Panchasheel Concept or agreement: Tolerance of different views and attitudes, and moderations was one of the most important

characteristics of Indian foreign policy. These qualities are not only desirable but also essential for India in the atomic age. According to Nehru co-destruction was the alternative to peaceful co-existence and it was during his period the Panchasheel or peaceful co-existence was formally enunciated in the Sino-Indian Agreement of 29 April 1954. The Panchasheel agreement was based on the following five principles: a) Mutual respect for each others territorial integrity and sovereignty b) Mutual non-aggression. c) Mutual non-interference in each others internal affairs. d) Equality and mutual benefit e) Peaceful co-existence. The above are very novel about these principles and became current international coinage as Panchasheel. The principles are the basic of practical state policy and conduct in international relation and this indicates Indias contribution towards peace. The prime goal for the Panchasheel concept is to willingness to live and work together with other nations and the desire and attempt to effect a peaceful change with a friendly approach, with no fear, hatred, or aggressive intent. It is essentially a democratic approach and outlook towards international affairs. Indian strictly adhered towards the principles of peaceful co-existence even during the war with China in 1962. For the practice of the policy of peaceful coexistence, it was believed, would herald a stable peace in the world by removing all suspicions. Mutual respect for each others territorial integrity and sovereignty in the world would naturally put a premium on dislocations of peace. Based on the doctrine of Panchasheel, ten principles were adopted in 1965 during The Bandung Conference and this doctrine gradually made a dent in the hitherto hard international situation. Countries like Soviet Union, Indonesia, Burma, Afghanistan, Yugoslavia, Poland, Saudi Arabia, Loas, Vietnam, Liberia, and others praised this doctrine and demanded its clear incorporation in international relations. The matrialiasation of this policy was found in the relations between the U.S.A. and U.S.S.R. During the Presidency of Nixon, the relations between China and America were based consequently on this policy.

Non-Alignment (NAM) The most characteristic feature of Indias foreign policy has been the vigorous pursuit of non-alignment. Non-alignment is simply an independent policy involving no political or military commitments to another state or group of states limiting ones independence of policy and action. The rejection of political or military alliances-bilateral and multilateral have a negative impact. It also has positive impact by taking ad hoc decisions on international problems and act based on merits of each case. Indias adherence to the policy of non-alignment has arisen from the historic conditions of the freedom struggle. The leaders then had refused to see Indias independence in narrow national terms but as part of the global process of struggle against imperial hegemony and colonial bondage. This accounts for the fact that since independence. India has remained at the forefront of decolonization efforts both at the United Nations and outside. Jawaharlal Nehru first took the initiative in 1947 in Asian Relations Conference in New Delhi to announce that Asia had come on its own. Nehru said that responsibility of India is not necessarily for leadership but it took the initiative sometimes to help others to co-operate. In January 1949, India took the initiative for 18-member conference in New Delhi that also made the United Nations to make immediate steps towards the independence of Indonesia. This masked the first concrete manifestation of Asian solidarity. The India lent similar support to other freedom movements and called upon the colonial powers to grant independence to subject peoples. In relation to this, a conference was held in 1955 in Bandung and this historic conference brought together all the independent countries of Asia and Africa, expect Korea and Israel. The delegates declared themselves against the raging cold war, against policy of talking from the position-of-strength and expressed their support to the idea of freedom from colonial rule, of peace and equality between nations. Non-Alignment movement is not an unmeritorious system. It has its predominant merits which level led most of the Afro-Asian countries to adopt it as the basis of their foreign policy. First of all it is good for the preservation of the world peace. International politics struggle for peace, power and prosperity and thus it gives rise to alliances and counter alliances, armaments race and militarism etc. The Non-Aligned nations try to keep out of this power struggle which is

