaze with the ardour of the new

Europe was
still
revival, the
rest of
plunged
in the
dubiess of Medisesingle scholar yet
valism.
Only here and there had some

spirit of the
caught the
Renaissance.
The
monasteries
still
were
still
as somnolent as ever.
The schoolmen were
threshing out their

ists
mouldy
still
theological chaff.
The
copy-
of the
North were
to
erasing Vergil and Catullus

for
and Lucretius
make room
came
Rabanus Maurus and
Duns
Scotus.
Into these sleepy haunts

to search
the scholars of Italy, eager
among
the parchments that lay in dusty bundles
in the scriptoria, the cellars,
and sometimes even the out-
houses, for any scroll or scrap that contained the Latin of
pagan Rome.
difficulties
The
story of these explorations,
of the
encoimtered, of the rebuffs experienced, of the
disappointments undergone, and of the splendid discoveries

achieved, would read like a romance;
related here.
but
it
cannot be
is,
One name
in the history of this period
however, so closely linked with the recovery of priceless

manuscripts, as to justify at least a passing mention, be-
cause of the services which he rendered in the revival of

learning and
more
especially in
what we may
call the
exca-
vation of texts hitherto unknown.
Many
scholars have
shown
their gratitude to
him by
calling the first half of
the fifteenth century "
The Age
of Poggio Bracciolini."
276

^
Gian Francesco Poggio Bracciolini who, as a young man,

scripts.
was a
Florentine,
gained his living
by copying manu-
From
his fees
he was able
to
pay for instruction
imder two of the greatest teachers of his time
Giovanni
da Ravenna in Latin and Manuel Chrysoloras in Greek.

Later he became secretary to the
this capacity
Roman
Curia, and in
he accompanied the great dignitaries of the
Church on
their official visits to Switzerland,
Germany,
and even England, so that the notes of these journeys

which he made are very interesting from
their quaintness
and naivete.
In 1453, he was
Prior,
made
Chancellor to the
in
Republic of Florence,
and Historiographer,
city in
which capacity he wrote the annals of the

modelled upon that of Livy.
versatility,
Latin
Poggio was a
man
of great
wide S3mipathy, and an intense enthusiasm

His
literary activity
for classical literature.
was remark-
able, even in that era, for
he won distinction as an orator,^
as an historian,^ as a keen though scurrilous controversialist,*
as a
satirist,^
as a writer of very readable epistles,'
as
an
essayist,' as
a translator from the Greek,* and as a
compiler of witty though indecent anecdotes and epigrams."

fluent
' ' '
It is not,
however, for these things, nor for his

is
and easy Latin, that he

2
* *
now remembered.
His
1380-1459.
History of Florence.
Orator Publicus of Florence.
Against Filelfo
(q.v.).
He
attacked chiefly the clergy.
Especially regarding his travels.
'
'
Imitating Seneca.
Collectively styled Facetie.
He
translated Xenophon's CyropiBdia.
THE RENAISSANCE
fame to-day
rests
377
upon
his
remarkable discoveries of
manuscripts in the convent Hbraries of Germany and

Switzerland chiefly, at Weingarten, Reichenau, and
Gallen.
St.
Without
recalling
minor
details,
it
is
sufficient
to say that
he brought
to light the
whole of Quintilian,
twelve plays of Plautus, Asconius Pedianus,

Marcellinus,
Ammianus
Flavius
Nonius
Marcellus,
Probus,
and
Caper, together with a part of Valerius Flaccus.

his other trouvailles
Among
Ma-
were valuable manuscripts of Lu-
cretius,' Columella, Silius Italicus, Vitruvius, Livy,

nilius, Priscian,
Frontinus, the SUvcb of Statius, the oration
of Cicero Pro Ccecina,
and the Aratea.
If Poggio's
it.
means
If
permitted him to buy a manuscript, he bought
he
could not buy

it
it,
he copied
stole
it,
it.
If
he could neither buy
nor copy
it,
he
as in the case of a valuable
manuscript of Livy and one of Ammianus at Hersfeld.^
No
culties
pains were spared by him, and no fatigues or
diffi-
could discourage him.

"
As
his friend Francesco
Barbaro wrote:
No
severity of winter cold,
no snow,
no length of journeying, no roughness of roads, prevented him from bringing

literature."
to
light
the
monuments
of
He
used his influence with the prelates of

him.
the
1
Church
to aid
is
certain
Dane had informed

made
This manuscript
one of the three copies made from a single archelost.
type which has long been
From
Poggio's copy were
all
the
Italian manuscripts of Lucretius.

''
At
least there is
no record
of his having returned
them, as
it
was
his usual practice to note.
278
the Pope that in a Cistercian convent at Roskilde there
was a manuscript
of Livy containing
all
of the lost books.
Poggio at once persuaded Cardinal Orsini to

special
send a
messenger
in search of
it,
while Cosimo de' Medici

to
bestirred himself
treasure.
and despatched agents
secure this
lied,
The Dane, however, had probably

Poggio's
^
for
ac-
the manuscript could not be found.
own
count of
because
it
how he
discovered
Quintilian
is
interesting
libraries
shows that even
in the
most famous
of the North, the books which they contained were very

little
valued for their
own
St.
sake.
Poggio writes:
" The monastery of

the city.
Gallen
Thither, partly for
lies some twenty miles from amusement and partly for the sake
of finding books, of
which we had heard that there was a large
collection in the convent,
of the well-stocked library,
we directed our steps. In we discovered QuintUian

filthy
the middle
safe as yet
and sound, though covered with dust and

age. serve,
from neglect and
You must know
that the books are not housed as they de-
but were lying in a most foul and dismal dungeon at the
very bottom of a tower,

nals
a place into
thrust.
.
which condemned
.
crimi-
would hardly have been
Quintilian
was indeed
against
right side to look upon,
and ragged
like
a felon with rough beard
and matted
hair, protesting
by
his countenance
and garb
the injustice of his sentence.
He seemed
to be stretching out his to be saved from so
hand and caUing on the Romans, begging

undeserved a fate."^
'
This complete manuscript of Quintilian, Poggio copied with his own

in thirty-two
hand
to
days and sent
it
to
Leonardo Bruni, who wrote
baclc
him: "As Camillus was
called the second founder of
you
receive the title of the second author of
Rome, so may the works which you have

(Liverpool, 1837).
restored to the world."
'There
is
life
of Poggio in English
by Shepherd
THE RENAISSANCE
Side by side with this narrative,
279
set the similar
:
we may
account of Boccaccio's
visit to
Monte Cassino
'
" Desirous of saving the collection of books
asked the
monk
to
open the hbrary
for
him
monk
it is
stiffly
answered, as he pointed to a steep
... he modestly The staircase Go up

as a favour.
'
:
open.'
Boccaccio gladly went up;
but he found that the
place which held so great a treasure was without a door or key.
He
entered,
and saw
grass sprouting
on the windows, and
all
the
books and benches thick with dust.
Astonished, he began to
open and turn the leaves

found
of first
one tome and then another, and

Others were snipped and
. . .
many and
of
all
various volumes of ancient and foreign works.

lost several sheets.
Some
pared
them had
around the text and mutilated in different ways.
Coming
to the cloister, he asked the
monk whom he
met,
why
The
these valuable books
had been so
disgracefully mutilated.
answer was given him that the monks,
in order to gain a little
money, were
which
in the habit of cutting off sheets
and making
into
psalters
they sold to boys.
and
disposed of them to
The margins they made women."
charms
Other famous discoveries that were made about
this
time were those of fairly complete manuscripts of Cicero's

letters
by Leonardo Brimi
(1409), of Cicero's rhetorical

(1425),
works by Gherardo Lanbriano, at Lodi

fairly
and of a
complete manuscript of Plautus by Nicholas of
Treves (1429).
Of
the Greek classics the most famous
collector was Giovanni Aurispa.
In 1423, he arrived at
in
Venice with 238 volumes which he had purchased

Constantinople.
'
Among
these were the celebrated

op.
cit.,
Codex
Quoted from Benvenuto da Imola, by Symonds,
pp. 133-134.
28o

^
Laurentianus
written in the tenth century and
now
pre-
served in the Laurentian
Museum
at Florence.
It con-
tained six plays of ^schylus, seven the
of
Sophocles, and
Argonautica of Apollonius
Rhodius.
There were
also the Iliad
(Venet. A), the complete text of

Plato,
DemosStrabo,
thenes,
besides
Xenophon,
Diodorus,
Arrian, Athenaeus, Lucian, Dio Cassius,
and Procopius.
manuscript-
So great a mass of treasure in the

collecting
It
field of
was never found by any other

this
individual.
was about
time that some of the later Byzantines
began to be known in the countries of the West.
The
name
tioned.
of
Manuel Chrysoloras has already been men-
He
taught Greek in Florence, Venice, and Rome,

his
and
pursued
journeying
(1415).
to
the North,
where he
died, in
Germany
spread
He made
literal translation
of Plato's Republic;
and
his contemporary, Plethon, did
much
to
the
Platonic
philosophy.
Theodorus
Gaza, in the early part of the fifteenth century, wrote an
elementary Greek grammar,

Aristotle,
'
and made translations
of
Theophrastus, ^lian, and
Dionysius, besides
meant wooden tablets when parchment or
In the language
Codex, originally meaning a log of wood, later
covered with
wax
for writing on,
and
in after times,
paper or other materials were substituted for wood and put together in
the shape of a book, the
name
codex
was applied
to
it.
of classical scholarship, codex is used of in the libraries of Europe.
any manuscript edition preserved
Codices are sometimes
named
after persons
who
possessed them,
;
e.g.
the
Codex Vossianus, named
after the
Dutch
e.g.
scholar Voss
but oftener after the places where they had been kept,
Codex Britannicus from the British Museum.
THE RENAISSANCE
turning the
into Greek.
28
De
It
Senectute
and the De Amicitia of Cicero

said,
must be
however, that the Italian

to
humanists stood high above the Greeks who came

teach
them.
The
latter
were slow and unimaginative
and plodding
of
essentially Byzantine.
They were hewers

and
wood and drawers

Filelfo,
of water to such brilliant Italians as

lecturer
teacher,
Francesco
itinerant,
witty
controversialist,
collector
of
manuscripts,
and
transla-
tor of
Homer; or
his brilliant
contemporary, Laurentius
Valla (Lorenzo della Valla);

siglio
or Marsilius Ficinus (Mar-
Ficino)
;
or the immensely erudite Angelus Poli.'
tianus
and
especially Petrus Victorius (Pietro Vettori)
The men
of
just
mentioned have been made the subject

lives, their
many
volumes, and in their
achievements,
and
their controversies,
vices,
one finds displayed the virtues
and the
the
enthusiasms,
and
the
illuminating
ardour of the Renaissance.
Filelfo,
roving from place
to place, seems like one of the greater Sophists of the
time of Socrates.^
Veilla,
though scurrilous
like Poggio,
prepared in 1444 a volume which he called EleganticE

Latini Sermonis.
It
was
essentially a treatise
on
style,
on purity of
diction, practically
on Ciceronianism.
it
Dur-
ing the Middle Ages and later,
was
difficult to write
full lexi-
Latin with any assurance, since there were no

cons whose makers had
sifted
out the classical words

centuries,
from the barbarisms of the preceding

1
nor
1499-1584.
'
Supra, pp. 49-si.
282
were there any grammars which taught authoritatively
what was
right
and what was wrong
in the syntax of the
Latin language.
Valla did not attempt to indicate bar-
barisms; but he took a safe stand on the basis of Cicero's

Latinity.
He
could say that such and such a sentence
or such and such a phrase or
word was
right because
it
was Ciceronian.
might be quite
is
Other sentences and phrases and words

correct,
but one could not be sure.
That
and
to
say, Valla's
book was a guide

so
to Ciceronians,
it
was executed with
much
care and taste that
imposed
in less
upon
Italians the Latin that

it
was
Cicero's,
its
and
than a hundred years
had reached
consulted
fifty-ninth edition.
profit.
Even to-day
it
may be
with
Valla,
likewise, translated
Homer, Herodotus, and Thucydides;

edition
while he
made an
of
Quintilian
with careful
attention to the text

Politianus,
and doctrine.^
his
who took
name from Monte

in his time.
Puliciano,
his
had a wonderful reputation

studies in both Latin
He began
and Greek
at Florence
imder the
best teachers, and
when
scarcely fifteen years of age, he

lines
wrote a poem of 1400
celebrating the victory of
one of the Medici at a tournament.

wrote exquisite Greek poems.
At seventeen he
Lorenzo de' Medici made

gave
him
'
tutor to
his
two sons, and afterward

;
him
See Vahlen, Lorenzo Valla (Vienna, 1870) Nisard, Les Gladiateurs de la Republique des Lettres, etc. (Paris, 1889) WolE, Lorenzo Valla
;
(Leipzig, 1893)
Schwahn
(Leipzig, 1896)
and Symonds,
op.
cit.
pp.
258-265.
THE RENAISSANCE
a charming
favourable
villa
283
where he could study under the most

Being sent as an ambassador
received in the
conditions.
to
from Florence
flattering
Rome, he was
by the Pope.
most
manner
At the request of His
Holiness, he translated Herodianus and received 200 gold
crowns as a reward.
As a
translator,
he was inimitable,
filling
but he preferred professorial
work,
a chair of
Latin literature in Florence, and also teaching Greek.
His fame spread
all
over Europe, and pupils flocked

study under him,
from the great

being the
first
cities to
among them
two English teachers of Greek

Michelangelo.
Groc)rn
rightly say
and Linacre
and
One may
that Politianus the

first
was perhaps the most
brilliant scholar of
period of the Renaissance, since he
was not only

the
vigorous
but
original.
While
able
to
reproduce
noble periods of Cicero, he could write with equal ease
pages which recalled the elegance of Livy and the strength

of Tacitus.
its
His Latin verse
is
especially to be noted for

its
beauty of expression and for the glow of
author's
imagination.'
As
and
for Victorius,
he stands as the greatest philologist

'
critic of his
century.
His
life
was one of wide
experi-
ence, for he
was
of
at various times a soldier, a diplomat,
and a teacher
Greek and Latin.
He made
text editions
and commentaries on Cicero, which surpassed

ness the work of his contemporaries.
'
in acute-
Like Politianus,
See Gresswell, Life of PolUian (London, 1805).
284

Aristotle.
he translated some of the works of
Editions
with notes were put forth on parts of ^schylus, Sophocles,
Xenophon, Terence,
Sallust, Varro, Isaeus,
and some
less
known
is
Grecians.
But
his
most remarkable production

It
his
VaricB Lectiones, in thirty-eight books (1582).

all
shows beyond
question the acuteness of his criticism

his reading.^
and the vast extent of

of being painted
He had
the honour
by Titian, and of being sought out by

countries in Europe.
especially interesting
in
students from
Victorius
all
was
his
criticism
and exposition
of Aristotle's Poeticsin 1560, very
He
interpreted the
famous Kcidapa-K
much
as RoborteH had
done twelve years before, and as Castelvetro did ten

years later.
poetic
prose,
In his criticism, he attacks the notion of

because Aristotle in defining the poetic
essential.
forms makes verse always an
Professor Spin-
garn notes that the phrase " poetic prose" is used, perhaps
for the first time,
by Minturno (1564)
in his Arte Poetica.
The two
great
names
of Politianus
and Victorius shine

of the
first
forth to give splendour
to the closing years

is
period of the Renaissance, which

the Italian Period.
It
perhaps best called
had witnessed the dawn of the

revival
New
Learning.
It
had watched the enthusiastic

it
of pagan culture,
and
had restored
to
Western Europe
the end of the
;
immense
'
treasures of ancient lore.^

Opusc.
ii.
By
See
Creuzer,
pp. 21-36 (Frankfurt, 1854)
Rudinger,
Petrus Victorius (Halle, 1896).

^
The immense demand
for manuscripts of lost authors rather natu-
THE RENAISSANCE
fifteenth century,
tury,
this
285
and even by the middle of that cento
remarkable movement had swept onward

its
the North and was nearing
height in countries reItaly their inspiration.

felt
mote from
Italy,
but owing
to
The
in
first
breath of the Renaissance was soon
in
France, with which Italy had such close relations, then
Germany,
in
Belgium and Holland,
in
England, and in
Spain and Portugal.

Renaissance
Perhaps the close of the Italian

regarded
as
may be
almost coincidental
with the Introduction of printing.

art
The
in
typographical
was very gradually developed

first, initial letters
Italy
and Spain.
At
in
manuscripts were stamped in ink
from engraved blocks of wood.
Then
these engraved
blocks were used for making playing cards, for orna-
menting woven
lettering,
fabrics, religious pictures
with or without
finally
engraved words without pictures, and
the
wooden blocks developed

in
first
into types of single letters
founded
a mould.
Who
employed these movable

It
types,
no one can
surely say.
rally led to
makes no
difference,
however, whether
an extraordinary number of
literary frauds.
great
many
skilful scribes
who were
also
men
of ability
made
large
sums by writing
on parchments spurious works which they ascribed
to the Greeks or
Romans
tion,
of renown.
This was not a new thing, since as far back as the
Alexandrian School
many
fictitious
odes of Sappho were in circula-
and
likewise didactic sayings wrongly ascribed to Theognis,
and
See Gudeman, "Literary Frauds among songs to Anacreon. the Greeks " in Classical Studies in Honour of Henry Drisler (New York,
erotic
1894).
286

or Coster or the
we name Gutenberg
who
is
unknown workman
from Coster
at
said to have stolen the invention

in
Mainz
Germany and then
to
have made small movalso the
able printing presses.
There are
it
names
of Fust
and Schoffer.
Certain
is
that printing
was known
set
about 1430, and that regular presses were

1448.
up about
We
may,
therefore, say that the year
1450 marks
the
End
of the Italian Renaissance.
The
to
introduction of of learning,
printing
for
it
was of immense importance
men
multiplied copies of the best-known classics, and

for critical
by putting the apparatus

of every scholar,
it
work
into the
hands
paved the way for a general and com-
parative scientific study of classical texts. ^

printing
The The
use of
great
spread with
remarkable rapidity.
centres of
book production were Venice, Rome, Cologne,

Augsburg, and Mainz.
Before
Strassburg, Nuremberg,
the close of the fifteenth century, there were twenty-two

printing establishments at Cologne, twenty at Augsburg,
seventeen at Nuremberg, and sixteen at Strassburg.^
The
in
most famous
printers,
whose names continually appear

and Schoffer
the history of early editions, were Fust
at
Mainz,
John Auerbach
at Basel
(1492-1516), Zell at
Cologne, the Aldi at Venice (1490-1597),^ John Froben

1 ' '
See Prutz, The Age of the Renaissance
(New York,
1902).
See Cotton, Typographical Gazetteer, 3d ed. (Oxford, 1852-1866).
See Brunet, Manuel de Libraire,
etc.,
8 vols. (Paris, 1880)

;
De Vinne,
The Invention of Printing (New York, 1878) Hoe, A Short History of the Printing Press (New York, 1902) ; and Faulman, Geschichte der Bucktntchierkunst (Vienna, 1882).
THE RENAISSANCE
at Basel (1496-1527),
287
at
and Christopher Plantin

press to be set
Antwerp
(1554-1589).
The
first
up
in
England was
press in the
that of William Cazton in 1477.
The
first
Western Hemisphere was established

in 1540;
in the city of
Mexico
and the
first to
be set up in the British Colonies
in
North America dates from 1638 at Harvard College and

survives under the
first
still
name
of the University Press.^
Hence, the
of
great impulse toward the freer spirit
ancient times swept over Italy, surging on to other
countries,
where
its
influence took
many much
forms.
The
epoch,
Renaissance was in reality not so
new
but rather a harking-back to the

antiquity,
civilisation of classical
which
it
modified to suit the
New World
we
of
Southern Europe.
in the early
In
classical
scholarship,
first,
find, as
days of Greece and Rome,
the accumu-
lation of material for study;

in various ways;
calls
the expansion of that study

^
the development of Criticism
which
into
its
service
many
ancillary studies
PalaeoThus
the
graphy,' Epigraphy,' Numismatics, a knowledge of the

'
The
first
printed editions of classical authors
is
interesting.
editio princeps of
any ancient was printed

1465.
at
Rome and was

in
a copy of
Cicero,
De
Officiis, in
The
first
work printed
Greek was the

Theretofore, in
'E/suttJ/hoto of
Constantinus Lascaris (Milan, 1476).
printed Latin books, Greek words had been inserted with a pen.
This
work
'
of Lascaris
was
set
up according
to its parts at various places

(1495).
and
times,
and gathered together by Aldus into one book
See Spingam, History of Literary Criticism in the Renaissance
(New
York, 1899).
As with Giovanni Aurispa. As with Cyriacus of Ancona, who said that inscriptions seemed to give a greater reason and a truer knowledge than even books themsdves.
' *
288
Graphic and Plastic Arts,i Architecture,' and finally the

invention of a
means
for
making the apparatus
criticus of
learning accessible to every one.
Thus, the Renaissance, though not, as Michelet describes

it,
" the
discovery
of
the
World and Man,"
was, as Walter Pater said, " a love of the things of the

intellect
and the imagination

intellectual sunburst,
for
their
own
sake."
to
It
was an
times
which restored
in
modem
Greek
all
that
was
glorious
the centuries of
and
Roman
culture.
Dr. Sandys points out that the

first
metaphor of a new birth was

earliest revival of learning,
associated with the
under Charlemagne, by Modoin,

:
the Bishop of Autun, in this golden line
Aurea
'
'
Roma
iterum renovata renascitur orbi.'
As with Donatello and later with Michelangelo and Bramante. As with Brunelleschi (1377-1446), one of the greatest architects of the Renaissance. It was he who, more than any other, revived the Ro-
man
'
or classic forms of architecture.

critical history of
For a
the Renaissance see Voigt, Die Wiederbe-
lebung des Klassischen AUerthums,
3d
ed.
(Berlin, 1893)
Burckhardt,
;
Ceschichte der Renaissance in Italien (Stuttgart, 1890-1891)
id.,
Kultur
der Renaissance in Italien, 8th ed. (Leipzig, 1901)
Symonds, The Re-
naissance in Italy (London, 1887)
Walter Pater,
;
Stzcdies in the History
of the Renaissance (London, 1888)
Vernon Lee, Euphorion (London,

;
1884)
Scott,
The Renaissance of Art in Italy (London, 1888)

;
Einstein,
The Italian Renaissance in England (New York, 1902)

e
Miintz, Precursori
Propugnatori del Rinascimento (Florence, 1902)
Sandys, Lectures on
op.
;
the Revival of
Learning (Cambridge, 1905);

History of Criticism,
i.
id.,
cit.
pp. 1-123);
Saintsbury,
A
;
pp. 456-466
ii.
i-io8 (London,
1901-1902)
and
for
a convenient summary, Pearson,

See
Short History
of the Renaissance (Boston, 1893).

Italy during the Fifteenth Century
De
Vinne, Notable Printers of

1910).
(New York,
VII
DIVISION INTO PERIODS

As we have seen
already, the inspiration given
by
Ital-
ian scholars extended rapidly over the whole of Europe.
The
first
century or more
itself;
is
what
is
properly to be called
effects
the Renaissance
but since
it
its
have lasted
down
selves,
to the present day,
may be
scholars,
said that we, ourresults
are
still
living
and experiencing the
of
that
great
revival.
Many
calling
therefore,
would
the
regard the Renaissance as

twentieth century,
(2)
continuing
the periods
down
(i)
into
the Italian,
(4)
the French,
(5)
(3)
the English and Dutch,
the Ger-
man, and
the Cosmopolitan.
This
is
a convenient
con-
mode
of grouping the great personalities

;
who were
spicuous in their respective periods

set
but roughly
we may
down
the
fifty
years or so which followed the begin-
ning of the Italian Renaissance as the Post-Renaissance

Period.
In
it
we
see the fruits of Italian culture gradually
distributed throughout the different countries of Europe,

until
there
were developed many schools of learning,
each having a tinge of distinctive nationality.^

'See Nisard, op. cii., passim; Pokel, Schriftstellerhxikon (Leipzig, ; and Michaud, Biographie Universelle, Ancienne et Moderne, last
1882)
edition, 45 vols. (Paris, 1843-1865).

IT
289
VIII
THE AGE OF ERASMUS

While the impulse given by Italy and Italian scholarship
was quickly
felt
in every
country,
the other countries
needed someone of commanding personality who should

be able to interpret
this great intellectual
movement
to
the schools and peoples of Northern Europe.
The New
it
Learning must not be imitative, and

not remain Italian;
therefore
must
but after
its
fundamental
principles'
to
should be accepted, they must be dealt with according
the national instinct and temperament of each of the
peoples of the North.
He whose
mission
it
was
to per-
form
this splendid
work, and thus to stamp his memory

transition,
upon the period of
was Desiderius Erasmus,

ever lived, and in
the greatest humanist
who has
whom
about
sort of
Humanism
his
life,
itself is
vividly personified.
The
facts
as Professor
Emerton has
said,
form a
Erasmus-legend, since they are taken from passages in his

writings which have been styled autobiographical, though
the author himself never so allowed
them
his
to
be
called.
There remain
also 1500 letters
from
pen
(for
he was
a voluminous and ready writer);
representing at least
of every grade in
500 different correspondents
people
2go
ERASMUS
life,
291
from the most lowly
to those
who
sat
on thrones.
It
may be added
by a king
than was a
master.
that a letter from
Erasmus was regarded

and no
to
less
as being
letter
no
less precious
an honour
from the same writer
a village school-
So great became his influence and so widespread
his fame, that the fifty years

in themselves
from i486
to
1536 constitute
a period which
may
itself
be called almost
"
The Age
of Desiderius Erasmus."
Desiderius
Erasmus was
tradition
bom
at
Rotterdam.
Ac-
cording to
he was an
illegitimate son,
who
was, nevertheless, lovingly cared for by his parents until

they both died
when he was
fifteen years of age.^
He was
taught in the well-known school at Deventer, and later at

Bois-le-Duc, where he says that he " wasted " some three
years, suffering from the narrowness
and the discomfort
of his
life.
Finally,
he entered the monastery near Gouda,

of his stay there, he took priestly
left
and during the ten years

orders.
In 1492
significant year! he
called, in his native
the
mon-
The
;
father of
Erasmus was
Dutch, Gasrt or
Gaert's.
Gerard
hence the name of Erasmus in the vernacular was Gaert
This name, Erasmus himself Latinized and Graecized into Desiderius
Erasmus. The powerful and historically accurate novel by Charles Reade,
The
Cloister
and
the Hearth, gives
fictitious
account of the elder Gaert.
The book may be commended

yet
its
to the
most
serious reader, since it displays
the later Middle Ages and the early Renaissance in minute detail, while
careful
knowledge has been fused by the genius of a great writer

is
into something that
singularly consistent
and
alive.
George Eliot's
Romola
is
pale and introspective beside this masterpiece of Reade, in

virility
which every page displays the author's
and
erudition.
292
astery, and, taking
up
his
abode at Paris, he began what
we should now
describe as a literary career.
But having
regard for the different conditions at that time, he might

better be termed an independent scholar, teaching
writing,
and
and thus making an income which brought him,
together with fame and

as he
many
favours, the right of living
would and where he would.
His mind was stimu-
lated by much
travel, for he passed to Louvain, to England,
to Basel, to Freiburg, in Italy.
and he spent three years of

fact:
his
life
But here we note a curious

to
that the
man
who was
spread Italian culture through the

in the
North North
was himself a son of the North, receiving
the foundations of his genial and brilliant scholarship.
He
was, however, in
fact,
a genuine citizen of the world, a true
cosmopolite, equally at
home
in every country,
and always
sure of a friendly greeting.

ized
How
thoroughly denational-
Erasmus was may be seen

offered a readership at
in the fact that
when he
because
was
Louvain he declined
with
tlie
it,
he was not
sufficiently familiar
Dutch language
his native tongue!
It
is,
indeed, quite certain that,

little
though he lived at times in Paris, he understood

French;
that,
though he was frequently

;
in
Germany, he
knew no German
Italy, his
and
that,
however greatly he admired

slight.
knowledge of Italian was very

language was the language of
In
fact,
his only
the cultivated
sort of Latin,
Its
world over which he reigned as king,
which he spoke with the utmost fluency.
syntax was
ERASMUS
purely classical.
Its
293
vocabulary was adapted and en-
larged so as to mention
tion
modem
things.
But
this adapta-
and enlargement were
largely effected
by the influence
as
of Analogy, so that his newly coined words seemed
purely
Roman
as did the newly coined words of Plautus.^
Having a
perfect
command
of this noble instrument of
speech, he could travel from country to country, and meet

the distinguished
men
of every centre of learning without

to
considering whether their native tongue happened
be
French or English or Dutch or German or

adapted
to every condition or state of
Italian.
Latin,
life,
rich for the
eloquence of the orator, easy and playful for the genial

converse of social
life,
majestic and sonorous for the stately
ceremonies of religion,
in
this
here was the lingua
linguarum
Golden Age of scholarship and

personality of
letters.
The
Erasmus was
so delightful that in
every country, in every town, and especially in every abode

of learning, he was welcomed as a friend and almost as a
monarch.
Indeed, more than one king urged
him to
attach
himself to the royal court, and by his mere presence give

to
it
an additional
lustre.
But Erasmus cared

sympathetic
little
for
courts.
He
men
preferred
the
companionship
taught Greek at
of such
as William Grocyn,
who
first
Oxford, of the great Chancellor of England, Sir
Thomas
upon
More, and of Archbishop Warham, who
settled
him a
liberal
income for
'
life.
He was
one of the group
See supra, pp. 143-147.
294
of cultivated
men who
gathered
at Basel;
around
the
famous
manner,
publisher,
John Froben,
and
in like
he was an intimate friend of the Venetian publisher, Aldus

Manutius, and knew well
all
the
members
of the circle
associated with the Aldine Press.'
His writings
criticised
fall
under several heads.
At
first,
he
some
of the abuses which
had sprung up
in the
Catholic Church, and he

in philosophy.
made fun
of the scholastic of his
method
to
The
drift of
many
works
is
show
spirit
life-
that forms are of

of genuine piety
is
little value in religion,
while the
everything.
is
A seconds phase of
the
work of Erasmus
Aristotle
foimd
in his editions of the
works of
and Demosthenes, with
translations, in part, of
Euripides,
Lucian, and the Moralia of
Plutarch.
Of
Latin authors, not including the Patristic writers, he edited
Terence and parts of Cicero and Livy.
More important
than these achievements, and in fact quite epoch-making,
was
his critical revision of the
New
Testament.
We have
had been
to the
already seen that such a stupendous undertaking
suggested by Lorenzo Valla, in his Annotations

Testament.^
New
Erasmus,
in a preface to this
work
of Valla's,
pointed out the obvious fact that no correct translation of

the Bible could be
made
except by a trained linguist, and
' '
See supra, p. 286.
Supra, pp. 241, 281-2.
This tractate by Valla seems to have been

It represents the starting-point
recovered
by Erasmus
in the year 1505.
in Biblical criticism
and
exegesis.
EEASMXrS
29s
that the original Greek manuscripts ought to be carefully

revised
and compared.
Evidently, he began at once to
equip himself for such an undertaking; for in 151 2

years later
seven
manu-
he writes
St.
to the
Englishman, John Colet, the
founder of
Paul's School, and says that he has already the ancient Greek
it
collated the
scripts,
New Testament with
and that he has annotated
in
more than a thou-
sand places.
The work, when

of Froben in Basel.
in its
completed, was published at the press

It is
very easy to criticise
it
now, and
own
time
it
was
criticised chiefly
because Erasmus
never attained the sure knowledge of Greek that some of

his contemporaries
possessed.^
He
himself
for
once said:
"
My
Greek studies are almost too much
my
courage,
while I have not the means of securing books or the help

of a master."
He
also
wrote that " without Greek the

is
amplest erudition in Latin
imperfect."
This, of course,
into
was
in his early years.
Long afterward he rendered
Latin the Greek grammar of Theodorus Gaza, while his
Greek
to
texts
mark
the climax of his learning.^

in
It is also
be noted that
1528 he published a dialogue called

style, protesting
Ciceronianus, in which he discussed Latin

against limiting
'
modem
Latin
to
a pedantic imitation of
For instance, Guillaume Bud6 (Gulielmus Budasus), the French
philologist,
who was a
distinguished Grecian,
much
superior to Erasmus.
See his Life by E. de Budfi (Paris, 1884).

2
Such as
his translations
and editions already mentioned, besides

Greek Fathers.
his
critical
works on some
of the
'
296
the

vocabulary and phraseology of Cicero.'
This was
interesting as marking the coming break between the

Italian School of Latinity,
which was
strictly Ciceronian,
and the other schools which were presently

Northern countries.
treatise
to arise in
In the same year he also wrote his
on the correct pronunciation of Latin and Greek.^

to
With regard
Greek, he established a pronunciation which

all
has been practically adopted in

of
the Northern countries

is
Europe and
in the
United States, and which
known
after
him
as " the
Erasmian Pronunciation."
Somewhat
later another method, called " the Reuchlinian Method,"
was proposed,' and was known

of the vowels, in the
7),
for
its
"lotacism" because
have the sound
of
i
t,
v, ei,
and
vi, all
word machine.
It
might have been argued
that,
since
Greek remains a
it
living language, scholars ought to

it
pronounce
but
as the
Greeks of that day pronounced
many changes had
crept in since the classical period,
so that the pronunciation of to differ
educated Greeks was known
very largely from the ancient pronunciation.
Hence, as a
to the
common
standard, most countries have held
Erasmian method.
to
As
the
it
pronunciation of Latin in
the time of
Erasmus,
>
was
largely that of the Italians, a fact
made
98-108.
Infra, p. 303.
'
'
W. G. Clark in the (English) Journal of Philology, By Johann Reuchlin (loannes Capnio), an admirable
See
i.
Grecian, and
also
an erudite Hebrew
scholar,
who
lived in the time of Erasmus,
and
was regarded as second
in learning only to him.
; ;
ERASMUS
297
evident by Erasmus himself in his use of one pronunciation in whatever country he might be,
and before what-
ever universities he might lecture.

all
Scholars retained for

it,
practical purposes
the most essential features of

all
because, coming from
the countries of
Europe and
fraternising everywhere, this intercourse tended to maintain a general tradition

for
which was not seriously disturbed
some time
after.*
Erasmus, though easy-going and fond of

nevertheless accomplished an
social pleasure,
amount
gathers
of
it
serious
work
which
views
it
is
prodigious
when one
together and
as a whole.
to
Concerning his semi-theological works

speak ; and yet they give a very char-
this is
no place
acteristic picture of his
mental attitude toward

life.
life,
and*
toward
all
things that have to do with
In the early
part of his career he wrote books which, with keen wit,

satirised the failings of the clergy.
Such were
his
Adagia
(1508), his
Encomium Morice,
or Praise of Folly (1509), and

(1524),^
especially his
famous Co//ogMio, or dialogues

satire,
which
aboimd
in
lively
and
flashes
of inimitable wit.
'
See Erasmus,
;
De
Recta Latini Gracique Sermonis Pronunciatione
(Basel, 1S28)
Blass,
Zacher, Die Aussprache des Griechischen (Leipzig, 1888)

trans.
The Pronunciation of Ancient Greek, Eng.

XJeber
(Cambridge, 1890)
and Corssen,
'
Aussprache
etc.
der Lateinischen Sprache (Berlin, 1870).

(a) theological
;
His writings
may
and
be classed as
(e)
(i)
satirical
(c)
educational;
(d) philological;
(g)
critical;
(/) literary;
as in his very
numerous
letters,
expository in such lectures and discourses
as he chose to give in a delightfully unconventional way.
298
But when Martin Luther broke with the Church, and

declared his independence of the Papacy,
Erasmus could
it
not follow him.
His tranquil good sense, while
ad-
mitted that certain abuses were temporarily to be seen,
had no sympathy with Luther, but believed that
all
these
wrongs would right themselves through the wisdom of

the
Church
itself.
Therefore, he refused to break with
the splendid traditions of
papal Rome, and he died a
Catholic, although not greatly heeding external forms in

his religion.
This fact deserves mention here because

truly
it
shows how
manist
and unfeignedly Erasmus was a huwas Horace

in the
as
truly as
Augustan Age
at
Rome.
poet
His motto might well have been that of the genial

praised the Golden
who
Mean, and who declared:
"Est modus
in rebus, sunt certi denique fines,
Quos ultraque citraque nequit
consistere rectum."
Professor Emerton does not admit that

genius; yet
plished
Erasmus was a
who but a
very great genius could have accom-
what was accomplished by Erasmus?
Who,
at
that particular
moment, could have been
so absolutely the
Man of his Time ? He exercised, by his peculiarly winning

personality,
an influence which was

letters,
felt all
over Europe.
He was
a king of
man
of extraordinary reading,
of a sane and yet brilliant

in a score of
and
original mind, a contributor
ways
to the progress of learning
and the uni-
fication of classical philology.
All his influence
was
for
ERASMUS
good.
299
his character,
There was no blot upon
and
his
aspirations were always noble.
He had no
personal pride
as to his
the
own accomplishments; he was " a friend of all world." The work which he performed in all these
ways was a
serious one,
different
and
it
was
seriously
expressed by Erasmus in two sentences that were penned
by him
in the year before his death:
to inspire
it
"I used my
best endeavours to free the rising genera-
tion from the depths of ignorance,
and
with
a thirst for better studies.
I wrote, not for Italy, but for

^
Germany and
the Netherlands."
Important Editiones Prdicipes of the Fifteenth Century
I.
Greek
Theocritus {Id. i.-xvm.), together with Hesiod, Works
1481.
and Days.
1488.
Homer
Iliad
(ed.
Chalcondylas).
Valla's Latin trans, of the
1495.
was printed as early as 1474. Hesiod, Opera omnia (Aldus).
1495-98. Aristotle (Aldus).
Erasmus, Opera,
the studies of his character and work
Erasmi Epistola,
Jebb, Erasmus
See the lives of Erasmus and by De Laur (Paris, 1872) Nisard, (1484-1514), edited by P. S. Allen (Oxford, 1906);
ix,
1440 (Basel, 1540).
(London, 1890)
Froude, Erasmus
;
(London, 1894)
Pennington, Erasmus (London, Emerton, Erasmus (Cambridge, 1899) Woodigoi). See also Nichols, The Epistles of Erasmus (1901-1904)
;
ward, Erasmus on Education, (New York, 1904)

Italie (Paris, 1888)
;
De
Nolhac, Erasme en
and Sandys,
Lectures on the Revival of Learning,
pp. 162-167, and pp. 177-178 (Cambridge, 1905).
300
1496.

Euripides,
Med.,
Hypp.,
Ale.,
Androm.
(Lascaris),
Apollonius (Lascaris), Lucian (in Florence).

1498. 1499.
II.
Aristophanes
(excl.
Lys.
and Thesm.).
ap.
Aratus {In Astronomi
vett.
Aldum).
Latin.
Cicero,
1465.
De
Officiis.
First printed edition of a classical
author.
Cf.
art.
" Typography " in Encycl.
Brit.
Lactantius (Rome).
1469. 1470.
Cfesar, Vergil, Livy,
Lucan, Apuleius, GeUius (Rome).

(Rome).
Persius, Juvenal, Martial, QuintiUan, Suetonius
Tacitus, Juvenal, SaUust, Horace

(Strassburg).
(Venice), Terence
1471. 1472.
Ovid (Rome, Bonn), Nepos (Venice).

Plautus
(G.
Merula),
Catullus,
Tibullus,'
Propertius
Statius (Venice).
1473. 1474.
Lucretius (Brixiae).
Valerius Flaccus (Bonn).
1475.
Seneca (Prose Works), SaUust

octavo).
(first
volume issued
in
1484.
1485. 1498.
'
Seneca (Tragedies) at Ferrara.

