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The fact that the judge has upheld the prosecution's case substantially is reflected in the fact that only two offences under POTA membership of a terrorist organisation and possessing the proceeds of terrorism have not been maintained. While both Guru and Afzal played a direct role in assisting the fidayeen to launch their attack on Parliament, the involvement of Geelani is relatively somewhat tangential. Even so, all three have been found guilty of offences where the maximum penalty is death, something which the prosecution has sought. What remains now is for the special court to pass the sentence on the four accused in this case which has excited considerable interest and a fair amount of criticism about the manner in which the police conducted the investigation and the manner in which they attempted to legitimise the tapped telephone transcripts. It took those accused in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination over a decade to receive final justice. This is still an appeal away in the Parliament attack case, but it will be reached in much less time. Copyright 2000 - 2009 The Hindu
On December 11, less than one year from the date of the attack, the court will decide on the innocence or guilt of the four on charges for which the maximum punishment is death. The four accused are: Syed Abdul Rehman Geelani, lecturer in Arabic at Zakir Hussain College, Delhi University, Afsan Guru/Navjot Sandhu, daughter of a retired railway official and wife of a Kashmiri businessman, Shaukat Hussain Guru, a former Delhi University student and now a member of the Sopore Apple Market, and Mohammed Afzal, a former JKLF militant who in 1995 laid down arms and attempted to re-enter mainstream life. According to the chargesheet, the four are members of the JeM which, acting on the instructions of Ghazi Baba, planned the attack on Parliament. The prosecution's case is that the conspiracy involving Afzal, Shaukat, Geelani and Afsan came to light after they recovered a set of mobile phone instruments and slips of paper from the dead terrorists. The call records of these telephones showed calls to telephone number 9811489429 which allegedly belonged to Afzal. This phone's call record showed calls to 9810081228 and 981157350, belonging to Geelani and Shaukat. A telephone tap was placed on both these numbers. As Geelani's had a subscriber account they were able to get his address. They placed his house, in New Delhi, under surveillance on December 13 and 14 and arrested him on December 15. Geelani, the prosecution said, led them to the home of Afsan and Shaukat. And Afsan gave them the whereabouts of her husband and Afzal. They were arrested on the same day in Srinagar, allegedly with a laptop and Rs. 10 lakhs. Following the arrests Afzal led the police to his `hide-outs' from where they recovered explosive substances and also to the shops from where he had made purchases to assemble the explosives. Police also took Shaukat, who had no role in the recoveries, with them to each of these sites. At these places police identified Afzal and Shaukat as the men involved in the Parliament attack, and the landlords of the property and the shopkeepers then positively identified them as the men they had seen. Police also recorded confessions by Afzal and Shaukat in which they admitted their guilt and implicated Geelani and Afsan. Neither Geelani nor Afsan made confessional statements. The prosecution argued that the confessional statements taken in conjunction with the material evidence revealed a conspiracy involving the four. This was the crux of the prosecution's case, and was widely publicised in the days after the attack. In fact, even before the police recorded Afzal's statement they presented him to the media before whom he made what appeared to be a complete public confession. This was apparently an open and shut case. The defence, however, has argued that the case throws up more questions than it presents answers. The first crucial link in the chain, Afzal's alleged telephone, was found to have been in use many weeks before he purchased it. All the four accused have challenged the police version of their arrests. Shaukat retracted his confession. Evidence was shown, in court, to have been tampered with. The evidence contradicted police statements. Afzal denied that he had made statements implicating Geelani or Afsan. The High Court pronounced as inadmissible, under POTA, the taped telephone intercepts which the prosecution relied on as corroborative evidence. Copyright 2000 - 2009 The Hindu
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Opinion - Editorials
applied only in "the rarest of rare cases," as laid down by the Supreme Court. Yet however grave or gruesome the crime, the taking of a human life by the state under the banner of justice dehumanises society as a whole. The judicial system is not immune to mistakes, and there is always the danger of extinguishing a life in error. That this is not hypothetical has been shown occasionally by DNA evidence clearing a convicted criminal on death row. In a 1930 case in Bihar, five persons were sentenced to death on a charge of murder but had to be released because it was discovered just in time that the case had been totally fabricated by a police officer. The most common argument advanced in favour of capital punishment is that it is qualitatively different from imprisonment and, as all fear death, it is the most effective deterrent. Yet there is little evidence that the death penalty is any more deterrent than imprisonment for life. Indeed, the evidence, if any, supports the opposite conclusion: the period when the death penalty remained suspended in the United States, for instance, did not see any change in the number of `capital offences.' Very often, rather than deterrence, the unstated rationale is retribution and revenge the taking of a life for a life. In the Afzal case, the Supreme Court comes close to echoing such sentiments when it says: "the collective conscience of the society will only be satisfied if capital punishment is awarded to the offender" and he "is a menace to the society and his life should become extinct." Over the past half century, proposals made on and off for the abolition of capital punishment fell through because of the argument that public opinion and the conditions in the country did not warrant