ultimately conducive to World peace. Another object of the NAM has been the preservation of independence of all those nations which have adopted the policy of Non-Alignment and were once under the political subjection of the great powers. The nations had fought hard to win their political independence. The third aim of the Non-alignment movement is economic aid and development of the Non-Aligned Countries that can win the favor of both the blocs and receive economic assistance for their development from East and West. The important object of the NAM has been to check the big powers of the world. As China is now competing with U.S.S.R and U.S.A with due ambitious policies of economic policies of the world. Non-Aligned nations by keeping themselves aloof have done away with the imperialistic ambitions of all the superpowers. It rejects the power politics in the international relations. Tashkent Declaration: In September 1965, the long-standing border dispute, communal tensions, and conflict over the question of Kashmir flared up in a full-scale war between India and Pakistan. Fearing that this regional conflict within the boundaries of Indo-Pakistan would escalate into a conflict of global dimensions, the Soviet Union and the United States pressurized the U. N. to arrange an immediate ceasefire. The diplomatic efforts of the United Nations resulted in a ceasefire that came into effect on September 23, 1965. The Soviet Union, which had remained neutral when India and Pakistan went to war in September 1965, played the broker afterwards at Tashkent. A Soviet Government formally announced on December 8 that the Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri and the Pakistani President Muhammad Ayub Khan would meet at Tashkent on January 4, 1966. The Tashkent Conference lasted from January 4 to January 10. Largely as due to the efforts of Soviet Premier Kosygin, India and Pakistan signed a declaration that is known as the Tashkent Declaration. The significant clauses of this agreement were: 1. The Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan agree to make all efforts to establish good relations between India and Pakistan in accordance with the United Nations Charter. They

affirm to renounce the use of force in the settlement of their disputes. 2. The President of Pakistan and the Indian Prime Minister agree to withdraw, no later than February 25, 1966, all armed personnel to the position held before August 5, 1964. 3. Both India and Pakistan agree to follow the principle of non-interference in their affairs and will discourage the use of any propaganda against each other. 4. Both the countries also agree to reopen normal diplomatic functioning and to return of the High Commissioners of both the countries to their posts. 5. The Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan have agreed to withdraw their troops not later than 25 February 1966 to the positions they held prior to 5 August 1965, and both sides shall observe the cease-fire terms on the cease-fire line. 6. They both have agreed that both sides will discourage any propaganda directed against the other country and will encourage propaganda which promotes the development of friendly relations between the two countries. 7. The Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan had also agreed that the High Commissioner of both the countries will return to their normal post. 8. The also agreed for mutual benefits towards economic and trade relations, communications and cultural exchanges between the two countries and to take measures to implement the existing agreements between India and Pakistan. 9. They also agreed to give instructions to the authorities to repatriate the prisoners of war. 10. The Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan had agreed that the two sides will continue the discussion of question relating to the problems of refuges and eviction immigrations. They both have agreed to implement conditions that will prevent the exodus of people. They further agree to discuss the return of the property and assets that were taken over. 11. Both the leaders have also agreed that two sides will continue meetings both at the highest and at other levels on matters of direct concern to both countries. These were the declarations that were made during Tashkent declaration on January 1966.

Shimla Pact: This agreement on Bilateral Relations between India and Pakistan was signed after the 1971 India-Pakistan War, in which Pakistan was defeated conclusively and which resulted in the creation of Bangladesh. India refrained from attacking or finishing off Pakistan and signed this agreement with the hope that henceforth the countries in the region would be able to live in peace with each other. The then Pakistani Prime Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, also promised the then Indian Prime Minister, Mrs Indira Gandhi that his country would accept the Line of Control (LOC) in the state of J&K as the de facto border and would not try to de-stabilize it. This was not formally entered in the agreement because Bhutto said it would cause domestic problems for him at this juncture. Mrs Gandhi magnanimously accepted his promise and did not formalize that part of the agreement. But Pakistan, as later events were to prove, never kept its part of the deal. The Government of India and the Government of Pakistan are resolved that the two countries put an end to the conflct and confrontation that have hitherto marred their relations and work for the promotion of a friendly and harmonious relationship and the establishment of durable peace in the sub-continent, so that both countries may henceforth devote their resources and energies to the pressing task of advancing the welfare of their peoples. In order to achieve this objective, the Government of India and the Govern- ment of Pakistan have agreed as follows: (i) That the principles and purposes off the Charter of the United Nations shall govern the relations between the countries; (ii) That the two countries are resolved to settle their differences by peaceful means through bilateral negotiations or by any other peaceful means mutually agreed upon between them. Pending the final settlement of any of the problems between the two countries, neither side shall unilaterally alter the situation nor shall both prevent the organization, assistance or encouragement of any acts detrimental to the maintenance of peaceful and harmonious relations. (iii) That the pre-requisite for reconciliation, good-neighborliness and durable peace between them is a commitment by both countries to peaceful co-existence, respect for each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty and non-interference in each other's internal affairs, on the basis of equality and mutual benefit;