Pliny the Younger (Venice).
Cicero, Opera Omnia.^
Schiick,
See Brunet, Manuel de Libraire, 8 vols. (Paris, 1880)

seine Zeitgenossen (Berlin, 1862)
(Paris, 1875).
;
Aldus
Manutius und
pp.
Ixviii
Didot, Aide Manuce,
and 647
rx
THE PERIOD OF NATIONALISM

of
The task Nor&em

made
of
Erasmus had been the binding together
energy and Southern culture.
He had
prac-
tically
the whole world of Western Europe one in
everything which pertained to scholarship.
Learned men
came and went with

court, needing
perfect freedom from country to
country, from monastery to monastery, and from court to
no passport, save the cachet of a

this
liberal
education.
But
age of enlightenment was to last only

lived, the so-called
for a short time.
Even while Erasmus

burst forth
Protestant
Reformation
all
in
Germany, and
camps.
soon divided
ever
of
Europe
into hostile
What-
may be
which
one's religious belief, he can but regret the

this
effect
religious
antagonism had
scholarship.
upon the
It divided It
immediate future of
classical
countries according to the dogmas of their princes.
put a sudden and grievous end

humanists.
It
to the genial intercourse of
made
the great universities appear like
hostile fortresses,
from which the inmates no longer sent

for the benefit of every land alike
forth
works of learning
but rather missiles
in the
shape of angry tracts or ponderous
tomes that wasted learning and altered the mellow geniality

301
302
of

vile
Humanism into yelpings and vituperation, scattering

all
language
over Europe.
Thus, the Universities of

in
Oxford and
Cambridge
England, of Leyden and
Utrecht in Holland, of Marburg, Konigsberg, and Jena

in
Germany, thundered out

side,
their theological fulminations
on the Protestant
while
from Wiirzburg, Gratz,

learned
treatises
Innsbruck, Paris, and Louvain,
were
mingled with the most scurrilous abuse of Protestant

scholars
who had
written on the
same
subject.*
alto-
Nevertheless,
the
odium (heologicum could not
gether eliminate the love of what had belonged to the

earlier epoch.
Luther might rage
in
Germany; and
the
papal sword might flash in Italy;
while Holland and
England drew together
in
a political and scholarly union,

Catholic as yet, but liberally
and France went

so.
its
own way,
in
The
difference lay in the fact that scholarship took

different countries.
it
on
different forms
The
learned
world was not united as
had been
in the
days of Erasmus.
Young Englishmen had formerly

to
visited Italy
and Paris
pursue their studies; but
now
they went to Leyden or
to Utrecht.
The German
student, according to his faith,
went
to
a school or university where that faith was taught.

studied at one or another of the
The young Frenchman

universities that
were Catholic.
Thus,
classical scholar-
ship in
Europe became national rather than

its
universal.
As
'
for Italy,
scholars
had remained true
to the early
See Nisard, Les Gladiateurs de la R&puUique de Leltres (Paris, 1889).
303
Renaissance, so that the Italian School remained Cicero-
nian
to
the
last degree,
following
closely the precepts
of Lorenzo Valla.
Its
Latin was wholly that of Cicero.
Not a word, nor a
phrase, nor a line
was
tolerated, save
when
it
could be shown absolutely to have the purity of
diction
orator.
to
and the rhythmic cadence of the great

It is extraordinary to learn
Roman
Pietro
what pains were taken
secure this perfect imitation.
Thus Cardinal
Bembo was
probably the most perfect imitator of Cicero
that ever lived.^
His Latin in every shade, in every note, master and
in every inflection, recalls the Latin of his
model.
It
is
related that
he would not speak Latin with
any casual
perfection
different
scholar, lest
by doing so he should mar the

Latinity.
of
his
own
Herein he was very

style
from Erasmus, whose colloquial
had been
syntactically correct, while yet allowing his

to
own personality
said.
appear
in everything that
he wrote and
This
individual touch of his gave popularity to
all his writings.
He had
could
special characteristic, of his

in
all
own,
so
that one
wit,
feel
that
was Erasmian the pungent
the sympathetic mood, and the geniality of the

self.
man
him-
But Bembo and
his
fellow
Cardinal,
Sadoleto,^
the most distinguished representatives of the Italian School,
wasted themselves on
style alone.
What
they wrote and
spoke was delightfully conceived
in the Ciceronian
manner,
1470-1547- See Symonds, The Renaissance in Italy,
ii.
pp. 409-415.
1477-1547. See Joly, Etude sur Sadolet (Caen, 1857).
304
but
it
had no
force,
no personal power to attract the
listener.
One
and
felt
that the writer or speaker
was
too self-conscious,
too
much
afraid of
making a
slight slip here or there.

literature,
Hence the
contenting
Italian School
itself
remained a school of
with the authors of the Golden Age,
whom
they read and reread and annotated from a strictly

It
literary point of view.
was a school of
style
style
always, and, therefore, style that degenerated into puerility.
As
West
classical learning penetrated the countries
North and
It,
of Italy,
it
took on a more independent form.
likewise,
began
to
show a touch of the
critical element,
and
also a desire to provide
both instruments and aids for

although
scholarly activity.
laries
Thus,
in Italy,
many
vocabu-
and
glossaries
were produced, they were scattered

others.
first
it
and fragmentary, and each represented half a dozen

It
was
in 1483, that
loannes Crastenus printed the
Greek-Latin vocabulary, which increased in

passed through several editions.
size as
In 1497 a
much more
by
complete work of the same character was issued from

the Aldine Press,
and
this
was
speedily followed
lexi-
cons bearing the

Gessner,
name
Bud6
of Calepinus,
others.
Bud6
(Budseus),
is
Constantine, and
Most important
Basel, 1530).
the dictionary of
(Paris,
1529;
It
was
re-edited
and much enlarged by Robert Etienne,

This dictionary
is
(Paris, 1548).
the
first to
have been
published after the Renaissance.

in its explanation of legal terms.
It is particularly exact
Robert Etienne,
or, as

he called himself, Robertus Stephanus (absurdly
the English, " Robert Stephens"),
305
styled
by
was
at once a printer
or, as
and a man of learning and

;
his son,
Henri Etienne,
he called himself, Henricus Stephanus,^ were two very

important figures in the history of classical studies in
France.
The
father issued carefully collated editions of
Horace, Dionysius
Halicarnassensis, and
Dio Cassius.
dicin
But
his
most important production was his Latin
tionary (Thesaurus
Lingua Latina), which appeared

It
parts during the years 1531-1536.

original work, being based
was not an
entirely
upon the vocabulary was known
of Bud^,
yet for a long time no better lexicon
to
Europe.
is
Henri Etienne, in 1572, published a work that

remarkable.
It
most
was a Greek
Greecce)
.
lexicon
in
five
volumes
(Thesaurus Linguce
It defined to
more than 100,000

It
Greek words with references
authorities.
was a
compilation of remarkable industry and scholarship, and
was many times

1856
the
foil.).
re-edited
this day,
it
last of all
by Dindorf
(Paris,
To
remains unrivalled as being

to the world.
most complete lexicon of Greek known

brilliant
France was now the mother of a

ars,
group of schol-
or at least the centre to which they flocked.

I,
The
College de France, established by Francis
gave shelter
constituting
1869)
;
and recognition
*
to
many very remarkable men,

2 vols. (Paris,
;
See Eggef, L'Hellemsme en France,

foil.
;
id.
pp.
198
la
Pattison, Essays,
i.
62-124 (Oxford, 1889)
Feugere, Essai sur

;
Vie
et les
Ouvrages de Henri Etienne (Paris, 1853)
Pokel,
i.ji.;
and
Lefranc, Histoire du College de France (Paris, 1893).
306

called the
what may be roughly

Philology.
French School
its
of Classical
This school was noted for
acute criticism
and
its
wide range of encyclopaedic knowledge.
With
the
Etiennes must be reckoned the memorable names of Adrien
Tumebe (Hadrianus
Greek scholar
of
Turnebus),i
time;
who was
the
greatest
his
Denis Lambin (Dionysius
Lambinus) ^ Director also of the Royal Printing Establishment; Marc Antoine Muret (Marcus Antonius Muretus),'
one of the greatest

Fresne, sieur du
saries are
still
stylists
of
any period;
Charles du
Cange/ a writer on
in
Low Latin, whose glosre-
vogue, and have been many times
edited; Bernard de Montfaucon,* the founder of scientific
Palasography; and greatest of

bonus),6
all,
Isaac Casaubon (Casau-
whose prodigious learning was surpassed by only

of his
one
'
man
own
time or for centuries

cit.,
after.
1512-1565.
See Pokel, op.
s.v.;
and Clement, De Adriani
Turnenbi Praefationibus,
^
p. 7 (Paris, 1899).
1520-1572.
See Mattaire, Historia Typographorum Aliquot ParisiOre\]i, OnomasHcon Ciceronis, and the preface to Munro's
ensium (London, 1717); the appendix to

i.
pp. 478-491
(Zurich,
1861),
3d
ed.
Lucretius, pp. 14-16.

'
1526-1585.
His orations and a part
of his other
works are printed

;
Teubner
i.
edition, ed.
by Frey
(Leipzig, 188 7-1 888)
Pattison, Essays,
124-132, last ed. (Oxford, 1889);

1610-1688.
and Dejob, Marc Antoine Muret

et
(Paris, 1861).
'
See Hardouin, Essai sur la Vie
les
Ouvrages de du
Cange
'
(Paris, r849).
1655-1741.
See de Broglie,
La SociUe
of Isaac
de I'Ahbaye de Saint-Ger-
main,
2 vols. (Paris, i8gi).
"'1559-1614.
The standard
life
Casaubon must apparently

Nettleship, 2d ed. (Oxford,
always remain that of

1892).
Mark
Pattison, ed.
by

Turnebus was the most celebrated Grecian of
307
this period,
and
his
mind was
intensely critical.
Beside editing several
Greek and Roman authors, he wrote commentaries on

Varro de Lingua Latina, and on Horace.
thirty
He
likewise left
critical
books of Adversaria, consisting of notes and
comments, many of which were brilliant and of great value.
Lambinus
is
to
be remembered as having
first
made
the
text of Lucretius fairly intelligible.
Before his time, whole
passages had been impossible to read.
But the
critical
mind
of
Lambinus threw
light
upon what had been dark,

to the
and by judicious emendation he gave

tion of the great Epicurean,
world an ediafter-
upon which Lachmann
ward based
his
epoch-making work.
Lambinus spent
eleven years in
Rome and
devoted himself to the collation
of manuscripts in the Vatican Library.
At the end of that
time (1561), he was called to Paris as Professor of Greek
and Latin, and employed

ety
his
profound learning with sobrinot only his editions of
and admirable
results, so that
Lucretius, but those also of Plautus, Cicero, and Horace
make
his
memory
a very special one in the minds of

of his contemporaries
classi-
cal scholars.
Few
had such vast
learning,
and few had such profound knowledgeof an au-
thor's style.
He
died of apoplexy, caused by the murders
of St. Bartholomew's night.

to
Modem
commentators owe
Lambinus much
of the material which they use without
giving credit to this splendid scholar of the French Renaissance.
3o8
His contemporary, Muretus, spent several years as his
companion
in
Rome, and became
well
known
for his
work
in editing various classical authors,

tullus, Tibullus, Propertius,
such as Terence, Ca-
and Seneca.
As a
critic
he
produced a volume of VaricB Lectiones, but he was most
renowned
for the purity of his Latin style.
At the age
of
eighteen he wrote Latin with great fluency and ease, and
afterwards in the University of Paris his orations in Latin
seemed as splendid as those of Cicero.

indeed in schools side by side with
of the eighteenth century,
They were
read
Cicero as late as the

editions
end
and various
were made
of them.
One
of the greatest of the Post- Renaissance scholars

,
was Isaac Casaubon (Casaubonus) who deserved the

which Varro bore of being
essentially a iroXutaTap.
:
title
One of
his contemporaries declared
men who
He is the most learned of all He was bom in Geneva, the son of a Huguenot minister, from whom he received all his instruclive to-day."
"
tion until
he reached the age of nineteen.
In these troubled
to save their
years the family often

lives
had
to flee
from home
from
their
armed opponents.
Pattison relates that,

first
while hiding in a cave, Isaac received his
lesson in
the
Greek.
At nineteen he was sent

of
to the
Academy (now
University)
Geneva, where he studied Greek under
Portus, a Cretan.
When
Portus died he recommended his
learned pupil as his successor, and thus at the age of twentythree he
became Professor
of Greek.
Four years
later
he

was
309
called to a like position in Montpellier, but there, as
at Geneva, he suffered from lack of a sufficient library.
Shortly afterward he went to Paris, owing to the influence

of
Henry IV.
His Calvinism prevented him from receiving
a professorship in the University, and instead he was made
Royal Librarian, a position which he held

of the King,
until the
murder
when he
felt his
position insecure; so that in
1610 he crossed the Channel to England, where James I
showed him great favour and made him prebendary

Canterbury Cathedral and Westminster.
of
In the great
erudite
abbey he
lies
buried.
Casaubon was immensely

classical
both in theological and in

theologian he wrote a work
scholarship.
As a
(1607), (16 14),
on ecclesiastical freedom Baronium
and
in
especially his Exercitationes Contra
which he sharply attacked the chronological work of
Cardinal Baronius.^
Casaubon was not
brilliant,
nor was he possessed of so
keen and searching a mind as that of his great contemporary Scaliger, but his tolerant
ing
spirit
and enormous readUntil he
made him famous throughout Europe.

who became Cardinal
a.d.
came
to Paris
'
he had been greatly hampered by the lack of books.

in
Caesar Baionius,
1596 and librarian of the
Vatican (1597), was the author of the work mentioned above, a chronology
from the birth of Christ to 1198

of labour,
It cost
him twenty-seven years
and has been added

errors,
to in
modem
times, even as recently as
1864.
Baronius was a clever and diverting writer, but Casaubon charged
him with many
owing to his ignorance of Greeic and Hebrew.
He
died in 1607, and, therefore, never lived to read the attack upon him
by Casaubon.
310

at Montpellier there
to
At Geneva and
importance.
were no
libraries of
He was obliged
to
borrow necessary volumes

dis-
from other scholars

tances.
whose homes he walked great

his
These volumes he copied laboriously with

it is
own
hand, and
said that in the case of smaller books, he
memorised them.
his
Such
practices, while tiresome, fixed in
memory the
was
texts themselves
and made him exceedingly
exact in his learning.
Many
countries sought
him out
but
it
in
England that
his final
home was made.

and was
He
theothere
was welcomed
at all the universities,

I),
especially
agreeable to the King (James

logical discussion.
In
fact,
who was fond of on one occasion, when
was some
difficulty
about paying his pension, the King
wrote with his
own hand:
have Mr. Casaubon paid

of
" Chanceler of
before me,
my Excheker, I will my wife, and my bames."
It
was
also
by the personal intervention
King James
that Casaubon's library, which sent over to England.
had been stored in Paris, was
The
English people could hardly
understand such favour, and Casaubon became very unpopular.
He
could speak no English, and his scholarship was
not appreciated by the mob.

in
Consequently, he was always
danger of some ruffianly assault.
At night
his
windows
were broken, and by day his children were stoned in the

streets.
In France, of course, after he had definitely de-
cided not to return from England, he was equally disliked,
being regarded as a renegade
who had
sold his religious
'

belief for English gold.
31I
He
died in the year which wit-
nessed the publication of a great controversial work which

was, nevertheless, wholly unworthy of his powers.
Casaubon was a man
of encyclopaedic knowledge.
He
was
as familiar with out-of-the-way authors, such as those
of the Historia Augusta,
and Dionysius
of Halicamassus,
as with the better-known classics, such as Persius and Polybius.
During the four years of

little
his visit in England,
he
contributed
to Classical Philology.
In
fact, his
most
memorable books were those which antedate

Paris,
his stay in
and
at a time
It
when
his reading
to
was done under
so
great difficulty.
authors,
little
was given
him to take up a number of

as to leave
and
so thoroughly to
comment on them
for succeeding scholars in the
way
of exegesis.
Thus
he brought out an edition of the Characieres of Theophrastus

as early as 1592,
in 1598.*
and an extraordinarily complete Athenaeus
His exhaustive edition of Persius^ was called
by
Scaliger "divine"; while his Suetonius passed through
three editions in the course of a few years.

is
In his Polybius
a remarkable introduction on the subject of Greek
Historiography.
Less
full
and of
less lasting
value were
his annotations of other authors, but
he deserves great and

first to
enduring credit for having been the
study
Roman
' 2
Incorporated into Schweighauser's edition (1840). Published in 1603, and pillaged by every commentator since that
time.
'
Published in 1609.
312
satire,'
subject which was,
and has been
since, of
remarkable interest
Still
to all classicists.^
representing the French School of classical study,
we
have the remarkable lexicographer, Charles du Fresne,

sieur
du Cange, who did had done
for
Low
Latin what Valla in an Hold-
earlier century
for the Ciceronian tongue.
ing a lucrative office in Paris, this scholar gave himself up

for twenty years to unremitting industry, so that
it
has been
if
said that the
number
of his
books would be incredible

all
we had not
hand.
the two
the original manuscripts
written by his
own
To
of
enumerate them would here be impossible, but

especial mention.
it,
by which he is best known deserve them

is
The
first
a glossary, as he modestly called
to
the writers of Mediaeval
and Low Latin;
and a
like glos-
sary to the writers of Late Greek.^
Into these tomes he
gathered
all
the words that he could find in legal docutitles,
ments, charters, manuscripts, diplomas,

printed documents,
all
and many
written
in the
mixed language
for
which prevailed
afterward.
in the
Middle Ages and
some time
His sources were drawn from the archives
of Paris ; and, therefore, ponderous though they were, suc-
ceeding scholars have added to them almost in each decade,

until at present every issue is practically
an Antibarbarus.
From
'
his
pen came
also
an excellent edition of the Byzan-
tine Historians.
His Greek glossary was hardly so com-
* ' '
De Satyrica Grceca Poesi et Romanorum Satira (1605). The original was edited by Rambach (Halle, 1774).
Glossarium ad Scriplores Medice
et
Infimcs Latinitatis (1678).
Glossarium ad Scriptores
et
Infima Gracitalis (1688).

plete as his Latin one,
313
in the year
finally,
and
in fact
was published
;
of his death.
His son Hved only four years
and
the French Government, knowing

writings of
how
valuable were the
Du
Cange, collected the greater part of his
manuscripts, which are
now
contained in the Bibliothfeque
Nationale in Paris.^
Worthy
of recollection
was another Frenchman

nobleman by
of this
birth,
period, Bernard de Montfaucon, a
but forced through
ill
health to a
life
of seclusion
and study.
There are few

variety, since
incidents in his career which present
much
to
he passed successively from one abbey
another, examining and annotating their numerous

scripts.
manu-
From
His
1698 to 1701, he spent most of his time in

publication
Rome.
first
,
was a work
entitled Analecta
Graca (1688) never completely finished.
But he is best
folio
re-
membered
in
in Archaeology
by his work in ten
volumes,^
which drawings made by him

to the
of antique objects
and
monuments gave
new.
It
world something that was wholly
was one
of the
most
interesting contributions
made
'
to the study of Archasology;

cit.
and
his PalcBographia
See Hardouin, op.

is
The
et
last
the mediaeval Latin

'
that edited
and most complete Glossarium to hy Favre, 10 vols."'(Niort, 1884-1887).

This book was a
It
L'Antiquite Expliqule
Representee en Figures.
wonderful storehouse of antiquities.

scription in 1719,
was
first
brought out by subfirst
and
in less
than two months the
edition (18,000
volumes) was
in the
sold,
and a new
edition of 2500 volumes
was printed
same
year, with a supplementary edition of five
more volumes.
full list of his
contributions to Archeology will be found in the

s.v.
Nou-
velle
Biographie Ginirale,
314
GrcBca has never yet been superseded.

(1681), there
Somewhat
earlier
had appeared a work on
Palaeography,'
written
by Jean Mabillon, an inmate of the beautiful abbey
of Saint Germain,^ the earliest seat of the learned Benedictine
Order
in France.
The
validity of the abbey's charters
had been attacked, and Mabillon wrote the work just mentioned to
show how
false
documents could be distinguished

to
from genuine ones, and how
determine the date of a
manuscript by comparison with others.
The
difference
lies
between the work of Mabillon and that of Montfaucon

in the fact that the latter dealt
with Greek manuscripts
alone, of
which he gave a
list
of 11,630, whereas Mabillon
had dealt alone with Latin.
The
though
close of
it
what has been
called the
French Period,
shows us the colossal figure of Casaubon, has no

rival
one who can
him.
Nevertheless, a great cluster of ac-
complished scholars enter into the annals of the end of the

seventeenth century.
letters,
Such, for example,
is
the
man
of
Jean Bouhier (1673-1746), who cited the Petronian
fragment
De
Bella Civili, besides translating
it,
and con-
tributing to the PalcBographia of Montfaucon.
The most
the Cena
important consecutive portion of Petronius

Trimalchionis) was recovered at
{i.e.
Trau
(the
Roman
Tra-
gurium) in 1663 by the Frenchman Pierre Petit (Marinus

Statilius)
'
and published by him

Diplomaiica.
at Paris in 1664.'
There
De Re
'
'
See Vanel, Les Binididins de Saint-Maur (Paris, 1896).
See Introduction to Peck's Cena Trimalchionis, 2d ed.
(New York,
1908).
THE PERIOD or NATIONALISM

were editions of Horace by
parts of Demosthenes
Pfere
31
others, while
Sanadon and
and Cicero were translated by the
learned Father de Thoulie, also

finally edited the
known
as Olivetus,
who
whole of Cicero.
Classical Archseology
was
at this time further
promoted
by Bunduri,
ties of
who wrote a
prodigious
work on
the antiqui-
Constantinople; by Michel Fourmont,
who collected
many inscriptions and forged many others; by Burette, who

studied Greek Music and by Nicolas Fr^ret, whose attempts
;
in Ancient
Geography and History were

(d'Anville)
,
fairly accurate.
A Frenchman
who
lived four decades later than
Fr^ret, published seventy-eight geographical treatises
and
two hundred and eleven maps,
all
admirably executed.
group of French scholars collected Greek and

coins as well as ancient gems.
Roman
P.
Among
these collectors were
Charles Patin, J. F. F. Vaillant, J. Pellerin,

Marietta, the last reproducing a large
his
and
of
J.
number
gems
in
Pierres Gravees
(1752).
French nobleman, the
Comte de
Caylus,
who had
served in the army, went to the
East in disguise, visited Smyrna, Ephesus, and Colophon,

actually traversed
then, returning,
and examined the plain of Troy, and

carefully
studied
the
monuments
of
Constantinople.
He was
man
it
of great wealth,
and de-
voted more than two-thirds of

ties.
to his passion for antiquifilled to
His magnificent house he

art
overflowing with
works of ancient
also Etruscan
not only
Greek and Roman, but

interesting
and Egyptian.
Whatever was
3l6

to
and beautiful he endeavoured
add
to his collections.
Two
by P.
sumptuous works of
his are the seven
volumes which
make up
his Recueil d'Antiquites,
and the reproduction

be made of the mural
S. Bartoli
which he caused
to
paintings found in the sepulchre of the Nasones.^
The
greatest masters of the
French school had ceased

Casau-
with Montfaucon, or even earlier with Casaubon.

bon's final years in England seem to identify
different type of scholar.
ries,
him with a
In
fact,
among
his contempora-
a number were in
many ways different from the learned

style
yet brilliant
Frenchman whose
its
was almost
that of
the Italians in
purity,
and whose criticism and comment
were puissant and profound.

full of intellectual life,
The Netherlands,
small, but
produced a cluster of learned men,
unrivalled in the history of the
modem
by
world.
Of
course,
Erasmus had
lander
;
led the way, since
birth
he was a Nether-
but he belonged to no country and to no school.

essentially a cosmopolitan, at
In his
own time he was

we have
it
home
alike in Italy, in
It
England, in Germany, and in France.

said, the so-called Protestant
was, as
Reformato
tion that
made
quite impossible for another
Erasmus
exist until several centuries
had passed.
Between 1540,
however, and 1650, the universities of Holland,^ had bred

or had called to their chairs
some
of the
most remarkable
' '
Peintures Antiques (1757).
The
in i6io;
University of Leyden was founded in iS7S; and that of Utrecht in 1636.
that of Louvain

classicists that the
317
include
world had ever seen.
We may
among
these Casaubon, though he studied at Oxford and
spent his declining years in England, and with him
we must
Joseph
group the famous Joest Lips

Lipsius,'
better known
as Justus
and
finally the greatest scholar of all time,
Justus
Scaliger.''
These three men towered above
all their
contemporaries,
who
called
them The Triumvirate.^
The
rather uneventful story of Casaubon has been already told.
The
life
of Justus Lipsius
was
fairly tranquil.
But round
Scaliger, the greatest of the three, there raged a conflict
of wit
and
learning,
which ultimately caused his death,

illustration of
and which gives us an
how
the division of
Catholic and Protestant, both of them extremely militant,
was
inimical to learning.
Lipsius was educated in a Jesuit College, and had been

at the Catholic University of Louvain.
This, perhaps, is the
reason
why
of the three great contemporaries, he alone

of the Church.
died in the
communion
and
His
life
was
that
of a wanderer.
He roamed
through Burgundy, Germany,
Austria, Bohemia,
Italy.
Though
Pattison speaks of
him as " a narrow pedant," he must have had something

of the personal
charm
of Erasmus, for he
made
friends
among
the scholars
whom
he met.
His
first
published
work was a volume

cated to Cardinal
'
of critical miscellanies, which he dedi-
Granvella,
who
secured for
him an
'
' 1540-1609. 1547-1606. See Nisard, Le Triumvirat LitUraire au XVI"^' Sihcle. (Paris, no
date).
3l8

visit to
appointment as Latin secretary and a
Rome, where
he remained two years, studying carefully the monuments
and
inscriptions,
and
especially
examining the manuscripts
in the Vatican.
second volume of VaricB Lectiones
(1575), after his return
from Rome, showed a decided
advance
in critical ability.
He no
longer leaned on conto
jectural emendation,
but preferred
emend by
the com-
parison (collation) of manuscripts, and he had learned to

distinguish between
what palaeographers
call
"good manu-
scripts," and " bad manuscripts."
His intercourse with
scholars
was
as varied as that of Erasmus, but his theologi-
cal difi&culties
in the
were far greater.
Thus, for a year, he taught
Lutheran University at Jena.

at Cologne,
Soon afterwards we
Presently he
find
him
which was Catholic.
returned to Louvain, whence he retired to Antwerp, where
he received (1579) a
sity of
call to the
newly established UniverIn his eleven years he passed his time in
Leyden
as a professor of history.
at
Leyden
(the Protestant University)
classroom drudgery, and yet he found time to produce his
two great masterpieces,
his
This
edition of
Seneca (1605)
a superb monusort of growth,
and
of Tacitus (1574).
to his genius. It
last
work
is
ment
was published by a
it
from one edition
to another, until
became
the most re-
markable commentary on that dif&cult author.
Lipsius
had studied him
so
continually and with such intensity
that he could repeat the whole of everything that Tacitus
had
written;
and
if
any one doubted
this,
he would say:

" Put your sword to
319
through
if
my
throat and thrust
me
make a mistake
in
a single word."
His books were largely
published by the famous press of Plantin at Antwerp, and

there his completed opera were set
(1637).
tions,
up
in four
volumes
In
all,
he prepared forty-eight separate publica-
but most of them were of a controversial character,

relation to scholarship.'
and had no
After his long stay at
Leyden, he returned
ceived,
to Catholic intimacies,
and was
re-
by the
Jesuits especially, with
open arms.
Courts
invi-
and
universities in Italy, Austria,
and Spain poured
tations
upon him; but at
last
he
settled at
Louvain, where
to
he was made Professor of Latin without being expected

teach,
and having
also the to the
appointments of privy councillor
and historiographer
King
of Spain.
From Louvain
he sent out many clever and amusing pamphlets, writing
them
at the request of the Jesuit Fathers.
He was
indeed
the scholarly champion of the Catholics, as Scaliger and
Casaubon were the champions
of the Protestants.
But
Lipsius had a genial mind, and he seldom sought to wound.
He
even maintained a friendly personal intercourse with
Protestant scholars of distinction, and with him great learning blotted out religious acrimony.
He
died at Louvain,
leaving his Greek books and manuscripts to the college

there.
Lipsius had a profound
knowledge of
Roman
antiquities,
'
but a very
slight
acquaintance with Greek.
Besides his Tacitus and Seneca, he edited Velleius Faterculus, and
Valerius Maximus.
320

in Latin
Even
he had no ear
for metres,
and very
little
true
appreciation of poetical phrasing.
Yet no
man
ever so
completely
knew
the
Roman
to
historians, especially Tacitus,
whose pages he had begun
read as a boy, and

last
whom he
kept studying and revising until the very

life.*
year of his
Great, however, as Lipsius was, there towers above

in the history of learning the
him
wonderful figure of Joseph
Justus Scaliger,^ a contemporary of Lipsius, and described
by Pattison as " the most

spent
itself in
richly stored intellect
which ever
acquiring knowledge."
Scaliger
was bom of
a father so remarkable as to
his son could surpass him.
ger.'
make
it
surprising that even

Scali-
This was Julius Caesar
An eminent scholar has said that none of the ancients
could be ranked above him, while the age in which he lived

could not show his equal.
illustrious Italian
He
La
claimed to be one of the
house of
Scala,
and
to
have been
bom
at their princely castle
on the Lago de Garda.
At twelve
he was presented
to the
Emperor Maximilian, and became
one of his pages, frequently showing himself a miracle of

personal bravery.
He was
also given to arts
and
letters,
studying under Albrecht Diirer.

1
In 151 2 he fought at the
The only complete
life
of Lipsius
was written by Le Mire (Antwerp,

Justi Lipsi Vita
et
1607).
See, however, Reiffenberg,
De
Scriptis
in L.
Com-
meniarius (Brussels, 1823), and the pages referring to
him
MuUer's
1869),
Geschichfe der Klassichen Philologie in den Niederlanden (Leipzig,
a work which
is
commended
to students of the Dutch-English period.
1540-1609.
1484-1588.

battle of
321
Ravenna, where
his father
and elder brother were
slain beside
him; but there he performed such incredible
deeds of valour that the Emperor conferred upon him personally the highest tokens of chivalry,
collar,
the
spurs, the
and the golden

he
eagle.
Receiving no more sub-
stantial rewards,
left
the military service and
became
else-
a student at the University of Bologna.
There and
where he studied as vigorously as he had fought, dividing

his time
between medicine, natural history, and the classics.
This autobiographical account would be of comparatively little interest
had not the
truth or falsehood of
life
it
played so important a part in the later

son, and, in fact, plunged
of his illustrious
him from
the heights of glorious
distinction to the depths of humiliation.

Scaliger, however,
As
to the elder
he was undoubtedly a
man
of unusual
powers, whether he were descended from the family of
La
Scala (Fr. de I'Escale), or whether, as his enemies in after

years declared, he was the son of an obscure teacher at
Verona.
This much
may be
said
during his life-time no
one questioned
his noble ancestry, while
many undoubted
was a brill-
facts verify his narrative.
Certain
it is
that he
iant classicist
in such a
and spent the

that
last thirty-two years of his life
way
on
his death (1558)

essentially
no
scholar's repu-
tation equalled his.
He was
one of the French
school with an Italian colouring, and the last part of his

life
was spent
in
France at Agen, where he
fell
violently
in love with a beautiful
young orphan of
thirteen.
Her
322
msTOEY or classical philology
friends objected to her marriage with a person

called a
whom
they
mere adventurer; but he attacked her with as much
success as he
had stormed
sixteen.
fortresses,
and
finally
married
to
her
when she was
The marriage proved
be a
very happy one;
and
it
endured
until his death, twenty-
nine years
later, signalised in
those years by the birth of
fifteen children.
In 1531,
this J. C. Scaliger
published an
oration against
Erasmus
It
in
answer
to that great scholar's
Ciceronianus.
was astonishing
in its vigour
and com-
mand
of every shade
of Latin, ranging from brilliant rhetoit
ric to foul
abuse.
Erasmus, however, treated
with
silent
contempt, which caused Scaliger to write another oration

of the
still
same
sort,
and a number of Latin
verses,
which were
less successful.
From
his
pen came
also a treatise
scientific
on comic metres, and the

grammar.
filled
first
known
Latin
After his death there appeared his Poetica,
with
many paradoxes and

writers
boasts that nevertheless
were mingled with much acute
criticism.^
Modem
who
estimate his genius regard
him
rather as a philosopher and

of the classics.
man of science than as a student

Hence
his
His early training as a physician made him

physics
care
more
of
for
than for literature.
writings
subjects
enduring worth are monographs on

to
many
relating
the
physical
sciences.
Although
Daude speaks
of his intellect as " teeming with heroic
thought," he was not an investigator nor one

'
who arrived
See Spingam, op.
cit.,
pp. 150-152, 176.

at
323
new
truths.
He
clung to Aristotle and to Galen, and

the
theories of
rejected
with
arrogance
Copernicus.
Nevertheless, his philosophical Exercitationes on

(1557)
Cardan
passed through
many
editions,
and was a popu-
lar text-book as late as the
middle of the seventeenth
century.
Sir
Even
in
our
own
times,
men
like Leibnitz
and
William Hamilton have called the elder Scaliger the
best
modem
exponent of the physics and metaphysics
of Aristotle.^
His gifted son, Joseph Justus
Scaliger,^
has come to be
recognised as the greatest scholar of the
modem
and
world.
it
He was
to
the tenth child of the elder Scaliger;
was
fortunate that an outbreak of the plague compelled
him
his
remain at home for a few years, and

companion.
to
become
father's continual
This companionship was

instruction in
worth far more
to
him than
any
school.
man of the world and an acute made young Scaliger much more than a mere
Association with a
It
observer
scholar.
gave
to his
mind
the breadth and also the accuracy,

It
both of which
a true scholar should possess.
was the
chief pleasure of the elder Scaliger in his later years to
write Latin verse;

eighty to
and daily he dictated

lines.
to his
son from
also
more than a hundred

to write
The boy was

and
compelled each day
a Latin theme or declamation.

age,
after the
Thus, when he was eighteen years of

1
2
See Magen, Documents sur J. C. Scaliger

1540-1609.
et
sa Famille (Paris 1880).
324
death of his father, he went to Paris, and spent four years

at the University.
esting.
His scholastic
life
there
was very
inter-
Hitherto he had
known
only Latin and had given
no study to Greek.
But
at this time the
French schools
of
and
universities
were throbbing with the early glow
Hellenism,' and the great French scholars were almost

entirely bent
on Hellenic
studies.
This was a surprise

early youth to Latin;
to feel that
to Scaliger.
He had
devoted his
and now, of a sudden, he was made
ignorance of Greek was ignorance of every-
thing.
Therefore, he enrolled himself under the cele-
brated Grecian,
Tumebus (Tumebe), and

little
attended his
lectures for several months.
But presently he found out

Greek
in this
that he could learn but
way.
He
could
not rush into the lecture-room of a great scholar and understand the lectures that were given there.
self
He must
him-
do much
preliminary
work.
Therefore,
he shut
himself up in his rooms, and resolved on teaching himself.
He
read
all
Homer
in
twenty-one days (presumably both

all
the Iliad and Odyssey) and then devoured
the other
Greek
poets, orators,
and
historians.
As he
proceeded,
he formed a grammar for himself, noting the paradigms,
and reducing the words

to find this
to their
proper order.
easy.
Before listening to
He seemed Tumebus again,
he essayed
to teach himself
both Arabic and Hebrew, and
acquired a very fair knowledge of both, though nothing

'
Egger, op.
cit.,
passim.

like
325
a critical mastery.
There was another teacher of

the official
title,
Greek, named Dorat,i

Royal."
who had
title
of " Poet
He
certainly justified this
in a
way, for he
published more than 50,000 Greek and Latin verses, of
which 15,000 are preserved.
He had no
great profundity
as a scholar, yet he was most admirable as a teacher;
while
Tumebus
could only lecture and not teach.
The
name
of Doratus stood very high,
and he was fortunate
in his pupils,
among whom was
Scaliger and also Ronsard.
The gratitude of those who

ship.
studied under
him poured
itself
out in their ascription to him of a high quality of scholar-
Even
Scaliger
who
could
commend him
The
only mildly
styles
for his poetry, speaks with enthusiasm
when he
him GrcBca
Doratus
those
is
lingua
peritissimus.
influence
of
seen in the Greek spirit of Ronsard, found in

of his
poems
which
recall the loftiness of
^schylus.^
In ^schylus, the studies of Doratus were very fruitful, since he combined learning and
years, preferred
writer.
taste, so that
Hermann,
in after
him
to
any other
critics of the
great tragic
Upon
of
the recommendation of Doratus, Scaliger
became
a sort of travelling companion and tutor to a young lord
La Roche Pozay, named Louis de Chastaigner. The two young men were very sympathetic and set out upon a
'
Jean d'Aurat.
His pupUs named him by the Latinised form, DoRonsard
ratus.
'
See Chalandon, Essai

et
sur
(Paris,
1875)
a^nd
Fieri,
Pitrarque
Ronsard (Marseilles, 1895).
326

is
course of travel which was chronicled by Scaliger and
extremely interesting.
shifty
At Rome they found the
rather
but intensely clever Muretus, of
whom
Scaliger said
with something of a sigh:

tuses in the world.
If
" There are not
many Mure-
he only believed in the existence

it,
of God, as well as he can talk about

excellent Christian."
he would be an
After traversing Italy they went

Scaliger's letters
little
north
to
England and Scodand, one of
being dated at Edinburgh.

English.
Scaliger cared
for the
He
despised their "
inhuman
disposition " and

to foreigners.
the narrowness which

It disappointed
scripts in
made them inhospitable
him
also to find only
a few Greek manu-
England, and only a few scholars of the type

Neverlife
with which he was so familiar on the Continent.

theless,
he was a Protestant, and for that reason his
for
many
years had been often trying.
One
pleasant resting-
place he found at Valence, where lived the most profound

jurist of the
age,
Cujacius (Jacques de Cujas).*
This
wise and temperate scholar had a remarkable collection

of manuscripts
five
on the
Roman
law,
numbering more than

tran-
hundred;
and here he
lived
and studied with
quillity,
reconstructing the
Roman
jurists in a purely classic
fashion, without
any touch of medisevalism.
For
three
years, Scaliger enjoyed the hospitality of Cujacius with

free access to his fine library for four years.
Then
1
the so-called massacre of St. Bartholomew led
See Spangenberg, Cujacius und seine Zeitgenossen (Leipzig, 1882).
327
him
to take refuge in
Geneva, where he was received with
high honour and appointed to be professor in the Academy.
He
lectured
on both Greek and Latin authors, and gave
great satisfaction to the students.

lecturing
But he himself hated
and found the fanatical preachers of Protestant-
ism as distasteful as the more subtle zealotes.
Hence he
returned to France (1574) and lived for the next twenty

years in the various castles of his friend,
La Roche
Pozay.
Much
of his
life
was
far different
from that of a tranquil

Leaguers with
their
scholar.
The Huguenots and
the
outbreaks of violence often compelled Scaliger to move
from one chateau
to another, going
on guard duty, taking
part in military expeditions in the night-time, and wielding
pike and dagger like any other freebooter.^
He
had,
however, for at least half the time, a chance to give himself
up
to study
and composition;
and
his editions of the
Catalecta (1574), of Festus (1576) of Catullus, TibuUus,
and Propertius (1577) are remarkable examples of true

criticism, disdaining the prevalent
happy-go-lucky guessscientific scholar-
work
ship.
for a fixed
and ordered system of
In 1590, the great Lipsius retired from Leyden, where

for twelve years
he had been professor of
Roman
History
and
'
Antiquities.
Leyden was then the

of Scaliger's
life
fortress of Protes-
Our knowledge
at this time
is
derived from a
num-
ber of letters in Leitres Franqaises Inidites de Joseph Scaliger, discovered

at
Agen by M. de Larroque, and published
there
by him
in 1881.
328
tant learning, as Paris

ship.
retire,
was the
fortress of Catholic scholarits
And
it
so,
when Leyden saw
most famous scholar

In
this,
sought out Scaliger as his successor.
the
University and also the States-General and the Prince of
Orange gave
letter
their aid,
and the Prince wrote a personal

of France
both
to
Henry IV
and
to Scaliger himself,
asking that the latter might accept a chair in the University.
Scaliger
had hoped that Henry IV would, when

freedom of speech and thought
to to Protes-
successful, give
tants.
Moreover, Scaliger hated
lecture,
and much
inter-
preferred the quiet of his study,
and the learned
course of distinguished men.

versity
The
drudgery of the Unispirit of learning
made no appeal
in the
to
him; the
was
all in all.
Consequently he refused; but when the
invita-
tion
was renewed
most
flattering
manner
at the end
to
of another year, he felt that he
would do wrong
remain
of
in France, subject to the sneers
and hidden innuendoes

call
the once
Huguenot King.
Scaliger,
This second
from Leyden
there
was accepted by
and he was welcomed
with honours such as are given not only to princes of

learning, but, likewise, to
believed himself to be.
men of princely blood, as Scaliger He dined at the table of Prince

at
Maurice.
The burghers
Leyden deemed
his presence
among them a
Very
glory to the town,
and even the children

his walks abroad.
that
louted low before him,

different, indeed,
when he took
his lot as
was
compared with
of poor
Casaubon
in
England,
who was
hustled by British

boors and his windows broken by the rabble in the
Scaliger
329
street.
was
in reahty
a prince of learning, and perhaps

this.
he should have been quite content with
That he
was
deemed himself
not his
fault,
the scion of a princely Italian family

to this
and
day no one
is
certain of the facts.

his father,
Yet
this conviction
which he inherited from
and which had never been questioned

time,
in his father's life-
was
fated to destroy his happiness,
and end
in
his
won-
derful labours.
The
story
is
worth relating
some
detail,
because
it
illustrates the evil effects of the religious feuds
which had broken out with the so-called Protestant Reformation.^
As was
said before, the services of distinguished scholars

alike
were employed
the
by the Old Church and the
New
in
way
of theological sharp-shooting.
Thus we have
his attack
seen that Casaubon died while
completing
upon Cardinal Baronius.
He had
who
himself been
made
in
the victim of a stream of vile abuse
from a Cretan
Catholic
(Eudamon-Ioannes)
attacked
him
pamphlet.
Yet a much more
skilful shaft
was launched against

This
him by one Gaspar Scioppius (Gaspar Schoppe).

man, who
Ingolstadt,
flitted
back and forth between Madrid and

really
was a
remarkable
figure.
He had
been
disappointed in
many of his hopes, and he became
a savage,
;
See Pattison, Isaac Casaubon, pp. 389-400 (Oxford, 1892)

Essays, ed.
and
id.
by
Nettleship,
i.
pp. 132-192 (Oxford, 1889).
330

to
venomous creature ready
attack any one
whom
many
his
Catholic masters pointed out to him.

the literary bravos of the time, he
Latinist,
Unlike
of
was an accomplished
in his
and was almost monstrous
shameless
in-
genuity and audacious use of fiction.
He had
already
scourged
King James of England
in
two pamphlets.
" Now," said he, " I

land's dog."
am
going to flay the King of Engin his
This he did
Holofernes.
it
It
was an
atrocious libel from beginning to end; yet
was piquant,
to
and when decent,
it
was
witty.
But when he went on
charge Casaubon with every sort of unnatural crime and

to support the charges basis, his fierce assault
by imaginary
stories that
had no
was
neither plausible nor probable.
Casaubon was
insults to
too austere
effect
and virtuous a
whatever.
man
for such
have any
Thus, only
to a certain extent, the virulent libel against

slight
Casaubon did
harm.
Nor was Casaubon,
although
he was one of the Triumvirate, so conspicuous a figure as

Scaliger,
who remained
at the very pinnacle of sixteenth
and seventeenth century scholarship.
Unfortunately, his
enemies found a flaw in his otherwise impenetrable armour.
In 1594, he published a sort of glorification of his family,

Epistola de
Veiustate
Vita.
et
Splendore
Gentis
Scaligercz
ei
J. C. Scaligeri
filial
This was really an exhibition of

it
love,
though there runs through
a vein of proud,
and, one might even say, of noble self-appreciation.

it
But
showed, nevertheless, a weak point in his nature, and

one which his enemies at Ingolstadt assailed
every means that could
33
alike with
wound
so
proud a
spirit.
Again
for
and again he had been attacked; but he cared nothing

coarse and violent scribblers.
In 1607, however, there
entered the arena a foeman, vastly inferior to Scaliger in

learning, but the peer of
any one
in wit, in all the artifices
of debate, with a marvellous
command
of style,
and wieldrival.
ing
all
the powers of sarcasm, in which he had no

Pattison says:
Mark
" Every piece of gossip or scandal
which could be raked together respecting Scaliger or his

family " was put at the disposal of Scioppius.
With these
kill
gifts and with this material, Scioppius said, " I shall
Scaliger!" and soon after launched a volume of
some
four hundred pages written with consummate ability so

that " no stronger proof can be given of the impression
produced by
this
powerful philippic, dedicated to the

it
defamation of an individual, than that
has been the

it
source from which the biography of Scaliger as
now
stands in our biographical collections has mainly flowed."
The book was
called Scaliger
Hypolimaus
("
The Supin
posititious Scaliger"),
and
it
simply crushed the haughty
Triumvir, as well
it
might.
For he had always believed
good
faith that
he was a prince of Verona, and he had
written a great
father,
many
things which he
to
had heard from
his
and which he believed
be
true.
But as a matter
of fact, whether or not Julius Cassar Scaliger
was de-
scended from a princely family he was certainly a good
332

it
deal of a romancer, and
was not
difficult for so
malicious
and
so clever
an antagonist as Scioppius
to
show the
blunders and errors of fact which had crept into the younger
Scaliger's
Epistola.
Around
these
errors
and around
other statements which were claimed to be erroneous,
Scioppius danced and jeered with outrageous glee.
As
soon as Scaliger could
rally
from the unexpected
attack,
he wrote a reply
to
Scioppius which he called Confutatio
Fabulx
Burdonum.
This
title
refers
to
Benedetto
Bordone, a person of humble birth and said by Scioppius

to
be the
real father of the elder Scaliger.

little less
This would
have made both Scaligers
than impostors, and,
therefore, in the reply the falsity of the charge
was
attacked,
though with moderation and good
taste.
The
Confutatio,
however, does not bring forward a single convincing proof

either of his father's descent
from the family of La
Scala,
or of any event narrated by Julius as having happened

to himself or to in France.
any of his family before he arrived at Agen

success of Scioppius
The
was remarkable.
was read
all
The product
of his almost devilish ingenuity

it
over Europe, and
was generally believed even by many

Scaliger
who had passed

learned, too
for these petty,
for friends.
was
too great, too
much
of a real prince in intellect
and bearing,
jealous creatures to be otherwise than
pleased at his overthrow.

in
The name
of the greatest
man
Europe now evoked merely a
grin, or
a coarse joke.
His very name was used as a synonym for a pedant (pidant),

while in French literature, especially, his
333
memory has
and death.
been covered with unworthy

So
ridicule.^
life
much
for the chief incidents of his
One
recounts them because they are characteristic of the

lived,
time in which he
and of the continual warfare beand

their betters.
tween
literary ruffians
We
must now
return to an account of the great achievements which
placed Scaliger at the very head of

learning,
all
men
of letters
and
from Varro
to
Mommsen.
Having shown by
his edited works, already mentioned,^ that he could criticise
and amend according

to
to a scientific system,
he now
moved on
a higher
field
than that of scholarship alone.
"It was reserved for his edition of Manilius (1579), and his De
Emendatione Temporum (1583), to revolutionize

ideas of the chronology of ancient history,
all
the received
for the first
to show
time that ancient chronology was of the highest importance as a

corrector as well as a supplement to historical narrative, that
' The most adequate biography of Joseph Scaliger is that of Jacob Bemays (Berlin, 1865). See also the essay by Mark Pattison in his
book
of essays, already mentioned.
For the
life
of the elder Scaliger,
the letters edited by his son, those afterwards published in 1620, and his
own
writings, are the principal authorities.
See also Laffore's Etude sur
Jules Cesar de Lescale (Agen, i860) and Magen's Documents sur Julius
Ccesar
Scaliger
et
sa Famille (Agen,
1873).
The two books by Ch.

