Race and Ethnicity Immigration is Canada has policies that allowed many people from around the world

to immigrate to Canada. Although, the policies have not necessarily affected the difficulties immigrants experience when they try to get involved in labour market. Also in between the immigrants, the earnings of white immigrants are higher than visible minority immigrants. Which indicates that not only is there different in the earnings between native-born and immigrants, but also between the white immigrants and visible immigrants. In other words, there is no significant wage disadvantage for visible minorities who are native-born. In the article Earnings of Canadian Native-born vs. Immigrants, Reza Nakhaie explains the increase in immigrants in Canada, earnings issues, and socio-economic score differences. Canadians views towards immigrants have undergone significant changes, whereby immigrants became better accepted in societies. These changed have been induced by the many governmental policies and laws such as policies passed in the 1950s and the Constitution Act 1982, which included the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Before then, racism helped promote a culture of prejudice and differential treatment of ethno-racial minorities among those born in Canada (Nakhaie 2001). The policies that have hindered immigration from generally-termed unwanted countries have been changed; the changes increased the number of immigrants from around the world to Canada. However, the changes have not necessarily affected the difficulties immigrants experience when involved in labour market. This article, by Reza Nakhaie, concentrates on the differences between Canada-born and immigrants, in other words, Whites and the minority of immigrants. Nakhaie also focused on the difference in the income return on education between ethno-racial groups of people.

In the 1960s, there was a dramatic change in the immigration policies due to the economic growth and the declination in population during that time, when fewer Europeans wanted to come to Canada. On the other hand, in less developed countries, there has been a dramatic increase in population growth, travel costs, and of mass consumerism, which in return, added pressure on citizens of such countries to emigrate. Although the new immigration policies were less racist, they were not anti-racist (Nakhaie 2001). Europeans became more reluctant to come to Canada, which then increased in the number of visible minorities from Africa, Latin America, and Asia. Even after many people emigrated from less developed countries, Canada was still dominated by white Anglo-Saxons and Europeans who did not readily accept people of different race, culture, and/or skin colour (Nakhaie 2001). There divisions in the earnings of immigrants are more than the divisions in the native-born (Nakhaie 2001). Visible minorities are disadvantaged in their earnings even though they tend to have higher education than native-born. Nonetheless, this significant study does not determine if this case is because of racial differences or nativity ( Nakhaie 2001). In addition, from the analysis done, minority immigrants make less money with a lower rate of return on educational investments than those who are native-born. Some visible minorities have more education but lower socio-economic scores and are underrepresented in higher occupations (Nakhaie 2001). Furthermore, the earnings of the minority immigrants had decreased since the 1960s (Nakhaie 2001). There are the visible minorities and there are non-visible minorities: Visible minorities earn a small amount less than non-visible minorities, but the gap between these groups earnings is insignificant compared to the gap between ethno-racial groups and the native-born. Visible minorities tend to be under-represented in semi-professional and middle managerial occupations (Nakhaie 2001). There is a similar concept between the native-born Europeans, where there is a 1

small difference in the earnings that is almost unnoticeable. Moreover, when the income of the working population is evaluated, it was proven that the income of Aboriginals and visible minorities is below the national average, which is the least, followed by Europeans income around the national average, and then the income of Jewish people who earn higher than the national average. Immigrants, as a group, earn over nine percent less than native-born Canadians (Nakhaie 2001). The article Immigrants Educational Worth and Years in Canada: A Reply, by Peter S. Li estimates immigrants educational worth. Nativity, age, race, and gender of immigration are classified by four types and degree holder. This article follows logic by comparing the disparity between native-born Canadians degree holders and immigrant Canadian degree holders. Different types of immigrants have unequal number of years in Canada, and for the same gender group and age-of-immigration group, white immigrants have been in Canada longer than their visible minority counter-parts. White immigrants will have higher earnings than visible minorities if the years in Canada is not adjusted. That is because White immigrants have been in Canada for a longer time than those people of visible minority (Li 2002). Native-born degree-holders and immigrant degree holders who immigrated after the age of 24 of the same gender and race group have relatively improved their earnings. It cannot be determined whether immigrants higher net earnings are a result of more cumulative years in Canada, or less credential devaluation (Li 2002). The results for the model without adjusting for years in Canada shows the earnings of white immigrants are higher than visible minority immigrants because the former have been in Canada for a longer period of time.

A debate in the variable years in the receiving country for using single-year, cross sectional data to estimate the annual catch up rate of immigrants. It is argued that the catch-up rate calculated in the manner is to assume recent immigrants will perform. It overestimated the annual improvement of earning of recent immigrants by using the earning outcomes of immigrants in earlier cohorts in the estimation (Li 2002). If, indeed, the more superior earnings performance of white immigrants tends to inflate the annual improvement in earnings of visible minorities, it would suggest that, if the true effect of years in Canada can be calculated for visible minorities without the potential inflation, the earnings of visible minority immigrants would likely be even lower than that of white immigrants (Li 2002). In the article Wage Opportunities for Visible Minorities in Canada, by Derek Hum and Wayne Simpson explains how the wage opportunities afforded for different racial groups vary considerably. It developed a new analysis is represented for analyzing wage differentials for different visible minority groups in Canada. Using the Labour and Income Dynamic Survey, the reports no statistical wage disadvantage for native-born, with the exception of Black men. Wage differentials for visible minorities exist primarily among immigrants. The results suggest that policies to achieve a colour-blind Canadian labour market may have to focus more in immigrant assistance and less in traditional employment equity legislation (Hum, Simpson 2002). It has been argued that failing to account for the limited Canadian ancestry of visible minorities overestimates discrimination if immigrant assimilation is an intergenerational process. Weekly earnings are conditional on a rich set of workers and job characteristics and in which it is compared between child immigrant, second-, and third-and-higher-generation Canadian men. The results reveal a tendency for earnings to increase across subsequent generations of visible minority but not white men (Hum, Simpson 2002). Though the pattern is strongest between 3