such a radical change. Such a line was taken even by the Law Commission when it examined the issue in detail, but that was in 1967. Now, abolition is becoming more and more the international norm, with the whole of Europe doing without it as India found when Portugal allowed the extradition of Abu Salem on condition that he would not be awarded the death penalty. The Government needs to turn the issues thrown up by the latest case into a broader discussion on whether India can retain on its statute book something so abhorrent to human rights as the death penalty and should move boldly towards its abolition. Meanwhile, in the specific case of Mohammad Afzal, the death sentence must be commuted to imprisonment for life. This is indeed a fit case for the use of presidential clemency for the right reasons. The pleading by Afzal's wife and seven-year-old son and his background as a surrendered militant who cooperated with the authorities are reasons sound enough to exercise the executive power of clemency, which may be subject to broad judicial scrutiny but still retains a large measure of discretion. Copyright 2000 - 2009 The Hindu
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Justice done
ALL IN ALL, the Delhi High Court's verdict in the high-profile Parliament attack case will be remembered less for whom it convicted and more for whom it acquitted. In acquitting S.A.R. Geelani, a Delhi college lecturer, and Afsan Guru, wife of one of the accused, the two-member Bench has overturned the controversial and ill-reasoned judgment of the designated POTA court, one that was widely regarded as having made a string of presumptions in favour of the prosecution that had absolutely no basis in law. The case against Mr. Geelani who was convicted and sentenced to death by the Additional Sessions Judge, S.N. Dhingra was ludicrously weak. The lecturer in Arabic was said to have been in contact with the co-accused, Mohammed Afzal and Shaukat Hussain Guru, a fact of no significance by itself and one that Mr. Geelani freely admitted. The prosecution also made much of an intercepted telephone conversation between Mr. Geelani and his brother, which was interpreted in an extremely fanciful manner to suggest that the former was involved in the attack on Parliament House. While holding, and quite correctly, that such flimsy evidence cannot be used to draw inferences against Mr. Geelani, the Delhi High Court has drawn attention to the total lack of evidence against the lecturer in critical areas. For instance, there was no evidence that Mr. Geelani was in touch with any of the five terrorists who were slain in the attack. Moreover, there was absolutely nothing on record to suggest he had a role in arranging hideouts and procuring either arms or explosives used in the conspiracy. While the designated POTA court had absolved Afsan Guru of being a part of the conspiracy, it found her guilty of failing to report it despite having prior knowledge. The Delhi High Court, however, found that there was insufficient evidence even to draw an imputation that she was aware of the conspiracy, thus raising more questions about the disturbing manner in which the prosecution went about its job in its apparent overenthusiasm in cracking this high-profile case. If there is a perception that the Delhi High Court's judgment is a `soft' one, it is mistaken. This is borne out by its decision to enhance the sentence awarded by the designated court against Afzal and Shaukat Guru on one count. The High Court sentenced them to death for the offence committed under Section 121 (waging war against the state) even though the designated court had only imposed a sentence of life imprisonment under this Section. At one level, the Delhi High Court's judgment is a welcome reflection of the strength of the judicial process, particularly its capacity for self-correction. It comes at a time when there are serious anxieties about the increasing abuse of power and disregard for civil liberties in the name of waging a war against terrorism. At another level, the Court's judgment has indirectly exposed how, despite the much-touted safeguards in the Prevention of Terrorism Act, the draconian legislation makes it inordinately difficult for an innocent man to defend himself. The very fact that Mr. Geelani could have been convicted and sentenced to death by one court of law and acquitted on the ground that the evidence "does not even remotely, far less definitely" point towards his guilt by another reveals the inherent danger in the anti-terrorism law that dispenses with the safeguards contained in ordinary criminal procedure. Mr. Geelani's travails lend an additional dimension to the fatal flaws in POTA, which in its short history has already demonstrated that it can be used to fix political opponents and put people behind bars
for indefinite periods. Its use in the Parliament attack case provides another telling reason why POTA should go. Copyright 2000 - 2009 The Hindu
however, the court has adopted a strict construction of the law, having observed that those who hatch a criminal conspiracy to wage war against the nation are equally guilty as the actual perpetrators of the crime. As for the court's general observation that the death penalty acts as a deterrent, it is an argument that is commonly advanced by proponents of capital punishment. However, there is no conclusive empirical basis to the claim that the death penalty puts off or discourages potential criminals. The death penalty continues to apply to a wide range of offences in India even as more and more countries all over the world are turning abolitionist, many of them in law and the others in practice. It is odd that even as the international consensus against the death penalty increases continuously, the scope for applying it has increased in India over the years. The most recent example of this, of course, is the revival of TADA through the passing of POTA, a legislation that was modelled on the lapsed law and is disturbingly similar in many ways. Criminals deserve to be punished and, if their crimes warrant it, with severity. But even harshness has its limits, which are dictated by conceptions of justice and a respect for human life and dignity. And as long as effective alternatives to capital punishment exist, there will always be doubts about its use as an instrument of social policy. Copyright 2000 - 2009 The Hindu