(Paris)
Nisard
Les Gladiateurs de
Litleraire
la Repuhlique des Lettres (Paris, 1889),
Le Triumvirat
levity.
au Seizieme Sikle
are written
R. C. Jebb
and
with
The second
;
of the
two
is little it
more than a
digest of the
volume
There
in the
by Scioppius
is
yet perhaps this makes
worth the reader's while.

Sir
an excellent account of the two Scaligers by

vol. xx, pp.
'
Encyclopedia Britannica, gth ed.,

Supra, pp. 334-340-
361-365 (New York, 1886).
334

is
ancient history
not confined to that of the Greeks and Romans,
but also comprises that of the Persians, the Babylonians, and the
Eg)rptians, hitherto neglected as absolutely worthless,
and that
of
the Jews, hitherto treated as a thing apart and too sacred to be
mixed up with the others, and that the historical narratives and fragments of each of
be carefully and
these,
and their several systems of chronology, must

compared together,
if
critically
any true and general

It
is
conclusions on ancient history are to be arrived at.

constitutes his true glory,
this
which
and which places Scaliger on
so
immensely
Yet, while
higher an eminence than any of his contemporaries.
the scholars of his time admitted his pre-eminence, neither they
nor those
who immediately
followed seem to have appreciated his

criticism, aind
real merit,
but to have considered his emendatory
his skill in Greek, as constituting his claim to special greatness.
'ScaHger's great works in historical criticism
had overstepped any

'
power
son).
of appreciation
which the succeeding age possessed

is
(Pattias-
His commentary on ManiKus'

of the ancients,
really a treatise
on the
tronomy
and
it
forms an introduction to the De

of
Emendatione Temporum, in which he examines by the light
modern and Copernican

epochs, calendars,
science the ancient system as applied to

of time, showing
and computations
upon what
principles they were based."
His Manilius, while
it
represented a
new
field of labour,
had puzzled and frightened away the smaller

being the most dif&cult of
all
critics as
the Latin classics.
But
this
work, with him, merely served as an introduction
to a
comprehensive chronological system to which he gave the

'
The author
a.d.
first
of a Latin
a.d.
poem upon astronomy
written in five books
between 9
and ij
proposed sixth book was never written.

of J.
J.
The
satisfactory text
was that
Scaliger
(iS79)-
Late
See
editions are
by Bentley (London,
1739),
and Jacob
(Berlin, 1846).
Kramer, De Manilii Astronomicis (Marburg, 1890).
33 $
name De Emendatione Temporum.^
In
this latter effort
of a great genius Scaliger created a science of Chronology.
Heretofore, historians had merely arranged past facts in
a tabular series to help the memory.

the philologists
ciples
On
the one hand,
know
nothing of the mathematical prinrests.
upon which the calculation of period
On
It
the
other hand, the astronomers had not attempted to apply

their principles to the records of ancient time.
was
Scaliger
who now, with a new
light
which Copernicus and

to
Tycho Brahe gave him, turned back

epochs and systems and made
they had been formed.
it
the
ancient
plain
on what principles
He instituted
Hebrew
an acute comparison
between the Greek and Persian methods of reckoning

time; he studied even the
calendar, and then in
ascending to
primitive ages, he saw how chronology
may
become an instrument
records do not exist.
first
of discovery for times
when
written
This suggestion
is
only a hint in the

It
edition of the
until
De
Emendatione.
proved
fruitful
to
him
he grasped the daring idea of compiling a

prehistoric
book which should embrace the records of the

past.
Scaliger
was the
if it
first to
see that the history of the

at
all,
ancient world,
could be
known
could be
known
only as an entity; and that the facts of this remote period

could be had only in the remains of those chronologers
who,
'
in
copying statements which they often failed to

edition published in 1583, followed
The
first
by many other and
fuller editions.
336

this
understand themselves, did transmit in

ages the universal tradition of the
distorted fragments of Berosus,
way
to future
human
species.
The
Menander, Manetho, and

Finally,
Abydenus were
first to
be
collected.
he adopted
as a basis of primitive tradition, St. Jerome's Latin translation of the so-called

It is
Eusebian Chronicle.
necessary to explain in a few words what this

it
Eusebian Chronicle was which gave the study of

importance.
the
so
much
Eusebius was an Asiatic Greek, a friend of
Emperor Constantine, and
middle of the third century a.d.
bom in Palestine in the He was one of the most

all
learned scholars of the time and the most widely read.
list
of his books
would be unnecessary here, but
his
studies were of a nature
which intended toward the
dis-
covery of religious truth.

variety of
gians,
He was
familiar with a great

historians, theolo-
Greek authors, philosophers,

lived
in
who
Egypt or Phoenicia or Asia and
Europe.
More
than anything else he cultivated a study
of chronology with a view to establishing

the
historical
on a
solid basis
value of the Old Testament.

universal
history
This was
'laropia)
practically
{HavToBairrj
divided into two books.

origin
The
all
first
book discussed
the
and the history of
nations from the creation
of the world
down
to the
year 325 a.d.
Here Eusebius
uses copious extracts from historians whose works are

lost.
now
The second
part, entitled "
The
Chronicle
Canon"
{XpoviKCK
Kava)v), consisted of parallel tables given by

periods of ten years each, containing the
337
of the
names
sovereigns and the principal events which had taken place
from the
largely
call of
Abraham
(2017 b.c).
He had drawn
upon the chronography
of Sextus lulius Africanus,
completing the whole by the aid of Manetho, losephus, and

other historians.
This was the famous chronicle which

to his
he continued down
own
time.
The book was

Jerome
it
widely
read and was accepted as necessarily accurate.

of time, after the death of Eusebius, St.
lated the Chronicle into Latin, continuing
In course
trans-
to
378 a.d.
it
For some
an
centuries, the Christian scribes preserved
as
essential part of the
works of
St.
Jerome, although they
had no idea
of
its
unusual value.
When
men
the Renaissance
was
well under way, neither the
of elegant letters,
to
nor the Protestant controversialists, knew what

of
it,
make
and
at last
it
was omitted from
their editions of St.
Jerome's works as being without value.
Even
the great
Erasmus, though he edited the other writings of Jerome,

did not think
it
worth his while
to include this Chronicle, in the series of his
and
in fact,
it
was not replaced
works
until 1734.^
It
was
left
for Scaliger to appreciate the inestimable

all
value of this document, which contains
that
we know
of a great deal of pre-classical history, carrying us back

to the oriental countries as well as to
1
Greece and Rome.
This was a handsomely printed edition published at Verona, but
very uncritically edited.

z
338

edit
fit
To
and explain
for
so complicated a
work as
this
was a
sub-
task
an
intellectual giant like Scaliger.
The
stance of the Chronicle
was tempting
to
one whose
it
tastes
were annalistic;
while the form in which
had come
down was
peculiarly attractive to a
it
mind
to
like Scaliger's.
this
careful examination of
fact,
led
him
doubt whether
St.
was, in
an
it
original
document composed by
Jerome,
original
or whether
was the Latin version of a Greek
which had perished.
The
next point which he considered

the Greek original,
is
was
this:
Since
we have not
the
set
Latin translation a faithful version of what Eusebius
down?
In the
first
place, all translators are liable to
various defects, and in the Chronicle there
was a
greater
chance of error because the work was written with such

speed.
St.
Jerome himself
calls
it
tumuUuarium opus and

Again Jerome did not
it
asks for lenity from his readers.

write the book, but merely used
to
supply the Latin
world with a manual of general history.
He
omitted
and inserted whenever he thought the book would be

improved, and tried to communicate the elements of universal history in countries
where barbarous hordes were

of
Christianity.
overrunning
the
civilisation
Further-
more, the manuscripts were peculiarly corrupt, as was

natural in a book so
full
of dates.
Pondering over these
facts, Scaliger
came
to believe that
the original Chronicle as written by Eusebius

sisted of
had conhad
two books; and that the
first
of these books

been
lost in the
339
Dark Ages.
The second book had been

extracts
preserved for
while the
its utility
as an epitome of ancient history,
first
book as consisting of
from the
that
Greek
the
historians, for
modems was
It
the lost
book
was
text-
most valuable.
would daunt the boldest
critic of
modem
times to arrive at these conclusions from
the slight indications which Scaliger had at hand.
Even
more
reckless did
it
seem
for
him
to
reproduce a second
St.
book of the Chronicle of which he had only

Latin,
in
its
Jerome's
Scaliger's
first
original
language.
But
to
finally
almost miraculous mind attempted
recover the
book both
in its substance
and language.
No
such
re-
markable attempt had ever before or has ever since been
known
in the annals of criticism.

skill in
What
Scaliger relied
his mastery
upon was his
imitative translation,
and
of the whole remains of Greek literature.
How
ingenious
was he
in detecting the smallest scrap of slight incident.
Eusebius
may
be shown by one
few fragments of
fitted into
the original Chronicle

their places
had been recovered and

of Scaliger; but these
by the
use.
skill
would have
been of
little
In 1601 he came upon the vestiges of
a manuscript chronicle by a Greek priest which possibly

contained Eusebian fragments, and which by deduction was
likely to
be found
in the
Royal Library at
Paris.
It turned
out that the manuscript was found there.
Scaliger at
Leyden
wrote
in
an agony of mingled anxiety and exultation,
letter after letter,
and
after a year's siege secured
340
the manuscript over which he gloated, clared that this single writer
all
and presently depurpose than
was more
to his
the other
Greek writers combined.
It was, indeed,
another chronicle which had been compiled by Georgius

Syncellus at Constantinople soon after the year 900.
this chronicle the
To
the
Greek monk had transferred almost
whole of Eusebius, together with additions of his own.
The second book

that any one
of Eusebius, therefore,
of,
the only part

last in 1606,
was sure
folio.
was published at
as part of a
Thesaurus Temporum, in which every
chronological relic in
in order,
Greek or Latin was
restored, placed
and made
It
clear.
This was an immense triumph

at the very
for Scaliger.
placed
him
head of
all critics
and chronologists from that time

performed an achievement not
scholars, however,
to
forever, since
he had
be
paralleled.
Many
Could
who admired
his genius regarded his

fanciful.
theory about a
first
book of Eusebius as
life
he have lived beyond the
of ordinary
man, he would
first.
have witnessed a triumph even greater than his
In
the next century, while the Veronese edition of St.
Jerome
was passing through the press under the

Dominico
translation
Vallarsi, a
(a
direction of
complete Eusebius in an Armenian
manuscript of the twelfth century) was

its
slowly
making
way
to Italy,
and was
at last published
(1818) in the
Armenian Convent
at Venice.
Then
had
it
was
shown
that Scaliger's wonderful divination

first
rightly
guided him; that there was a
book
to the Chronicle;

that St.
341
Jerome had translated only the second book;
and that many of the omissions that he had charged against

St.
Jerome were actual omissions.
This remarkable discovery placed Scaliger indisputably
above the heads of
all
his contemporaries.
It vs'as his
great eminence which led the vile-minded Scioppius to

assail
him
at a point
which had nothing

It is
to
do with
either
scholarship or morals.
not surprising, however, that
many who admired his
genius were not friendly toward the
man
His learning was so great as to make that men seem frivolous and slight, especially if they were men of his own age or older. His gravity might be
himself.
of other
called austere.
His thoughts were
settled
almost wholly
on
his learning.
it
He had a manner which was unfortunate,

supercilious.
and
made him seem
For these reasons
many
persons disliked him,
and many more actually

jealous of his great
hated him, besides those

learning.
who were
Thus
it
was
that the
lampoon of Scioppius
In France and Gerof Scaliger
had more than a temporary
effect.
many and
Italy,
and even England, the name
was derided.
He was
thought of mainly as a mere pedant,
a butt for cheap wit, and one

at with reason.
who might
readily be fleered
Thus, M. Charles Nisard in his two entervolumes ^ displayed the opinions which
in France.
It
taining but
trifling
have long been held of Scaliger

'
was Pro;
Nisard, Les Gladiateurs de la RSpublique de Lettres (Paris, 1889)

Litter aire
and
Le Triumnrat
au Seizieme
Steele (Paris,
no date).
342
fessor

Jacob Bemays who, in 1855, revived the glory of
Scaliger
and made
his
name
and
as illustrious as
it
it
had been
two centuries before;
was Mark Pattison who

It is they
aided very greatly in this honourable task.^

recall to us,
who
not merely the advance which Scaliger made
in scientific chronology,
and likewise
in constructive criti-
cism, but that he
had
also helped
on the study of Numis(1616).
matics by his treatise
De Re Nummaria
To him
are due, also, twenty-four indexes to Gruter's Thesaurus
Inscriptionum Latinarum^ (1603).
The death
of
Scaliger served
only to stimulate the
scholarly activities of the Netherlanders
and Flemings,
among whom we
find, to
be
sure,
no such mighty names
as those of the Triumvirate, but

peculiar significance because of
many which have
some
special incident or
achievement.
Thus Jacques de Cruques
(Latinised as
Cruquius) will remain forever famous because in the Abbey

at Blankenberghe
he discovered a number of different manscholia (1578).
uscripts
of
Horace with
Among
these
manuscripts was the famous Codex Blandinianus, possibly

the oldest (vetusiissimus)
'
.
Unfortunately, an attack by a
(Berlin, 1855)
;
Bemays, Joseph Justus Scaliger
and
Faittison, Essays,
i.
pp. 162-171 (Oxford, 1889).

'
Janus Gruter (Jan Gruyt6re) was a

in in Heidelberg keeper of the
classical scholar
who
studied in
Cambridge and Leyden, and taught
Wittenberg and
in Heidelberg.
He was
but
is
famous Palatine Library, which was
presently carried to
best
Rome.
He
edited a
number
of classical authors,
known
for his collection of inscriptions,
which was, however,
most valuable from the indexes mentioned above.
343
mob upon the Abbey led to the destruction of this invaluable

manuscript, so that we have now only the notes and excerpts
of Cruquius.
It is certain that they are of the greatest in-
terest to Horatians, although
some have endeavoured
to
repudiate them as either inventions or as inaccurately

written out by Cruquius.
lines
Nevertheless, there are
some
which are almost certainly genuine, and they explain

which had hitherto
lines existing in other manuscripts,
been almost meaningless.^
Another contemporary scholar

critic of
was William Canter, a well-known Greek
Utrecht,
who had
strophe
studied in Paris and edited Euripides (1571) in a
fashion which
made the distinction between strophe and antiin the margins.
by Arabic numerals
He also edited
Sophocles (1579) and ^schylus (1580).

tury
is
Later in the cen-
Gerhard Johannes Vossius, who taught at Leyden

in
and afterwards
Amsterdam.
He
its
gave patient study
to
the syntax of Latin as well as to

treatises
etymology, writing five
on these subjects; and,
like Scaliger,
another Ars
Poetica.
He
is
best to
be remembered, however, by two
treatises which, taken together,
form an important con-
tribution to the history of ancient literature.

is
The
first
entitled
De
Historicis Greeds (1623-4)

All of his
and De His-
toricis Latinis (1627).

'
books were widely read
As to eminent
scholars
who doubt
the accuracy of the Codex Blandi-
nianus and even the veracity of Cruquius, the reader is referred to Keller's
Epilegomena zu Horaz (Leipzig, 1879), accompanying a new recension of

Keller and Holder's
first
edition (Leipzig, 1870)
a remarkable piece
of critical work, though not convincing.
344

studied,
and
and a new
edition of the former
was
printed
at Leipzig in 1833.
His
interest in everything classical
was very wide.

Graphice) and in
early treatise
He wrote a monograph on art modem times he is the author of a

Gentili).
(De
very
on Mythology {De Theologia
His
brother-in-law, Franciscus Junius,

of his
life in
who
spent thirty years
England as
librarian to Earl of Arundel,
made
a special study of ancient paintings and published a vol-
ume De
1639)
that
Pictura Veierum (1637).
Daniel Heinsius (1581-
was
the beloved pupil of Scaliger,
and
in his
arms
great scholar died.
Heinsius was a multifarious
editor of classical books, though hardly worthy to rank with
most of
his contemporaries.
When
Scaliger died in 1609 the chair of history, which

left
was thus vacated, was
without an occupant for twenty-
two years, although a very worthy successor would have

been Vossius, who was widely known by his
ings
historical writ-
on ancient
history.
The chair was not filled, however,

foreigner, Claude de Saumaise
until 1 63 1,
and then by a
(Salmasius), a
landers,
brilHant figure
among
the sturdy Holfor his
and one who attracted admiration, both
personality
and
for his varied learning.
In 1606 he had
discovered the older Anthology by Cephalas in the Palatine
Library at Heidelberg.
The
influence there probably in-
duced him
to
become a
Protestant, which was, indeed, the
religion of his mother.
In 1609 he attempted successfully
a genuine feat of scholarship, in editing Florus, with notes,

which he compiled within ten days.
345
In the next year he
returned to France, studying jurisprudence but receiving no

office
because of his
religion.
He was,
however, devoted to
the classics, and when, in 1620, he published Casaubon's
notes on the Historia Augusta, he

brilliant
trious.
many acute and additions of his own as to render his name illusHis Protestantism was evinced when he married
made
so
Anne
Mercier, a Huguenot of distinguished family, and he
reached the height of his fame by his commentary on the

Polyhistor of Solinus (1629), a
work
that
still
remains a
So
proof of extraordinary and conscientious industry.
anxious was Salmasius to attain complete accuracy that he

learned Arabic to help him in the botanical part of his work
and he was
so unwilling to let his
book go
to press until
he
should have consulted a rare treatise by Didymus that the

third section of his
commentary (De Herbis
et
Plantis)
did not appear until after his death.
Salmasius was at
once a scholar of high rank, and a gentleman of polished
manners
genuine cavalier.
It
was natural
that he
should have received urgent calls from Oxford, Padua,
and Bologna.
All of these he declined.
But
in 1631 the
University of Leyden presented

fessorship
him with a research

livres
pro-
and a stipend of two thousand
a year, a
sum which was soon

thing required of
raised to three thousand.
The
only
him was
that he should live in Leyden,
and
refute the annals of Baronius.*

'
He fulfilled
the former
Supra,
p.
309 .
346
condition, but conveniently forgot the second.
He was
very
prolific,
however, in tracts and monographs, most of In spite of his Protestantism, and his
in
them
classical.
attacks
upon the papal power, Salmasius was popular
France, and the scholars of Paris evidently hoped that he
would change
deed,
his faith
and return
to
them.
He
was,
in-
made a royal
counsellor and a Knight of St. Michael,
and great sums of money were offered him; but while he

accepted the honours, he refused the
faithful to his religion.
money and remained
Salmasius
is
now best remembered by his Defensio Regia

It
pro Carolo I, which he wrote in defence of Charles I of
England and of absolute monarchy.

because
it
is
remembered
drew forth from Milton a virulent answer.

in
Many
ality
have said that Milton overwhelmed Salmasius
this controversy;
but such an opinion
is
due
to the partithis
given by English-speaking people to Milton, in
as in other things.
The
truth
is
that the Defensio, being
written by one Protestant against another,
was very widely
read and had considerable influence.

cost of printing
Charles II paid the
and gave the author a hundred poimds.
Queen
Christina of
Sweden
invited Salmasius to visit her

gifts
at her court,
tions.
and loaded him with

first
and other
distinc-
The
edition of his Defensio
was anonymous.
of
French translation appeared at once under the name

also the
Le Gros and was
work
of Salmasius.
It
must
be said that neither Milton nor Salmasius showed
his full

powers
self too
347
in this
famous controversy.
Milton allowed him-
much
vituperation and vile language, while Salsufficiently carried
masius was not

to give his
away by
truth.
his subject
words the ringing force of
Nevertheless, Salmasius
was
gladly
welcomed back
to
Leyden, where he died soon

his great powers
after, in 1653.
He had by
we
made
himself a literary dictator, and
must
ascribe this to his vast erudition, his natural good
sense, his keen perception of
an author's meaning,
all
of
which make
quently most
his text corrections often ingenious

felicitous.
and
fre-
He
was, moreover, neither a sour

;
Puritan nor a dissolute cavalier

wise,
but
liberal,
generous, and
to
and exercising a fortitude that enabled him

health,
comof
bat
ill
and yet produce books
to
the
number
eighty, every
one of which had a distinct value.

like-
Contemporary with Salmasius and Vossius, and

wise a great pillar of Dutch scholarship,
(in
was Hugo
Grotius
of
his
native tongue called
Huig van Groot), one was a man
those ancient scholars and writers who, like Plato and
Thucydides, and Caesar and
Sallust,
of action
and thought as well as
literary distinction.
He
served
his State as well as raised the reputation of his country
for scholarship.
Young Grotius was
able to write good
Latin verses at the age of nine.

sity of
He
entered the Univerlater
Leyden
at twelve.
Three years
he began an
edition of the encyclopaedia of Martianus Capella. In fact,
he was a great favourite of Joseph
Scaliger,
who urged him
348

After travelling on the
to edit this educational allegory.
Continent, he took the degree of doctor of laws at Leyden,
and entered on actual practice as an advocate.

successful in his profession,
He was
and yet he could not put

style
aside the classics.
His Latin
was
by
so pure that he
was even read

just as
in the schools side in
side with Terence,

side
Muretus
France had been read side by
with Cicero.
Apart from his
text editions,^ however, he
wrought out two great works which show how he was

divided in his studies between the classics, pure and simple,
and
juristic science.
The first is
his extraordinary treatise
on the
tants.
principles of jurisprudence as relating to
comba-
He
went, however,
much
farther than this, and
opened many larger questions which were subsequently

to
be developed by those who looked upon Grotius as a

Thus, for example, he was the
first to
master.
attempt
to formulate a principle of right, as a basis for society
and government, outside the Church or the

treatise
Bible.
His
De
lure Belli
It is
et
Pacts
marks an epoch
in the
science of law.
worth noting that even in
this
work
the
one
is
struck
of
by the beauty
half-forgotten
of his Latin style, pearls
and
glimpses
with which he con-
sciously adorned his pages.
The
other remarkable
work which he accomplished was

Silius Italicus.
Of Martianus Capella, the Pharsalia, and

Published at Paris in 1625.
(Paris, 1875).
'
A French translation was long afterward
made by H61y

his translation into Latin verse of the Anihologia
349
Planudea}
so
This was the
first
and best translation of these poems, and again

it
varied, so sparkling with wit,
so full of a per-
vasive tenderness as to
make
seem impossible that a

his fiftieth year could
grave jurisconsult
who had passed
turn from his legal studies to attempt so difficult a task as

this.
But having attempted

and grace
it,
he succeeded, and his
flowers of elegance
artful
lose little or nothing
by the
way
in
which he has transformed them from Greek

for
to Latin.
Not
more than one hundred and
fifty
years
was any
its
serious rivalry with Grotius attempted;
and then
for
preparation occupied
Van Bosch and Van Lennep
seven years.^
With Grotius ' ends

scholar.
the earlier type of Netherlandish
For a
time, there are
no giants
is
to
be noted
in
the universities of Holland.
There
much making of texts,
as by the two Gronovii,* the second of

in thirteen
whom
compiled
volumes an immense Thesaurus Antiquitatum

dis-
GrcBcarum;^ Nicolaus Heinsius, the son of Scaliger's

ciple Daniel Heinsius; and also
J.
G. Graevius (Greffe),
who capped
the
Thesaurus of Heinsius by publishing

all
three thesauri, containing in

to antiquarian topics.
'
thirteen volumes, relating
Supra, pp. 256, 237.

Utrecht, 1795-1822.
'
See de Vries, Hugo Grotius (Amst., 1827).
'J. F. Gronov (1611-1671) and Jacob Gronov (1645-1716). ' Published in 1702.
35

study of ancient coins was taken up by Ezechiel
The
Spanheim,' whose Hfe represents the union of the Protestant countries, since he
was
bom
in
Geneva, educated
in
Leyden, and died in London.
Besides his Dissertatio^
he wrote a famous commentary on the

limachus, which
(1761).
is
still
Hymns
of Cal-
valuable in the edition of Emesti

industrious,
Spanheim was an
though, not an
inspired, scholar, so that
Wyttenbach said of him: " Span-
heimius multa, non multum, legerat."
The two
Peter
Bunnanns (Burmanni) revived

in letters.
the old
stu-
supremacy of Holland
The
elder'
was a
dent of Graevius, but spent the

life
last twenty-six years of his
as Professor of Eloquence at Leyden.

editor,
He was
to
voluminous
confining
himself,
however,
the
Latin writers both in prose and poetry, for which he has
been much blamed by the Grecians.

are his editions of
the Poeta Latini
The most
notable
Minores, and of
Petronius in prose.
editions,
His editions were largely Variorum

of
and many
them are
dull;
though sometimes
when
his prejudices
were aroused, he became so scurrilous

life-
that his introductions could not be printed during his

time. called
So laborious was he, and so patient, that he was
by many " the beast of burden " (Burdomanus)

learning.
of
classical
Students of
the history of scholar-
* '
1629-1710.
Dissertatio de
Usu
et
Prcutantia
Numismatum Antiquorum
(1664).
1668-1741.

ship in the Netherlands
will,
351
to
however, continue
read
the huge quarto volumes of his Sylloge Epistolarum a Viris

Illustribus Scriptarum,
which contains material of great
value relating to classicists.^

Just as
so the
Burmann devoted
his
whole
life to
Latin studies,
German, Ludolf
Ktister (Neocorus)^ represented the
investigation of Greek.
Kuster was a German by
birth,
but something of a cosmopolite, since he

Paris,
visited Utrecht,
and Cambridge, then

in Paris. in 1705
lived for a long time at Rotter-
dam, and died

of
He wrote
(1696) a critical history

in three large
Homer, and
an edition of Suidas
volumes, published by the Cambridge Press.

busied himself on a
it
He
then
life
of Pythagoras (1707) and followed
up with a massive
edition of Aristophanes, including all
the Greek scholia, with a metrical version parallel to the

text. He included modem comments,
also at the
end of the volume

notes sent
all
the
besides
many
by the great
English
classicist,
Richard Bentley.'
The number
yond those
of
famous Dutch scholars who flourished
in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries
is
notable be-
whom we
have already mentioned.
Thus,
Lambert Bos,* the contemporary of Kuster, studied Greek
grammar with much

was
"
care at Franeker
and there was
also
the great edition of Livy

originally
in
by Arnold Drakenborch.
quarto
This
seven
volumes
'
(i 738-1 746).
See L. Miiller, op.
cil.,
pp. S4-S9-
Infra, pp. 361-371.
21670-1716.
*i67o-i7i7.
352 His

contemporary,
Siegbert
Havercamp,
Professor
full
at of
Leyden, edited Lucretius in two large volumes,

errors.
He was
number
careless in neglecting the value of

i.e.
what
lay nearest at hand,

lected a
the
Leyden manuscripts.
He colof Greek,
of tracts
on the pronunciation
which probably
and
it
was
this collection
led to the ap-
pointment of Havercamp as Professor of Greek at Leyden.
This honour should have been given, as

seen,
to
is
now
plainly
Tiberius Hemsterhuys,i educated
at Groningen
and Leyden.
At the
latter university,
when a mere
youth,
he was placed in charge of the public library, and at nineteen
was
at
called to the chair of
mathematics at the Atheclas-
naeum
sical
Amsterdam
(1704).
His acute criticism of
authors
who were
him
then being edited by the different
professors led
to a distinction
which was
to
become
to
very great.
edit
J.
H. Lederlin, who had been engaged
Julius
Pollux,
threw up his engagement, and de-
parted suddenly for Strassburg, where a professorship had
been offered him.
The remaining
three books of the
work
were assigned
to
Hemsterhuys, who, with natural modesty,
wrote to Bentley, and begged for his opinion on ten passages in the last two books.
to all these questions,
fills
Bentley's
off at
prompt answer
letter that
thrown
is
once in a
three pages of print,
a remarkable proof of his
versatility
and ready
striking
scholarship.^
1685-1766.
2 Still
more
was another incident connected with

first edition,
this book.
When
Bentley received the
he wrote back in words of high
353
Later, this eminent Greek scholar began to edit the
whole of Lucian, the minuteness of which can be judged
by the
fact that in ten years
he had only translated and
elucidated six of the texts.

printing
At that
stage, however, the
began, but proceeded
slowly.
The
publisher,
wishing to see the work completed during his

time,
J. F.
own
life-
the remaining five-sixths were given over to one
Reitz * of Utrecht,
who
finished
them
in five years. in
Hemsterhuys, likewise, did much

editions of other
text
criticism
the
men, correcting mistakes and emending

Meanwhile, he had been advanced
to
doubtful passages.
a professorship at the University of Harderwyk.
Much to
the disappointment of friends of learning, Hemsterhuys
did not succeed Gronovius at Leyden, though he became

professor at Franeker.
Finally, however,
in
1740, two
years before the death of Havercamp, he received the

but regretted that so learned a scholar as Hemsterhuys should
carelessly with the metrical quotations in Pollux.
praise,
have dealt
Bentley,
thereupon, proceeds to
make
the necessary corrections, and does so with
such ease and fluency and fulness as would astonish the ripest scholar.
They
did, indeed, bring gall
and wormwood
to rectify them.
to
young Hemsterhuys.
He had
been well aware of the importance of these quotations, and had

all his skill
endeavoured with
Hence Bentley's easy

and
for several
mastery of the subject seemed maddening to Hemsterhuys who was so

distressed, that
he resolved to give up Greek forever
months did actually not allow himself to open a Greek book. ' Reitz (1695-1778) was head master of the local school at Utrecht.
It
was
in this position that
he assisted Hemsterhuys; but
later for a
period of thirty years he was Professor of History and Eloquence in the

University.
354

of
Professorship
Greek
in
Leyden, where he revived
Hellenic studies so successfully that scholars from other
lands flocked to hear him, while he was joined by his most
famous
pupil,
David Ruhnken.^
Ruhnken had been
studying Greek at Wittenberg; but so famous was Hemsterhuys, that even in the
German
universities students
were advised
tion
in
to seek the
Netherlands for the best instrucliterature
the
Hellenic
and
language.
Such
renown had sprung from the arduous and brilliant labours

of Hemsterhuys,
Oudendorp, L. K. Valckenaer, Peter
Wesseling, and one of the foreign contingent, Jacques

Philippe d'Orville, whose studies were
the Netherlands.
rivalry
made
entirely in
sort
There had been, indeed, a
of
between the Grecians and the Latinists at Leyden,

universities.
classics,
and the other great Dutch
For a time Latin was regarded as the chief of the

while Greek was, as
it
were, an oriental
tongue to be
grouped with Arabic and Hebrew.

his
But Hemsterhuys and
colleague
had
taken Greek out of this unnatural

it
position,
and had taught
and
its
great
importance,
with brilliant effort and complete success.
On
the other
hand, Latin for a time had become a sort of stamping
ground for dullards,
until
Franz van Oudendorp
be-
came a
professor at Leyden, with the result that Greek
and Latin were each represented by a

lating power.
'
man
of stimuCaesar,
Oudendorp's Lucan, his editions of

' 1 696-1 76 1.
1 7 23-1 798.
355
Suetonius, and Apuleius were excellent specimens of exegetical
work.
Period.
The Anglo-Dutch
It
has been said that the
Protestant countries in the North had, by a natural sym-
pathy, gradually been drawing together after the outbreak

of Protestantism.
scholars
But although the very
early English
Ire-
whom we
have mentioned as flourishing in
land and in the abbeys were in close contact with the

schools of France and the splendid Italian seats of learning,
not so
teenth
much can be said for the Englishmen of the sevencentury. They had, however, a certain full-bodied
classicism.
enjoyment of the pagan side of
They were not
averse to the songs of the Goliardi; and, as a matter of

pride, they patronised learning at
Oxford and Cambridge
and some of the public
schools.
We
came
have already seen that many young Englishmen

to the
Netherlands to study for a while, and the
Netherlands were a source of English classical learning.
good type of these cultivated Englishmen was

Savile,^
Sir
to
Henry
an Oxford man, who was tutor

Savile
in
Greek
Queen
Elizabeth.
was a wealthy,
high-spirited
man, of much
serious
learning, although his learning

sort.
was
of a
and painstaking
He
translated four books
of Tacitus, the Historic
and
also
the Agricola.
Fur-
thermore, he wrote an excursus on the military usages of

the
Romans
pamphlet which was translated into
356

Later he became Provost
disci-
Latin at Heidelberg in 1601.

at Eton,
pline.
and there he introduced a stem and austere
He
I.
was one of those who were associated
in pre-
paring the authorised version of the Bible, and was knighted
by James
Sir
Henry endeavoured,
as a
work by which he should
be remembered,
tom.
to prepare a great edition of St. Chrysos-
He
secured manuscript collections from Paris, but
could not get a font of the royal type; whereupon, Savile
bought a special
font,
employed the King's
printer,
and
oversaw the actual printing of the eight
folio
volumes
which were done
at
Eton
at a cost of
8000, the paper

in
alone costing 2000.
Casaubon, who was

it
England
while this work was going on, describes
accurately as
produced privafa
piece
of
impensa,
animo
regio.
No
master-
English
scholarship
had
heretofore
been
so
splendidly executed
and evinced such breadth of
erudi-
tion joined with lavishness of outlay.
Savile was, indeed,
fitting
type of the magnificent English scholar of the
early
tastes,
school.
his
Free-handed
in
felt
gratifying
all
his
scholarly
generosity
was
over
England.
He
collected manuscripts, patronised other scholars;
founded
professorships at Oxford,
the
and aided Bodley
in founding
famous Bodleian Library.

likewise,
Apart from his love of scholarship, Savile was,

chivalrous in manner, and
somewhat
affected in his speech.
He
regarded himself as
"an
extraordinarily
handsome

man, no lady having a
tion of himself
is
357
His apprecia-
finer
complexion."
commemorated by a
and
portrait at Oxford,
another at Eton, and by sculptured monuments at Merton

College, Oxford,
at Eton.
Associates of Savile were
Andrew Downes,' one

Cambridge
that he
of the revisers of the
King James
version of the Bible; but so fond

is
was he
of his haunts at
said never to have attended the meettill
ings of the revisers "
he was either fetched or threat-
ened with a Pursivant."

his
He was
it
especially noted for
knowledge of Greek, and
is
described by Fuller as
" composed of Greek and industry."

Francis Bacon, Lord Verulam,^ entered Trinity College,
Cambridge,
said to
at the age of twelve;

chiefly
and as a student he
is
have browsed
in Latin;
among
Cicero, Livy, Sallust,
and Caesar
and
in
Greek among Homer, XenoLater he came to care

little
phon, Plato, and Aristotle.
for Aristotle, while his attitude toward ancient philosophy

is
given in a sentence by Lord Macaulay:
"Two
words
form the key of Baconian philosophy

gress."
utility,
and pro-
Bacon
is
unique because he regretted that there

absence of any history of learning.
the famous
was a
noticeable
striking
is
Most
Novum Organum
(1620),
which, by
its title,
declares the author to enter the philo-
sophic field against the logical doctrine of Aristotle.