the first and second generation, for black men it is evident as compared to Canada-born, with and without a Canadian-born parent. Despite this progress, for most visible minority groups earnings gaps are identified even among third-and-higher generation Canadians (Hum, Simpson 2002). Statistics Canada projects that the visible minority population will grow more rapidly than the total population from now to 2016. African-Canadians Black persons who are English speakers are still substantially lower in number than White persons, as is the case with their earnings. Hence, factors beyond language are obviously at work. Another factor that was discussed in this article is birthplace. It is evident that immigrants face economic disadvantages, but this disadvantage declines as immigrants are assimilated in the Canadian society (Hum, Simpson 2002). The article also analyzes the wage differentials among different visible minorities in Canada using the first wage master file of the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics. Moreover, the role of immigration is explored as a source of labour market disadvantage among visible minorities. The initial analysis examines the effect of visible minority status by incorporating into a standard wage equation, in which Hum and Simpson explore the question of sample-selection bias arising from the exclusion of non-workers from the sample used to develop the results for this article. There are results for men and women that investigate the effect of membership in specific visible minorities groups on wage offers. The estimated wage effects for members of the Arab and Latin American groups are slightly higher than zero (Hum, Simpson 2002). The question of racial discrimination toward visible minorities strikes at the heart of Canadas self-image of a kinder and gentler society. At the same time, Canadas immigrants are becoming increasingly from nonwhite countries; hence, Canadas self-image as an immigration-tolerant

society is also at stake (Hum, Simpson 2002). This is especially important since multiculturalism is one of the pillars of the Canadian identity. The way visible minorities are treated is a policy issue that the research reveals the danger of simply collating information on visible minority earning levels, and then comparing them with the earnings of the non-visible minority Canadians (Hum, Simpson 2002). The implications that the findings have for public policy is that it attempts to disentangle the wages as differentiated by colour. The findings of this article should raise attention in endeavors taken at having visible minorities treated as a homogeneous group in society, such as public policy purposes (Hum, Simpson 2002). With more and more of Canadas immigrants being members of a visible minority group, and the evidence in this article that the issue of colour is bound up with immigrant status, it may now be time to rethink Canadas emphasis for achieving equal opportunity in the labour market. For it is found in the findings, that the steps toward a colour-blind Canadian labour market have to focus more toward helping immigrants assimilate rather than the traditional press of embodying employment equity legislation. Over the part thirty years, immigration has increased, immigrant characteristics have changed. There are change in the wage structure and the explanation of the comparison between immigrants and native-born in terms of wages. The comparison of immigrants and native-born are different for men and for women, in which is the consequences of the different evolution in the wage structure (Hum, Simpson 2002). Canada did change the discriminatory policy against immigrants which motivated people from non-developed countries to immigrate to Canada. Although, even if the policies are more immigration friendly, there are still differences in the labour market integration between native born and immigrants (Nakhaie 2001). The amounts of

immigrants that are educated are more than the Europeans in Canada, yet differences are still visible towards the visible minority. In all three articles that are summarized in this paper are similar because each one of the articles explains the differences between native born and immigrants, between visible minorities and non-visible minorities. It cannot be determined whether immigrants higher net earnings are a result of more cumulative years in Canada. Immigrants with degree-holders do not earn as much as native-born with degree-holders, which is more because of the hardship to be involved in labour market (Li 2002; Nakhaie 2001). It is obvious that difference in earnings is divided by the groups ethnic background. Nativeborn people earn more than immigrants, and white immigrants earn more than visible minority immigrants, which leaves me to wonder why that is. The kind of information reported by media and advocacy groups concerning earnings of visible minorities is typically aggregated and can be misleading for policy purposes (Hum, Simpson 2002). According to Nakhaies article (2001), visible minorities like Arabs, Chinese, Africa, etc., are more educated by degree-holders than that of Europeans who have also immigrated to Canada. Yet the visible minority are more educated in rate than native-born and White immigrants, the society encourages the discrimination in which it is practiced in the labour market.

Citation Hum, D., & Simpson, W. (1999). Wage opportunities for visible minorities in canada. Canadian Public Policy, 25(3), 379-394. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/205244184?accountid=14789 Nakhaie, M. R. (2006). A comparison of the earnings of the canadian native-born and immigrants, 2001. Canadian Ethnic Studies/Etudes Ethniques Au Canada, 38(2), 19-46. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/61662463?accountid=14789 Peter, S. L. (2002). Immigrants' educational worth and years in canada: A reply. Canadian Public Policy, 28(2), 321-325. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/205242893?accountid=14789