(iv) That the basic issues and causes of conflict which have bedeviled the relations between the two countries of the last twenty-five years shall be resolved by peaceful means; (v) That they shall always respect each other's national unity, territorial integrity, political independence and sovereign equality; (vi) That in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, they shall refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of each other; (II) Both Governments will take all steps within their power to prevent hostile propaganda direcdted against each other. Both countries will encourage the dissemination of such information as would promote the development of friendly relations between them; (III) In order progressively to restore and normalize relations between the two countries step by step, it was agreed that; (i) Steps shall be taken to resume communications, postal, telegraphic, sea, land including border posts, and air links including over flights; (ii) Appropriate steps shall be taken to promote travel facilities for the nationals of the other country; (iii) Trade and co-operation in economic and other agreed fields will be resumed as far as possible; (iv) Exchange in the fields of science and culture will be promoted. In this connection delegations from the two countries will meet from time to time to work out the necessary details. (IV) In order to initiate the process of the establishment of durable peace, both Governments agree that: (i) Indian and Pakistani forces shall be withdrawn to their side of the international border; (ii) In Jammu and Kashmir, the line of control resulting from the cease-fire of December 17, 1971 shall be respected by both sides without prejudice to the recognized position of either side. Neither side shall seek to alter it unilaterally, irrespective of mutual differences and legal interpretations. Both sides further undertake to refrain from the threat of the use of force in violation of this line; (iii) The withdrawals shall commence upon entry into force of this Agreement and shall be completed within a period of thirty days thereof.

(V) This Agreement will be subject to ratification by both countries in accordance with their respective constitutional procedures, and will come into force with effect from the date on which the Instruments of Ratification are exchanged. (VI) Both Governments agree that their respective Heads will meet again at a mutually convenient time in the future and that, in the meanwhile, the representatives of the two sides will meet to discuss further the modalities and arrangements for the establishment of a durable peace and normalization of relations, including the questions of repatriation of prisoners of war and civilian internees, a final settlement of Jammu and Kashmir and the resumption of diplomatic relations. India intervention of Bangladesh: The emergence of Bangladesh as an independent state with the active help of India was an event of major significance for the sub-continent. Apart from transfiguring the basic IndiaPakistan power balance, this restructured the interstate relations and introduced a new element in the sub-continental politics. It lessened the worries of the Government of India about the fate of minorities in that country and its potentially adverse consequences for the process of nation building in India. India-Bangladesh relations began on a happy note and Indias military intervention in liberalization Bangladesh laid a strong foundation for the friendly relation with Bangladesh. Both the country signed the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Peace between the neighbors in march 1972, the initial years (January 1972- August 1975) represented a period of good equation between the two countries. The basic elements of state policy- the use of religion for nationbuilding and external support for regime stability- which have contributed most to the enmity between India and Pakistan, did not any place in the policies of Bangladesh during the leadership of Mujibut Rahman, Mujib enunciated a secular, democratic and socialistic policy for nation building, and he steered clear of alliances with superpowers. Unfortunately, however, the inherent contradictions in Bangladeshs society politics, which the Pakistani oppression and Mujibs popularity had only temporarily eclipsed, soon became visible Indias intervention in the birth of new state is due to the fact that she cannot be quiet to the convulsions around her borders. The geographical location of East Pakistan between sensitive north-eastern borderlands and the rest of India and New Delhis desire to cut down to

size its rival state, Pakistan motivated New Delhi to involve itself in the liberation struggle of Bangladesh. Also Awami Leagues ideological affinity with India and unprecedented domestic public pressure on Mrs. Indira Gandhi for extending active Indian assistance to the liberation struggle of Bangladesh also forced her to intervene in Bangladesh. The influx of a large number of refugees from East Bengal into India left New Delhi with no other alternative, but to involve itself in the liberation of Bangladesh. As India did not relish the possibility of the newly liberated Bangladesh coming under the control of radical Islamic as well as Marxist forces, she wished to ensure the Bangladeshi liberation force were under the control of moderate pro-Indian Awami League leaders. The coordinated approach of the India forces along with Mukti bahini ultimately led to the liberation of Bangladesh in December 1971. Chinese Aggression-1962: In the beginning of 1962, the Chinese troops crossed into the Eastern border and in June of same year entered into the Ladakh region. In July, they encircled the Galwan Valley. In September, they intruded further in the east. They began to open fire on the India troops and finally on 20th October 1962, the Chinese launched a very big offensive in both the Eastern and Western sectors. As the Indian soldiers were smaller and not equipped the Chinese troops pushed back and within three weeks of attack, China was in a position to move over all mountain passes and to threaten the plains of Assam. Due to the full scale invasion by Chinese troops, India was much worried and in 12th November 1962 China declared a unilateral ceasefire and the war of aggression came to an abrupt end. It was because that China had already established her military superiority and achieved her short term objective and she also felt that further war was dangerous in view of open Anglo-American support to India and the Soviet neutrality. As a result of war China captured 200 square miles in the eastern sector while 15000 square miles in the Western sector. Indias soldiers were outnumbered, out weaponed and out maneuvered and slaughtered. Before India could retaliate the attack was over and withdrawn and according to J.R. Saighal it was an Unfought War while N.D.Palmer descriebd it that the threatened invasions turned out to be no more than a border war. But India suffered militarily, diplomatically and psychologically.