Aristotle thought that learning should
fore,
As
be useful and, there-
content to be stationary, Bacon proceeds to develop

'
1549-1628.
==
1561-1629.
358

fruitful,
a system which shall be
and given
to the develop-
ment
of
new
learning.!
in
this
There remain
Valckenaer,
earlier
period Ludwig Caspar
a professor in Leyden
who made
and
rather
noticeable editions of the Hippolytus Euripides, and sundry editions of:

(2)
PhasnisscB of
Poets,
(i)
The Bucolic
The Fragments of Callimachus,
(3)
Diatribe de Aris-
tohulo.
Valckenaer's lectures were attended by English
students as were those of Ruhnken, another professor at
Leyden, who
is to
be remembered
in the
chiefly
by
his Lexicon
critical his-
to the Platonic
words
Timceus and his
tory of the
Greek
orators.^
Daniel Wyttenbach,' a Swiss
by
birth,
and educated
at
Marburg, studied
also at the
German
University of Gottingen.
He abandoned
Ger-
many
ing to
to live
at Leyden under Ruhnken, after which he

for twenty-eight years, then return-
taught at
Amsterdam
Leyden
for seventeen years.
Wyttenbach produced
texts,
a complete edition of Plutarch's Moralia, with Greek
and Latin
translation, with
two volumes of notes, and two
of an index, containing seven

'
himdred pages.
It
is
inter-
Another interesting writer and scholar of the same time was Robert
Burton,
who produced,
is
after
much
is
quiet study, the famous
Anatomy
is
of
Melancholy (1621). This volume
a delightful blending of what
grave,
and what
essence of
gay,
filled
with apt and quaint quotations that contain the

so that from
human wisdom,
them many a gem has been

L.
drawn without acknowledgment.

^
See Wyttenbach, Vita Ruhnkenii, pp. 67-300, pp. 175-181;

cit.
Muller, op.
pp. 84-88, 101-103.
1746-1820.
THE PERIOD OP NATIONALISM
359
esting with regard to the scholarly relations existing be-
tween Germany and Great Britain, that even when the
two countries were
at war, at the
it
was decided
to print this great
monumental work
Oxford Press.
The
instalments
of manuscript were sent successively to the Press through
the British minister at the Hague, and several of these
boxes were protected in a chest covered with pitch, that
was mislaid
for
two years and a
half, "
during
all
which
time," says Dr. Sandys, " the editor (Thomas Gaisford)
was anxiously imcertain
as to
its
fate."
In the course of time both Oxford and Cambridge began

to
spread their stately
halls,
and
to cultivate the
new
learnit
ing with Greek restored in
some of the colleges where

There was
had
become almost unknown.
at first a feud be-
tween the Latinists, who had thought the

sufficient,
Roman
tongue
and
their
fellow-students the
respectively,
two bands de-
scribing
themselves,
as
" Greeks "
and
" Trojans."
Their animosity at times became so rampant,
that parties of
them took
to fighting in the streets.
But
the progress of learning went steadily on,-until England
possessed classicists
who were
deserving of being matched
with the great
men upon
the Continent.
Charles
Bumey
declared, about the year 1800, that England
had possessed
a Pleiad: Richard Bentley (1662-1742); Richard Dawes

1 s
Sandys, op.
1
cit. ii.
p. 463.
critical discourse
757-1818.
He
wrote a
on the metres of Êschy-
lus (1809).
360

Jeremiah
(1708-1766);
Markland
Richard
(1693-1776);
John
Taylor
(1703-1766);
Porson
(1759-1808);
Thomas Tyrwhitt
(1713-1785).!
'
(i 730-1 786);
and Jonathan Toup
Andrew Downes
(d.
1628)
is
associated with Savile's gigantic edition
of St. Chrysostom.
Greek was largely restored by him in Cambridge,
where he held a professorship of Greek for forty years (1586-1625).
John Taylor
of
(i
703-1 766) edited Lysias, ^schylus, and several orations Peter Elmsley (1773-1825) made, besides an edition
excellent annotations
Demosthenes.
of Thucydides,
some
on various dramas.
Thomas
so that
in
Gataker (1574-1654), a Puritan scholar, published a Greek text of Marcus AureUus, accompanied
this
by a Latin version, and a commentary,

any
classical writer
book was "the
earliest edition of
pubhshed
England with
there are
original
annotations"
(Hallam).
In his introduction
many
observations on the Stoic philosophy, and
many
illustra-
tive passages
from the Greek and Latin writers are given in the

i.
note.
Morhof,
in his Polyhistor,
p.
926 (Wiemar, 1747), placed Gataker among

read;
the six Protestants
who were deeply
and Gassendi
calls
him "a
scholar of enormous reading."

jurist,
very versatile investigator was the
161 7 brought forth
John Selden (1584-1654), who sat in the Long Parliament, and in two works of which the first {The History of Tythes)
in English, while the second treatise (De Diis Syris)
was written
Latin, and
ever,
is
was
in
had a
certain mysticism ruiming through
it.
His name, how-
far better
Marbles.
known from its connection with the famous Arundel These marbles were purchased in Assyria by an agent of the They were shipped to England, and placed in They consisted of two large fragtable, which as a whole was called Marmor
and continues
third,
second Earl of Arundel.
the gardens of Arundel House (1627).
ments
of
a,
chronological
Parium.
The
table begins with Cecrops,
as far as 354 B.C.
The
262
lost fragment,
B.C.,
which would have been the

its
ended with 263-
the year of
composition.
Selden deciphered and interpreted
the inscription, and pubhshed the

careful notes, description,
Marmora ArundelUana with the most and much learned information. When the
were gazed at by multitudes at Arunpraise.
marbles
first
came
to England, they
del House,
and Selden won universal
About 1667, John Eveljm's
361
Of
in
these seven men, Richard Bentley
was the most

indeed,
memorable master of Greek and Latin.
He comes,
some
respects close to the great Continental scholars,
having the brilliancy of Muret, the versatility of Salmasius,
and some
of the
depth of reading which was
Scaliger's.
He was
a burly, contentious Englishman, with a violent
diary describes the famous marbles as broken, and "scattered up and
down about the garden, exceedingly impaired by the corrosive air of London." Some of these fragments had been used in repairing the house, while the upper half of the Marmor Parium was built into the chimney,
whence
it
was rescued once more by Selden.
At
Eveljoi's request 250
inscribed pieces of marble were given to the University of Oxford.
Only
136 arrived there.
First they were inserted in the walls of the Shelfinally
donian Theatre, and
were placed in the University
Galleries.
Milton has been spoken of already as a controversialist and
classicist,
but
belongs to the category of poets rather than that of professional linguists.
He was a wide reader,

of
wrote a number of Latin verses, "in the springtime
an ardent and
less
brilliant fancy."
His Tractate on Education (1642)
is,
however,
the work of a poet than of a schoolmaster and encydopsedist,
since he arranged the classic authors according to a plan
which he im-
agined will form an "easie and delightful Book of Education.''
He
com-
mends
It
is
also the
famous Italians
for their
commentaries and
criticisms.
Castelvetro, Tasso, and
Mazzoni are those
whom he
especially mentions.
interesting to note that he advises the Italian pronunciation of Latin
and apparently of Greek. John Hales (d. 1656), and the still more famous (d. 1667), and the dreamy "Cambridge Platonists" are an interesting but unimportant group of scholars. John Evelyn (1620Jeremy Taylor
1706), though best
known for
his English diary, translated into his native
tongue the
first
book of Lucretius with a commentary
(1656).
very
Lucy Hutchinson, who translated the entire six books of Lucretius, dedicating them to the Earl of Anglesey. Her lack of sympathy with the poet is shown by her speaking of him as "this Dog,'' and of "the foppish, casuall dance of attorns," as "an impious doclearned lady was Mrs.
trine."
Thomas
Creech, a fellow of All Souls, put forth a third transia-
362
temper, and a pride so great, that

Stillingfleet,
when he was
chaplain
to
Bishop of Worcester, a nobleman, who was

said
to
the Bishop's guest,
him
after dinner:
" That " Yes,"
chaplain of yours
tion o Lucretius
Press.
is
a very extraordinary man."

edition of
it
and an
with notes (1695) at the Oxford
Creech was a
man of good
taste,
and a more
serious scholar than
most of his contemporaries.

of Horace,
Besides his Lucretius, he translated portions
Theocritus, Manilius, Ovid, Juvenal, and Plutarch.
The
death of John Dryden occurred in the same year as that of Creech (1700).
This manly poet had translated into metrical English not only Vergil,
but also Horace, Perseus, and Juvenal.

spirited than Pope's in his
ing,
His renderings were
far
more
Homer
though Pope, by his neatness of phras-
brought the great epic poet into the hands of many. Pope, however,
like the elder
Dumas had
collaborators, so that
of others.
much of what
passes as
his
work
is
in reality the
work
Furthermore, a rhymed version

else to
compelled him to depart from the original, or

that the best-known couplet in his Odyssey
is
supplement
it;
:
so
partly an interpolation
True
friendship's laws are
by
this rule exprest.
Welcome
the coming, speed the parting guest.
xv.
74.
The seventeenth century was,

son,
in fact, one of classical taste.
Joseph Addiespecially
so-
John Dryden, John Evelyn, and Joseph Spence were
affected
by the
influence of Bentley, but perhaps even
more by the
called classic revival in France, of
which we
serious
shall
have something
study
to say
hereafter.
Worthy
of
mention
for
classical
Ruddiman
through
(1674-1757), a Scotch printer and bookseller,

the
is Thomas who produced
a practical grammar, entitled Rudiments of
Latin Tongue, which went
many
editions,
was reprinted
in
England, and imported into the
American
colonies.
His more elaborate work
Grammaticce
Latince
Institutiones
was excellent
for its treatment of S3mtax.
He also printed
who had
Jere-
the Latin works of George Buchanan, that truculent Scotchman

assailed
Queen Mary
in Latin verse,
and had made a metrical rendering

credit than he deserved.
of the Psalms, which brought
him more
miah Markland, already mentioned
as one of
Bumey's
Pleiad,
was a
scholar of note, producing an edition of the Silvce of Statius,
and showing

replied the Bishop.
363
" If he only
had the
gift of humility,
he would be the most extraordinary

Bentley was a Cambridge
man
in
Europe."
man
(St.
John's College), and
took his degree high

chaplain to Bishop
among
the wranglers.
Later when
Stillingfleet,
who had a remarkably

sounding deeply
noting the nicest points,
fine library, Bentley read omnivorously,
the vast reaches of classic lore
the most delicate shades of meaning, the cadences in verse,
and the subtler laws
of prose.
After several minor writings,
largely in the shape of letters, giving privately
much
aid to
foreign and English scholars, he published, as an appendix

to
an edition of John Malalas of Antioch,

to
his
own now
he dealt
celebrated Letter
Mill (1691).
Attic
In
this letter
most acutely with the
Drama,
identifying Themis,
history,
Minos, and Auleas of the legendary
as being
actually the historical dramatists, Thespis, Ion of Chios,
and ^schylus.
He
likewise discovered the metrical con-
tinuity {syanphceid)
which
less
exists in the anapasstic system.
His monograph was

yet in
it
than one hundred pages in bulk,

sixty authors,
he
criticised
and explained more than
Greek and Latin.

tion
By
this
achievement he
won
a reputait
among
scholars
on the Continent, who were,

to appreciate
must
be confessed, better able
him than
his
own
clever classicists in Great Britain.

critical ability in his
treatment of the Epistles of Cicero to Brutus, and
of three plays of Euripides.

ing,
He was
:
familiar with the Continental learnthis
and said of
his
own work " Probably it will be a long time before
6ort of learning will revive in England."
364
Bentley had a boundless ambition in these years.

projected a collection of the fragments of
poets,
all
He
But
the Greek
and another
of all the
Greek lexicographers.
sufficient to place
his Epistola
ad Millium was alone

all living
him
at the
head of
English scholars.
Pattison:
left in
To
quote
Mark
The ease with which, by a

which had been
stroke of the pen, he restores passages
hopeless corruption
by the
editors of the
Chronicle, the certainty of the emendation,
the relevant material, are in a style totally

fiil
and the command over difierent from the care-
and laborious learning

students
of
it
Hody,
Mill, or
ChUmead. To a
small
circle of classical
was at once apparent that there had

these few pages had
arisen in England a critic,
whose attainments were not to be measured
by the ordinary academical standard, but whom

sufficed to place
by the
side of the great Grecians of a former age.
Bentley's only fault
was a pugnacity and dogmaticism,
which
in after years
made him
as
many enemies
as his
learning and genuine benevolence

private
life
made him
friends.
In
he was charitable
to
a degree, and young
scholars found in
him an
unfailing source of aid.^
For
some years
after his Letter to Mill, his energy

it
was
extraor-
dinary, though
took no shape in literary form.
He
won
recognition from Continental scholars, and
became
labori-
librarian of the ously.
Royal Library,
in
which he worked
The
University of Cambridge asked

for the Press;
him
to obtain
fonts of
Greek and Latin type
and these he
aided Evelyn
had
cast in beautiful
form in Holland.
'
He
Supra, p. 351-52.

in his
365
work on ancient
coins.
He
corresponded with such
Continental scholars as his illustrious contemporary, F. A.
Wolf, and supplied Grsevius with numerous suggestions,
and
especially
an invaluable
collection of the fragments of
Callimachus.
The work by which

tation
Bentley
is
best
known
his Disserhave
Bentley
on the Epistles of Phalaris
need not be mentioned

as spurious.
here at length.
The
so-called Epistles of Phalaris
already been suspected by
many
had promised
to
prove their spuriousness, which he did
in a short paper.
This paper was resented by the Oxford
editor of Phalaris, the
Hon. Charles Boyle.
Boyle
at-
tacked Bentley, and in so doing called to his, aid his
numerous
friends,
who saw
in
this controversy
a battle
freely
between Oxford and Cambridge, and who, therefore,

lent Boyle all the assistance in
their power.
The
result
was a
istry,
tract marked
by shallow learning and ingenious soph-
but
full
of clever malice
it
and amusing wit.
These
last
qualities
it
made
good reading even for the unlettered, and

at once into a third edition.
was widely read, going almost
Bentley then replied in his immortal Dissertation, in which
he put forth a part of
his gigantic powers.
In profound
scholarship, as in wit, he crushed his adversary, so that no
answer could possibly be given, nor was one ever
tried.
Soon afterward he was nominated to the headship of

Trinity College, Cambridge, most splendid in
its
traditions"
and
in the magnificence of
its
foundation.
It
had, how-
366
ever,
idlers

in
1700,
become
the dwelling-place of
cultivated
for the
men who dined and wined and cared

life.
little
scholar's
To them
Bentley came as an unwelcome
reformer, riding roughshod over their traditions and their

tastes.
He
diverted the college funds to purely academic

strict discipline,
uses,
he introduced
and, in
fact, as
De
Quincey wrote, "
He made
Trinity College at once his

rest of his life."
reward and his scourge for the

test,
This con-
which has been styled

killed a less
it all
would have
"The Thirty sturdy man than
Years' War,"
Bentley.
But
he fought through
naturally his.
with the combative spirit that was

it
More than once
seemed as though he must
go under in the face of an almost unanimous opposition.
At one time he was deprived of

his headship
his
academic degree, and
was taken from him; yet when he died, he was

victor, secure in the possession
an undisputed
both of
his
degrees and of his headship of Trinity.

It is
an interesting fact that
all
of Bentley's published
work represents
the casual hours that he could steal from
his struggle against the enemies within his
academic house-
hold.
This fact gives us one more proof of the man's

his
immense scholarship and

line of
profound reading, every
which was at the disposal of his wonderful memory.
In his books
we
see,
not the carefully finished work of a
leisured scholar, but the

is
mere play of a
This
giant,
whose mind
really
bent on other things.

on Phalaris; and
it is
is
true of his Dis-
sertation
just as true of his critical

edition of
367
Horace (1712),
in his
Terence (1726), in his
Milton (1732), and in his Manilius (1739), and the famous

Critica Sacra with
its
notes on the Greek and Latin text
of the
New
Testament.
critic will
An
admirable account of Bentley's work as a

in Sir
be found
Richard Jebb's
brilliant little
monograph,
published in the English

will
Men
of Letters Series.^
There
the
be shown, with many interesting
illustrations,
almost preternatural ingenuity of Bentley's mind.

best showed
itself in
This
the elucidation of passages in

utterly despaired of
Greek
and Latin, which had been

ing scholars.
by preced-
To throw
a dazzling light into the deepest
darkness was Bentley's forte?
He
arrived at his results
by happy combination
and a
gift for
of vast reading, minute scholarship,
conjecture which few have ever possessed.
First of all he
was a
critic,
and
in a large
measure he was
the kind of critic

call
who
relies largely
upon what the French

to
sentiment critique
that
is
say,
upon an
in
in-
stinctive
knowledge of what the author had

naturally express himself.
mind, and
of
how he would
Bentley for-
mulated
this theory of his in the
famous sentence: Nobis
et ratio et res
ipsa centum codicibus potiores sunt?

of the three instruments of
It
was Bentley's command
criticism
mentioned here that gave him his sureness and

'
London and New York,

Cf. Jebb, op.
cii.,
last ed. 1889.
' '
pp. 139-140, and p.

iii.
an.
In his note on Horace, Carm.
27. 13.
368
dexterity.
He
possessed the " critical sentiment " in a

(res)
,
high degree, he was a master of his subject
and he was
his great
famiHar with the manuscripts
(codices)
Hence
success in conjectural emendation.
He became
a new
leader in the field of criticism, largely because he applied

to his task
each of these three aids; and so long as he gave
each of them an equal share in his work, he remained unrivalled in his
chosen
field.
He
leaned, however, too
much
toward the instinctive
critical
sentiment,
and
therefore,
while his emendations often strike one by their brilliancy
and
ingenuity, they are not convincing.
And
so, for exin-
ample, out of the hundred or more changes which he

troduced into his edition of Horace, only four or
five
have
been accepted
times.
to take their place in the texts of
modem
Hence Bentley must be regarded
chiefly as
a pioneer.
He was
methods.
the
first to
point the
way toward
truly scientific
Others have followed in his steps, and have

all
passed beyond him, but their achievements are

Bentley's inspiration and example.
due
to
He
serves also as a
warning
for
when he
all
tried to
make
criticism purely subto flounder in a
jective, he,
with
his powers,
began
bog
of error.
Thus
in his edition of the
Paradise Lost] under-
taken at the request of Queen Caroline, he evolved the
absurd notion that the text as

as Milton wrote
it,
we have
had been
it
it is
not the text
but that
it
altered in places
by a copyist through whose hands
had passed.
There-

fore Bentley goes through the book,
369
entirely
and by an
it
subjective method, endeavours to restore
to its original
form.
The
result is
both ludicrous and pathetic, and
may
serve as a warning to those
who
think that merely by put-
ting themselves in place of an author, they can think his
thoughts, and rewrite what he wrote.
In
later years the

this audacity.
Swedish scholars have shown something of
The French
while the
school have held to an intense conservatism,

school, to
German
which we
shall presently refer,
learned from |_Bentley's best work the value of correcting
one source by another, and using the

with caution.
critical
sentiment
Bentley's emendations are dazzling examples of
what
a combination of learning and genius can

also
effect.
To him
critical
we owe
the discovery of the
digamma
for a
in its relation to
the prosody of
revision of the
Homer, the suggestion
new and
New Testament, and the flood of light which

It
is
he throws upon the early Latin metres in his introduction

to Terence.
strange that not until the nineteenth
century was his genius fully recognised in England.
Eng-
lishmen thought of him mainly as the contentious Master

of
Trinity,
as
quarrelsome,
pugnacious creature
all
whereas, even in his youth, his
name was known
over
late
the Continent as the greatest scholar of his time.
As
as 1833, Bishop
Monk, who wrote
his
life,^
regrets that
he
See The Life of Richard Bentley, 2d ed.
(London, 1833).
This book
37

his time
"wasted
upon conjectural criticism"
instead of
turning his attention to Theology.
But the Germans have

is
never ceased to give him the praise that

" Thus," says Mahly, " Bentley
is
his
due.
not merely one among
the great classical scholars, but he inaugurates a

in the art of criticism.
new
era
He opened
its
new
path.
With
him, criticism obtained

hitherto
offered
majority.
When
scholars had
suggestions
and conjectures, Bentley,
with unlimited control over the whole material of learning,
gave decisions."
Bunsen
styled
him:
"The
founder of
historical philology."
Jacob Bemays, with rare enthusiasm,

at-
wrote: " Corruptions which had hitherto defied every
tempt, even of the mightiest, were removed by a touch of

the fingers of this British
Samson."
But in the England
of his day, even the
most learned men
were so far below him as not

his powers.
to appreciate the greatness of
When
his Dissertation appeared, his opponents

;
at
Oxford were aware that he had routed them
yet their
learning
was too
slight to
make them understand how
utterly they
were crushed; and as for the British educated

reality
public,
it
supposed for a long time that Boyle was in
the victor.
his
Thus when Bentley
died, in his eightieth year,

his long struggle
own countrymen remembered him by
in Trinity College.
They hardly dreamed
that in Richard
intellect,
Bentley England had produced the richest

has more to do with Bentley's quarrels and personal
and
affairs
than with his
work as a
critic
and
scholar.
371
the most remarkable type of scholarship that can be found

in the annals of Classical Philology in
Great Britain.^
Contemporary with Bentley and following him are a
number
of learned
men who
are chronicled
by English-
men, but who made no great impression upon the history

of
European
scholarship, though
one of them, Richard
Dawes,' in his emendations to the Greek dramatists, was

followed in some instances by Brunck, and
was
is
after-
wards confirmed by the Ravenna MS.

than an Englishman
Christopher
Pitt,'
One who
other
may find
it
worth while here
to recall
who made an
excellent translation of the
Mneid, and another of Vida's Art of Poetry.

Gray,^ best
Thomas
a Country
known
to posterity for his Elegy in
Churchyard, was a writer of very careful and delicate
Latin poetry; while he was mentioned by some as among

the few Englishmen of his time
who thoroughly under-
stood Plato.
Richard Hurd^ should be mentioned beMonk, already

;
^The
cited
;
principal biographies of Bentley are those of

Bentley.
Mahly, Richard
viii.
Eine Biographie (Leipzig, 1868)

ii.
Ber;
nays, Fhilol. Mus.
1-24
Wolf, Kleine Schriften,
1030-1094
De
Quincey, Complete Works,
vi.
35-180;
Nicoll,
Great Scholars;
iii;
Mark
Pattison in the Encyclopedia Britannica, vol.
and Jebb,
Bentley,
2d ed. (New York and London, 1899).
The works
tion
of Bentley
were collected and edited by Dyce, 3
vols.
(London, 1836).
Separate works have been edited as follows: Disserta-
on
the Epistles of Fhalaris, edited
by W. Wagner
;
(Berlin, 1874)
Horace, edited by Zangemeister (Berlin, 1869)
and
Critica Sacra, edited
by A. A.
''
Ellis
(Cambridge 1862).
* \TL']-\'J'J\. ' 1
I709-I766.
1699-1748.
720-1808.
372
cause of his aesthetic commentary on the Ars Poetica of
Horace, and the Episiola ad Augustum which had the
unusual honour at that time of being translated into Ger-
man.
able
One cannot pause
to dwell
upon scholars who were

their
and sometimes worthy of passing notice from
Continental contemporaries.
Perhaps an exception may

at
his
be made in favour of Samuel Musgrave,^ a student Leyden, as well as at Oxford, who numbered among
correspondents foreigners of
such distinction as Ruhn-
ken, Schweighauser, and Emesti.
He
edited the whole of
Euripedes, and twice visited Paris in order to

careful collation of the text.
make
Thomas
Tyrwhitt, one of
lifetime,
the Pleiad,
was much admired
during his
and
was
said to have a
knowledge of almost every European
tongue.
Certainly his literary taste

led the
was
excellent.
It
was he who
way
in detecting the
famous
forgeries
criti-
of Chatterton.
He
likewise
edited
Chaucer, and
cised Shakespeare with real acuteness.
In some ways he
was a worthy
covered
follower of Bentley's method, for he distraces of Babrius in the fables of
many
^sop.
His
critical
notes on
many
authors,
and
especially his
valuable edition of Aristotle's Poetics, with a Latin version,
gained him recognition from France and Germany.

other Englishmen
until
'
But
we
reach the
780.
may be omitted from this short Hst name of Samuel Parr.^ Parr was essen-
1 732-1
"
1747-1825.
Nicoll, op.
See Field, Life of Samuel Parr, 2 vols. (London, 1828)

cit.
and
pp. 139-187.

tially
373
a Latinist, and practised the composition of Latin
epitaphs and various inscriptions which gave opportunity

for the cultivation of a stately style.
He was
fond of
very
saying with regard to one friend or another, " It

well to say that So-and-so write an inscription ? "
is
is all
a good scholar, but can he
He
held that even in Oxford he
could find but one inscription which resembles the models

of antiquity, while in Westminster
Abbey he could not
find
even one.
den, and
Parr wrote a Latin preface to a work of Bellen-
made
it
so elaborate
and
so closely modelled
on
Cicero that this preface was studied in the schools, and
even in Cambridge, as a model of Latin prose, in

respect resembling the Latin of Muretus
nent.
this
upon the Conti-
Macaulay^ has spoken of Parr's vast treasure of
erudition as " too often buried in the earth, too often
paraded with injudicious and inelegant ostentation, but

still
precious, massive,
fact,
and splendid."
In
Parr was not one
who
concentrated his powers
upon a
single object.
classics
His reading was remarkably wide,

in philosophy,
both in the
and
and yet he always
failed of being
supremely great.
Looking over the annals
of scholarship in the eighteenth century, one finds between
Bentley and Porson

that
is
(whom we have
still
to consider) less
remarkable in the way
of severe study than in a
taste for elegant criticism.
Bentley's strange edition of

its
the Paradise Lost was, in

*
way, a piece of English
Essays, p. 642 (London, i86i).
374
exegesis;
tions,
HISTORY OE CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY
and we have noted some of the various

Pitt's version of the
transla-
such as
Mneid, and of Vida's

truly in a
Art of Poetry.
So
Thomas Gray wrote more

time,
vein of criticism than of creation, while Kurd's aesthetic
commentary
is
remarkable for
its
and Tyrwhitt's
exposure of Chatterton, like his criticism of Shakespeare,
was
essentially the
work
of
an
analytic mind,
which
dealt
with comparison and the application of the fundamental

principles of the art
which judges
art.
By
town
odd.
far the greatest English scholar after Bentley
was
Richard Porson,i the son of a parish clerk in a small

in Norfolkshire.
Porson's personality
is
was extremely
In his prime he
described as having been nearly
six feet high,
with a bulging forehead, a

his
Roman
nose, and
an expressive mouth, while

found thought.
partial friends.
countenance suggested pro-
Such
If
is
the description of his, perhaps,

cere-
he was so impressive looking on
monious occasions, he was certainly otherwise

life.
in his daily
His dress was slovenly and seemed

;
to
be thrown
upon him
his
hands were ink-stained, while his snortings

re-
and puffings and absent-minded contortions must have

sembled those which Macaulay has ascribed
Johnson.
it is
to
Dr. Samuel
Porson was, likewise, over-fond of drink, and
related of
;
him
that even at official dinners he drank
to excess
while after the guests had departed he would

table, sipping
walk about the
up
the dregs which remained
ii7S9-i8o8.

in the glasses of the others.
lants,
375
When
deprived of stimu-
he had a strange craving for such things as soap,
cologne,
and
ink,
which he would lap up with avidity
wherever he could find them.
His mental powers were, however, remarkable.
As a
mere
child he evinced a high degree of
memory,
so that a
to enter
number
of gentlemen provided
him with funds

in
Eton and afterward Trinity College

he took various honours,
xmtil
Cambridge.
There
he reached a fellowship.
The
unfailing generosity of his friends also gave
him an
annual income of ;ioo, and he was unanimously elected

to the professorship in
Greek, though the income from
this
chair
was only
;4o.
Two
years before his death he was

Institution.
made
librarian of the
London
In
all
the
various posts that were held by him, he studiously neglected

his duties, but
no one called him
to account.
He was
eating
considered a prodigy, as
soap, as
much
so
when he was
Gottfried
when he was overthrowing
Hermann
as to nice points in Hellenic metres.
Porson was naturally an indolent person, and yet he

accomplished an enormous amount of work, and did an
enormous amount of reading.
There
is
a tradition that
to
when he made
the journey
by mail-coach from Oxford
London, he crammed the pockets of
his long top-coat with
editions of the various classics printed in small type,
and
by the swaying lamp

painful assiduity.
of the coach, pored over
them with
Among
the really important results of
376

(i) his
Porson's learning are

scription
restoration of the
;
Greek
in-
on the Rosetta Stone

(3)
(2) his critical edition of
four plays of Euripides;

edition of his
the preface to the second

of
to
Hecuba,
in
which he completely disposed
the ingenious theories of
Hermann; and
(4) his Letters
Travis, one of his early works, yet very important, be-
cause in
it
he proved that the passage in the
New
Testathat
ment
(i
St.
John
V. 7)
which speaks of the " three

is
bear witness in heaven "
wholly spurious.
This opinion
scholars
first
had been held by Erasmus, and by many other
down
made
to the
it
time of Bentley, but
it
was Porson who
a certainty.
Porson^ was essentially a Grecian, and his Latinity was
not so remarkable as that of Samuel Parr; but as a Hellenist
he excited the admiration of Continental scholars, with

he maintained a continual
Villoison,
whom
died,
correspondence,
e.g.
Ruhnken, Heyne,
and Hermann.
In 1808 he
and was
buried in Trinity College, at the foot of the
statue of Sir Isaac
Newton.
A portrait of him hangs in

and another
to
the
dining
room
of Trinity Lodge,
If
in the Univer-
sity Library.
we wish
see a perpetual
;
and
ever
See Watson, Life of Richard Porson (London, 1861)

;
Tlie Table
Talk of Samuel Rogers (London, 1856)
and Luard, Cambridge Essays
(London, 1857)
also
;
(Cambridge, 1866)
England,
text
vi. p.
The Correspondence of Richard Porson by Luard NicoU, op. cit. pp. 91-138, and Sandys, In Social
300
foil.
Note
The
authenticity of the traditional

Burgess,
on the "three heavenly witnesses" was defended by John

finally
Bishop of Salisbury, but was
and absolutely refuted by Dr.
Turton, afterwards Bishop of Ely.

present
377
shall find
it
monument and memorial

Greek type
in
to
him,
we
all
in the beautiful
which almost
our
modem
his
texts are printed.
This was cast after Person's death

letters in
is
from the
clear
and elegant
which he copied
Greek manuscripts, and which

as the " Porsonian type."
now everywhere known
From
the middle of the eighteenth century until nearly
the middle of the nineteenth, such renown as English
learning shed
upon English scholarship was
in
small
measure due
sities.
to the influence of the great
English univer-
The
colleges,
both at Oxford and at Cambridge,
were sunken
into
a sort of lethargy.
The
Fellows en-
joyed their stipends in their beautiful academic homes,
not by any means neglecting the routine reading of the

classics,
but doing nothing for the advancement of
classical
learning,
cellars,
and caring more
for the fine vintages of the
and the deep potations with which they ended

If
every day, than for plainer living and higher thinking.
men
this
of real distinction
came from among
their
number,
was
in
spite
it.
of the university influence
and not
because of
Thus, Lord Chesterfield spoke of the
"rust"
of
Cambridge;
and even West, the

:
friend of
the poet Gray, writing to the latter, says

"Consider
me
very seriously here in a strange country,

call
in-
habited by things that

Arts,
themselves Doctors and Masters of

ale,
a country flowing with syllogisms and

unknown."
where Horace
and
Vergil are equally
378
Gray, answering him, quotes the words of the Hebrew

prophet, and insists that Isaiah
had Cambridge no
less
than Babylon
in
view when he spoke of wild beasts and
wild asses, of an inhabitation of dragons and a court for

owls.
A more serious indictment was that of England's greatest

historian,
Edward Gibbon,
uttered in stem and stately
language against the University of Oxford.
After giving
the particulars of his unprofitable stay there, he spoke the famous words which have
become
so widely
known
"To
the University of Oxford, I acknowledge no obligation, and
she wDl as readily renounce

claim her for a mother.
College
life.
;
me
for a son, as I
am
willing to dis-
I spent fourteen
months at Magdalen
they proved the most idle and unprofitable of my whole The reader wOl pronounce between the school and the
^
scholar."
It is
Edward Gibbon who,
thrust forth from Oxford in
his seventeenth year, because
he chose to become a Catholic,
wrote with
all
the minute application
and research
of an
later
accomplished scholar the greatest existing history of
Rome.
From
childhood he had been remarkable for

fed.
his
It
unusual memory, which his abundant reading
was
in
Rome
to
in 1751 that the first conception of his great
work came
him.
The
plan then formed was originally
limited to the decay of the imperial city, but after years of
reading and reflection

1
it
was expanded
(New York,
to
embrace
;
the
See Morison, Gibbon, pp. 7-10
1879)
and Lang,
Oxford, pp. 199-218 (Philadelphia, 1906).

Empire, as
its title
379
the
{The Decline and Fall of
Roman
in 1772,
Empire) shows.
He
began
to write this
book
after twenty-one years of reading
and
research,
and pub-
lished the first
volume
in 1776.
Two more
it
volumes were
in 1788.
classic
published in 1781, and the
last three
volumes
From
the
moment
of
its
appearance,
ranked as a
of the classics, nor even to this

criticism discovered
structure.
day has the most searching

in
its
an important error
massive
The
book,
indeed, has been rightly called,
" one of the greatest achievements of

erudition.
It is in reality
human
thought and
a history of the civilised world
during those thirteen centuries

supplanted by Christianity."
different light
when paganism was being
New
facts
have thrown a
but
upon some
of Gibbon's conclusions;
the
most
critical scholarship
has not altered the essential
truth of his great panorama.
His style gives point and

It
endurance
to
what he
writes.
has stateliness and
balance and a sort of "measured melancholy" befitting

the author's theme; yet
it
would, perhaps, have

it
made
the
whole monotonous, were
not infused with a certain

to
piquant quality which led Byron

" the lord of irony."
'
speak of Gibbon as
in 1794.
He
died in
London
How
field
'
little
the universities
is
had
to
do with the broader

that archaeological
all
of
classics,
seen by the fact
The
numerous editions of Gibbon's Decline and Pall have
been
supplanted by that of Bury in seven volumes (London, 1896-1909).

See also Gibbon's Memoirs, edited by HiU (London, 1900)
Letters of Gibbon, edited
;
and The
by Prothero (London,
1896).
380
study was carried on almost entirely outside their precincts.
The manner
is
in
which they treated the Arundel Marbles ^

characteristic.
to
sufficiently
The
reproach,
however,
was not applicable
Englishmen
in general.
Thus
the
in
so-called Dilettanti Society,
which had been founded

for
1733, produced
some remarkable works
which
it
foimd
the necessary funds.
Two
as
explorers (James Stuart and
Nicholas Revett) furnished the material for a work of
enduring value,
known
The
Antiquities
of Athens
into
Measured and Delineated?
This book was rendered
German, and
ology because
of the
is still
referred to
by the student
of archae-
its
plates exhibit the earliest reproductions

at Athens.
{d.
monuments
Nolessvaluableweretheworksof Robert Wood an inveterate

of
traveller,
1771),
who brought accounts and drawings

Heliopolis.
Sir William
the ruins of
Palmyra and
to
Hamilton sent
the British Society of
Antiquaries a
minute account of the early excavations at Pompeii.

British
The
Museum was enriched by a splendid Greek and Roman marbles, bronzes, coins,
antiquities;
collection of
gems, vases,
and other
while Richard Payne Knight col-
lected a splendid set of antique bronzes

also
fell
and
coins,
which
to
the
in
Museum.
The
travels
of Sir William
Martin Leake
Upper Egypt and
in
Turkey and Greece
(1801 and 1804) both enriched the literature of archaeology

'
Supra, p. 360.
First edition, 1762
;
second edition, 1825-1830.

and added
sent to
to the
381
immensely valuable collections that were

In particular one
(1821),
England.
may mention
in
the
his
Topography of Athens
Travels
Morea
(1830), Travels in Northern Greece (1835), and
Numis-
matica Hellenica (1854).'
Hence, at a time when Oxford and Cambridge had

lapsed into something like an academic languor, so that
men
of real genius left
them and pursued
their studies
independently,
much was done
to stimulate research
and
were
classical scholarship
by the splendid
collections that
gathered by individual enterprise and by the generosity

of the Government.
One
of the
most magnificent
insti-
tutions of learning in Great Britain was,
and
is
still
re-
mains, the British
Museum
in
London, which
rivalled
only by the Louvre in Paris.^

'
'
See The Memoir, by Marsden (London, 1864).
The
British
Museum had
its
nucleus in a fine collection of books,
manuscripts, and specimens of natural history gathered

Sloane.
it
by
Sir
Hans
In 1753 he offered this to the Government for 20,000, though had cost him more than 50,000. The money was raised by a public
lottery ;
libraries
and then the Sloane
collection with the Harleian
and Cottonian
were arranged in Montague House, which was purchased for
this object.
British
The institution was opened in 1759 under the name of the Museum. New collections were added continually, imtil in 1823
it
the eastern wing of the present building was erected, and the whole
structure as
stands to-day was finished in 1847.

it is
It is impossible to
describe
(i)
it,
except to say that

(2
divided into various departments of

(4)
Printed Books;
(5)
and
3)
Manuscripts;
(6)
Greek and
Roman
Antiquities ;
uities;
Coins and Medals ;
Egyptian and Assyrian Antiq(8) Prints
(7) British
and Mediasval
Antiquities;
and Draw-
ings.
Some
notion of the immensity of the
Museum
can be inferred
382

of the East
The monuments
Hellas and
ture,
beyond the domain
of
Rome
were splendidly exhibited in
this struc-
and the
travellers
and explorers who had stimulated
a knowledge of Archaeology very naturally were destined

to excite
and increase the study of language
in a
new and
hitherto
unknown
little
form.
English scholarship heretofore
had done
or nothing to aid Philology, apart from the
comparative study of Greek and Latin, leaving for the

scholars of the Continent to speculate as to the relations
of
Hebrew which was regarded

at
as a primal of the
and
original
tongue; but now,

tury, there
the
close
eighteenth cento
came an
oriental scholar
who was
open
one of the most

learning.
brilliant
pages in the study of
classical
This was William Jones'
(afterwards
Sir
William).
He was bom
in
London, and was educated

at
at
Harrow,
whence he was entered

There he was able
University College, Oxford.
to gratify his strong desire to gain a
thorough knowledge of oriental languages.

tive orientalism
His
instinc-
seems
to
have been
in that,
like that of the late
Edward Henry Palmer ^

he became versed
in
without visiting the East,
both Persian and Arabic, colloquially In 1770 he published, at the

to a distance of
as well as in the dialects.

from the fact that
if
the books in the library were placed on end in book-
cases eight feet high, they

miles.
1
would extend
more than
three
746-1 794.
1883).
Edward Henry Palmer, by Walter Besant (London,

request of the king of Denmark,
translated into the French year,
383
Life of
Nadir Shah,
from the Persian; in the next

(1772);
Persian
Grammar
and
in
1780 he transthe Arabs as
lated the seven exquisite poems,
known
to
the Mo'allaMt.
Sir
WilHam, Hke Hugo Grotius, was as

literature.
remarkable in law as in
He
wrote a number
of legal essays, so that in 1783 he
was knighted and made
a judge in the Supreme Court of Judicature in Bengal.
His delight at finding himself amidst everything that was

oriental
showed
itself
in
many
ways.
He
first
established the
Royal Asiatic
largely,
Society, to
whose volumes he contributed

President.
in verse,
and
of
which he was the

translation
He
published
the
of
a story
called
The Hindu Wife, and

the ancient work,
finally
an English rendering of
to Sanskrit scholars,
now
well [known
Sakuntala, or the Fatal
Ring
(1789).
This aroused a
to
wide
interest
throughout Europe, and led
a general
discussion of
digest of the
Hindu
literature.
Jones was engaged in a

at the time
Hindu and Mohammedan laws
of his death in 1794.
He was
one of the most noted
linguists
and
oriental
scholars that England has ever produced;' one passage
penned by him
after
in the first
volume
of Asiatic Researches,^
call
he had given what one may
only a
slight
See The Life of Sir William Jones by Lord Teignmouth (London,
1807).
'
Asiatic Researches,
i.
442 (1786).
384

is
glimpse of Sanskrit,
guistics
:
memorable in the
history of
lin-
Sanskrit language, whatever
"The
may
be
its
antiquity,
is
of a
wonderful structure; more perfect than the Greek, more copious
than the Latin, and more exquisitely refined than

ing to both of
either, yet bear-
them a
stronger affinity, both in the roots of verbs
and in the forms of grammar, than could have been produced by accident so strong that no philologer could examine the Sanskrit,
;
Greek, and Latin, without believing them to have been sprung from
some common
similar reason,
source, which, perhaps, no longer exists.
There
is
though not quite so
forcible, for
supposing that both
the Gothic and Celtic had the same origin with the Sanskrit.
The
Old Persian
may
be added to the same family."
Though
Sir
William Jones rightly pointed out the peculiar similarity
between Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, and Old Persian, we must remember

that something had been done before his time to help the progress of this
discovery.
of the
In the Middle Ages, the Arabs introduced some knowledge

science,
Hindu
and the
so-called Arabic (Hindu) numerals.
In the
sixteenth century, the Portuguese, Butch, English,
and French obtained
a foothold in India.
They sought
there,
however, only merchandise
and precious
stones,
though some knowledge of Sanskrit was gathered
by missionaries, and one of them even translated a Sanskrit poet into Dutch as early as 1651. The first Sanskrit grammar to be issued in Europe was compiled by Father Paulinus, who had it printed in Rome
in
1
790, only a few years before Jones's death
but the
real
mediator be-
tween India and Europe were
men
of letters,
hke Charles Wilkens, H. F.
Colebrooke, and H. H. Wilson.
In Germany, their translations were
admired intensely by men

after
like
Goethe, Herder, the two Schlegers, and

literature
them those who found them even than

See Frazer,
in
Hindu
something more
its
intereststrik-
ing to
its lyrics, its
remarkable epics, and
very
ing drama.
Literary History of India
(New York,
1904)
Macdonell,
History^ of Sanskrit Literature, with bibliographical notes
(New York,
Philologie
1900)
Biihler
and Kielhorn, Grundriss der indoarischen

foil.).
(Strassburg,
1896
X
THE GERMAN INFLUENCE
Where
the
shall
we
look for those early schools in which
there were gathered together wandering scholars who yielded

first fruits
of the early universities
We
have already
mentioned the revival of learning promoted by Charles the

Great with the aid of Alcuin/
His successor, Louis the
let
Pious, who " knew Latin and understood Greek,"

lapse;
learning
and
later the
monastic school at Tours was of slight

it
importance, although in
an
Irish
monk composed
a Latin
grammar.
Charles the Bald, the son of Louis, was king of

to 876,
set
France from 840
and Emperor of the West.
At the
head of the school
up by him he placed the most noted
philosopher of the early Middle Ages, John the Scot (or
Duns
Scotus), and he invited teachers from Ireland and
even from Greece.
At Fulda a school founded by Boniface
was famous
for the labours of those
whom
Alcuin taught.
Among them was

Rabanus
and
(or
the
German, Rabanus Maurus,
bom
It
at
Mainz, Servatus Lupus, and Walafrid Strabo.
was
Hrabanus) who founded the library

hill,
at
Fulda
then retired to a lonely
where he composed a great
many
encyclopedic works and several treatises on educai
Supra, pp. 219-229.
2C
38s
386
tion.
He
introduced Priscian's
grammar
tract
into the schools
of
Germany, besides a short
on alphabets and
abbreviations.
In the Middle Ages
many
fragments of classic
literature
fully
were read and

than
studied,
and some of them much more
we
should have supposed.
The
historians (Caesar,
familiar,
in
Sallust, Livy, Suetonius,
and Florus) were very
and Valerius Maximus was popular because he abounded

historical anecdotes.
Germany was not

Italy.
so well supplied
with books as were France and
Nevertheless, one
cannot be very precise upon
this point.
is
For
instance, Pliny
in
the Elder's Historia Naturalis
catalogued nine times

in Italy
is
France and
land.
in
Germany, and only twice
and Eng-
On
the other hand, the younger Pliny
mentioned
letters
only twice in the book-lists of Germany, while his

are quoted once by a scholar in Verona.
traces of Tacitus in
There are more
Germany than
elsewhere.^
the
Petrarch, who
knew something of the North, regarded

by no means strangers and
Germans
of Austria as
incuUi.
Thus when
of the
the
German Emperor, Charles
IV, became head
Holy Roman Empire^ and showed himself a generous
patron of literature, the Italian poet hailed

Augustus, a sincere friend of
*
him
as a
new
all
the arts.
Petrarch corre-
An
elaborate account of the preservation of the Latin classics in the
monasteries of the East, arranged in a very careful way, will be found

in a
number
of
works and monographs such as West,
in Proc.
Amer.
Phil. Assoc, 1902, xxii foil.;

(Berlin, 1871), etc.
Wattenbach, Schriftwesen im
^
Mittelalter
1346.

sponded with the Emperor, from 1350
to 1356,
387
when he
was
sent to the Emperor's capital at Prague,^ then supposed

Italians to
by the
be the extreme confines of the land of the

'
barbarians.'
effigy
Before this time he had given the Emperor an
decorated with gold and silver coins of ancient Rome,

his great predecessors.
showing the images of

count of Alexander
(1442-1455).
Arrian's acto
in easy
Latin verse was taken
Vienna
^neas
Silvius
wrote (1450) a Latin treatise
on education
for the benefit of his imperial master.

in 1459, his
When ^neas was made Pope

Germany
former pupil,
Hinderbach, who was fond of him, promised on behalf of

that this country should continue to cultivate the
of
humanism
which the new Pope had been so admirable

Classics were, therefore, soon taught
an example.
(1460-1469)
;
by him on
and he
also lectured in Vienna, not only
mathematics but astronomy.

of Konigsberg, best
Vergil, Terence,
classicists
His pupil, Johann Miiller,
known
as Regiomontanus, lectured
Senectute.
on
and Cicero's De
A number of
lectures
and
also astronomers
now
spread throughout
Germany,
establishing rude schools
where
were
regularly given and where editions and translations of
Greek and Latin works were put
into circulation.
It is
interesting that at Ratisbon the calendar

to lead to
was
so studied as
this
a proposal for
its
correction.
to
Because of
the Archbishop was summoned
Rome, where he
died.^
Let us trace
briefly the rise

'
and progress of the greater

'
1356-
1476.
388

It
German universities.
came partly from
Paris and partly
from the influence of Italian

logna.^
universities, especially Bo-
The earliest of them was at Prague
(1348), and the
next the University of Vienna (1365).
Paulsen says that
both of these were on the eastern borderland of German

civilisation in that Paris
was near enough
for
Western Ger-
many, and because between the old church
schools, such as
Cologne, a close cormection was kept up.
In the same
century (1385) the Westerns foimded the University of
Heidelberg (1385) and the University of Erfurt.
Five
of these remain at the present day; Cologne having been
closed in 1794
and Erfurt
in 1816.
It
must be remem-
bered that
it
was Austria and the parts
of
Germany which
fruits of
bordered on Italy that receive more directly the
French and Italian
culture.
Though rude and
touched
at
is
with the semi-orientalism of Byzantium, Austria was

least
more
civilised
than the barbaric North.
All this
prior to the Renaissance,
and these
universities
were
the
homes
of scholasticism.
second period of great
activity as
opens with the humanistic movement.

Albertus
Such doctors
Magnus and Thomas Aquinas and Duns

in
Scotus
had taught and argued
many
of these schools.
Then
came
In
its
the Hussite schism which lost Prague to Germany.
place the University of Leipzig

its
was founded
(1409).
Rostock opened
Baltic countries.
'
halls (1419) to
meet the needs
of the
Originally devoted solely to the study of law.
'
389
The
humanistic movement naturally called into being
fresh seats of learning.

universities,* of
Of
tliese there
were nine German
which four (Greifswald, Freiburg, Basle,

still
and Tubingen)
of the
continue to
exist.
It is characteristic
German mind
that the universities in Austrian Ger-
many
and
did not arise gradually like the older ones in France
Italy.
They were
established after a
scheme already
in operation, both the spiritual and temporal
power con-
tributing to their foundation.
It
was the Pope who founded
the institution, and gave

grees while
;
it
the privilege of bestowing de-
its
continued existence
was assured by the
local
sovereign,
who provided
German
the revenues and granted to the

privileges.
university temporal
and corporate
Thus we
with a
see that the
notion of a higher seat of learning

in advance,
defi-
was one
nite
ideal.
that
had been mapped out
purpose and a somewhat cut-and-dried academic
The
is,
triple division of scholaris, baccalaureus,
and
magister
as Professor Paulsen says, " evidently identi-
cal with that of apprentice,
journeyman, and master workthe mediaeval

artisans."
universities
man, which we
find
among
Thus
went
the historical development of

on,
German
though with alterations
in their character con-
cerning which
'
we
shall briefly speak.
For a long time a
Greifswald (1456), Freiburg (1457), Basle (1460), Ingolstadt (1472),
Treves (1473), Mainz and Tubingen (1477), Wittenberg (1502), and

Frankfurt-on-the-Oder (1506).
2
See Paulsen, The German Universities, Eng. trans, by E. D.

189s).
Peny
(New York,
39

it
university might be a great seat of learning, or
might, be
to
only a humble school with a small foundation, destined
be swept away
reference to
in a
few years.
It
may be
convenient for
Austro-
name
the universities in
Germany and
Hungary which
'
exist to-day,^
and
to say
a word or two con-
In Germany to-day there are twenty-one universities, the
largest
being Berlin (with about 5800 students),
Munich and
Leipzig, Bonn,
Breslau, Freiburg, Halle, Tubingen, Heidelberg, Gottingen, Marburg,

Strassburg, Wiirzburg, Kiel, Konigsberg, Erlangen, Giessen, Greifswald,
Miinster, Jena, Rostok.
At
Freibiurg,
;
Mimich, Miinster, and Wiirzburg

at Bonn, Breslau, and Tubingen
all
the faculties of theology are Catholic
they are mixed Catholic and Protestant; while the faculties at

other universities are Protestant.
universities of It
the
the
might as well be added that
Austria-Hungary number seven
Vienna,
Gratz, Inns-
bruck, Pesth, Breslau, Cracow, and Limberg.
Of the distinguished men who

omitting those of
first
made German learning illustrious
whom we shall speak above
are Peter Luder
{c.
1450),
who
matriculated at Heidelberg before he visited Rome.
Later he
returned to his
(1456).
German academic home and

him in
lectured on the Latin poets
This was such an innovation that his older colleagues did everyhis work, so that
thing possible to hinder
when
the plague
afflicted
Heidelberg, Luder lectured with

Leipzig.
much
applause at Ulm, Erfurth, and

Schedel
One
of his
most ardent pupils at Leipzig was Hartman
(1440-1514),
It
who became known as a collector of humanistic literature. was he who preserved a great part of the journal of Ciriaco d'Ancona
with copies of monuments and inscriptions.
His own
history
as
is
(see supra, p. 268)
collection
now
in the library at
Munich, and
his
is
work on the
of the world
from the Creation to the year 1492

Chronicle."
everywhere known
the
"Nuremberg
His sketches of ancient monuments

of the drawings of Albrecht Diirer,
are
said to have inspired

in Vienna.
istic
some
now
Schedel was, therefore, an important figure in the human-
period of
German
scholarship.
Another leading humanist who
deserves especial mention was the Frisian
who
is
best
known by
his
Latinised
name Rudolphus
Agricola
(1444-1485).
His mental and

ceming
their characteristics.
39I
In the earliest days of Ger-
man
scholarship the universities were essentially scholastic.

shown by
physical activity
is
his interest in travel
and observation
for
he was educated at four German universities and, perhaps, at
Paris.
He
then journeyed to Italy, studying at Pavia and at Ferrara, where he

of
was a student
of Groningen,
this
Greek under Theodorus Gaza.
After so
much
activity
he appears to have dropped to a rather humble station
in his native city
where he was town clerk
for four years.
However, during
time he acted as a town-envoy, and often visited Deventer, where

Later he taught at Heidelberg, lecturing on Arisselections
he met Erasmus.
totle,
and translating
from Lucian.
Humanists
in
Germany
looked to him as their leader.

his private
Like Erasmus he was very influential in
and personal
associations,
though his scholarship was some-
what overrated. He wrote a treatise on education which appeared in the same volume as like works by Erasmus and Melanchthon, an honour
which
it
did not deserve.
He
had, however, the truly humanistic
spirit,
and urged
alacrity,
carefulness in reading, practice of the
memory,
cheerful
and a quiet but earnest opposition

Alexander Hegius (1433-1498),
to the stiffness of scholas-
ticism.
who was a
teacher of Erasmus,
made Deventer a great humanistic centre of Northern Germany. He mocked at the old mediaeval text-books, and pointed back to the Latin
Classics as the true source of a perfect Latin style.
There follows him,
Rudolf von Langen (1438-1519), who studied at Erfurt, visited Italy, and finally founded a great hximanistic school at Miinster. Another
famous school was that
of
Jacob Wimpheling (1450-1528) at SchlettLater,
stadt in Alsace, which was the third of the schools of Germany.

at Strassburg to which he migrated, he founded a literary
(i.e.
humanistic)
group which followed the teachings of Erasmus.

Sebastian Brant, well
He was
the friend of
known
in English literature as the author of the
Ship of Fools (1494). Conrad Celtes (1459-1518) is rightly called by Dr. Sandys "the knight-errant of humanism in Germany." His early years were imfavourable, but after spending some time under Agricola
at Heidelberg and learning a
living with
the]
little
Greek, he
made
his
way
into Italy,
most cultivated
Italians at
Padua and
Ferrara,
and
in
Rome.
When
he returned, he received the poet's crown from Fried-
392

the fifteenth century, the humanistic
in-
From the middle of

fluence
came in strongly, especially with those men whom we

Subsequently arrived a period
to the influence of
first
have already mentioned.

partial reaction,
rich III at
of
owing
Martin Luther
to
Nuremberg.
Celtes was the
German
win
this honour.
Immediately afterward he founded humanistic

sion in Poland
societies in rapid succes-
and Hungary, and along the Rhine.

Its first president
its
The
last (at
Mainz)
of the
was a very famous group.

time,
was the Msecenas
Johann von Dalberg, and among

scholars, Trithemius
members were
the two Greek
and Hebrew
and Wilibalc Pirkheimer.

is still
Johannes
Trithemius was a great collector of manuscripts, and

for his learning.
remembered
later called
Celtes, also a
member
of this group,
was
to be the
head of the Imperial Library in Vienna.
He
travelled a great
deal throughout
Germany, and described
his adventures in a collecedification, but
tion of Latin poems,
many
of
which do not tend to
suggest the semi-pagan spirit of the early Renaissance.
He
.
is
best
remembered to-day
for
a discovery which he made in the Vienna Library
of a thirteenth-century
copy
of
Roman map
and
is
{itinerarium)
The
origi-
nal was as early as the third century,
of great interest, although a
part
ing,
is
missing.
This
map
Celtes bequeathed to a rich patron of learn-
one Conrad Peutinger of Augsburg, from

Peutingeriana.
whom
it
gets
its familiar
name Tabula
This copy was painted at Kolmar
after
the model of an original map, which consisted of twelve broad strips of
parchment showing
the Romans.
lost,
is
all
those parts of the world that were
known
to
The
pieces which should contain Spain
and Britain
are
It
with the exception of the southeast comer of Britain (Kent).

its
disproportionately lengthened from east to west, the ratio of
height
to its breadth being 1:21.
The
distances from
town
to
town
are marked
on
lines
running from east to west.
indicated
early
by
distinctive marks.
it
The relative sizes of the towns are Those who are interested in this very
Antiquus of Justus Perthes
map
;
can find
in the little Atlas
(Gotha, i8g3).
1892)
the
On
all
that proceeds, see Lernen und Forschen (Berlin,

;
Pearson, Ethic of Freethought (1901)

trans.,
i.
Janssen,
History 0}
;
German People, Eng.
63-80 (London, 1891)
Bursian,
Geschichte der klass. Philologie in Deutschland, etc. (Munich, 1883).

(d. 1546),
393
who
it
introduced a purely ecclesiastical
mode
of
learning, but
was checked by the great scholars who pre-
ceded F. A. Wolf (1739).
man
scholarship
we prepare a scheme of Gerfrom Luder down to Bopp,i it will stand

If
:
somewhat
as follows
introducing not only Criticism and
Hermeneutics, but Archaeology, including History, Gram-
mar, Religion, Geography, Chronology, Metrology, Numismatics, and Epigraphy.

I.
Ecclesiastical Period (1400 to
c. c.
1415).
II.
Humanistic Period
(c. (c.
1415
to
1660).
III.
Ante-Wolfian Period
(c.
1660
c.
to c. 1739).
IV. Wolfian Period
1739 to
{c.
1810).
c.
V. Post- Wolfian Period
1810 to
1870).
After 1870, as will be seen,
German
scholarship
was no
longer isolated, but belonged to the cosmopolitan creative
study of
all
the western world.
There are many
difiFerent
ways
most
of subdividing these periods of

all
German
learning.
Al-
scholars agree in speaking of the Ecclesiastical
Period.
Period.
Almost
all
of
them
will
speak of the Humanistic
After that, there are other divisions in terminology.

shall
Thus we
of the
hear of the
Grammatico-critical School,
Historico-antiquarian School, and finally of the

is
Junggrammatiker, until the scholarship that
purely Ger-
man ceases to exist many first teaches all

the world,
'
as
an isolated phenomenon.
Gerall
the world,
and then learns from
until at last the divisions of learning cease to
be
That
is
to say, from about 1451 through 1867.
394
National, and
siastical
become wholly Cosmopolitan.
The
Eccle-
Period has already been suf&ciently described in the
preceding pages, and so has the spirit of the early Renaissance.
One
who
should speak more fully of the
first
great Grecian
Reuchlin,'
to arise in
Germany,
in the person of
Johann
studied at Paris
and
at Basle,
at the latter school
under a native Greek.

dictionary, entitled
:
It
was there that he wrote a Latin
Vocabularius Breviloquus, an excellent

to its predecessors in the clear-
work which was preferable

ness of
its
arrangement, and which was the mofe remarkable
from the
fact that
he was only twenty years of age when
the
book was finished. After some further study, he taught both

Greek and Latin
at Orleans
and
Poitiers.
He
describes
it
Greek as " necessary for a liberal education; for

back
to the
leads us
really
philosophy of Aristotle which cannot

until its
be comprehended
in
language
is
understood."
Later,
Rome, he met Argyropulos, who was surprised at Reuch-
lin's
command
of Greek.
Later
still
he learned Hebrew,
of
it
and thenceforward pursued the study

portant thing in
life.
as the
most im-
For the
last
year of his existence he

at
was professor
of
Greek and Hebrew
Tubingen.
The
fact that
Reuchlin urged the study of Hebrew was
distasteful to the bigots of the day.
They
to a
preferred dog-
Latin and
still
more barbarous Greek
language which
they regarded as almost impious to learn.

*
Reuchlin was,
1455-1522-
THE GERMAN INPLXJENCE

therefore,
395
abused and assailed for a long while, until the
enlightened humanists of the day
came
to his defence.
They
believed that anything and everything should be
studied,
and they
fell
upon Reuchlin's enemies
like
a band
of light horse.
These witty and nimble-minded scholars

once famous
satire called Epis-
came
tolcB
to the defence in the
Obscurorum Virorum (1516-1517).

EpisiolcB
The
first
book
of
the
was
largely
composed by a humanist
named Johann Jager, while the second was mainly the work
of the famous writer, Ulrich
von Hutten; and
the quiet,
deeply learned leader of
this
band was Conrad Muth

at school with
(Mutianus Rufus),
who had been

felt
Erasmus,
and with him had

manism.
the earnest inspiration of early hu-
Returning
to
Germany, he made
his canonical
residence at Gotha, and over the door he set in golden

letters the
words
that
Beata Tranquillitas.
beautiful in literature.
There he
It
lived as
a lover of
fate that
all
is
was a strange
he should have survived
to see his
home
plun-
dered by a Protestant
mob
at the time of the Reformation.

in
For Protestantism had broken

ial
upon the mild and gen-
humanistic learning, especially in Germany, where the
followers of Luther were savage in their assault
upon what-
ever was refined and beautiful.
The humanists saw that they

Not
had more
to fear
from the stark ignorance of the Protestants
than from the occasional intolerance of the Catholics.

long, however, did this
Lutheran
riot continue.
The invenof printing-
tion of the printing-press
and the
setting
up

all
396
presses
over Europe did

sort,
much
The
to
beat back Protestant-
ism of the radical
and
to bring again the
more graceful
attitude of the classicists.
desecration of cathedrals
art
with their beautifully painted windows, the pillaging of

galleries, the
smashing of the most exquisite
statuary,
these atrocities did not continue for very long.
With
the
multiplication of printing-presses a love for classical leam-
ing returned,
and before the end of
this period (1660) the
modem
trait.
languages had begun to exercise an influence which
classicists deplored,
but which was in reality a humanistic
Among
the greater
humanists of Germany was
Helius Eobanus Hessus/ who lectured to enormous audiences
on poetry and
Camerarius,^
rhetoric.
Of
his pupils
was
the famous
who formed one

of
of the interesting group
who
clustered around the press of
Froben at Basle.
He is chiefly
Among
noted for his criticism
Roman
chronology.'
his friends at Basle were Beatus Renanus,* the associate
and biographer
of Erasmus,
and well Imown
for his editio
princeps of Velleius Paterculus, and his

of Tacitus ; Clareanus,
work on
the text
who
held the professorship of poetry;
Gryaenus of Heidelberg, famous for discovering a manuscript of the first five
books of
tlie fifth
decade of Livy;
editions of
and
finally
Galenius of Prague,
who produced
Callimachus and Aristophanes, as well as of the Planudean
'
1488-1540.
See Bursian, op. See his
life
cit.,
i.
'
1500-1574.
Really
Kammermann.
154
foil.
by Horawitz (1872-1874).
THE GERMAN INFLtJENCE

Anthology.
397
to give distinc-
Many
minor scholars helped
tion to Basle, partly
by residing
there,
and partly by accept-
ing professorships for short periods in French and

universities.
German
In
this
way
they scattered the rich seed of
classical learning
and of
liberal education.
The
great educator
of "
whom Germany
The
and
to the
remembers best
to-
day by the name

erd, better
Preceptor " was Philip Schwarz-
known
to us
world at large as Me-
lanchthon.*
in
Though a
friend of Luther, he could not be

spirit,
thorough sympathy with that boisterous, unruly

classical scholar of great diligence.
but was instead a
Gerits
many
severe
to-day feels the influence of Melanchthon in

training
in
grammar and
style.
Melanchthon
wrote grammars of Greek and Latin and a large number of

classical text-books.
The works that he composed in Latin,

is
especially his Latin Letters, are written in a style that
clear
and
simple, though without distinction.

in his dislike for the
He was
Lutheran
he was
paganism of
Italy;
in fact,
essentially a
German
philologist
and not an
Italian
classicist
or a French one.
Johann Sturm of Strassburg was another important name

in the educational
'
development of early Germany.^
He
1497-1560.
Hartfelder, in
There is an excellent biography of Melanchthon by Woodward's Renaissance Education; while he is criticised
by Pearson in his Ethic of Freethought, abready quoted. A biography in English by T. B. Saunders has been announced for publication. ' 1507-1589. Other educators who were contemporaries of Sturm
were Rivius, who corrected
many passages
in Sallust
Michael Neander,
398

of the school at Strassburg for forty-three
chief
was head-master
years,
and made the
work
of his scholars the writing
and the speaking of Latin,

of education.
for this
all
seemed
to
him
the whole
Pupils from
countries
came
for
to visit him,
and
his school
It
became a
sort of
model
most German
gymnasia.
happened that Roger Ascham, who never met

:
him, was a correspondent of his and once wrote to him
"For our time the odde man to perform all three perfitlie, whatsoever he doth, and to know the way to do them skilfullie, whan
so ever he hst, is in
my poore
opinion, Joannes Sturmus."
work written by Conrad Gesner,
just mentioned,
was
a somewhat remarkable attempt at achieving what many
were at that time studying and discussing with great

est.
inter-
This was a book known as Mithridates (1555), which

first
has been styled the

study of language.
effort
toward the comparative
When Hebrew was added to Greek and

at
Latin as a subject for wide study, linguists began to look

it
with a peculiar interest.
Very many scholars held that all

single tongue.
living languages
must have sprung from a
who prepared a so-called Opus Aureum, made up of Greek and Latin moral
sayings
;
Basilius Faber,
whose Latin Thesaurus or Lexicon long

;
survived,
being reedited by Cellarius (1686)

as late as 1726.
Grjevius (1710)
and
J.
M.
Gesner
An
earlier
Gesner at Zurich wrote a sort
of
combina-
tion of a biographical-bibliographical dictionary,

cyclopsedia, together with a dictionary of
united with an enof
Greek and Latin, and one
proper names.
pupil of
Rivius was Georg
Fabricius (1516-1571),
who
and
studied in Italy,
inscriptions in
and explored with
lively interest the
monuments
classics,
Rome.
Like modern editors of the familiar
he used his knowledge of topography and antiquities to

editions of them.
illustrate his
399
Furthermore, they argued that as the Old Testament was

written in Hebrew,
Hebrew must have been
the earhest lan-
guage
in the world, to
a theory which has found adherents

titties.
down
Gesenius in recent
to collecting
Great was the industry
devoted
words from
different languages
which
had the same meaning,
in order that they
might then be
studied for traces of their
common
origin.
After the rise of the Reformation there
was
less literary
study of the
sterner
classics,
but everywhere one might notice a

both
in the schools
and
stricter discipline
and
in the
universities.
Especial branches of learning were cultivated.

is
Lexicography
represented by Basilius Faber (1571), and

critical
a very thorough knowledge of Greek with
acumen
were the characteristics of Friedrich Sylburg and Lorenz
Rhodomann,
in writing
the latter of
whom was
remarkably
skilful
Greek hexameters, so that
his epic
poems which
to
he put forth anonymously (1588) were widely believed

genuine works of antiquity.
be
In Hungary during the Renaissance there were some few

well-trained classical students,
(d. 1472),
such as Johannes Vit6z
who corresponded
with the Italian scholars; and

to
J^nus Pannonius, who ^rought

tion of
Hungary a
large collec-
Greek and Latin manuscripts.
The
king of Hun-
gary, Matthias Corvinus,'
was
interested in the humanities.

also a university
He founded
an academy at Pressburg, and
at Buda, where he maintained
thirty copyists
and
artists
1443-1490-
400
to

It is
continue the supply of illuminated manuscripts.
interesting that Latin remained the spoken language of the
Hungarian aristocracy down
into the nineteenth century.

to the
Maria Theresa's famous harangue

was delivered
"
in
Hungarian nobles
Latin, as
was
their spirited response:

!
Moriamur pro
rege nostro,
Maria Theresa
Hungarian
of Poland,
"
Latin was
also the official language of the

*
Diet, until 1828.^

where a well-known
to
Almost the same thing may be said
humanist who had studied at Cracow, and seems never

visited Italy, maintained for
have
some twenty years a
brisk correspond-
ence with Filelfo.
The
first
Latin history of Poland was written by
Johannes Dlugosc.
Sanok,
Latin poetry was mainly studied by Gregor of
who
finally
became a
lecturer at Cracow.
in
The most famous

Poland was Filippo
both in Poland
See
(s.
I.
humanist, however,
Buonacorsi.
who made Latin popular

latter
He, with Celtes, founded

as the
classical societies
and Hungary,
had done
in
Western Germany.
Zeissberg, Die polnische Geschichlsschreibimg des Millelaiters, etc.

1847),
M-oi,
and on Polish
ii
classicism see Sokolowski
and
Szujski,
Mon. Medii
in the
t.
(Cracow, 1876).
Classical studies in
Russia began
seventeenth century,
when
the
Academy
of
Kiev was founded
in 1620.
Latin was studied rather than Greek in that century, and

tion
all instruc-
was
carried
on
in Latin.
After Kiev,
Moscow became
a seat
of
learning, after the establishment there, in 1679, of a printing school.
In
this the
study of Greek was carried on and was subsidised by the

This developed into the
Slavo-Grseco-Latin Academy
government.
(1685), with teachers
who were
Padua.
of
Greek descent, but who had taken
their doctor's degrees at
This academy was favoured by Peter
the Great, and here were published translations of classical authors,

twenty-six volumes being rendered into
scholar,
Russian by the long-lived

of
Martynov
(1771-1883).
The University
of
Moscow was
of
founded in 1755, the University

St.
Vilna in 1803, the University
Petersburg in 1819, the University of Kazan in 1804, the University
of
Kharkov
in 1804,
and that
of
Odessa in 1865.
Much was
done
for
the promotion of literary studies of every kind by Catharine II in the
THE GERMAN INi'LUENCE

Further students of distinction
4OI
who
followed in the seven-
teenth century were Johann August Ernesti,' a famous

teacher of Latin
style, especially of
the pure Ciceronianism.

in five
His most famous books are an edition of Cicero
volumes (1739) with an Onomasticon Ciceronianum published after his death at Halle (1832).
To
this school of
stem scholarship we must
also
ascribe
Johann Jacob
full
Reiske, a student of oriental Greek, and author of

editions
of
Plutarch,
Dionysius
Halicarnassensis,
and
others, all of
which were not published

wrote his
until after Reiske's
death.
He
own
autobiography, published in
eighteenth century, she
writers of distinction to offset the
who summoned Voltaire and other French German influence, which remained
Almost
birth
all
and continued
to be very strong.
the distinguished scholars

training, or at least of
of Russia were either of
German
and
Thus R. T. Timkovski had studied at Gottingen, under Heyne; Professor D. L. Kriukos (1809-1845) had been a pupil of Boeckh while one of the most brilliant scholars at St. Petersburg,
training.
;
German
Professor N.
M.
Blagoviestschenski (1821-1891) had " heard " Hermann, Creuzer,
Becker, Haupt,
and Schlosser at Leipzig and Heidelberg.

of Persius,
This scholar wrote a very able work on Horace and his times, besides
an annotated translation
teresting questions of
and
also discussed
certain in-
Roman
History.
Of native stock were V. K.

;
Lernstedt (1854-1902),
ski (1846-1901),
who made an edition of Antiphon L. F. Voevodwho wrote a peculiar treatise on cannibalism in Greek
taught in Russia the best known
Mythology, which, however, he regarded as bearing upon the Sun
Myth.
Of the
many Germans who
are Christian Friedrich Matthaei of
Moscow, where he discovered

at St. Peters-
a manuscript of the Homeric

burg,
who
edited
Hymns; C. F. Graefe Nonnus, using German in this work

learning belongs to the Germans."
because " the
revival of
'
classical
During the
1707-1781.
2D
402
Leipzig (1783).
chEeology
The
true founder of the science of Ar-
was Johann Joachim Winckelmann.

the son of a poor cobbler, and
Winckelfor
mann was
and
ability.
was
many
years a charity scholar, rising gradually by his energy
At length his associates advised him
to folfirst
low that career which ultimately

great creative
made him
the
the
and
critical scholar in
field of Classical
Archaeology.
He
spent
much
time in Rome, Naples,
and Pompeii, and became
librarian to Cardinal Albani,
the most famous collector of his time, to
whom
his
he owed
innumerable opportunities.
In
many ways
work
led
to the elevation of taste in the decorative arts;
but his
des
monumental production
is
his Geschichte der.
Kunst
Alterthums, which appeared in 1764 (new edition by Julius
Lessing with biography, 1882).

middle of the nineteenth century
it
Winckelmann was
the
may
be said in general that the
Germans greatly influenced and stimulated Russian scholarship. August Nauck spent the better part of his life in teaching Greek at
St.
Petersburg, while
Lucian
Miiller
was equally conspicuous
for
its
his
work
in
Latin.
Archeology
owes
much
to
Russia,
and
of
study began in the reign of Peter the Great, in the year death the Academy of Sciences, was founded.
whose
After the Crimea had
been conquered in 1783, great interest was taken in the exploration

of
this
former
home
(d.
of
Greek
civilisation.
Much
has been done
in
this field
by H. E.
ICohler,
an authority on ancient gems, and
especially
of
j
by L. Stephani
1887),
who
spent nearly forty years in charge
the antiquities in the Hermitage at St. Petersburg, while writing

valuable monographs on the researches in Southern Russia.
many
See the
interesting synopsis of the history of classical scholarship written by
Professor
Maleyn
of St.
Petersburg, and incorporated by Dr.

of his
J.
E.
Sandys in the third volume
work already
cited, pp. 384-390.

teacher of his age and the expounder of Classic Art.
403
It
was
his theory of the Beautiful

led Gotthold
which greatly impressed
Goethe and which

forth his
Ephraim Lessing
to put
famous discourse
called Laokoon,
which has
never ceased to be discussed.^
Winckelmann's death has

In April, 1768, he
left
an
interest for the superstitious.
Rome to revisit Germany;

feeling finally
but on the way a strong feeling
came upon him that he should not depart from Italy. This
amounted
to a horror, yet a
it,
man
so sane
as
Winckelmann disregarded
and
visited
both Munich
and Vienna.
At the Austrian
capital
he was received
with great honour by the Empress, Maria Theresa., who

presented
him with
number
of very ancient
and rare
to
gold coins.
Leaving Vienna,_ he hurried to Trieste
take ship for Italy.
On
his journey, however, he
fell
in
with a
man named
Arcangeli, an ex-convict,
whose greed
was
excited by the gold,
and who in consequence entered

to death,
Winckelmann's room and stabbed him

8,
on June
1768.
Joseph Eckhel,^ founded the science of Numismatics
by making a
als,
specialty of
Greek and Latin coins and med-
on which he wrote eight volumes, entitled Doctrina

Veterum, the
first
Num-
morum
volume appearing
in
1798 and
the whole
work being
reprinted in a fourth edition (1841).
Christian Gottlob Heyne, a persuasive teacher steeped

in reading, ends this so-called Ante-Wolfian Period.
'
He
See K. Justi, Winckelmann, sein Leben, seine Werke und seine Zeit*
genessen, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1872).
1737-1798.
404

at
it
was professor
Gottingen, and
though
his
learning
was preeminent,
was
his exceptional gifts as a teacher

at
which gave him and his university the leadership

this time. It
is
said
that of his students at least one

professors in various uniFriedrich
life
hundred and
versities
thirty
became
throughout
Germany and Holland.

in 1739,
August Wolf was born

died in 1824.
and
lived a long
and
founder of
He was, as we have already said, the true modem philology.^ He was at first Professor
was
closed
of Philosophy at Halle until that university

after the battle of
Jena (1806).
His teaching was marlsed
by
great breadth, since he held that classical study dealt

life
with every phase of the

classical antiquity
life,
and thought
of antiquity.
In
he found a model of public and private

In 1807 he went
in
to
resting upon the highest ideals.
Berlin,
where he took an active part

but, unfortunately, he
founding the
involved
visited
rests
new
university;
became
in petty quarrels, so that
he
left
Germany and
Southern France, where he died.
His lasting fame
upon
it
his so-called
Prolegomena ad
Homerum
(1795).
In
he traced the history of the Homeric poems, and
sought to show that they have both been greatly changed
from their original form, and that they are made up

separate
'
of
poems by
different authors.
It is not true,
attention
howon
See supra, pp. 2-3.
He
attracted
much
by
insisting
being matriculated in Philology, though there was no such faculty.
He
was told to matriculate under Theology, but refused

the
first
and thus he was
Studiosus philologiae in Gottingen.
THE GEEJUAN INFLUENCE

ever, as
405
many
believe, that
he denied the existence of a
personal Homer.
Wolf's views had in part been antici-
pated by Giambattista Vico, by Robert Wood, and in a

fashion by Bentley.
of Alexandria;
They go back even
to the x'^P^Kovre's
but Wolf
knew nothing
of Vico,
and
moreover his own minute researches were extremely

stimulating, apart from his conclusions.'
Wolf marks
arship.
schools,
the beginning of a
this time
new
era in classical schol-
From
on we
find in
Germany two
(the
one devoted
to Criticism
and Exegesis
Gram-
matico-critical School) , of
whom
the great exponents were
Gottfried
Hermann,^ a
sort of
German
Bentley; Christian
August Lobeck,' whose Aglaophamus (1829) contains a

vast fund of information on the Orphic
teries of
and other mys-
the Greeks; August
Immanuel Bekker,^ who,
besides preparing text-editions of Greek authors, largely
helped to edit the Corpus of the Byzantine writers in

twenty-four volumes, and also a Homer with the
'
digamma
See Volkmann, Geschichte und Kriiik der Wolf's Prolegomena (Leip-
zig, 1874).
2
1772-1848.
Hermann was
"
professor at Leipzig (1803
foil.)
and gave
courses
which were wide in their scope

composition.
and
interest,
especially in
grammar and
motto.
Know your authors at first

He
first set
hand, " was his
In the study of Greek prosody and rhythm, he was likewise a

forth the doctrine of the
great and original expounder.
Anacrusis, and was the father of Metaphysical Syntax.
See
W. G.
Hale,
Century of Metaphysical Syntax, published in part of the
Proceedings in the St. Louis Exposition in 1904.

3
<
781-1860.
178S-1871.
4o6
printed in the text.
He
spent a long time in making
re-
searches throughout the principal libraries of Europe, and
he studied the texts with entire indifference to the printed

editions. An epoch-making work was that of Karl Lachmann on Homer's Iliad (1807), and above all, his immortal
masterpiece, in which he took the hitherto rent and
little
understood
sense
it
poem
of Lucretius,
and with
his fine critical
far greater than Bentley ever possessed
restored
to its rightful place
among
first
the masterpieces of Latin
genius.
Lachmann was
at Berlin,
a professor at Konigsberg
of the a
and afterward
where he remained one
most distinguished
of his colleagues for

It
more than
quarter of a century.
was
late in life that

is
he progiven in
says
duced his Lucretius, an account of which

the preface to that poet" by
" Hardly any
since
H. A.
J.
Munro, who
work
of merit has appeared in
Germany
of Latin
of
Lachmann's Lucretius,
in
any branch
literature,
without bearing on every page the impress
his example."
He
was, in fact, the creator of a
strict
and
scientific
system of textual criticism.
In
this he
in
follows Bentley, of
praise;
whom
he cannot say too much
but he goes beyond Bentley in restraining
his
of
" critical sentiment " by ascertaining the original form

the
work through the evidence
of manuscripts,
and
the
correction of their errors.

versatility
it
He was renowned
no
less for
than for profound learning, so
much
so that
may
be said with truth that he was a master of three

great departments of philology
407
classical,
oriental,
and
Teutonic.
In each of these he produced an epoch-making

is
work.
For, besides his Lucretius, by which he
per-
haps the best known, he applied the principles of Wolf's

Prolegomena to the German epic of the Nibelungen to
show that
ballads
this could
be resolved into twenty original

as
or
lays;
just
he resolved the Iliad into
eighteen, for he regarded the

details.
poem
as inconsistent in
In his treatment of Lucretius he was followed
especially by
by the Englishman, H. A.
forget that the
first
Hermann Kochly, by Jacob Bemays, and J. Munro; but we must not

clear light
upon
this difficult
text
came
centuries before, from

third
Lambinus (Denys Lambin).
The
great
achievement of
in
Lachmann was
his
treatment of the
New Testament,
which he brought out
the methodology of scientific textual criticism.^
To
the
same period belong in the Grammatico-critical School the illustrious names of August Meineke,* who wrote a
critical history of the
Greek comic
poets,
and edited the
fragments, assisted by Theodor Bergk, as also the Alex-
andrian
poets
in
his
Analecta
Alexandrina,
K.
W.
Dindorf,* Karl Lehrs,* Friedrich Ritschl,^ and August

1 '
1793-1851. 1802-1883.
1790-1870.
With
his brother
and other texts, besides a lexicon the making of three famous series
the Didot.
*
'
Ludwig he edited all the Greek plays Both brothers shared in to ^schylus.
the
Teubner, the Tauchnitz, and
1802-1878. 1806-1876.
A great authority
on grammatical
studies in Greece.
See Friedrich Rifschl, by L. Miiller (Berlin, 1878).
4o8
Nauck,' who did so

tragic poets.
much
for the hves
of
the Greek
of St.
He was
a professor in the
Academy
Petersburg,
of
one
of the
many who
carried the influence
German
scholarship to Russia, as did his contempoMiiller.
rary,
Lucian
In the Historico-antiquarian School,
we
find Barthold
historical
Georg Niebuhr,
study.
founder of a new school of
Niebuhr was a Dane by birth and a lawyer by
profession.
But soon
after the University of Berlin
was
founded he was called

tution,
to the chair of history in that instiof
where he lectured almost wholly on the annals

brilliant audiences
Rome, before
novel
who were charmed by his

had been
told
manner
of treating
what had become a threadbare

history
subject.
Hitherto,
Roman
and
written of with
no great discrimination.
The
early legends
had been accepted or

approached them
rejected in a lump.
But Niebuhr
in the spirit of a
lawyer or a judge who

imperfect and yet con-
knows
that
all
human
testimony
of truth.
is
tains a certain
amount
Therefore, he proposed
without prejudice to take up the written records of Livy
and other authors and

he were
acute,
to
weigh and balance them as though
presiding in a court.
This method was

side
singularly
and on the negative or destructive
was
widely
accepted.
But when he came
to constructive
work and
1822-1892.
1776-1831.
See Winkworth, The Life and Letters of Niebuhr (London,

1876).
1853),
and Eyssenhardt, Niebuhr (Gotha,
409
himself put forth two volumes of a History/ they were

treated
by
historians according to Niebuhr's
own method,
over-
and had
their defects pointed out with
much acumen.
early history of
The
theory of " tribal lays "
had been somewhat

tliis
done;
and when Niebuhr resolved
Rome
he
into the remains of a series of
poetical ballads,
failed to convince.
He was
first
not even original.^

treated his subject in a
Yet
it
was Niebuhr who
truly scientific spirit so
far as his early lectures went.
His studies of the population of
Rome under
all
the Republic,
and
its
divisions
the
plebs, the patricians
and plebeians,
acceptable to
the ager publicus, etc.

scholars.
cellanies,
were
new and
Furthermore, he put forth two volumes of mis-
mainly philological, and dealing partly with
the criticism of classical texts'
and topography, having

palimpsests.
himself in Italy discovered
new fragments and

vivacity of style
this effect
Niebuhr had a freshness and
which helped
convince his hearers; nor was
diminished by a
remarkable
"
self -consciousness
such as once led him to say

could have
The
discovery
of
no ancient historian
taught the world so

iln 1812.
*
much
scholar,
as
my
work."
Though
in
Perizonius, the
Dutch
had anticipated
this
theory (1685),
(i
while the Frenchman, Louis de Beaufort, had published

proofs of the uncertainty of early
also preceded
738-1 750)
Roman
History.
Niebuhr was
by Arnold Heeren (1760-1842), whose monographs on
ancient commerce, politics, and colonization were in

written before Niebuhr began his lectures at Berlin.
'
many
cases
1828-1843.
4IO
detail

he was often wrong, the
later researches of able
men'
was,
have not shaken the foundations of his

in fact, a
history.
He
Danish Gibbon, dealing with the early Republic

later
as
Gibbon did with the

'His
Empire.^
friend,
Georg Ludwig Spalding (1762-1811), went
to Berlin
with Niebuhr and there put forth three volumes of a

Quintilian, the fourth
fine edition of
volume being seen through the press by
P. K.
in a
Buttmann with an
fifth
*
excellent lexicon to the author
by Bonnel
volume.
Other scholars of the time were the famous F. E. D. Schleierfor
macher, who did so much

lytical
German
prose style and for the ana,
study of Plato
Ludwig Friedrich Heindorf

of
also a Platonist,
but best known for his notes on Horace;

(originally
Philipp Karl Buttmann
Boudemont), author
a clearly expressed but purely

of
dogmatical grammar, and of a Lexilogus, an acute study
the
Homeric vocabulary. His other works may be ignored. Inunanuel Bekker (1785-1871), of Berlin, was a notable critic of Greek texts. For sixty-one years he held his professorship at Berlin, seldom lecturing,
seldom heard, yet winning a brilliant reputation among scholars for

hundred) and
his improvements
his collection of manuscripts (over four
in the existing texts of Aristotle, Plato, the Attic orators, the Byzan-
and in Latin, of Livy and Tacitus. and not of von Moltke, that " he could See H. Suppe (Gottingen, 1872). be silent in seven languages." August Boeckh (1785-1867) was the rival of Gottfried Hermann.
tine historians,
late writers, It
many
was
first
said of him,
He devoted his
made
attention to the antiquarian aspect of the
classics.
He He
especial studies of Plato

is
and the dramatists, while
his elaborate
edition of Pindar
monument
to his industry (1811-1821).
was professor
years. learning,
of
Eloquence in the University
of Berlin for fifty-six

of classical
In his work he was more interested in broad views
and unlike Hermann he published a treatise on the public economy of Athens (Eng. trans., Boston, 1857), and a great part of
the Corpus Inscriptionum Gracarum, but not ended until (1877) ten
years after his death.
411
Among
who
with
the earliest text-critics and grammarians after

Christian
Hermarm was
August Lobeck
(i 781 -i860),
taught at Wittenburg and Konigsberg.
He
discussed
much
acuteness the laws of word-formation in Greek,
taking up the terminations of nouns and the general laws

of the language in his Phrynicus (1820), his notes on a
fragment of Herodian (1820), and his great Pathologia
Sermonis GrcEci (1843-1862).
His comprehensive knowlto
edge of Greek literature enabled him

titude of examples
pour forth a mul-
and
to detect
and
illustrate the living
phenomena
of the language.
In addition to Lobeck was

,
Gregor Wilhelm Nitzsch (1790-1861) whose life was largely

devoted to Homeric studies.
regarding the actual
He
differed
from Wolf
in
Homer
as living near the end of the

artist;
poems, and therefore the shaping
while he
makes
the point that the Cyclic Poets implied the existence of
an Iliad and an Odyssey somewhat
in their present form.

least,
Better known, in foreign countries at

Friedrich Nagelsbach,
was Karl
on
and most of
,
all
for his treatise
Latin
style (Lateinische Stilistik)

its
which appeared
in 1846,
and reached
ninth edition at the hands of

it
Iwan
Miiller
(1905) , who gave

to its usefulness.
istic
a complete index, and thus greatly added
The book deals with

carried
the
most characterprose.
differences of idiom between Latin
and German
Lobeck and Karl Lehrs

relating to the
on grammatical
studies
Greek from the beginning of the decadence
(300 B.C.) to the Byzantine Age.
As a
critic,
Lehrs treated
412
the text of Horace very severely,
many
of
whose odes he
even rejected as spurious
An
early pupil of
Hermann
lecturer
was Friedrich Wilhelm Thiersch (1784-1860), a

at
Munich, and doing much
for the organisation of the
educational system of Bavaria.

of the
He had
studied the art

therefore
to
Louvre and the British Museum, and

attention to antique sculpture.
It
gave
much
was due
him
that the Glyptothek
was founded
at the Bavarian
capital
by the Crown Prince.

list
Thiersch, however, rightly
belongs to the
of grammarians,
and besides two Greek

treatises
grammars, he wrote innumerable

points
fairly
on the
nicer
of
word-formation and
also
the
particles.
He
was
intimate
with
modem
Greek,
and wrote
Other
in
French a
treatise
on the Greece of to-day.
professors at the Bavarian university were Georg Anton
Friedrich
Ast
(1778-1841),
editor
of
the
Characters
of Theophrastus; Leonhard Spengel, Carl Prunst (1820-
1888)
and Ludwig Doederlein, professor

for his forcible
at
Bern and
stimulating
Erlangen, and noted
and
lectures, full of epigram,

treatises
and
for his rather unmethodical

in Latin (Laieinische
on synonyms and etymologies

6 vols.
;
Synonymen und Etymologien,

mik,
etc.),
Laieinische Synonyin 1826-1838,
the
first
of which
was published
and
the second in 1839.

still
Grammar was
two parts has
the
subject
that
attracted
Karl
in
Wilhelm Kriiger (1796-1874), whose Greek grammar

its
rules clearly stated
and
its
examples

always pertinent.
413
This book was
rivalled
trio
by that
of
Raphael Kxihner (1802-1878), and the
was completed
of
by Heinrich Ludolf Ahrens (1809-1881), the author

exhaustive treatise on the
1 83 9-1 843).
an
Greek
dialects
(Gottingen,
Many
of the papers of Friedrich Wilhelm
Schneidewin, the editor of several Greek dramatists, show

that he, too, though given to criticism as
Hermann
was,
and
to archasology as
was Thiersch, was a grammarian

the word.
in the sense that
we now employ
But Syntax
fried
led to another sphere of labor with Gottin
Bernhardy (1800-1875), who,

scientific
1829, published a
volume on the
regarded
syntax of the Greek language, but

history of
syntax
solely in its relation to the
Latin
literature.
As
professor at Halle (where he
was
afterwards pro-Rector)
he published a very interesting

classical learning. (183 2),
monograph on
which
is
his
own system of
full
very suggestive and

is
of truth.
According to
him, grammar
the instrument of such learning,

its
and
Criticism and Interpretation
elements.
Antiquities,
Of
less
account
and
purely
ancillary
are
Palaeography,
Numismatics, and Epigraphy.
In
this,
Bernhardy may
classical
be said
to
have
set forth the
whole truth regarding
study when regarded from

widely read scholar
that
is
the standpoint of a wise
and
who
applies philosophy to the subject
dearest to him.
In Bernhardy one sees alike the
influence of Hegel
ciples in
and of Wolf.
He
carries out his prinfirst
two books which were the
of the kind to
414
place the study of classical literature

level.'
upon a very high
Following Bemhardy, an
literature^
excellent
work on Roman
was prepared
Teuflfel of
in
two volumes by Wilhelm

This work
is
Sigismund
is
Tubingen (1820-1878).
not intended for continuous reading, but

bibliography with notes.
It
a sort of
glorified
was
at first vilely
later its fourth
translated into English

edition,
by W. Wagner, and
having been enlarged and supplemented by L.
Schwabe, was well rendered into English by G. C. W.
Warr
(1845 ^^'^ 1901))
who added
the
more important
English and French references which the Germans had

insolently omitted.
This
is
a book of great value to the

it
student of Latin for the easy access which
gives
him
to
many
the
details relating to
Roman
who
authors and their books.
Closely linked with another valuable

is
work
of reference
name
a
of Teuffel,
assisted the completion of
the
great
Real-Encyclopadie
of
August Pauly
(1796-
1845),
monument
of
minute information regarding

which, begun at Stuttgart
in
Greek and
1839,
*
Roman
topics,
was
finished after Pauly's death.^

Litteraiur
Grundriss der romischen
(1830,
5th
ed.,
Brunswick,
ed., 3
1872); Grundriss der Gfieckischen Litteraiur (1836-1845; 4th

vols.,
1876-1880).
There
is
a Life of Bernhardy by Volkmann.
It
describes his other works, such as his Suidas (1853),
his rivalries
withM. H.
E. Meier and
Theodor Bergk, and
his fatherly friendship
for his pupils,
such as Heinrich Keil and August Nauck.
'Geschichte der romischen Litteraiur (1870), last Eng. trans., 1900.