Nehru also admitted that We have been living in an artificial atmosphere of our own creation India had been shocked into reality by the Chinese actions. There are a number of theories and interpretations to explain this military onslaught against India. The simple explanation was that it was an outward manifestation of Chinese military ideology. It was the aggressive move made by China in order to retain or attain great power status by humiliating the geopolitical rival on the battlefield. China did so to disturb the intimacy between India and USSR and despite such varied interpretations the causes of this aggression still remain obscure. Katchatheevu Dispute: The dispute surrounding the Katchatheevu Island had always been identified with the ethnic conflict in the island of Sri Lanka. After its independence, Sri Lanka has taken a hostile stand against Tamils. Sri Lanka began with dis enfranchising the Tamils of Indian origin. Sri Lanka declared them stateless and sent back nearly 5 lakhs of Tamils to India. This was followed by asking its claim on Katchatheevu. After seizing Katchatheevu cunningly, Sri Lanka launched its vicious campaign against the ethnic Eelam Tamils. Sri Lanka always aimed at subrogating Tamils and the issue of Katchatheevu Island should be analyzed on this basis also. THE FIRST AGREEMENT: The then Indian Prime Minister Mrs.lndira Gandhi and the then Sri Lankan President Mrs.Bandara Naickae executed the first ever agreement on Katchatheevu Island, in the year 1974, which amongst other things, primarily dealt with demarcating the sea boundary around Palk Strait which comprises the Island of Katchatheevu. This agreement also dealt with the rights of the respective nations over the demarcated area. THE SECOND AGREEMENT: The second agreement was entered into in the year 1976, between the foreign Secretaries of both the nations. It covered the remaining area viz., the Bay of Bengal and Gulf of Mannar, which were hitherto not covered in the earlier 1974 agreement. This agreement dealt with the rights of the respective nations over these sectors. Both the 1974 and 1976 agreements are independent of each other and they deal with two different sectors in the Sea. The covenants and substance of

both these agreements are entirely different. Both these agreements are often mistaken as pertaining to one and the same issue and this confusion serves as an asset to the opponent while it is a malady to us. Before venturing to understand the 36 year long continued sufferings of our Tamil fishermen, we should first clear ourselves of our doubt in this issue. The 1974 agreement signed by leaders of both the nations and which is vehemently relied on by Mr.S. M.Krishna requires an in-depth study. THE 1974 INDO SRILANKAN MARITIME BOUNDARY AGREEMENT: This agreement consists of VIII Articles. Article I, deals with demarcating the Maritime Boundary over Palk Straits which comprises the Katchatheevu Island. The principle of Equi-Distance demarcation, normally followed in International treaties was not followed, but instead the demarcation was carried on with a sole object of forgoing Katchatheevu Island to Sri Lanka. As such the Maritime Boundary was drawn above Katchatheevu Island at its West. If the principle of Equi-Distance demarcation was followed, the Maritime Boundary would have fallen to the East of Katchatheevu Island and the Island would be well within the Indian Maritime Boundary. The United States did not agree to this demarcation, which did not follow the principle of Equi-Distance demarcation. In a nutshell, the principle of Equi-Distance Demarcation, hundreds of documents from the year 1605 and the uninterrupted possession over the Island over the past thousand years would establish that the Island of Katchatheevu is part of the Indian Territory. The fact that Katchatheevu Island is an Indian territory and had been ceded to Sri Lanka is embedded in Article V of the agreement which deals with the traditional rights of the Fishermen and Pilgrims to go over to the Katchatheevu Island. The Role of IPKF: The Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) was sent to Sri Lanka to help to implement the Agreement to end the ethnic strife in Sri Lanka and to fulfill the commitment to the unity and integrity of Sri Lanka. To achieve its aims, the containment of the LTTE was essential but the IPKF could not achieve this within the stipulated time. This is because a) No experience of the kind of urban guerrilla warfare in which it was involved against the LTTE. The Indian Soldiers had no knowledge of the local terrain.