'
New
ed.
by Georg Wissowa
(1902).
415
Grammatical studies were further pursued by Karl

Gottlob
Zumpt
(1792-1849), whose
grammar
of
Latin
prose (18 1 8)
was
several times translated into English
and was
circulated in the British dominions as well as in
the United States; by Karl Leopold Schneider (1786-1821),
whose
large
grammar was
the
first
systematic treatise
of the kind produced in
Germany;
editior of
Nicolai, Meisterhans,
R. Klotz,
J. F.
Jacob,
the
^tna, and Albert
Forbiger (1798-1878), a second-rate scholar, but one whose

pedestrian editions of Vergil and Lucretius were better
known
in
England than those of Heyne and Lachmann.
Forbiger was also the compiler of a German-Latin dictionary/
'
Lexicography, being an elementary part of grammar,

its later
may
be
considered here in
developments, with a reference to early
lexicography on pp. 96, 97, 108, 126, 165-167, 194, 246, 247, 254, Soon after the Renaissance began to make word-books 255, 305-
and various kinds of lexica popular, one Ambrogio Calepino (Ambrohad prepared a Dictionarium which was widely used, because it defined the Latin words in Italian and later gave also the equivalent in Greek. The success of the so-called Calepinus was extraordinary. It was republished, revised, amplified, and extended
sius Calepinus)
in every possible way, the definitions being given in
many
lan-
guages, so that finally there was produced a Calepinus with the Latin
defined in Italian, German, French, Dutch, Danish, English, and
Greek.
The vogue
of the book, thus altered, continued into the
eighteenth century,
when
still
another revision was undertaken at
Padua by lacopo Facciolati, who soon became convinced that the whole work was antiquated. He proposed that an entirely new lexicon be made out of the great body of Latin authors; and this was finally done by himself and his colleague Egidio Forcellini, in
4l6

scientific
The broadly
riously
study of language which
is
va-
known
as Linguistics (LinguisHk), or Comparative
their Totius Latinitatis Lexicon

rial
(Padua,
1771), a splendid
memo-
of
classical
scholarship.
This was revised by Vicenzo De-Vit
(1879) and Fr. Corradini (d. 1888), who used the work of Klotz, and whose lexicon was completed after his death (1890) by Perin. It has been said of this great lexicon as made by Facciolati and Forcellini, so fully have they illustrated their articles by quotations from the classics, that the greater part of Latin literature could be restored from their lexicon, were it destroyed in the texts where
we now
find
it.
Other lexicons than those of the Italians have been
independently
made by WiUielm Frevind
in
Germany
(enlarged and
by E. A. Andrews) and made the basis This was "conveyed" of Lewis and Scott's Latin Dictionary (1882). by the English publisher, William Smith (afterward Sir William), and
translated in the United States
is
known
in
England as Smith's Latin Dictionary.
Independently,
Karl Ernst Georges (1806-1895), of Gotha, produced a GermanLatin lexicon in 1833, and
of a doctor's dissertation.
it
was accepted at Jena as the equivalent
A
is
seventh edition appeared in 1882, as
did (in 1879) the seventh edition of another lexicon which bears the
name
ill
of Georges,
but which
based upon the work of other scholars,

Georges had
such as Luneman, Forcellini, Gesner, and Scheller.

health and
weak
eyesight, so that he did not often go far from

of learning at the dis-
his library;
but he generously put his stores
posal of scholars in every part of the world.
Besides the books already
mentioned he wrote
a.
Latin-German and German-Latin Handat a Latin lexicon was
worterbuch and a Schulworterbuch, both of which have gone through
many
editions.
The most ambitious attempt
that planned by Eduard Wolfflin, professor at Munich.

as 1857, the king of Bavaria offered to
As
early
contribute ten thousand
gulden toward the cost of a truly complete dictionary of Latin.

It of
of
was proposed to put the editorship into the hands
of Carl
Halm
Munich, Ritschel, and Alfred Fleckeisen, with Franz Biicheler
Bonn
as editor-in-chief.
Political disturbances
delayed the enterof his Archiv jUt
prise until finally WolfBin
began the publication
417
Philology, began with the discovery of Sanskrit by Sir
William Jones, already mentioned

lateinisch Lexikographie
(p. 383).
The
greatest
collections
und Grammatik (in 1848), a quarterly for and suggestions from scholars all over the world. In 1893 the Archiv announced a plan for a great Thesaurus in 12 vols,
twenty years at a cost
of $150,000, of the
of 1000 pages each, to be finished in
and under the charge Munich, and Vienna.

the
first editors.
academies of Berlin, Gottingen, Leipzig,
Professor Bucheler, Wolfflin and F. Leo were

to
It
was
appear
its
in fasciculi.
Greek lexicography reached
highest excellence with the dic-
tionary of Stephanus (see p. 305), yet, as with Latin, there
was
felt
the need of lexicons that should define Greek words in the language
of the students using them, instead of in Latin.
Faber, in 1571,
had published a Thesaurus; but, using that as a basis, J. M. Gesner, between 1726 and 1735, issued two revisions, and now he set forth a
Thesaurus of his own, eliminating barbarisms and solecisms, and
though uneven
in its
treatment and explanation,
it
marked a
distinct
advance
in the
in the history of lexicography.
Gesner was noted as a leader

of the
New Humanism. The

life of
Old Humanism
Renaissance had
sought to prolong the

this
the Latin language and literature.
Yet
was found to be impracticable as a spoken tongue, and the so-called School of Halle abandoned the attempt, and merely tolerated the teaching of spoken Latin in the schools.
Gesner at Gottingen, held that the

ical
classics
But the New Humanists, headed by had a psychic and philosoph-
made the study of them peculiarly helpful, in leading and richer understanding of the modern literatures and This view was of their art and poetry and every phase of learning. that which bore fruit in the aesthetic teachings of Winckelmann, of
value which
to a broader
Lessing, and of Goethe.
Gesner was also the precursor of Heyne in let-
ting taste play a part in his exegesis and
commenting upon the authors

Others of the
whom he
edited {Scriptores Rei Rustica, Quintilian, Pliny's Letters and

.
Panegyricus, Horace, and Claudian)
New Humanists
who compiled
were Tobias
Damm
(1699-1778), a teacher in Berlin
a great lexicon to Homer and another to Pindar, the words being etymologically arranged (alphabetically by V. C. F. Rest in 1833).
4l8

this
achievements in
department of Classical Philology

in
have been made by Germans or
Germany.
Sir William
Jones drew attention to the likeness of the structural
system of Sanskrit and what we
now
call the
Indo-Euro-
pean languages; but

gave a
scientific
it
was Franz Bopp (1791-1867) who
turn to the discovery.

in Paris (1812-1815),
Bopp was bom
in
Mayence,
lived
where he studied
Persian and Arabic under de Sacy, and himself learned

Sanskrit from the
grammars
of William Carey (1806)
and
Sir
Charles Wilkins
(1808).
for
In 1821 he became
fifty-six
professor,
to
and held his chair

^
years
first
down
work
his death.
In
18 16
he published his
Johann GotUob Schneider (1750-1822), of Breslau, whose lexicon Passow (1819-1824), as Passow's did for Rest and Palm (1841-1857), and this in turn for that of the Englishmen Liddell and Scott (1843), the last edition (1880) bearing on its title page also the name of Henry Drisler, an American Hellenist of Columbia College, New York, who had himself made an independent lexicon of Greek, including proper names. Messrs. Liddell and Scott were scholars of very unequal capacity. A popular rhyme in England runs as follows
supplied a model for those of Franz
" This
is
the book of Liddell and Scott,
Some
of it's
good and some

is
of it's not,
That which That which
good
is
Scott,
is
is
Liddell
not "
!
The
first
appearance
of Liddell
and
for
Scott's lexicon in 1843 ^^^>
however, noteworthy, because
its definitions
and not
1
in Latin
an innovation
were given in English
which the editors gave a very
noble defence in their preface.
See Lefmann, Franz Bopp, sein Leben und seine Wissenschaft
(Berlin, 1896).

on the conjugational system
with
those
of of Sanskrit as
419
compared
Greek,
Latin,
Persian,
and
German,
endeavouring
forms.
to explain the
origins of our grammatical

freely
This he discussed more
and
fully in his
Comparative Grammar {Vergleichende Grammatik), which
appeared in 1833.
Bopp made much
of " roots " and
more
legitimately of conjugational similarities in the lan-
guages named.
his time.
But when he wrote he was was

still
in
advance of
Sanskrit
imperfectly understood, and
therefore Bopp's earlier contemporaries, such as
Hermann
and Lobeck, held

even treated
witticisms.
aloof, while
some, like Ludwig Ross,

as
Comparative
Grammar
a subject for
Theodor Benfey, a converted Jew (1809-1881), gave
an intense devotion
to the
study of Sanskrit, of which lan-
guage he wrote a complete grammar (1852), having previously published a lexicon of " Greek roots "
(1839-
1842) and very
many
articles
and monographs on
scientific
Greek etymology.
After
Bopp and
Benfey, the two great
pioneers in the comparative study of languages, there
came
many, of
whom
Georg Curtius (1820-1885), at Leipzig,
was the most

study,'-
influential
the head of a school of language

elder brother Ernst
Curtius,
whose
won fame
for
a history of Greece (1857-1867),^ in his inaugural, declared

1 See Comparative Philology (Cambridge, igo6). J. M. Edmonds's Leo Meyer, who was a pupil of Benfey and did much to further his work, is at the present writing still living as an honorary professor
at G6ttingen.
"
Eng. trans, by A.
W. Ward
(1873).
420

Classical
that he should bring
Philology and
language
study into closer relation with each other.

plished
This he accomhis
by
his
own
influence
and that of
many
dis-
tinguished pupils
ten
and
volumes of Studien (1868-1878)
with
five
volumes of Leipziger Studien (1878-1882) being

his colleagues.
edited by himself
The
chief works
for
that were wholly his
own were
his
Greek grammar
schools
(Prague, 1832), principles of Greek Etymology
(1858-1862), and his bulky treatise on the Greek Verb (1873-1876).
In
his
etymological
discussions,
Georg
Curtius investigates and classifies the regular phonetic
changes in the consonants as they pass from Sanskrit

Greek, Latin, or
irregular
to
German
in
but
many
of these changes are
and not
accordance with any settled principle
known
to Curtius at that time.
So he dubs them " spo-
radic changes," to be explained or not, according to the
ingenuity of the investigator.
In other words, he held that
the exceptions to the consonantal changes set forth in
Grimm's Law were " sporadic " and
really accidental.
to the relations
What was Grimm's Law ?

between the consonants
(2)
It is
a law as
in (i) Sanskrit,
Greek, and Latin,

English).'
Kris-
High German and Low German (including

of this law
The germ
tian
was discovered by Rasmus
Rask (1787-1832), who had
travelled extensively in
Iceland, Sweden, Finland, Russia, Persia,

fully
and
India, carein these
comparing the
'
different languages
spoken
99
et. al.
See Giles, Comparative Philology,

countries.
to
It
42I
was he who,
the
first
among Europeans, came

Rask's
partly
know grammatically
is
Old Persian form of speech
that
variously called "
Zend " or " Avestan."

(1818)
book on Icelandic and other languages
anticipated the law which generally governs the consonantal
changes already mentioned.
Jakob Grimm (1785-1863)

a flash the
who was
preparing a
German grammar, saw at
great importance of Rask's statements;
and when the
second edition of his Deutsche Grammatik appeared (1822),

it
showed the influence of Rask.
Hence the law
of
consonantal change came to be styled Grimm's
Law;
but the exceptions
to
it
were regarded as inexplicable and
as partly justifying the
famous gibe
of
M. de
Voltaire.
Curtius with Grimm's
Law and
the " sporadic changes "
reigned content, until a young Dane, Karl Ludwig Verner,
who was
Kuhn's
were due
not a classical scholar at
all,
wrote a paper in
Zeilschrift,^
which showed that these exceptions
to
the accentual system of the original Indo-
Germanic languages.
p, f, h,
g,
That
is,
the sonant spirants, except

.
w, and
s,
became
respectively the spirants d,
i,
gu, and 5
when
the vowel immediately preceding
them
did not, according to the original Indo-Germanic system,
have the primary accent of the word.

of the prevailing " pre-accent "
This gives proof

to
down
about 300 a.d.

of
These two
'
discoveries
that
of
Rask (Grimm) and

Ausnahme
Vol. xxiii, pp. 79-130 (1877), entitled Eine
der Ersten
Lautverschiebung.
422 Karl
Vemer
are the most remarkable and have been the

the study of languages since Classical
most
fruitful in
Philology began.
They were
of Leipzig,
applied with great
skill
by
Karl
Brugmann
who may be
among whom
styled the chief
of the Jung-Grammatiker,
are
numbered
Hermann
zig,
Osthoff of Heidelberg, August Leskien of Leipof Munich,'
Hermann Paul
and Ludwig Lange

hold
of
in
Leipzig
general
(1825-1885).
(i)
The New Grammarians

so
far as
that language-changes,
they are
mechanical, occur according to definite and

laws,
immutable
is
and
(2) that the principle of Analogy, which
always
at work, has
been so ever since speech began.^
The Young Grammarians found a powerful ally in Friedrich Karl Brugmann (1849)' who cooperated
with the others, and wrote a paper almost as revolutionary
as
Vemer's,
in
Curtius's
Studien?
The
subject was
Nasalis Sonans, and proved so destructive to the theories

of Curtius as to bring about a personal rupture between the
two men;
so that for
many
years Curtius and the Old
Grammarians waged an unceasing war on Bb!femann and

his disciples.
It is
now
in
universally accepted that Brug-
mann was
correct
his
view of the Indo-Germanic
' Paul's Principien der S prachgeschichte (Eng. adapt, by Strong, Logeman, and Wheeler) and Brugmann's Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indo-germanischen Sprachen (Eng. trans.).
;
'
See B.
I.
Wheeler, Analogy and the Scope of
its
Application in
Study (1887).
Vol. ix (Leipzig, 1877).

vocalic nasals.i
423
In
fact,
owing
to the labors of
Vemer,
of
Brugmann (who
finally
succeeded Curtius at Leipzig),

in general, language-study
and the Young Grammarians

has been put upon a soimd
scientific basis,
wherein changes
are to be traced, not to sporadic causes, but to analogy,
which has laws of

It
its
own.
so great a
was natural that
change
in
linguistics
should be accompanied by a
of
new movement
in the field
grammar which
sets
forth, quasi-dogmatically, the
truths of language-study.
influence exhibited
Hence we
find the
German
Copenre-
by Johann Nicolai Madvig (1804-1886),
a Dane of great distinction

hagen.
who was educated

years.
at
He became professor of
for
Latin there (1829) and

fifty
mained as such
more than
Like most of
the greatest scholars
whom
the world has seen,
Madvig
was remarkably
law,
versatile,
engaging as
much
in politics,
and diplomacy as
in classical study.
He was
mem-
ber of the Diet, President of the Council, Inspector of

Schools,
and Minister of Education.

best
As a grammarian
but his
collec-
and
critic his
work was done
in Cicero,
etc.,
tive papers.
Adversaria Critica,
are masterpieces of
interpretation
and
criticism.
His Latin grammar (1841)

in
was
translated in every
European country and
the
his
full
United States.
death,
His personality was remarkable.

eightieth year, he
To
in
his
was vigorous and
See Brugmann's great work, Grundriss der vergleichenden Gramed., 1897).
matik der indo-germanischen Sprachen (Eng. trans., 2d
424

combined with the graceful poise
of
of the scholar's zest,
the diplomat
who has
mingled with kings and nobles.
" Speak the truth in love" was his favourite maxim, and
it
was carried out
to the letter.
He
taught
all
the scholars
of
tries.
modem Denmark and most of the Scandinavian counAmong his pupils were Christensen, Sophus Bugge,
Christiania.
and Johan Louis Bugge (1820-1905) of

a
critic,
As
Madvig was
less
given than his contemporaries to
the minute study of manuscripts, except in determining

their relation to the archetype.
criticism,
He dwelt largely on
in
verbal
and was an adept
conjectural emendation.
In his judgments he recalled the judicial methods of
Niebuhr.
Such was Madvig, a great

critic,
classical scholar
a Grecian, a Latinist, a
iant
a grammarian, and a
brill-
man of the world. To be compared with

scholar,
the
Danish Madvig was
the
Dutch
Caryl Gabriel Cobet (1813-1889), whose
mother, however, was a Frenchwoman, and Cobet was
bom
in Paris.
He showed
Leyden.
It
is
the brilliancy
and wit
of the
at the
French,
though his education was carried out

at
Hague and
said that on entering Leyden

classics,
he was already steeped in the ancient

verbal familiarity with them.
.
and had a
dissertation
His doctor's
excited high hopes,
and the Royal
Institute gave
him leave
manu-
of absence for five years so that he might study Greek

scripts in Italy.
On
his return, he
was made an
extraor-
dinary professor at Leyden, and his inaugural address has

become a classic
in the field of text criticism.^
425
The
story
is
told that during one of the symposia of the professors, they

fell to
arguing on a certain point of usage in the Greek
drama.
Cobet was on
fire
with enthusiasm, and so pelted
his colleagues with quotations
from ^schylus, Sophocles,

that they gave
smile,
and Euripides and from the Fragments,
way and admitted

that he
play.
his claim.
Then, with a roguish
he informed them that most of his quotations were spurious,
had invented them on the spot
as a bit of academic
Not long
after the retirement of Petrus

full
Hoffman
is
Peerlkamp, who had been

best known by his critical
professor (1848)
in
and who
work
Horace, Cobet succeeded
him.
land.
He was
the greatest
Greek scholar of
modem
in
Hol-
Dr. Sandys recalls the meeting of Cobet and
Mad1875.
vig at the tercentenary celebration at
Leyden
hush was
felt
when
Cobet's turn
came
to address his
first
great contemporary in Latin, for Cobet was

Hellenist as
of
all
Madvig was
full
first
of
all
a Latinist.
But
Cobet's words were

terity,
of grace, compliment,
his reply:
and dex-
so that
Madvig began
Post Cobetum
is to
Latine loqui vereor?
Cobet's most enduring work

lectures, papers,
be
of
found
in the
numerous
and examples
criticism that are contained in his YaricR Lectiones and his
Nova
1 '
Lectiones,
which with Madvig's Adversaria and

1840).
(in 1877) criticise tlie
Oratio de Arte
Emendandi (Amsterdam,
Cobet did later
Latin of Madvig.
His own
was superb,
personality.
flashing, graceful, sinuous, reflecting his
remarkable
426
Opuscula, and the addresses of Edouard
Toumier
(1831-
1899), of Paris, might well constitute a Corpus of

critical
modem
work.
influence on France in classical studies has
less direct
The German
been more subtle and
than upon other peoples,
mainly because of the difference of race and the clash of

politics,
and
also because of the

in its
French genius which

If less
cre-
ates
and transforms
own way.
profound than
the
German, it
is
more lucid, and, one may say, more logical.
Yet since the great discoveries were made by Germans

or those allied with them, and since even in the department
of
Romance
Philology the more minute and careful work
has been done by Germans,' the genuine scholars of France
have accepted and merely elucidated what the Germans

found.
Because, however, they have lacked originality one
passes over their later
work with the mention
of a few con-
spicuous names, such as those of men
who wrote with charm

in the
H.
and
J.
G. Patin (1792-1876), whose studies
Greek
late
Latin poets are learned and widely read; Desir6
Nisard and Charles Nisard,
who
set themselves to
making
;
the classics popular even at the cost of inaccuracy
mile
Egger (1813-1885), author of the

parative
first treatise
on Com-
Grammar
(1852)
the able lexicographers, L. M.
Quicherat (1799-1884), author of a Latin thesaurus, and EmileLittrg (1801-1881)

;
the distinguished palaeographer,

life
Charles Graux (1852-1882), whose brief

'
was one
of
E.g. Dietz, Korting,
Meyer-Lubke, Grober.
THE GERMAN nSTFLUENCE
427
remarkable achievement; and Otto Riemann (1853-1891),

best
known
for his
work
in Livy.
The French
School in
to
Athens was founded as early as 1846, and has helped

stimulate such archaeologists as
Bumouf, Fustel de Couand Reimann,

to
langes, Perrot, CoUignon, Homolle,
with
scores of others
whose names are known
every scholar.
Victor Henry (1850-1907) wrote comparative
grammars
that were translated into English, and his wide knowledge

of
all
languages
made him a
universal authority.
One
of the most brilliant expositors of

literature
Roman
life
and Latin
lectures
was Gaston
Boissier (1823-1908),
whose
were absorbing and whose books were fascinating {Cic&ron

et
ses
Amis (Eng.
trans.,
1892),
U Opposition
sous
les
Cisars (1874-1875),
La Fin du Paganisme
(1891),
and
L'Afrique Romaine (1895)).

Archaeology in
to
its
broad sense and Fine Art owe
less
Germany
in their
development than other branches of
Classical Philology.
To be sure,
there
is
Winckelmann, the
father of archaeologists,
and Lessing,
his greatest critic,
but scholars of other nations share the honours with these
two
illustrious
men.
We
in
have seen how early the Arundel

England, and
Marbles were admired
how
the British
Museum was
antiquity.
created for the repository of rare objects of

in Paris
The Louvre
was begun
in
1204 and
converted into the beginnings of

fois
I.
an art museum by Frangenius of
Upon
it
were lavished
all tlie
its
men
like
Pierre Lescot
and Jean Goujin, and
beautification con-

428
tinued through the Napoleonic wars, during which the

great
Emperor
filled
the galleries with the richest spoils
of the countries he conquered, as did his
nephew Napoin richness,
leon
III.
Its collections
undoubtedly surpass
beauty, and value those of any other structure in the world

to-day.
inferior.
Even those
of
the Vatican
must be reckoned
Throughout France, the provincial museums

though
it is
exhibit separate collections,
becoming
the
policy of the
government
to
draw these gradually
to Paris.
Side by side with archasology stands history, and here

the
German
influence
is
very great.
There are
in GerPeter,
many
editions
of
the Latin
fragments
by H.
Friedrich
(d.
von
Schlegel,
Johann Wilhelm von
Siivem
1829), while Karl Bbttiger (1760) wrote Sabina, the

life
daily
of a
Roman
lady, a
model
for Bekker's well-
known
Callus and Charicles (1796-1846).
More
serious
historians of
Rome
in
were Ernst Curtius' and Theodor
Mommsen^
to say.
(1817-1903), of
whom we
shall
have more
history,
But
England there were giants of
Connop Thirlwall (1797-1875) and George Grote (1794187 1)
each
having written a monumental history of
Greece, Thirlwall' s being called " a

Grote's, " a
Tory
history," and
partiality
in
Whig
history,"
from the evident
of their respective authors. Trinity,
Thus, Thirlwall, a lecturer
was
in
sympathy with the English
patriciate,
while Grote was a banker, not a university man, and fully in

'
See the Deutsche Rundschau (Berlin, 1896). See Infra, pp. 443-444.

sympathy with the Athenian democracy.
429
Of
late years,
young
light
Italian,
Guilelmo Ferrero, has sought to throw a new
upon
the problems of ancient
Rome, though he seems

history of the
classical
largely to have
drawn upon the French

Victor Duruy.
Romans by Jean
Other French
historians have been Napoleon III,
whose Casar deserves
attention, Franqois Villemain, a rhetorical lecturer, Aubin
Louis Millen (1759-1818),

description of the
who gave
a remarkably
full
Roman
relics in the
south of France; and
Jean Francois Boissonade (1774-1857), who spent most of

his time in studying the later Greeks, of the decadence of
whom
was
he modestly said that " the mediocrity of
their talent
suited to the mediocrity of his scholarship."

prodigious.
But
his
work was
and
must
In nine years
(1823-1832)
he
produced twenty-four volumes of annotated Greek poets,

his
was the
editio
princeps of Babrias (1844).

are
We
note,
also,
St.
though many names
omitted:
Barth6lemy
Hilaire (1805-1895), lecturer
on Greek and
(1891),
Roman
philosophy, translator
of
Aristotle
and
publicist as well as scholar, besides the Duo de Luynes
(1803-1867), numismatist and explorer, Charles Lenor-
mant (1816-1881), a
his
son, Fran9ois
student of ancient monuments; and

),
(1837-
a scholar of the most

for his
varied attainments, best
known
minute studies
at
Eleusis with reference to the Mysteries.'

'
In modern
Italy,
the
name
of Cardinal
Angelo Mai (1782-1854)
is
to be
remembered
for his
study of the manuscripts in the Vatican and
430
Since the splendid career of

sities
Cob at,
the
Dutch
univer-
have had no
classical scholar of the first order, but
they honourably maintain the traditions of the past.
They
are Groningen (fotinded in 1614), Utrecht (1636), Leyden

1575),
and Amsterdam, whose Athenaeum was raised
to the
rank of a university in 1877.

students
is to
The
greatest
number
of
be found at the oldest seats of learning,
Leyden and Utrecht.

in Holland,
There were two more
universities
Franeker and Hardervyk, but these were

I.
suppressed by Napoleon
Belgium, as a separate
state,
is
of recent existence,
of
having formed a part of Holland until the revolution

183 1.
It
contains
more than one famous and

Some
ancient
Ambrosian
libraries of
which he had charge.

exist, as
of his discoveries
were of works hitherto unknown to

of Cicero's lost treatise,
a part of Dionysius Hali-
carnassensis, fragments of the lost Vidularia of Plautus,
and remains
De Republica (1822). Since Comparative Philology has been in vogue, Domenico Pezzi (1844-1906), and Grazladio Ascoli (1829-1907) are the greatest names among the comparative philologists of Italy.
We
have already mentioned Vinlexicon,
cenzo De-Vit (1810-1892) as the reviser of Forcellini's great
and Fr. Corradini (1820-1898) whose

Perin in i8go.
like
task was completed by
Studies in early Latin were ably undertaken by
Giovanni Battista Gandino

paretti, professor of of
(1877-1905)
Pisa,
is
while
Domenico Comhis account
Greek at
widely
;
known by
Vergil in the
Canina,
Middle Ages (1873 Bartholomeo Borghesi, and

;
Eng. trans. 1895). Luigi Francesco Maria Avellino

first
were
all
distinguished archaeologists
but
of all stood Giovanni

collections
Battista de Rossi (there were
two
of the
name), who made
of inscriptions, especially of those in the
Catacombs, and
of Christian
Archseology.

university
societies.
43
its
and
is
remarkable for the number of

Catholic
University of
learned
The
Louvain
was
founded
in 1426, having separate colleges, as in England.
Of
these the best
known was
the Collegium Trilingue, over
which Erasmus
for a time presided, cultivating the three
languages, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin.
Lipsius also
" the
lec-
tured
here
and
styled
the
University
its
Belgian
"Athens."
Louvain has had
vicissitudes,
having been
closed by the Austrian Emperor, Joseph II, and by the
French
in
1797; but in 1834
it
was refounded as a
its
strictly
Catholic University and has resumed
old prestige.
Besides Louvain, there are Ghent (1816), Lifege (1816),
and the "
free university " of Brussels (1834).
As Dutch
scholarship tends toward textual criticism, so that of the
Belgians has
by preference turned
to
archaeology and
constitutional antiquity, these being represented chiefly
by
Jean Baron de Witte (1868-1889), a scholar

enced by the Germans;
J.
largely influ-
E.
G. Roulez (1806-1878),
Professor of Greek at Ghent, and an authority on ancient
music; Joseph Gantrelle (1809-1893), Professor of Latin

at Ghent, a defender of the classics
and editor and

the
of the
Agricola
(1874),
Germania
(1877),
Historice
(1881), besides publishing a special study of the style of
Tacitus
labours.'
'
(1882), to
whom,
indeed, he devoted his chief
The
influence of
Germany
is
plainly seen in the
Other Belgian scholars of note were Augusta Wagener (1829largely
1896),
influenced
by German teaching
Louis Chretien
432

of the Belgian scholars, because at so
work
many
of their
{e.g.
universities,
J.
Germans
J.
have
held
professorships
D. Fuss; G.
Bekker), yet the native Gallic strain

scholars
has
lucid.
made
Belgian
not only
profound but
The
Scandinavians, as
we have
already noted, are

It
is
among
the most original of classical scholars.
unnecessary,
however, to trace their work farther than the beginning

of the nineteenth century, for
it is
only then that Danes,

their
Swedes, and Norwegians became conspicuous for
prowess in learning.
of
all,
Their universities to-day

in 1478)
are, first
Copenhagen (founded
in
and one
of the most
famous
Northern Europe; Upsala, in Sweden (1480);

(1812),
in
Christiania
the
Norwegian
(1666).
State
University;
besides
Lund
Sweden
The most famous

already
Scandinavian
scholars
have
been
named,
Rask, Madvig, Niebuhr, and Verner,
but
several others
now
of
require attention.
TJssing (1820-1905)
Johan Louis
was the
close associate
Madvig and was
the
most celebrated Scandinavian
archaeologist, writing
his dissertation
on the subject
of
Roersch (1831-1891),
of Liege,
and noted
for his valuable reviews
and
monographs;
1891), a jurist
in
Ffilix
choice, but classicist
Neve (1816-1893), of Louvain, orientalist by by profession; Jean Joseph Thonissen (1816-
Greece and
who wrote a long work on primitive criminology Rome; and finally, Pierre Willems (1840-1898),
author of a standard work on the political institutions of ancient
Rome
(Louvain, 1870), and another on the
Roman
Senate.
THE GEEMAN INFLUENCE

Greek
Italy vases.
433
in
He
travelled for
two years
Greece and
and founded the Museum of
Classical Archaeology
at Copenhagen, where he
was made Reader.
The
influ-
ence of Madvig led him to more closely philological work,

so that he took part in editing Livy
and annotated Plautus
on
his
own account
(1875-1887).
As a
text-editor
he was
conservative, imlike
most Scandinavians, who are possessed
of a cacoethes emendandi, of which the Swedish Ljundberg
furnishes an awful example in his edition of Horace (1872),
where out
of all the lines
he has
left
barely sixty unaltered
(Reinach).
In Iceland, there arose one splendid scholar,
Sveinbjoin Egelsson (1791-1852), whose thunderous translations of all
Homer
unite a
fire
and splendour that
rival
the Sagas of the North, while they recall them.
Esaias
in
Tegn6r of Lund (1782-1846), the most popular poet

Swedish
literature, so that in
1808 he was, to quote Dr.
Sandys, " the Tyrtaeus of
Sweden," was professor of
Greek, but insisted more on Latin, while Karl Vilhelm

Linder (1825-1882) was a strenuous advocate of Greek.
Sophus Bugge (1833-1907) not only investigated consonantal changes, studied Latin under Madvig, in Berlin,
Sanskrit under
Weber and Bopp, and Germanic
philology
under Haupt,^ but he investigated further the

'
principles of
daughter he married.
Moritz Haupt (1808-1874) was a pupil of Hermann, whose His was a vigorous, impetuous personality.
said to
He
is
Bentley.
He
have taught Nettleship in his lectures the value of himself learned from Hermann's Bacchee what is
an author."
meant by "
really understanding
He was appointed
434
Vemer's Law.
He
is
mentioned here, however, because of
his criticism of a very important
work which caused a revoWilhehn Corssen
lution
in
Latin studies
everywhere.
(1820-1875), a teacher at Schulpforta, undertook an acute
and accurate
language.
investigation of the sounds
of the Latin
Materials for this work had been gathered by
Albert Denary (1807-1860), while further notes had been
made by
studies.
Friedrich Ritschl
(1806-1876)
scholar
in his Plautine
But no preceding
had
made
Latin
phonetics a definite
his
object until Corssen appeared with
Ueber
Aussprache,
Vokalismus
it,
und Betonung
der
lateinischen
Sprache}
In
Corssen sought
to study the
sounds
(i.e.
the pronunciation) of the Latin language, using
not only the earliest literary sources, and the most ancient
inscriptions,
but also the
Italic dialects
such as Faliscan,
Oscan, and Umbrian, with a vast collection of quotations
from the
little
Roman
grammarians, whose work had been
studied.
All these
ability,
means of information Corssen used

his results as to phonetics have
is
with scholarly
and
stood the test of time, so that his book
definitive.
It
was needed,
had become
for the confusion in the pronunciation of Latin

great.
There was no standard, and
there had
been none since the time of the Protestant Reformation.

after
his
Lachmann's death to
is
fill
the latter's chair at Berlin.

list
Though
works on
Fach was Germanic philology, the

a very long one.
'
of his published
Greek and Latin

scholarship;
Published in 1858-1859 at Leipzig, where

reedited in 1868-1870, 2 vols.
it
received a prize for
435
it
Each nation had pronounced Latin
as though
were
its
own
was
language, and while on the continent of Europe this

of
no great consequence,
it
since the vowel sounds

later,
were
generally the same, cans,
shut Englishmen, and
Ameri-
away from using Latin

Lipsius,
as an intelligible
medium
of speech.
all
Cardinal Wolsey, and
Milton had
to
complained of
this,
but there was no one
guide
men
until
Corssen appeared, spurred by the necessity imposed

the
by
new
science
of
Comparative
Philology.
He
has
showed
tem,
clearly the phonetic basis for the "

after
Roman
" sys-
and
it.
some grumbling, every

it
university
adopted
In England
schools,
in
met with much opposition

it is
from the public

employed;
and even to-day

the universities
not commonly
in
though
and
advanced
work
it
is
not only accepted, but taught.^

colleges
In the United
States,
where
have been founded from many
countries,
Corssen's authoritative statements were soon

it
received, because
gave to students one
single, accurate
pronunciation instead of
many
is
inaccurate ones;
so that
to-day the phonetic system

college,
universal both in school,
and
university.^
Curiously enough the phonetic
system had been anticipated by an American of German

parentage, Dr. Haldeman, of Philadelphia, though he had
' See the more recent English grammars of Latin, such as Kennedy's, Roby's, and the luminous work of Lindsay, The Latin Language,
(Oxford, 1894), chh. 2-4.

2
The standard work on Latin pronunciation
is
that of Seelmann,
Ueber die Ausspracke des Lalein (Stuttgart, 1885).
436
access only to the Latin grammarians

ture rather than to dialects
is
and
to written litera-
and
inscriptions.
This book
entitled Elements of Latin Pronunciation (1851),
and was
indepen-
finished before Corssen's
work appeared.
An
dent attempt
to
reach the same end was
made by
Professor
Richardson of the University of Rochester, and he did

arrive at
many
of Corssen's results (1859), though differing

in other conclusions.
life
from him grotesquely

the last years of his
said, of
this
Corssen spent
died,
it
in
Rome, where he
was
to
disappointment and chagrin.

is
His Aussprache
day
an authority.
Flushed by his success, however,

still
he undertook the task of solving the problem that

awaits solution,
the origin and
linguistic affinities of the
Etruscans, that strange people
who
lived in Italy
it,
and
at
one time conquered the greater part of
yet who, in aplike neither the
pearance as in language and customs, were
Latins, the Umbrians, or the Oscans, but suggested an

oriental origin.
Corssen 'resolved to dispel
this mysteiy.
In his colossal work, Ueber die Sprache der Etrusker,^ he

lavished
all
the powers of his intellect
and
all
the vast
materials at his
command.
For a moment,
so great was
suc-
his prestige, the learned
world believed that he had
ceeded, yet criticism soon showed that he had failed, and
he went down to his death with the sneers of his

friends to
1
late
smooth the way.

See Deecke, Corssen und die Sprache
Beeclê edited the Etrusker, in 1877.
Leipzig, 1874-1875, 2 vols.
der Etrusker (Stuttgart, 1875).

Practically all that
is
437
known about
the Etruscans
was
known
best
before Corssen turned his attention to the subject.
In 1826, the Royal Society of Berlin offered a prize for the

essay
on
the
Etruscans.
In
1828
an elaborate
Otfried
monograph on
the subject
was presented by Karl
Miilleri (1797-1840).
Already Muller had done much.
He had felt the influence of Niebuhr and had studied under

Boeckh
at Berlin,
and both had aroused
his interest in
historical topics.
A monograph on ^gina
first
and the ^gin-
etan marbles was his
published work, and in 1819,
at the age of twenty-two,
he was made Professor of Classical
Learning
in Gottingen,
where he lectured on Archaeology

all
and
art.
His book upon the Etruscans contains

until recent years.
that
was known
He
did not attempt to
establish a theory, like

facts
Corssen, but only to present the
and
to
make
suggestive comments;
and that
is all
that can be done

interested in
down
to the present day.

religion,
literature,
Muller was
mythology,
authors,
and upon
especial
classical
such as
Pindar, ^schylus,
and Herodotus among the Greeks, and among the Romans,

writers of the Silver Period.
In 1833 an edition of the
Eumenides with
the play and
its
dissertations
on the manner of presenting
purport, caused
much
interest, as
shedding
new
light
on the Greek theatre; and the author was not
disturbed
1
when even Hermann
called
him " mistaken "
in
Germany
His real name was Karl Muller, but as this was and is so frequent (like John Smith in England), he inserted the " Otfried."
438
and " presumptuous."

of Varro,
He
at once edited the fragments
De Lingua
Latina, and later of Festus.
He
done
died at Athens and was buried there (1840).
He had
much for historical research and for the methods of Niebuhr.

His acquaintance, Friedrich Gottlieb Welcker (1784-1868),
who
long survived him, turned
more
to the artistic
manner
of interpretation.
He
early studied at
Rome; he was
professor at
Giessen (1808), he fought as a volunteer

(18 14),
against Napoleon
and was afterwards again a and then

at
professor, first at Gottingen
Bonn, where he
presided over the
first
Museum
of Ancient Art ever known.
His lectures were stimulating by reason of his personality,
and
his reach
was broad, including both Greek and Latin
poetry and the mythology of Greece.

translations, wrote
He made numerous
subjects,
monographs on many
and
is
especially
known by
" Welcker's Cyclus," or Greek Trag-
edies in Relation to the
Epic Cycle}
It
has been said
of
him
of
that his chief strength lay in interpretation, while that

in historical research.
K. O. Miiller was
contemporary of great fame was Otto Jahn (1813-
1869), also given to archaeology.
He was
at various times
professor at Greifswald
1851),
at
(1842-1847), at Leipzig (1847-
Bonn
(1855-1869).
He
died
at
Gottingen.
Though an
archaeologist
and the author of many monocritical
graphs, he will be longest remembered by his

revisions of Persius (1843)
'
and Juvenal
(1851), with an
3 vols., 1839-1844.

edition of both in the year before his death.
439
For
text-
books he edited the Cupid and Psyche of Apuleius, the

Athenian
Acropolis
from
Pausanias,
of Plato,
the
Electra
of
Sophocles, the
the
Symposium
to
and the
It
Treatise on
Sublime ascribed
Longinus.
would be imposon
artistic
sible here to
enumerate his minor

titles
treatises
subjects,
whose very
fascinate
and
attract.'
Classical literature treated either with deep learning or
with distinction was a subject for study at
all
times,
though the Germans are not happy, as a
rule, in that
which
requires the aesthetic as well as the historic element.
We
have already mentioned Bernhardy as an historian of both

the two great literatures.
K. O. Miiller began a history
of Greek Literature at the request of the

for the Diffusion of Useful
London
Society
Knowledge,
full
in 1836,
but he died
before
its
completion.
The
text
was not published

finished
in English until 1858,

it
when Dr.
J.
W. Donaldson
many
in a three-volume edition.
Yet much has been done

scholars,
for classical literature

translated,
by German
of
whom
and others wrote
special
monographs on par-
ticular authors, such as the illuminating papers on Plautus
(Parerga)
by Friedrich Ritschl
literary activity of
(1806-1876),
who
also
wrote of the
'
Varro and the laws of the
Latin archasologists are Conrad Bursian (1830-1883), the his-
torian of classical studies in
Peter
Willen
Germany Otto Benndorf (1838-1907) Forchhammer (1801-1894), the topographer; and

;
Heinrich Kiepert (1818-1899) the well-known cartographer, Professor

of
Geography at
Berlin,
and maker
of
many maps and
charts.
440

verse.'
Satumian
were
J.
More
strictly historians
of literature
A. Fabricius
(1668-1736),
who condensed and
compiled the whole of the classic writers, without whose

aid no subsequent history of either Greek or Latin has
been
written;
Teuffel,
already
mentioned;
and Otto
Ribbeck (1827-1898), professor successively

versities,
in five uni-
but passing his
last years at Leipzig.
To him
ed.,
we owe much
of the history
and
criticism of the early
Latin dramatists, whose fragments he edited (3d

1898), a study of
1897-
Roman
tragedy under the Republic,^
with editions and conservative texts of Vergil, Horace, and

Juvenal.
His most interesting work

poetry.^
is
his
history of
Roman
Since the Middle Ages,
some
lost
fragments of impor-
tant authors have been discovered.
Such is the long episode
of the Cena Trimalchionis from the Latin novel of Petronius,
edited
nas,
by Friedlander; the
mentioned;
(ed.
so-called Anthologia Palatirecently,

;
already
quite
fragments
of
Bacchylides
'
prin.
his
Kenyon)
Babrius (122
fables,
He
is
best
known by
monumental
edition of Plautus in conScholl.
junction with
Gustav Lowe, Georg Gotz, and Friedrich
and reedited nine plays (1848-1854), and his three coadjutors were assisted by Alfred Fleckeisen (1820-1899), Wilhelm Studemund (1843-1889), who also was a noted Greek
RitschI himself edited
palaeographer,
prosody by the researches

'1875.
Wilhelm Wagner (1843-1880), and especially in the of Wilhelm Corssen, already mentioned.
abridged, 1895.
3 vols., 1859-1868
See a volume compiled by
his friends. Otto Ribbeck,
Ein Bild
(1901).

ed.
441
Aristotle
;
pin. Boissonade); a
lost treatise
by
on the
fairly
polity of the Athenians {ed. prin.
Kenyon)
and
in
complete plays of Menander
(ed.
Lefebvre
1907,
{ed.
Headlam
prin.
in 1908)
with seven poems of Herondas
Kenyon,
last ed.
by Creuzer, Leipzig, 1894).
It is
believed that the papyri of Egypt will yield
new
treasures,
as they have in the past five years, and scholars look eagerly
for other plays of
Aristotle,
Menander, some of the

be the famous
to
exoteric
works of
and
it
may even
(to
lost
books of Livy.
Archaeology
of)
revert
subject already spoken
has been greatly enriched by the compilation of
corpora to
aid
of
each of the
classic
languages.
With the
inscriptions
first
Epigraphy, a collection of
Greek
has been made by Boeckh, who edited the
two
volumes of the Corpus Inscriptionum GrcBcarum (18251843), followed
by other volumes by Franz (1845-1853), H. Rochl
the fourth by E. Curtius and A. Kirchhoff (1826-1908),
and the whole completed by the Index

(1877).
of
Assistance
was given
to
the
work by Wilhelm
Dittenberger
(1840-1906), professor at Halle.
He
did
much
1882),
also for the
Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum (1878of
and prepared himsef a Sylloge
Greek
inscrip-
tions that are especially important (1882, 2d ed. 1898-1901).
Apart from his epigraphical work, Dittenberger was a specialist in Ceesar,
having prepared eleven editions of Kraner's
Commentary.
'
Georg Kaibel (1849-1901), editor of the
See Gilbert, Greek Constitutional Antiquities, 1895.
442
Electra of Sophocles (1896)

collected a
and
of Athenasus (1886-1890),
volume of some 1200 epigrams (1878) copied

years.'
for a
from stones {ex lapidihus) and covering a thousand
Latin Epigraphy was pursued in a desultory way

long time, chiefly in Italy.
to
The Romans do
not appear
It
have collected inscriptions as the Greeks did.
was
only at the beginning of the Middle Ages,
when Rome
the
the
in
became a Christian Mecca, that pilgrims copied some of

most famous
inscriptions
to
carry
home.
in
With
as
Renaissance came
genuine
interest
them
gems and carved work.
Cola di Rienzi
(about 1344)
in
prepared a topographical account of Rome,
which he
drew
largely
on
inscriptions;
while Poggio Bracciolini^
collected them.
Unfortunately,
many were
forged,' and
some
of Ijhem have only recently
been stamped as
spurious,
of
mainly from the unscrupulous hands of Pirro Ligorio

Naples.
to
The
first
printed collection of inscriptions seems
have been that of Raveima (1489).

the reader
is
For Gruter's
great
work
referred to another place.*

others,
The
study
was taken up by
(1618-1700), but
among them
Raffaele Fabretti
it
was
L. A. Muratori (1672-1750)
who
gave a great impulse to Epigraphy by his Novus Thesaurus

1742),
Veterum Inscriptionum
(4
vols.,
Milan,
1739-
and
to
Palaeography by his researches in Milan
' Other noted Greek epigraphists were Kohlen, Germany, (Economides, Dobree, Riemann. '
and
*
outside of
Supra, pp. 276-9.
Supra, pp. 284-5.
Supra, p. 342.

and other
(d.
443
Borghesi
is
seats
of
learning.
Bartolommeo
1859)
made epigraphy
a science, and to him
due the
field.
splendid work that has been accomplished in this
Both the French Academy and that of Berlin planned a

vast Corpus of
all
existing Latin inscriptions; but this

first
was
not undertaken until 1863, when the
volume of the
present Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum appeared under

the editorship of Theodor
Mommsen and Wilhelm Henzen

steadily progressed,
it
(1816-1887).
The work has

owing
volume
by volume, with supplements, but

be wholly
finished,
to
will
probably never
new
discoveries.^
if
The
mind
greatest
all
mind
since Scaliger's,
not the greatest
of
time, is recalled in the illustrious
name
of
Theodor
tinguished
Mommsen men of
(1819-1893).
letters,
Like so many
dis-
he became famous for his

find the
versatility, so that in
him we
young
poet, the
ardent politician, the close student of inscriptions, the
master of ancient constitutional law, and

torian of the
tist,
finally the his-
Roman
It
Empire,
chronologist, numismafor the
and
lyrist.
was he who made the plan
splendid
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, in 1847, as
against A.
W. Zumpt, and
to
Mommsen
it.
xiii of
the
Academy
entrusted the scheme as he outlined

'
See the article " Inscriptions " in vol.

It
the ninth edition of
the EncyclopcEdia Britannica.
Hiibner of Berlin,
especially see
was written by Professor Erail himself a famous archaeologist. On the Corpus

Inscriptions,
Egbert, Latin
pp. 6-15
(New York,
1896).
444

to write his History of
He came
naivete.
Rome with a
certain
While spending a vacation with his
father-in-
law, the old gentleman said, "
Why,
and
yes,
Theodor, your
studies have fitted
you
for just such a

at
work."
Young
Mommsen
history.
flushed with pleasure,
once began the
Out
of the fulness of his
mind, he made no
preparation, but
just wrote on, chapter after chapter,
book
of
after book,
and volume
after volume, until, instead
composing
a " popular" work, he
had poured the wealth

is
of his
wide knowledge into a book which

style.
informing in
matter and brilliant in

troversy, the
It
aroused a storm of connot thought

it
more
so as
it
Mommsen had
with footnotes.
worth while to equip
These were
given later by a sixth volume, and another book entitled
Romische Forschungen.
The History
Germany
told the
failed to shatter.
of
Rome
is
in reality a protest of
New
against the old feudalism which Napoleon had

It
pleaded for a brilliant dictator, and
story of Julius Caesar, the greatest
man who
lashed the
ever lived, as the ideal head of a State.
He
weakling, Cicero, and wrote some of his papers with great

flashes.
No one
has refuted him and neither Gisner nor

a satisfactory response.
Ferrero has
of
made
The
the
climax
Roman
grandeur comes with Caesar; and

in
Mommsen
petty,
beholds
a grandeur
the
North,
when
ignorant squires of Junkerthum are

enlightened Dictator.
scattered
by
an
445
is
picturesque figure
among
archaeologists
that of
Heinrich Schliemann (1822-1890), at fourteen a grocer'sboy, at thirty-six an " Indigo
King "
in St. Petersburg
with a fortune that grew every year.
He
then betook
himself to archeology, teaching himself Greek, and read-
ing carefully.
hill
He
believed the site of
Troy was on the
of Hissarlik.
The
hill
was opened (1870-1873), as
he had Mycenae explored (1874-1876), Troy again (1879),
Archomenos
(1881),
and very successfully Tiryns (1885).
Many
excavations were made, quite enough to justify
the Homeric story, and to shed light upon Thucydides.
Schliemann chose
gratification.
to live
a la grecque for his

at Athens,
own
and
His house was constructed

friezes,
was embellished with mosaics,

Homeric quotations.
bore him a
girl
and illuminated
He
married a Greek wife,
who
whom
Even
he called Andromache, and a boy,

his porter
Agamemnon.
Just as he
was
styled Bellerophon.
was about
to explore Crete, death
came on
him suddenly
at Naples, leaving Dorpfeld to finish the
Trojan discovery .^
It
may be
said that
all
of Continental
Europe
felt
the
influence of the extraordinary range and originality of
German
this
scholarship; yet of England, until very lately,

less
has been
ideals,
true.
Great
Britain
has had
her
own
'
her
own
traditions,
and her own
intellectual
character,
and her learned men have not interchanged

SMiemanns Ausgrabungen, Eng.
trans.
See Schuchardt,
(iSgo),
containing a bibliography.
446

any other country
to the extent that
their acquisitions with
even Spain and Portugal have done.
This has not been
true of her greatest scholars, such as Bentley, for example,
but in general the British distaste for foreigners has extended even to their learning.
ence in
its
Hence the German
influ-
full
sweep
is
a thing of the past two or three
decades, and has been shown in the persons of

living,
men
still
whose names are (except
casually) excluded from
this survey.
passage in George Eliot's Middlemarch,

tries to
where young Ladislaw
make Dorothea
see
how
backward
is
her husband, Mr. Casaubon, in
modem
scholarship, says:
" If Mr. Casaubon read German, he would save himself a great
deal of trouble.
...
It
is
a pity that
it
[devoted labour] should

is,
be thrown away, as so much
English scholarship
for
want
of
knowing what
is
being done by the rest of the world."

said Dorothea.
"I do not understand you,"
" I merely mean," said Will in an off-hand way, "that the
Germans have taken the lead in historical

at results which are got
inquiries,
and they laugh
by groping about
in
woods with pocket-
compasses, while they have
made good
roads."
But Great Britain had a scholarship
of her
own, a
schol-
arship of elegance, and again of sound truth.
In Greek
and Latin, as such, she surpassed
all
her
rivals.
No
verse
or prose in either language was so near the classical stand-
ards as that which
came from Oxford or from Cambridge.

its
The
Italian school of Latinity with
Ciceronianism was
near to that of England;
while, for a time at least, the

critical
447
work
of the Netherlands
was stimulated by the

such as those of Bentley,
example of Englishmen.
Porson,
Peter
Names
Elmsley
J.
(1773-1825),
Thomas
Gaisford
(1779-1855), C.
(1782-1825),
Blomfield (1786-1857), Paul Dobree

Scholefeld
J.
(i
James
789-1853),
Charles
Badham
(1813-1884),
W. Donaldson
literature,
(1811-1861),
who
finished K. O.
MuUer's Greek
W.
E. Jelf (181 1-
1875),
George
the
Long
first
(1800-1879),
professor of
John
Conington
(1825-1869),
Latin at Oxford,
Henry
Nettleship (1839-1893),
definitive edition
who
with Conington proPersius,
duced a
William
and translation of
all
and
M. Leake
(1777-1860)
these were familiar
to Continental scholars.
More
especial
mention
is
due
to
one of the most
brilliant
men
of his country. Sir Richard
Claverhouse Jebb (1841-1905),
who
at the time of his
death was professor of Greek at Cambridge.

witty, versatile
He was
man
of the world, " a humanist in the
highest sense of the word " (Sandys),

in his
who had no
spirit.
equal
mastery of both
classical
form and
Though
not a stranger to drawing-rooms and polite society, he

edited
Sophocles
(1883-1896)
and Bacchylides
(1905),
to
translated
Theophrastus,
life
published
an introduction
Homer, a
of Porson, of Erasmus,
and one
of Bentley,
helped found the British School at Athens, and was a master

of English prose
and of Greek
verse.
It is impossible to
overrate his combination of deep learning, so easily carried,
with the easy tone of an accomplished gentleman.
448
Further mention must be
made
of
Benjamin Jowett
translated
(1817-1893), Master of Balliol,

into
who admirably
EngHsh, Plato (1871), Thucydides (1881), and the

both of the
latter
Politics of Aristotle (1885),
with comthat
mentaries.
But perhaps
it
was Jowett's personality
must be taken
into account.
His influence over awkward

as
it
and bashful undergraduates was remarkable,

with those of his
sayings will be
was
own
age.
His pungent, witty, unexpected

his
remembered and quoted as long as
translations are read.
Mention has been made elsewhere of many noted

British scholars.
We
must
refer again to
H. A.
J.
Munro
(1819-1885) to note his splendid work both as an editor
and
translator of Lucretius,
and because he gave " the

'
first
impulse to a reform in the pronunciation of Latin."
And
one must
also
mention the services which Great Britain

to Classical
has rendered
Archaeology in the work of the
British Schools at
Athens (1883-) and at
Rome
(1901-);
Banks, Arden, Harris, carried on
fruitful explorations at
Herculaneum, resulting
in the course of
a century,
in the
rescue of important fragments of Epicurus, Philodemus,
a part of the Iliad, speeches of Hyperides, and others

already mentioned as recovered.
And perhaps
two volumes of
the ex-
treme of minute commentary was reached by Professor

J. E. B.
Mayor (1825-1911)
in his
closely
printed notes on the Satires of Juvenal (last ed., 1886).

'
See Sandys, op.
cil., Hi.
p. 433.

These and such
ship.
exists.
449
as these are of the 6\\te of British scholarclassical learning
Their names are known wherever
One
in
is
reminded of the story of how Gaisford

to
when
Germany went
when
pay a
call
on Dindorf
at Leipzig.
The door was opened by

servant; but
into his
If
a shabby
man who
resembled a
Gaisford's
name was mentioned, rushed
arms and kissed him.^

felt
England
only in the person of her most learned
men
the influence of
Germany, the United
States
of
America may be
all until
said not to
have discovered Germany at

of those
still
within the
memory
living.
it
Settied
for
at
first
by Englishmen, such rude culture
as
had
more
than a century was wholly English.

of higher learning
The
first institution
was Harvard
College,
now Harvard
who
University,
named from John Harvard

all his
of Cambridge,
gave half his fortune and
library to the college that
was
to bear his
name
(1638).
In age, among American
homes
of scholarship, the College of William and Mary,
chartered by those sovereigns in 1693, comes next to Har-
vard
^
;
and
in order,
during the colonial period, are Yale
(1701), so
named
in 1718 after
one Elihu Yale; Princeton
' 2
Tuckwell, p. 131.
Dr. Sandys {op.
cit., iii.
452) oddly omits this venerable seat of
learning, which has existed
down
to the present time,
and among
whose graduates have been four Presidents of the United States, the most learned of our Chief Justices, and one of the most brilliant He makes Yale to have of our soldiers (General Winfield Scott).
been the second college established
in the
United States.
ZG
4SO
(1746)
;

the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia,
originally
an academy,
assisted
by Benjamin Franklin
(1751)
in
New York
City, King's College, chartered by

in 1787,
George II (1754), but renamed Columbia College
and Columbia University
in
1890.
Brovi^n
University
1764.
all
was established
These
in
Providence,
Rhode
Island, in
five centres of the higher education were
in
existence before the Revolution.
There are now
in the
United States more than four hundred institutions that

call
themselves colleges or
universities,
but barely a
it
score satisfy the definition.
In general
may be
said
that the
older
colleges
that
have become
universities
deserve the name, and are splendidly equipped with the
most
modem
in
apparatus
or
for
in
research,
with
specialists
to
trained
Germany
other foreign countries

after
to
satisfy the
most exacting seeker

still
knowledge; while
to
the newly founded ones are

scholarly esteem.
It
prove their right
must be noted, however, that
this
statement
is
only
general.
(1892),
Some
Johns
of the youngest universities, like Chicago,
Hopkins
(1876)
in
Baltimore,
Leland
in
Stanford at Palo Alto, California (1891), Cornell at Ithaca
New York
ter,
(1865),
were nobly endowed by the generosity of
some very wealthy men.
The Clark
University in Worces-
Massachusetts, admits no undergraduates, but gives
all its
energy to intense specialisation.
All these
newer uni-
versities are
modelled mainly on the German, while the

older ones
still
45
retain in large
measure the traditions of
English scholarship.
There was
standard
scarcely
any
standard but
the
English
known
prior to the nineteenth century,
and the
this
wide separation of the United States from Europe made

natural enough ; but
it
led to a sort of intellectual dry-rot.
The
first
American
to
study in
Germany was George

at Harvard.
Ticknor (1791-1871), afterwards Professor of the French
and Spanish Languages and Literatures

spent four years divided
Halle,
He
between Gottingen, Leipzig,
and
Paris, visiting also
Weimar, Naples, and Rome,

his
and meeting some

time.
of the
most eminent scholars of
In
like
manner, Edward Everett (1794-1865), afterwards
President of Harvard, and Professor of Greek, spent four

years (1815-1819) abroad.
On
returning, he said:
"In
regard to university methods, America has nothing to

learn from England, buteveiything to learn from
Germany."
George Bancroft (1800-1891), the long-winded historian

of his
own
country,
was another
of those sporadic pilgrims

fruit
whose
isolated enthusiasm bore
no
it.
because the Amerito the

list
can people were not ready for
Let us add
C.C. Felton, Professorof Greek at Harvard, who annotated

Wolf's text of the Iliad, and wrote a singularly naif account
of his travels in Europe. T. D.
Woolsey of Yale was a
more able and active scholar, and more deserving of regard.
He
edited a
number
of Greek texts with a fair comprehen-
452
sion of their meaning.^
Harvard possessed two
foreign-
bom
professors whose influence
was
felt,
as
was
that of
the poet Longfellow
(1807-1882).
These were E. A.
of
Sophocles (1807-1883),
the
who wrote a Greek grammar

His pupil, G.
Roman and
Byzantine periods, Carl Beck

birth.
(1798-
1866), a
German by
M. Lane
(1823-1897), was Professor of Latin

After his death, a Latin
for thirty-three years.
grammar upon which he had
long laboured was finished and seen through the press

(1898) by his former pupil. Professor
M. H. Morgan.
in this period,
Many American grammars were published

the
more popular being

of
those of Albert Harkness, Pro;
fessor
Latin
;
in
Brown, often revised
Allen
and
Greenough
Buck,"
'
Gildersleeve,^ Gildersleeve-Lodge,^ Hale and

little
Bennett' and especially a grammar
known,
but made on a
theory of his own, by Gustavus Fischer,
who
to
resigned the chair of Latin at Rutgers College in order
pursue this work.
By an unfortunate
work was, with
is
fatality, the
its plates,
whole edition of
stroyed by
fire,
this learned
de-
so that a
copy of it
a very rare possession.
The
true spread of the influence of

is
German
learning in
America
due
to Charles
Anthon (1797-1867)
of Columbia
College, who
was himself of German descent. He produced

of annotated editions of
a large
'
number
Greek and Latin
For a criticism
1898.
"
of
American
*
colleges at this time, see Bristed,
Five Years in an English University

''
(New York,
'
1855).
"
1904.
1875.
1905-
1903.
'
1908.

text-books, in whose
453
freely
commentary he drew
For the
upon the
best
German
due
sources.
fulness of his annotations
he was
reality
severely criticised, but the extent of

to
them was
in
the lack of knowledge
among
classical
teachers Bentley.
who had never heard
of Doring or Jahn, or even
Anthon's texts were very widely circulated, as
were his handbooks on geography, mythology, prosody,
grammar, besides a Latin
lexicon.
In
to
this
way, the
teachers as well as schoolboys

that
came
know something
was more accurate and broader than the
New England
Anthon
to bring
horn-books which had done duty, for too long.
may,
the
therefore,
be regarded as the
first
American
it
German
influence to bear,'
and he could do
the better
because the events of 1848 in Germany had driven to the
United States thousands of involuntary emigrants.
So,
Columbia University has the honour of securing the
services
of Franz Lieber as an expounder of international law;
and of
initiating the study of archaeology
by the labours
of Augustus C.
Merriam (1843-1895), who worked hard

and who died
it is
for insufficient recognition,
at Athens,
where
he
is
now
buried.
Finally,
an interesting fact that

adopted at Oxford and
in
each of the two lexicons
officially
Cambridge should be wholly or
part the
work
his
of
Englishmen who sneer at him should remember that
books
were pirated multitudinously by English publishers, and that his Borate, in particular, was used in all the English public schools, where
they were wholly ignorant of German.
454
mSTOEY OF CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY

professors.
Columbia
Short
The
at
Latin lexicon by Lewis and

Short
tells
that
Charles Lancaster
(1821-1886)
was Professor of Latin

lexicon of Liddell
Columbia; while the Greek
and
Scott, in the latest edition, ac-
knowledges the services of Dr. Henry Drisler

1897),
(1818-
who had
collaborated with the English editors,

in
and who held the Greek chair
Columbia.
after
The first imiversity tobe founded

the Johns Hopkins,
German ideals was

of that name,
(i 831-1909),
endowed by a gentleman
Oilman
and
gave
its
first
president, Daniel Colt
full
swing to his Germanising tendency, so that
in a
few years he had gathered around him a group of scholars

in the
to
European sense and compelled the older
universities
reform their methods.
Johns Hopkins has been
the
to
alma mater of many able men, most of

do her honor.
whom
still live
The American
Journal of Philology, edited

is
by Professor Basil L. Gildersleeve,

Other studies and
{Classical
classical series
published there.
emanate from Chicago
Philology and the Classical Journal), as do

Studies, Cornell Studies, etc.,
Harvard
versities.
from other
uni-
Profound
scholarship
was
represented
by
William
Dwight Whitney (1827-1894), Professor

Philology at Yale,
of Comparative
who was
known
a Sanskritist and student of

in
language,
widely
Germany and wherever

one of the four
chief
oriental studies are pursued.
He was
contributors to the St. Petersburg dictionary of Sanskrit;
THE GEKMAN INFLUENCE

his
455
own
Sanskrit
grammar
is
a standard work; with the
first
volume of the Atharva-Veda-Samhitd (1855-1856),
the second volume being completed by Whitney's former

pupil, Professor
Lanman
his
of Harvard.
Other professors
of distinction at Yale were
James Hadley (1821-1872),
who
is
known by
Greek grammar;^ L. R. Packard
(1836-1884),
and Thomas Day Seymour (1848-1907),
whose
studies were largely
upon Homer, though he pro-
duced one edition of selected odes from Pindar (1882).

His
last
work was
Life in the
Homeric Age,
his swan-song,
the results of long years of patient study.
Of American
fine flavour of
scholarship
it is
difficult to write, for the

all
it
and
its
opportunities are
still
new, and
it
its
ablest representatives are
living
men.
Let
be long
before
it
becomes possible
to
mention them
in a
volume
that has to do so fully
and almost wholly with those who
have
laid aside their pleasant labours.
i860; last ed. rev. by F. D. Allen (1884).
XI
THE COSMOPOLITAN PERIOD

With
century
the death of Theodor
Mommsen,
It
the twentieth
appears
to
have
entered
upon a new and

has passed through
all
remarkable period of scholarship.
the rough and rugged paths by which

attained, the value of classical training is
learning
is
now
recognised
for
on every
side,
and
all
possible
means are provided
its eflScient
and illuminating study.

betterment, and
Immense sums
are
given for
its
many
countries maintain
special schools for classical study in
Rome and
and
Athens.
into
Furthermore, the scholars of to-day are divided
groups according
ability.
to their
own
inclination
distinction
their especial
is
still
more marked
from the past
that universities are not
now
separated and isolated as
they were even in the period of Nationalism.
The students
much
and professors of one country pass

professors
to the fellowship of the

as
and students
of another country, very
they did in the time of the Renaissance, but with much
more
This
facility
is
and a
still
greater assurance of welcome.
noticeable in the United States, where chairs are
established for the interchange of

4S6
American
Professors
THE COSMOPOLITAN PERIOD
457
with those of foreign lands, which lecturers are welcomed

every year from Germany, France, England, Italy, and the Scandinavian countries.
The whole world
of learning
has become a single world without becoming a narrow

world.
Every division of Classical Philology

intimately united with
light
all
is
now
and
regarded as
the rest.
Archaeology throws
gives beauty
on usage and on custom, Art
refines
to
Numismatics, and makes the readings of the Classics an
aesthetic pleasure.
Language study
is
no longer crude nor
a matter of mere guesswork;
but since the remarkable
discovery of Verner and the splendid expository work of
Brugmann,
it is
a science of the highest order.
Moreover,
the love of the Classics for themselves has grown and

flourished.
But perhaps the
greatest gift
which has come
to us in
modern
is
times,
from the teaching of
Scientific Philology,
the recognition of the value of scientific truth.
When
we
look back upon the controversies and foul wrangling of
men of genius like Scioppius and Scaliger and Milton, we see

that they in reality were fighting
partially for truth.
first
for victory
and only
To-day, one hopes that in whatever

itself, it will
form the higher study may reveal
reveal itself
verity in
as a longing for idealised worship of reality

all
and
things.
So long ago as 1870, the great Romance scholar, Gaston

Paris, uttered in a lecture this splendid credo
:
4S8
"I

profess
absolutely
and without
reserve this doctrine that

its
science has no other aim than truth, and truth for
own
sake,
without care for the consequences, good or
ill,
regrettable or happy,
which that truth might have in

religious, or
practice.
He who from a patriotic,

facts
even from a moral motive, allows himself in the
that he
is
studying, in the conclusions that he draws, the smallest
dissimulation, the slightest alteration, is not
worthy
of a place in
the great laboratory to which truthfulness
is
a more indispensable
studies in
claim to admission than skill.

carried
Thus understood,
common
above
on in the same
spirit in all civihsed countries, form,
restricted, diverse,
and often
soils,
hostile nationaUties, a great father-
land which no war
which no conqueror threatens, but wherein

of old
souls find the refuge
and the unity which was given them
by the
citadel of
God."
INDICES
I.
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX
II.
GENERAL INDEX
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX

Abbott, E.
Pericles (London, 1891).
Abbott, F. F.
The Use of Repetition in Latin (Chicago, 1902).

Religious Teachers of Greece (Edinburgh, 1908).
Adam, James. The Allbut, Thomas C.

Allman, G.
1891).
J.
Science and Mediceoal Thought (London, igoi).

to
Greek Geometry from Thales
Euclid (Dublin, 1889).
Antichan, P. H.
Les Grands Voyages de DScouvertes des Anciens (Paris,
Arbenz, Emil.
Assailly,
Archer, T. A., and Kingsford, C. L.
Die Schrifistellerei in Rom zurZeitder Kaiser (Basle, 1877). The Crusades (New York, 1898).
d'.
Octave
Albert
le
Grand
(Paris, 1870).
B
Ball,
R.
S.
Great Astronomers
(New York,
1899)*
Ball,
W. W.
R.
Short Account of the History of Mathematics (Lon-
don, 1901).
The Philosophy of Rhetoric (New York, 1888). L'Art Byzantin (Paris, 1892). B6mont, Charles, and Monod, G. Medieval Europe, English translation (New York, 1906). Benn, Alfred W. Early Greek Philosophy (London, 1908).
Bascom, John.
Bayet, Charles.
Greek Philosophers (London, 1883).

Bentley, Richard.
1862).
Dissertation on the Epistles of Phalaris, last ed.
Critica Sacra,
new
ed.
by A. A.
Ellis
(Cambridge,
(Berlin,
by W. Wagner
1874)-
Bernays, Jakob. Life of Joseph Scaliger (Berlin, 1855). Bernhardy, Gottfried, Eratosthenica (Berlin, 1822).
Geschichte der Griechischen Litteratur, sth ed. (Halle, 1877-1892).
Grundriss der Romischen Litteratur. 2 vols., sth ed. (Brunswick, 1865). Versus Ludicri in Ccesares Priores (Halle, 1810). Bernstein, G. H. Berry, Arthur. A Short History of Astronomy (New York, 1899).
461
462
Besant, Walter. Binde, Robert.
Birt,
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX
Edward Henry Painter (London,
Seneca (Glogau, 1883).
1883).
Theodor.
Das Antike Buchwesen
(Berlin, 1882).
Hisloria Hexametri Latini (Bonn, 1876).
W. Die Altische Beredsamkeit, 2d ed., 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1898). The Pronunciation of Ancient Greek, Eng. trans. (Cambridge 1890). Die Interpolationen in der Odyssee (Halle, 1904). Blau, August. De Aristarchi Discipulis Qena, 1883).
Blass, F.
Boeckler, Doctor.
leben, 1882).
Boissier, Gaston.
Die Polychromie in der Antihen Sculpiur (AschersEtudes sur la Vie

et les
CEuvres de
M.
T. Varron (Paris,
i86i).
La Fin du Paganisme (Paris, 1891). La Religion Romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins

Le Poete Aitius
(Paris, 1857).
(Paris, 1906).
Roman
Africa, Eng. trans.
(New York,
1899).
Le Latin de GrSgoire de Tours (Paris, 1890). Booth, John. Epigrams Ancient and Modern, 3d ed. (London, 1874). Botsford, G. W. A History of the Orient and Greece (London and New
Bonnet, A.
M.
York, 1904).
Botticher, K. E. F.
1884).
Brfial,
De
Alliterationis
apud Romanes Vi
et
Usu
(Berlin,
Broglie,
M. J. A. Pour Mieux Connaitre Homere (Paris, 1906). Emmanuel de. La Sociite de I'Abbaye de Saint-Germain
(Paris, 1891).
des
Prls, 2 vols.
Browne, Henry.
1905).
Handbook of Homeric Study (London and
New
York,
Brugmann, Karl.
i88s).
Zum
heuUgen Stand der Sprachwissenschaft
(Leipzig,
Brunet, Gustave.
Manuel du
Libraire, etc., 8 vols. (Paris, 1880).
Bud6, E. de.
Biihler,
J.
Vie de Budi (Paris, 1884).
G.,
and Kielhorn.
ol.).
Grundriss der Indo-arischen Philologie
(Strassburg, 1896
Bunbury, E. H.
1890-1891).
History of Ancient Geography, 2d ed. (London, 1883).

Geschichte der Renaissance in Italien (Stuttgart,
Burckhardt, Jakob.
Kultur der Renaissance in
Italien,
The
Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy,
8th ed. (Leipzig, 1904). Eng. trans. (London, 1898).
Bursian, Konrad.
etc.
Geschichte der Klassischen Philologie in DeutscMand,
(Munich, 1883).
Bury,
J.
463
B.
History of the Later
Roman Empire
(London, 1887).
the
Ed. Gibbon's History of (London, 1896).

Butcher,
S.
the Decline
and Fall of
Roman Empire
Life of St. Patrick (Cambridge, 1905).
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; ;
GENERAL INDEX
Abfilard, 230.
Alexandrian Science, 103, 104. Alexandrian use of terms <j>i\6\oyos, 0tXoXo7/o, 2.

of Philosophy, 122.
Academic School
Algebra, 104;
tians, 105.
invented by the Egyp-
iElius Herodianus, 114, 186.
M]ius Praeconinus
the first Roman philologist, 159, 160; his grammatical and critical work, 160.
Stilo,
L.,
Alphabet, taught
18;
Plato's
letters,
by
ypaii/uiTurT'^s,
^neas
Silvius, 387.
72, 78, 94, 109.
of the teaching of the alphabet in schools, 69, 70 ; Roman alphabet,

classification
65
^schylus,
132-
iEsthetics, 71.
Altgrammatiker, 422, 423.
Êsthetic Criticism, in Plato, 72, 73 in Aristotle's Poetics, 73, 75.
Ammianus
212.
Marcellinus,
quoted,
211,
African Period of Latin, 186. Agricola, Rudolphus, 390 n.
Anacreon, 34.
Albertus Magnus, 388.

Alcaeus, 33, 109, 119.
Alcuin,
Alciphron, 155. his influence on Mediseval study, 220-224, 238, 239, 385.
Analogy and Anomaly, 119, 120. Anaximander, 21, 25, 26. Anaximenes of Lampsacus, 21; his Homeric criticism, 44; his practical
treatment of rhetoric, 45
rhetorical categories,
45..
;
his three
Alexander ^tolus, g8, 106. Alexandria, founding of, 88; description of, 88-90 ; the Library and Mu-
Anaximenes of Miletus, 21. Anglo-Dutch Period, 355.

Annalistic ogy, 3-
Method
in Classical Philol-
seum at, 92-97.

Alexandrian Canon, 99, 100; its influence on Greek Literature, 100,
lOI.
Anomaly,
Alexandrian Influence, 96, 97, 102
at
see Analogy. Anthology, history of the Planudean Anthology, 256; of the Palatine Anthology, 256, 257; 344, 349.
Rome,
1^2.
Anthon, Charles, 452, 453.

Antiphon,
first publishes speeches as models, 43. Antiphrasis, as a principle in language,
Alexandrian Library, 92-94, 98, 102 foreign books collected in, 93, 94; in Roman times, 93 ; its chief librarians, 98, log; gradual destruction
of, 116,
68, 69.
117-
Alexandrian Literature, 96-98, loi, 102,

106.
Apelles of Ephesus, 83. Aphorisms, Roman fondness for, 149, iSS. 156; Varro's collection of, 162.
Alexandrian
fluence
Philosophy,
103.
Jewish
in-
in, 102,
ApoUonius Dyscolus of Alexandria, founded scientific syntax, 183.

Apollonius of Perga, 103.
Alexandrian Poetry, 96, loi, 102. Alexandrian Schools, 95, 96 ; late representatives
of,
116.
ApoUonius Rhodius, loi. Apuleius, as a word-maker, 148.
477
; ;
478
Aquinas, Thomas, 388.
INDEX
Athens, contrasted with Sparta, 28; as the champion of Hellas, 29, 30; as a centre of learning, 32, 35, 42; as a university town, 1 21-124.
Attic Style, 42.
Attius, his tragedies, 149; his DidascoUca, 157 n. ; his reforms in Roman
Arabic, knowledge of, in the Middle
Ages, 240.
Aratus, 96, 102.
Arcesilaus,
118.
Archaeology and Antiquities, 250-254,

269, 287, 288, 313, 315; in Russia and the Crimea, 401 n. Archimedes, 103. Aristarchus, 104 ; his critical methods, 109-116; his grammatical terminol268,
ogy, 109
his five critical processes,

criticism,
orthography, 157 n. Aurispa, Giovanni, his enormous collection of Mss., 279, 280. Auspicius, 2x5. Austria, classical studies in, 386-388.
no;
114.
his
Homeric
109-111
his five ote,
113;
his
successors,
B
Bacchylides, 34, 234. Bacon, Francis, 357-359. Bacon, Roger, 239-242;
his writings,
Aristobulus, 102.
Aristophanes, 72
ripides, 76.
his criticism of
Eu-
character of
Aristophanes of Byzantium, invents accents, punctuation, and critical signs, 98, 107, 108 ; his hypotheses to the dramatists, 98; helps establish the Canons, 99; his ten prosodits, 107 his criticism of texts, 107, 108 as the first scientific lexicographer,
;
239; his criticism of the Scholastics, 239 his suggestions as to Scriptural text-criticism, 240,
;
241
his
Greek
lexicon,
241
his
glossaries
and
modem
methods, 242.
Bancroft, George, 451. Baronius, Cardinal Caesar, 309 n.
108.
Aristotle,
î\o\oyia in, 2; his analytical treatise on rhetoric, 45-47 his conception of rhet-
meaning
;
of
oric, 47,
48;
his metaphysical dis-
his Organon, 48; his ten categories, 48; the importance of his categories in the development of formal grammar, 48 ; his Poetics, 73-76; his dramatic criticism, 74,
tinctions, 48;
Eeadus, Renanus, 396. Beck, Carl, 452. Bekker, August Immanuel, 405, 410 n. Benfey, Theodor, 419. Benedictus (St. Benedict), 197 ; foimds the order of the Benedictines, 200,
202, 203.
Bentley, Richard, assists Kuster, 351

his relations with Hemsterhuys, 352 included in the "Pleiad," ". 353;
75; his criticism of Homer, 78; his "casket edition" of Homer, 78. Aristoxenus, 80. Arithmetic in the Graeco-Roman Period, 172, 173.
360;
as
scholar,
361-365;
his
365; his critical power, 366-370; bibliography to, 371 n. Bergk, Theodor, 409. Bernhardy, Gottfried, 413, 414.
Phalaris,
Ars
Poetica, 181, 182.
Bernard de Chartres, his method
of
Art, distinction between fine art

useful
art,
and
teaching, 230, 231.
art, 73; aesthetic study of 127-129; mediaeval art, 243; Byzantine art, 250, 251. Arundel Marbles, the, 360 n. Asconius, Pedianus, 168.
Bemays,
of St.
J.,
quoted, 74.
(Venice), 273. in Classical
Bessarion, his founding of the Library
Mark
Biographical
Philology, 3.
Method
Asiatic Style, 42.
Ast, G. A. F., 412.
Astronomy,
22, 103.
Biography, 120, 153, 154. Blagoviestschenski, N. M., 401 n, Boccaccio, Giovanni, 267, 268.
INDEX
Boeckh, August, 410
n.
479
Boethius, Anicius Manlius, 206; his De Consolatione Philosopkiae, 206, first writer to use Arabic 207; (Hindu) numerals, 207; translated
Callimachus, 93 n, 96 ; his bibliographical work, 98, 106 ; his lyric poetry, loi; his epigrams, loi. Cametarius, 396.
Canon of Ten
Canter,
Sculptors, 129.
his
by King
Alfred, Chaucer,
and Queen
William,
use of Arabic
Elizabeth, 207.
Boissier, Gaston, 427.
numerals in verse, 343.

of
Bopp, Fianz, first scientific student Comparative Philology, 418, 419.

Borghesi, Bartolomeo, the
epigraphist, 443. Bos, Lambert, 351. Botsford, G. W., quoted,
tific
first
scien-
Carneades, 150. Carnegie Institution, 92. Carolingian Period of Middle Ages, 214-218, 225, 226. Casaubon, Isaac, 306, 308-312. Cassiodorus, Magnus Aurelius, 203,
204.
7, 8.
Bouhier, Jean, 314. Brant, Sebastian, 3gi n.

British
Castelvetro, F., 75. Categories, of Anaximenes,

Aristotle, 46, 47.
45;
of
Museum, 381
n.
Brown
University, 450.
F., 422, 423.
Brugmann, Karl
Bruni, Leonardo, 268. Bucheler, Franz, 417. Buda, University at, 399. Budaeus, 304.
CalhoUcon, 247. Cato, M. Porcius, his Origines, 153; as the originator of Roman prose,
153Catullus, Quintus Valerius, 152.
le Comte de, 315, 316. Celtes, Conrad, 391 n.
Caylus,
Bugge, Sophus 424, 433, 434. Burgess, Prof. J. W., quoted, 244.
Burlesque, of the Sophists, 65, 66, 76 of the tragic writers, 76; of Homer and the Cyclic writers, 77. See
Pakody. Burmann, Peter
(the Elder), his Latin
editions, 350, 351. Burney, Charles, his
Cephalas, 256, 344. Charlemagne, his court school, 220. Charles the Bald, 385. Christomathies, see Lexicography. Chrysoloras, Manuel, 269, 280. Cicero, M. T., as a word-maker, 148; as a philosopher, 150; as a historian,
as an orator, 153. 153 Ciceronianism at the time of the Renaissance, 281, 282,302, 303; cultivated by Ernesti, 400. Ciriaco de' PizzicoUi (di Ancona), ar;
"Pleiad,"
359,
360.
Burton, Robert, 358 n. Butcher, S., quoted, 73, 74. Buttmarm, P. K., 410 n.
Byzantine Empire (New Rome), characteristics of its history, 210,

its art, 250,
chseologist, 268.
247-250;
City editions of Homer, 16,

112.
17,
in,
256, 252, 253; its scholarship, 253-255; pillage by the Turks, 272; its its 254,
its
251; 257;
its literature, 251,
jurisprudence,
Clark, Victor
Britain,
S., quoted, 219. Classical Archaeology, studied in Great
380, 381
in France
and
of,
earlier relations
with Italy, 269.
Germany, 426429.
Classical Philology, 14
;
definition
Calepinus,
;
Cajori, Florian, quoted, 22. Ambrosius, his
lexicon,
see
41S n alterations herein, cography.
Lexi-
1-3 ; methods of treating, 3-4 ; history of, 12. Cobet, Caryl Gabriel, 424, 425. Codex, meaning of, 2S0 n. Colet, John, 295. College de France, 305.
48o
Columbia
University
(King's
INDEX
ColCylas, 174. Cynics, si-
lege), 4SO-
Comedy
in Athens, 72, 76.

n.
Commodianus, 193. Comparative Philology, 3 n. ; first at- Dalberg, Johann von, 391 tempt at, 398 first scientific study Damm, Tobias, 417.
;
of 418, 419.
Conington, John, 447. Constantinople, see Byzaniike

pire.
Em-
Cooper, F. T., quoted, 187. Corax of Syracuse, writes
the
first
manual
44-
of rhetoric, 41
his rules, 41,
Dante, 261, 262. Dawes, Richard, 371. Demetrius, Magnus, 120. Demetrius Phalerius, 88-91. Democritus of Abdera, 11 ; his theories his treatise on of language, s8; Glosses, 126 n. ; his work on painting,
128.
Corpus Corpus Corpus Corpus
Inscriplionum AUicarum, 441. Inscriplionum Grcecarum 441. Inscriplionum Latinarum, 443.

luris Civilis, 253.
Demosthenes, 44. Descriptive Geography,

raphy.
see
Geog-
Corssen, W., 434-437. Corvinus, Matthias, 399.
Didascalica, 157 n. Didymus Chalcenteros, his vast pro-
ductiveness, 114, 116.

Dilettanti Society, 380.
Cosmopolitanism at Rome, 186.

Crates of Mallos, 119, 120; his view of Homer, 120; the "Bentley of Antiquity," 120; his conception of text-criticism, 119, 120; his works, 120; his embassy to Rome, 120; 157. Cratylus, synopsis of the dialogue, 6167. Critical Signs, 98, 107, 108, 113, 114, 160, 166, 167, 186.
Dindorf, K. W., 407. Dindorf; Ludwig, 407 n. ; 449. Dinocrates, the designer of Alexandria,
89.
Diogenes Laertius, 60. Diogenes of ApoUonia, quoted, 40. Dionysius Thrax, the first teacher formal grammar, 138160. Dittenberger, W., 441.
Dcederlein, L., 412.
of
Criticism, of the
Homeric Poems,
13, 20, 25,
in
its
Early Greece,
27;
varieties, 39, 40, see Text Criticism ; aesthetic, 73-75 ; of the drama in
Donaldson, J. W., 439. Donatus, ^lius, 184,
185;
abridg-
ment
of,
246.
Greece, 74-77 ; subjective, 107, 368, 369; verbal, 303, 306; diplomatic, See Text Criticism. 336-340. Cruques, Jacques de (Cruquius), his
studies of
342, 343
;
Doratus, Auratus (Jean d'Aurat), teacher of Scaliger and Ronsard, 326.
Downes, Andrew, 357, 360. Drakenborch, Arnold, his great

of Livy, 3SI.
edition
Horace in Mss. now lost, Codex Blandinianus, 342,
Drama,
its
beginnings in Greece, 15;

na-
343-
Crusades, their influence on Europe,

2S7, 258.
influence in Greece, 72, 75-77; tive Roman drama, 131.
Cujacius (Jacques de Cujas), his relations with Scaliger, 326; his reconstruction of
Dramatic Criticism, in Aristotle, 74, the three Dramatic Unities, 75 75 in Theophrastus of Ephesus, 76
; ;
Roman
law, 326.
in Aristophanes, 76.
Drisler,
Curtius, Ernst, 419. Curtius, Georg, the head of a school

of language study, 419, 420.
Du
Henry, 418 n, 454. Cange, Charles du Fresne, his glossaries of Low Latin and Late Greek,
313.
Cyclic Poets, 12.
INDEX
DuB,
481
of
Duns
W., quoted, 136. Scotus, 385, 388. Dupis of Samos, 128.

J.
Epigrams,
Callimachus,
loi;
of
Martial, 155.
Duruy,
J. V., 429.
Epigraphy, origin and development of, in Antiquity, 167, 168 ; Greek, 441 Roman, of late development, 442,
443Epistulae
39S-
Obscurorum Virorum,
394,
Eckhel, Joseph, 403. Epitome of the Four Treatises, 114, iij. Eclectics, SI ; at Alexandria, 97, 102. Erasmus Desiderius, 290; account of Editiones Principes of the Fifteenth his life, 291-294; his writings, 294Century, 299, 300. 297; his character and influence, Education, in early Greece, 17-19, 26, 297-299. 27 ; in the Prae-Alexandrian Period, Eratosthenes of Alexandria, styled (piKS\oyos, 2; in the Alexandrian 49-51 ; the ancient universities, 121School, 98, 103, 106, 107. in early Rome, 125; the 131; Graeco-Roman education, 171-191; Ernesti, Johann August, 400, 401. Ethics, in Homer, 18, 19; in the philosmonastic schools, 228-231. Egelsson, Sveinbjoin, "the Icelandic ophy of Pythagorus, 23 ; of Socrates, " 433. Homer, so, Si-
Egyptians, their influence upon early Greek thought, 22; their scientific knowledge, 105 n.
Ei/ciis,
Ethnographic
Philology, 4.
Method
in
Classical
rhetorical
meaning
of, 41, 44.
Eiodographic
Method
in
Classical
Philology, 9. Eleatic School, 24; of the, S6-S9-
linguistic theories
Elegiac Poetry, in Greek literature, 33

in Latin literature, 152.
Eliot, George, quoted, 446. Encyclopedists in Latin, 188-190.
Etruscology, 436, 437. Etymology, 52; Plato's discussion in the Cratylus, 61-67; popular etymologies, 66, 67 ; principles involved in developing words, 63, 64, 69; etymological schools among the Romans, 157, 162-164.
Euclid, 103. Eudemus, his history of geometry, 22. Eudoxus of Canidus, 174.
English universities, scholarly relations between English and Dutch Universities, 3S9, 447; the Oxford Press, 359; English scholars of the seventeenth century, 360-363 ; the Cambridge Press,
at,
Eumenes, as founder
School, 118.
of the
Pergamene
Euphemism,
69.
359; revival of Greek
Euripides, 67, 72, 76, 78, 86. Eusebius, his Chronicle, 189
tion of,
restora-
by
J. J. Scaliger,
336-341.
364
1820,
deterioration of from 1750 until 377, 378; German influence
Everett, Edward, 451. Exegesis, 72, 73.
on, 446. Ennius, Quintus, 138; changes made by him in Latin verse structure, 139-141 ; his Annates, 139, 140. Epic Poetry among the Greeks, 912, 97; among the Romans, 134,
Faber, Basilius, 397 n 399.

Fabretti, Raffaele, 442. Fabricius, George, 397 n.
I3S; 139, iSiEpicurus, his theory of the origin of language, 60; his endowment of a school at Athens, 122.
Fabricius, J. A., 440.

Facciolati, lacopo, 415416.
"Families" of Manuscripts, in. "Father of History," see Herodotus.
21
; :
482
Felton, C. C, 4Si. Fenestella, 168.
Ferrero, G., 429. Fiction, see Prose fiction.
Filelfo,
INDEX
393
;
intellectual influence of, 385-
45 S ; periods of classical scholarship in, 393 ; study of Hebrew in,

394Gesner, Conrad, 398. Gesner, J. M., 397 n. Gesta Romanorum, 190, 224, 225. Gibbon, Edward, 37, 378, 379.
Francesco, 281.
Fisher, G., 452. Folk Literature

131. 156-
among the Romans,
Foreign schools at Athens and Rome (i) French school at Athens, 427 (2) German school at Rome ; (3) British school at Athens, 447 ; (4) British school at Rome, 448; (s)
Gilman, D. C, 454. Glosses, 125-127; various meanings of the word, 126; their relations to
lexicography, 126; Pamphilius, 194. Glossographers, 127, 194. Glossography, 126, 166, 167 ; see Lexi-
American school at Athens American school at Rome.
(6)
cography.
;
Forgeries, of manuscripts, 284 n., 285
of inscriptions, 442. Frederick of Urbino, his remarkable library, containing a list of Greek authors now lost, 273. French School of Classical Philology, 304-320; studies in music, geography, history, and gem-work by French scholars, 313, 316. Froben, Johann, 294. Fronto, Marcus Cornelius, 186.
Gnipho, M. Antonius, 166. Goethe, J. W. von, 417. Gorgias of Leontini, teaches rhetoric in Athens, 41-43.
Graeco-Roman Period, 130-190. Graevius (Johann Georg Grave), 397

Grafenhan, A., quoted, 26.
n.
Grammar, its early relation to logic, 47 meaning of "grammaticus," 70;

gradual development of grammatical terms by Protagoras, 70; by Proditotle, 70, 71
by Plato, 70; by .Arisby the Stoics and Alexandrians, 71, 109, 120; by Dionycus, 49, 70;
;
Gaisford,
Thomas,
447, 449.
Gaza,
Theodorus,
grammarian
and
translator, 280, 281, 29s, 391 n.
Geldner, K. F., quoted, 30. Gellius, A., 186; }us Nodes Atticae, 188,
189.
Gem-cutting, learned from the Egyptians, 83, 84.
Genealogy, 33. Geographic Method in Classical Philology, 4-
sius Thrax, 158; first treatise on formal grammar, 159; L. Stilo, IS9, 160; M. T. Varro, 162; the first school grammar, 183 later grammatical writers among the Romans, 184-187; study of, in the monastic grammatical schools, 229, 231; theories in the Middle Ages, 236; modern theories of, 401 n., 405, 412-415.
;
Tpd/ifiaraj ypafj.fiaTKTT'^Sf 18, 69.

;
Geography, 25
on,
;
first scientific
treatise
descriptive geography, 25, 25 35; 174,17s; first geographical dictionary, 176 in the French Period, 315 ; road-maps, 392 n. Geometry, 22, 23 developed by Euclid and Archimedes, 103. Germany, early culture in, 388 scholasticism in, 388 ; humanism in, 388; ; ;
Grammatici Latini, 184-187. Grammaticus, 70; 172, 173. Gray, Thomas, 371. Greek, in the Middle Ages, 23s, 236; in the Renaissance and after, 269; taught in Italy by the Byzantines,
269
;
restoration of, in the English
universities, 359. Greek culture, antiquity of, 5-9.
394,
396398
universities in,
388
Greek genius, character
of,
83-87.
INDEX
Greek Literature, beginaings of, 9-13 Homeric writings, 13-15; teaching
of,
483
Hellenes, origins of the, 5-8.
18-20;
early criticism
historiograpliy, 26, 34-39 ; 28 S. ; varieties of, 33-43 ; study of,
20; at Athens,
of,
71
criticism of,
71
73-75
the
drama, 72; parody, 76-78; genius of, 83-87; in Alexandria, 91-116; in Pergamum, 118-120; see Renaissance. Greek studies in Ireland, 235 n.
Gregorovius, F., Gregory Nazianzen, quoted, 123, 124. Gregory of Tours, 216.
Hellenic Influence in Italy, 266284. Hemsterhuys, Tiberius, his acute criticism, 352 his edition of Lucian, 353 appointed professor in Leyden, 354; his fame in other countries, 354. Henri, Victor, 427.
;
Henzen, Wilhelm, 443. Hephajstion, on metres, 194.

Heraclides Fonticus, his treatise on language, 76. Heraclitean School, linguistic theories
of, 56-59. Heraditus, 21 ; his view of language, 56-60. Herennius Philon, 194. Hermeneutics, 73, 87.
Grimm's Law,
420, 421.
first teacher of Greek at Oxford, 293. Gronovii (J. F. and Jacob Gronov),
Grocyn, William,
their
Thesaurus of Greek
antiquities,
Hermann, Gottfried, 401 n., Hero of Alexandria, 104, 105.
405.
349-
Grotlus
jurist,
Hugo (Huig van

scholar
;
classical
and
Groot), great constructive
Herodotus, his contributions to geographical knowledge, 34, 35 quoted,

;
347 Capella begun at the age of twelve, his treatise De lure Belli et 347; Fads, 348 ; his translation into Latin verse of the Planudean Anthology,
349Gruter, Janus (Jan Gruytfere), his collection of Latin inscriptions, 342.
his edition of
Martianus
34, 35 ; his history, 34. Ilesiod, 13.
Hessus, Helius Eobanus, 396. Heyne, Christian Gottlob, 403. Hieronyraus (St. Jerome), 148, 195. Hipparchus, 103. Hippias of EUs, his experiments in
literature, 50, 51.
History, 26, 34;
in
Greek
literature,
H
Hadley, James, 455.
Haldeman,
435. Harpocration, Valerius, his lexicon to

S.,
34-38; among foreigners, 54, 55; in Latin literature, 153, 154; the Byzantine historians, 254, 258 ; later Gibbon, historians, 378, 379, Niebuhr, 408-410, Curtius, Ernst,
the ten orators, 194. Harvard, John, founder of Harvard

College, 449.
419, Grote, 428, Thirlwall, 428, ruy, 429, Boissonade, 429, sen, 443, 444, Ferrero, 429. Holmes, 0. W., quoted, 182.
Du-
Momm-
Havercamp, Siegbert, 352. Haupt, Moritz, 401 n., 433 n. Hebrew, study of, 240, 394, 398.
Hecataeus, 25, 26. Hegemon, the originator of true par-
Homeric Epic, character

early
of the, 9, 10;
14-16; 9, preservation of the probable archeinspirational theory of, type, 9, 15

interpolations
in,
;
ody, 77. Hegius, Alexander, 391 n. Heinsius, Daniel, pupil of

344Heliodorus, 155. Hellanicus of Mitylene, 35.
upon Greek influence 10-12; thought, II, 12, 17, 19, 26, 27; ethical value of, 11, 18, 19; early
criticism of, i3-i5> 20> 44; allegorical and rationalistic explanation of,
Scaliger,
20
burlesques
of,
77
editions
made
by
Aristotle, 78, 79.
484
Homeric Hymns,
13.
INDEX
Jebb, R. C, 447Jerome, 148, 195Jevons, F. B., quoted, 36.
Homonymy,
Horatius,
I.
58.
Flaccus, quoted, 19; as a satirist, 149; as a lyric poet, 152;

as a critic of literature, 181, 182.
John
Jones,
of Salisbury, 231, 232. Sir William, his knowledge of
Humanism, 269-271
contrasted with Mediaevalism, 270-273 ; in Germany, 388-394, 396-398; the New, 417. Humboldt, of Antiquity, the, see
;
his aplanguages, 382; pointment as a judge in Bengal, 383
Oriental
his translations
from the
Sanskrit,
383
his anticipation of
Comparative
Herodotus.
Hungary, classical studies Hurd, Richard, 371. Hutten, Ulrich von, 395.
in,
399.
Philology, 383, 384Jowett, Benjamin, 448.
Juba of Mauretania, 194. Junggrammatiker, 393, 422.

Junius,
of,
Hylozoism, 21. Hymns, Homeric, 13 ; Latin, 218. Hypsicrates, etymological school

at
Franciscus,
his
study of an-
cient painting, 344.
Justinianus, 252.
Rome,
157, 158.
Kaibel, Georg, collector of 1200
epi-
Iambic Poetry, 33.

lamblichus, 103.
Iberians, the, 6.
Iliad, the, see
grams, 441442. Kiepert, Heinrich, 439 n.

Kirchhofi, A., 441. Klassische Allerthumswissenschajt,
3.
Homeric Epic.
of
Interpreters
foreign
languages,
among the Greeks, 54. Invasions of Italy, 213, 214. Ionian Greeks, 17, 18, 28; educational
influence
of, 17, 18.
Klotz, R., 415. Kohler, H. E., 401 n.
Ionian School of Philosophy, 21, 22,

24.
K. W., 412. Kuster, Ludolf (Neocorus), his devotion to Greek, 351; his edition of Aristophanes with the scholia, 351.
Kriiger,
Ireland, Classical Scholarship in, 226;
Mediaeval Schools
tinity in, 233.
in,
226 n.
LaLaberius, D., 149. Lachmann, Karl, 405-407

;
Irony, 69. Isidorus of
his
Homer,
Seville,
187,
188;
his
Origines, igo; his
190; on the
248.
De Natura Serum, mystic number Seven,
his Lucretius, 406 ; his methods of text criticism influenced by Bent-
405
ley,
406
by Wolf, 406
the
his
text
criticism of
New
Testament,
Isocrates, the first artistic orator, 43; his success as a rhetorical teacher, 43
407.
obligations of Cicero to, 44. Italian Period of Scholarship, 284, 303, 304Itineraria, 175,
392 n.
jager, Johann, 395. Jahn, Otto, 438, 430.
Lambinus, Dionysius, 306, 307, 407. Lane, G. M., 452. Langen, Rudolf von, 391 n. Language, study of, in connection with philosophy and psychology, sii S^J theories regarding the origin of, 5169, see Varro; indifierence of the Greeks to foreign languages, s^-SS! Eleatic theory of, 56-59." Heraclitean theory of, 56-60.
" ;
INDEX
Lasus of Hermione,
Latin language,
7g.
48s
its characteristics, 131,
Libraries
Liberal Arts, the Seven, 237, 238. the libraries at Alexandria, :
136, 139-141, 217, 218;

;
as modified
by Ennius, 141 by Plautus, 142147; by Lucretius, 147-148; by Cicero, 148 by ecclesiastical writers,
;
Rome,
92-94, 98, 102; private libraries at 109, 116, 118; at Pergamum, 118; public libraries at Rome, 161, 198 ; at Constantinople, igS ; mon-
148; the sermo urhanus, 156; the sermo cotidianus, 156; the sermo pleieius, is6, 217; de line of, 193, ig4 ; used in the Mediaeval Church, 206-210; used as a diplomatic language, 216; used as a liturgical language, 217; late Latin, 217-223, 229, semibarbarous Latin, 218; 232; scholastic Latin in thirteenth century, 232 ; use of, in Hungary and Poland, 399 n. Latin literature, native period of, 130134 ; early Hellenic influence on, 134137, see Ennius, Plautus, Pacuvius, Terentius, Ludlius, Lucretius; the Golden Age, 151-153, see Epic Poetry, Lyric Poetry, Prose Fiction, Criticism, Varro; Spanish influence,
176, 178, 186, 187, 190; Roman oratory, 176-181; the Silver Age,
astic libraries, 233-235; Vatican, 273; St. Mark's, 273; Library of Urbino, 273. Libyans, the, 6. Licymnius, his classification of syno-
nyms, 68.
Ligurians, the, 6. Linguistik, 3 n.
Lipsius,
Justus, 317; his study of Palaeography, 318; his reverence for Tacitus, 319; his death, 327. Literary Criticism, 20, 21; by Plato,
178-181,
Tacitus,
see
Quintilianus,
Suetonius, Plinius
Q.
Remmius Palaemon;
186-188, Fronto, TertuUianus, Aulus Gellius. Law, Roman, 252253. Lehrs, Karl, 407, 411, 412. Leo, F., 419. Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim, 403. "Letter-play," 69. Lexicography, beginnings of, 96, 97,
Period,
Seneca, Maior, the African Apuleius, see
19, 71, 72; by Aristotle, 73-75; by the Sophists, 76 ; in the form of burlesque, 76-78 ; by the Alexandrians, 96-102; by Crates, 120; at Rome, 180-183. Literary Study in early Greece, 18; in the Prae-Alexandrian Period, 71 by the Alexandrians, 96-98; by Crates, 120, 157 n. ; by the Romans, 160-164, 166, 169; by the Byzantines, 251, 254, 256, 257; by the Medisevals, 237, 238. Literary Teaching, beginnings of, 18, 19 ; by the Sophists, 49, 50. Littr6, Emile, 426. Livius Andronicus, 134, 137. Livius, Titus, 153, lost books of,
277, 278.
scientifically undertaken by 126; Aristophanes of Byzantium, 108; developed by glossographers, 126; in the at Rome, 165-167, 194;
Lobeck, Christian August, 405, 411. Logic, 46-47 ; in relation to language,

51-60.
Logographi, 26. Louis the Pious, 385. Louvain, " the Belgian
431.
Lucilius,
Middle Ages, 244-247; by Suidas,

254; in the Byzantine Empire, 254, 255; during the Renaissance, 281, 304; lexicon of Calepinus, 415; unHvalled Greek lexicon of Stephanus (Robert Etienne), 305 ; in Italy, 415, 416 ; in Germany, 416, 417 ; in England and in the United States
Athens,
C, 149. Lucretius, his theory of the origin of

language, 60; his philosophical vocabulary, 147, 148; as a poet and philosopher, 151. Luder, Peter, 390 n. LuUius, Raimundus, 241, 242.
418
n.
;;
486
Luther, Martin,
3972g8,
INDEX
302,
392,
395,
Metaphor,
Lycophron of Chalcis, 99, loi, 102, 255. Lycurgus of Athens, his recension of the
tragic poets, 78, 79.
Lycurgus of Sparta,
17.
Lyric Poetry, among the -Cohans and Dorians, 33 ; at Alexandria, loi, 105 in Latin literature, 131, 134, 151,
IS2.
its use in language, 68. Metres, early treatises on, 76. Middle Ages, foreshadowed in the second century a.d., 192 ; decadence of Classical Latin, 193, 194, 214-220; influence of Christianity on classical learning, 195-200, 215-217; separation of the Eastern from the
Western Empire, 199; Monachism,

200-204;
invasion of the
Roman
Lysias, 43.
M
Mabillon, Jean, 314. Macedonian ascendency over Greece, 84. Macrobius, ias Saturnalia, 189.
provinces, 213, 214; end of Middle Ages, 214; periods of mediaeval
Madvig, Johann Nicolai, 423423. Mahaffy, J. P., quoted, 19. Mai, Cardinal, 166. Manuscripts, collection and preserva204-206, 273-280; during the Middle Ages, 233, 235 Ust of the oldest classical manuscripts, 202, 234, prob23s ; at Constantinople, 272 ability of recovering Mss. now lost, 273 n. ; recovery of lost Mss. in recent times, 440, 441.
tion of,
; ;
214; popular use of Latin after the fall of Rome, 214223; grammatical theories in, 236; art in, 243 ; philosophy in, 244, 263 letters and learning in, 244-247, 386. Missing Analogy, 59. Mock-heroic, 77. Mommsen, Theodor, his remarkable versatility, 443; his plan for the Latin Corpus, 443 ; his history of Rome, 444; his supplementary
scholarship,
papers, 444.
Monachism, 200-204. Monastic Scholars, 222-225;

books, 223 n.
their
Maps, see Geography. Maria Theresa, 399, 403.

Mariette, P. J., 315. Martianus Capella, 237, 238. Massilia, the University at, 125.
Monastic Schools, 228-231. Montanus, 196.
Monte
314.
Cassino, 202.
Montfaucon,
Bernard
402
n.,
de,
306,
313,
Miiller, Lucian,
407 n.
Mathematics,
22, 103, 105.
Matron
of Pitana, 77.
Matthaei, C. F., 401 n. Maximus Planudes, 256. Mayor, J. E. B., 448. Mediasvalism, characterized, 242, 243, 270; contrasted with Humanism, 270-273. Mediterranean race, the, 6. Meineke, August, 407. Mela, Pomponius, 176. Melanchthon (Philipp Schwarzerd),
396, 397. Meleager, 256.
Muller, Otfried, quoted, 3 ; his monograph on the Etruscans, 437 ; his history of Greek literature, 439.
Munro, H. A.
J.,
quoted,
406; his
edition of Lucretius, 407, 448. Muratori, L. A., his new Thesaurus,
442, 443.
Muretus, Marcus Antonius, 306, 308,

326.
Museum, the Alexandrian, 92-95

;
the
Pergamene, 119; the Vatican, 428; Louvre, 427 British, 381 n. ; at Copenhagen, 433 American. Music, 33; early Greek treatises on,
;
MeUc
Poetry, 33.
79;
foundation of Classical modes

;
Menander, 86, 91, 234. Merriam, A. C, 453.
among the
80, 81
vocal, Greeks, 80, 81 notation of, in Greece, 81, 82

;
INDEX
Fleischer's theory of
81, 82
;
487
Greek modes,
Rufus),
Muth,
39S.
Rome, 82. Conrad (Mutianus

at
Painting in Early Greece, 82, 83; encaustic painting, 83.
Myron, 42. Mythic Cycle,
Palaeography, 314.
12, 13.
;
Pamphilius on Glosses, 194,
Mythology, the oldest treatise on, 13 a great anonymous manual of, 116.
Panorama,
247.
Papias, 246.
Paris, Gaston, quoted, 457, 458. Parmenides, 24.
N
Naevius, G. N., 134
136;
his
Punka,
135,
Parody, 77, 78, see Buklesque. Paronomasia, in Greek, 66, 67.

Parrhasius, 83. Parr, Samuel, 372, 373. Pater, Walter, quoted, 288. Paulsen, Friedrich, quoted, 388, 389. Paulus Diaconus, 169.
Nasalis Sbnans, 422, 423. Nauck, August, 402 n., 408.
Neo-PIatonism, 102, 103. Netherlands, rise of scholarship

316, 317Nettleship, Henry, 447. New Learning, the, 284, 285.
in,
Pausanius, 176. Pausias, 83. Pelasgians, the, 6.
Nicholas V., 272. Niebuhr, Barthold G., 37, 408410. Nisard, DSsir^ and Charles, 426.
Nitzsch, K. F., 411. Nonius Marcellus, 189. Numerals, Arabic (Hindu),
Peloponnesian War, 35. Pennsylvania, University
of,
450.
Pergamene
118;
120.
Library,
its
foundation,
catalogued by
Callimachus,
207.
Pergamene
Nuremberg
Chronicle, 390.
118 120; conSchool, trasted with the School at Alexandria, 117, 118; how founded, 118i2o; under Crates of Mallos, 119120.
Odoacer, 213. Odyssey, the, see Homeric Epic.
Pergamum,
Pericles, the
description of, 118, 119.
Onomantia, 67. Onomatopoetic theory

see Heraclitean School.
Age of, 42, 43. Peripatetic School of Philosophy, 122,

128.
of
language,
Oratory, in the Prae-AIexandrian Period,
39
of,
as an art, 39-47
;
Asiatic Style
;
Attic Style of , 42 its relation 42 to Rhetoric, 43-48; in legal protaught at ceedings, 41, 43, 46
;
Persian Wars, their influence on Greek civilization, 29-32. Persius Flaccus, 149, 183. Petrarca, Francesco, his studies, 264; his Latin epic, 264, 265 ; his recovery of classic authors, 26s, 266 ; his relations with the German Emperor,
386, 387Petronius, C, 154, 157, 161; quoted, 177 n. ; read in schools, 246; discovery of Cena Trimalchionis in
1663, 314. Phidias, 42.
Rhodes, 124 ; at Rome, 132 orations

;
written for friends, 159; Quintilian's teaching of, 178, 179. Oriental influence on Europe, 258. Oriental languages: Arabic in the Middle Ages, 240; Hebrew in the Middle Ages, 240. Osborn of Gloucester, 247. Oudendorp, Franz van, revives Latin
at Leyden, 354.
Philetas
of
Cos,
first
attempt at an
of,
Homeric
lexicon, 96, 127.
Philologist, various
meanings
1-3.
488
INDEX
37S ; his work and reading, 375-377 restores the Rosetta Stone, 376 ; his the Three letters to Travis, 376; Heavenly Witnesses, 376 ; Porsonian
type, 377-
Philology, various meanings of, 1-3. Philosophy, origin of, in Greece, 21 the Ionian School, 21; Heraclitus,
21; Pythagoras, 22-24; the Eleatic School, 24; Aristotle, 48, 122; Socthe rates and the Sophists, 50, 51 Sceptics, 50; the Stoics, 51, 122; the 122; the Epicureans, 51,
;
Cynics, 51;
Plato,
122; 63-6S, philosophy, 102, 103;

studies
the Eclectics, 51, 97; Alexandrian

philosophical
150,
147,
Post-Renaissance Period, 289. Prse-Alexandrian Period, characterization of, 84-86; its end, 87. Princeton University (College of New
Jersey), 430. Printing, introduction of, 285;
;
devel-
at
Rome,
Mediaeval, 243, 244, Renaissance, 263.
263;
151; in the
opment of, 285, 286 centres of early book production, 286; effect upon
Classical scholarship, 286, 393. Priscianus Sdanus of Constantinople, his grammar abridged, 185, i85; 239 ; introduced into Germany, 386.
Photius, 254. Phrynicus, 411. Pindar, 32-34. Pisistratus, alleged recension of meric poems by, 14-16.
Plato,
first
Ho-
uses
I
;
terms
01X6X0705,
0iXoXo7(a,
19;
his opinion of writing,
Private editions, in. Probus Berytius, M. Valerius, 186. Procopius, 232. Prodicus of Ceos, as a lecturer on style,
his linguistic theories,
his physiology of language,
61-67; 63-63;
49-So
70.
his treatise
on synonyms,
n.,
50,
his ridicule of popular etymologies,

6s, 66; classifies letters of the alphabet, 65; bis grammatical dis-
Pronunciation, of Greek, 241 of Latin, 434. Prose, beginnings of Greek, 26

;
290;
devel-
tinctions, 70.
Plautus, T. Maccius, his place in
Ro-
man
literature, 138;
his enrichment
opment of, 34, 33 Latin, 133, 134; methods of studying, 177, 178. Prose fiction (Greek and Latin), 154,
at Byzantium, 233. 15s Protagoras of Abdera, as a teacher of
;
of the Latin vocabulary,
142-148; comparison with Shakespeare, 143,
144; text criticism of, 160; Varro's Plautine Canon, 163. Plebeian Latin, see Sesko Plebetos. PUnius Maior, 188. " Poetic Prose," 284. Poetics of Aristotle, 73-76. Poetry, inspirational theory of, 1012.
rhetoric, 49, 51
first
distinguishes
70,
grammatical moods and genders, 70 n. Protestant Reformation, effects

301-303. Ptolemius, Claudius, 176.
of,
Ptolemy
Soter, 90.
Poggio
Bracciolini,
Francesco,
276-
279. Politianus,
PubUlius Syrus, 149. Punctuation, in Greek, 98, 108. Punic Wars, 31, 133, 134.
Pyrgoteles, 84.
Angelo
de, 282, 283.
PoUtical Science, 38.

Pollux, Julius, his dictionary, 194. Polus, 68 n.
Polyclitus, his
Pythagoras, 21-24; Golden verses

24-
of,
"Canon," 128 n. Polygnotus of Thasos, 82.

Polyonomy, 58. Pompeius Festus, 169.
Porson, Richard, characteristics of, 374,
Quadrivium, 238.
Quintilianus,
M.
Fabius,
his
treatise
on education, 178-181.
; ;
INDEX
ies
489
m, 400
n.
;
universities
m, 400
n.
German
Rabanus (Hrabanus) Maurus,
239. 27s. 385-386. Rask, R. K., his study of
sian, 420, 421.
influence in, 400 n.
185, 238,
Old PerSaintsbury, George, quoted, 20.
Regiomontanus (Joliann Miiller), 387. Reiske, Johann Jacob, 401.

Reitz, J. F., 353. Religion, 11, 13;
ras, 23,
taught by Pythago-
Salmasius (Claude de Sauroise), covered the Palatine AnthoKgy, edited Florus in ten days, edited the Historid Augtista,
his
dis-
24 ; philosophical religion at Alexandria, 102, 103. Remmius Falaemon, Q., 183. Renaissance, the, characteristics of, 260-264; causes of the, 262, 270early 274; philosophy in, 263; scholars of, 281 Italian Period, 284, 28s; results of the, 285, 287, 288; Ciceronianism in, 302, 303. Reuchlin, Johann, 393, 394. Rhetoric, 40-51 ; first treatise on, 41 taught in Athens by Gorgias, 43;
;
commentary on
;
Solinus,
344 34s 345; 345;
his calls
from Oxford, Padua, and

receives research prohis con-
Bologna, 345
fessorship in Leyden, 345;
troversy with Milton, 346

characteristics, 347.
personal
Salutati, Colutius, first Ciceronian, 268.
Sanskrit,
first
grammar
of,
384.
Sappho, 33. Satire, a Roman form of
literature, 135,
149, 150, 162. Savile, Sir Henry, tutor in
Greek to
critically
expounded by
Aristotle, 45,
Queen Elizabeth, 355;

;
his transla-
48
51 ; 101
popularized by the Sophists, 49the Alexandrian rhetoric, 98, exhibition of, by Carneades, ;
of
tions from Tacitus, 355; becomes Provost at Eton, 356 helps prepare
150.
Rhinthon
Tarentum,
78.
five uni-
Rhodomann, Lorenz,
versities, 440.
399.
Ribbeck, Otto, professor in

Richardson, J. F., 436. Rienzi, Cola di, 442.
the authorized version of the Bible, 356 produces a great edition of St. Chrysostom, 356; a founder of the Bodleian Library, 356. Scaliger, Joseph Justus, 323-341; his early teaching, 323; his knowledge
;
Ritschl, Friedrich, 407, 434. 43Q edition of Plautus, 439, 440.
Ws
of,
Romance Languages, 219; study

by Germans, 426. Romans, early history
of,
Greek and Arabic, 324; his travels England and Scotland, 326; his stay with Cujacius, 326, 327; his call to Leyden, 328; his feud with Caspar Scioppius, 329; ]us Epistida
of in
de Gente Scaligera,
130-134; early literature of , 131-136, 138, 142144, 148, 149; their first relations with Greece, 132-134; Hellenic influence on, 134; national characteristics of, 136-138. Roman use of philohgus, philalogia,
330, 331 ; his ConJutaUo Burdonum, 332 ; his learning as a chronicler, 333-336; his Manilius, 337, 338; his Eusebian
Chronicle,
339,
340;
;
his
personal
characteristics, 341
temporary dehis
Scaliger,
cline of his reputation, 341. Julius Caesar, 320, 321;
Latin Grammar, 322;
his physical
Rome,
in the first century a.d., 170, 171; schools at, 172-181 ; thedtyin the fourth century A.D., 211, 212. Ruhnken, David, 354. 3S8.
theory, 322.
Sceptics, the, 50.
Schliemann, H., his remarkable excavations, 445.
Russia, development of classical stud-
Schola Palatina of Charlemagne, 220.
490
Scholasticism, period of, 214 cipal features, 227, 228.
Scholia, origin of, 125.
;
INDEX
its
prin-
Symonds,
J. A.,
quoted, 209.
in
Classical
Synchronistic Philology, 3.
Scioppe),
Method
Schools, see Education.
Caspar (Caspar 329-331. Sears, L., quoted, 39, 40. Seneca, quoted, 3. Sermo Cotidianus, 156.
Scioppius,
Tabula Peulingeriana, 175, 392 n. Tarsus, the university at, 124. Teachers, in the Graeco-Roman Period,
172-173TegnSr, Esaias, 433.
Terentius, P., 149. Terpander of Lesbos, 33, 80. Tertullianus, M. Aureus, 186,
197.
Sermo Plebeius, Sermo Rusticus, Sermo Urbanus,

Servius, 184.
156.
215. 156.
Seven, as a mystic number, 248. Seymour, T. D., 455.

Short, C. L., 454. Sicily, first rhetorical teaching in, 41.
Siili, 78.
196,
Simonides, 72, 73.

Socrates, essentially a Sophist, 50; influence of his teachings, 50, 51 ; as
Text Criticism, beginnings of, 13-16; undertaken by Aristotle, 78; by Lycurgus of Athens, 78; at Alexandria, 98, 104-116; at Pergamum, iElius Stilo, 160; by 119, 120; Varro, 165 by other Romans, 166,
;
a critic of poetry, 72, 73 the Sophists, 65, 66.

Solon, 16, 28.
burlesques
167 ; see Criticism. Thales, 21. Theocritus, loi.
Sophists, the, 49; character of their teaching, 49-50; their influence on
Greek
lesqued
philosophy,
50-51
bur-
Socrates, 65, 66 ; literary criticism by, 76.
by
Theon, 116. Theophrastus of Lesbos, his treatises on comedy, on style, and on metres, 76; succeeds Aristotle and endows
Peripatetic School, 122. Thiersch, F. W., 412. Thrace, mythical poets of, 10. Thucydides, 35-37Ticknor, George, 451.
Sophocles, 42. Sophocles, E. A., 452. Spalding, Georg, 410 n.
Spanheim, Ezechiel, as a numismatist,

350.
Timon
of,
of Phlius, 77, 78.
Spanish Latinity, Period

Spengel, L., 412. Stephani, L., 401 n. Stephanus, Henricus, 305.
178, 183.
Tisias, 41.
Stephanus of Byzantium, 176.

Stephanus, Robertus, 305. Stoics,. 51; their language teaching,
119, 120.
Topography, 175, 176. Toumier, Edouard, 426. Tragedy, 72; discussed by Aristotle, 73-75 among the Romans, 148, 149.
;
Strabo of Amasia, 174, 175.
Studium Generals, 231.

Sturm, Johann, 397, 398. Style, 40, 47, 49 ; Asiatic, 42 ; Attic, 42 Alexandrian Stylists, 98 ; Latin,
;
Trebonianus, 252. Tribal Age in Greece, 7. Trigonometry, 104. Trithemius, Johannes, 239, 391 Triumvirate, the, 317. Trivium, 238.
n.
Trojan Cycle, Tryphon, 116.
12.
in antiquity, 13s, 138.
Suetonius Tranquillus, Gains, 171.

Suidas, his lexicon
and
its sources, 254.
Turnebus, Hadrianus, 306, 307. Tyrwhitt, Thomas, 372. Tzetzes, loannes, 255.
; ;
INDEX
491
Vossius, Gerhard Johannes, 343, 344; his Ars Poetica, 343; his two great United States, universities in, 449historical treatises, 343; his monoclassical scholarship in, 452451 graphs on Art and Mythology, 344. German influence in, 452-455. Vulgate, the, criticised by Roger Bacon, 455
;
;
Unities, the dramatic, 75. Universities, at Alexandria,
241
edited at Oxford, 241.
Pergamum,
92-97; Athens, 121-124; at Rhodes, 124; atLesbos, 124; at Tarsus, 124; at Paris, 226, 426-428; at Bologna, 231; in England, see English Universities ; in
11 7-1 20;
at
W
Walafrid Strabo, 385. Warfare, as a stimulus to intellectual
productiveness, 31, 32.
Germany,
gary, 399 ; in Russia, 400 n. in Belgium, 431
232, 388-393 ; in Hunin Poland, 399 n., 400 n.

;
in Holland, 430 in Scandinavia,
432-434;
449-451.
in
the
United States,
Ussing, Johan Louis, 432, 433.
Watts, 2. Welcker's Cyclus, 438. Whitney, W. D., 454, 455. Willems, Pierre, 432 n. William and Mary, College of, 449. Wimpheling, Jacob, 391 n. Winckelmann, Johann Joachim, 402,
403, 417.
Wolf, F. A., matriculation at GSttin-
gen
Valckenaer, Ludwig Caspar, 358. Valla, Lorenzo della, 281 ; his treatise on style, 281, 282 his contemporaries, his Ciceronianism, 281, 281 his first suggestion of Biblical 282
; ; ;
of, 2
403, 404.
WolflSin,
Eduard, 416, 417. Woolsey, T. D., 451.

of, 19.
Writing, Plato's opinion
Wyttenbach, Daniel, 358, 359.
criticism, 294.,
Varro,
M.
Terentius,
160,
cyclopaedist, 160-161
160; as an en; as a man of
Xenophanes, rejects Homeric theology,

24.
a&airs,
Lingua
161 ; his treatise Latina, 162-164; his
De
An-
Xenophon, the
historian, 37, 38.
tiquitatum Libri, 162; his other works
162 ; his Plautine Canon, 165. Vatican Library, the founding of, 273.
Verner's Law, 421. Verrius Flaccus, M., 168-170. Victorius Petrus, 283, 284.
Yale, Elihu, founder of Yale College,

449-
Viermenner Scholien,
114, 115.
Z
Zeno, 24.
Vipsanius Agrippa, M., 175. Vocabulary, Latin, 141 ; enrichment of, by Plautus, 145-147; by Ennius, 141; by Lucretius, 147; by Cicero, 148 ; by Tertullian, 148 ; by Apuleius, 14s, 146, 148 ; Plebeian Latin, 156. Voevodski, L. F., 401 n.
Zenodotus of Ephesus, 98; his cism of texts, 105, 106; as a

cographer,
105.
criti-
lexi-
106;
called
AiopduT'^t,
Zeuxis, 83.
Zumpt, . G., 415.
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HISTORY OF

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A HISTORY OF CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY

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rule, classical students,

are pursuing the

courses, are very imperfectly informed as

to the history of the subjects upon which they are en-

They may be thoroughly

ramifications of Classical Philology, while

or nothing of Classical Philology as a whole.

an anomalous thing that any university student should

having had a conspectus of the entire

familiar with a part;

that, for example,

account of the Alexandrian

School; that the significance of the Renaissance to a classicist

should not be clear to him; that Scaliger, Lipsius,

Casaubon, Bentley, Corssen, and Lachmann should be

more than names; and that he should have learned

nothing genetically about literary criticism, text criticism,

very often the case; and though

not a reasonable cause for censure.

information in a lucid, coherent manner, and without

and makes them parts of a splendid whole.

which was begun

of course, quite obsolete to-day.

of reference, but, with

does not form a continuous narrative.

Dr. Sandys, published only a few years ago,

and wide reading; yet the multiits

three volumes will not

imnaturally deter a student, unless he be a very heroic

been written with

the desire to give a comprehensive and comprehensible

of that gradual evolution

which has made Classical

Philology a science, possessing at the

same time some

best to mention the

of only such scholars as

helped on this evolution by adding something to the

adoption of such a plan

possible to compress into a

while the bibliographical

references will enable the reader to pursue

any particular subject that has here been touched

and understand the unity which

often obscured by matters of secondary importance.

Harry Thurston Peck.

The Genesis of Philological Studies

The PrjE-Alexandrian Period