b) LTTE fought armed with the most sophisticated weapons, the Indian Soldiers had to use their arms most sparingly to avoid causalities of civilian lives and damage to civilian property. They had to fight with their hands tied behind backs. c) The Indian soldiers were not able to distinguish between the Tamil Tigers and Tamil civilians and it has been said, the Indian army Wage the Jaffna War in an alien land against militant Ceylon Tails who were no uniforms, know no Geneva Convention on ethics of war but carried deadly modern weapons and fought routinely from behind the cover of women and children. Despite these effects, the IPKF failed to contain the LTTE within the stipulated time, criticism against it, the agreement and the Government of India grew in intensity and the demand for its withdrawal increased. The Indian Government requested for phased withdrawal while the Sri Lankan Government demanded immediate withdrawal and to force the hands of the Indian Government, the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE suspended their fight, agreed to settle all issues through discussion and then joined to demand the immediate withdrawal of the IPKF. But the Indian Government insisted only on a phased withdrawal. The withdrawal began in January 1989 and was completed by 24 March 1990. Indias effort t at mediation were not appreciated by any group as such, there was only hatred and suspicion and so Indian effort did not receive any support or co-operation. This whole episode and experience only proved that in ethnic conflict a lasting solution can come about only through compromise by parties and there is no role for the third party mediator. Indias Cultural Relation with Maldives: Since 17th century the Indians who were of minor group formed a colony and also form religious and linguistic minority. Historically, India developed close cultural contact with Maldives from the ancient period to till today. After the entry of the Arabs in the Island, the Islamic Culture played a predominant role in the Country. India is still maintaining the close cultural contact with the Maldives despite their Islamic culture. Because India follows policy of secularism in addition to this SAARC paved the way for the member states to develop cultural contact among themselves.

Indian Government appreciated and encouraged Gayoom for appointing two women as aides, another to be his director of social affairs and 2 women to his 12 member consultative committee. The President also appointed a National Womens Committee in order to increase the ways of participation by women in the countrys life. Some of the public in both the countries are named after great leaders of both India and Maldives. A hospital was named after Mrs. Indira Gandhi the former Prime Minister of India in Maldives and in the same ways certain public buildings named after Abdul Gayoom the President of Maldives. Very often the leaders of both the countries exchanged hospitality and discuss the socio-economic problems of the Nations. Both the countries also encouraged scholars and academicians who do research in the fields of culture. Both the countries exchange scholars who work for provided for the progress are being provided for the young talented scholars to improve their academic standards. The Department of Tourism was established in 1972 in Maldives and white sand beaches and multicolored coral formations attracted several tourists to Maldives, several Indians regularly visit Maldives as tourists to enjoy the natural beauty of the Islands. The main modes of propagating culture between the two countries are radio, television, new agencies, magazines and periodicals. Two newspapers are published in Male, including a daily in Divei language and one bi-weekly in English. The press is reasonably free of restrictions and state owned radio station, voice of Maldives, operates one medium wave transmitter and four sort wave transmitters. There are several dramas stories and certain cultural programs of India are also broadcasted on Radio in Maldives. A limited television service was begun in 1978 and in 1983 there were 2,270 television sets or 10 per 1000 inhabitants. There are 11 theatres among them 4 are in Male, the Capital of Maldives. The Government of Tamilnadu in order to help the Tamils in Maldives donated more Tamil books to the Maldives and thus tried to restore the ancient Dravidian culture in Maldives. A cultural exchange program between two countries for the year 1992-94 was signed in Male on 24th December 1992.

10 Marks: Salient Features of Indias Foreign Policy: A number of factors influence the foreign policy of a nation and these factors can be identified as historical, traditional and ideological, geographical, economic etc. Indias foreign policy is also influenced by such factors. Indians foreign policy is also influenced by such factors. Historical factors: India was under the colonial rule of the UK for nearly two centuries and it was only with the attainment of independence on 15 August 1947 that India could claim to have a really independent foreign policy. The leadership that emerged during the Indian nationalist movement could successfully influence the foreign relations of British India, subject, of course, to the extent of its acceptance by the British Governor-Generals or the British parliament. India became a member of the League of Nations and later, the United Nations Organization even before it attained its freedom. The loss of freedom and other historical factors shaped Indias foreign policy. Traditional and ideological factors: India draws its inspiration from its ancient tradition and the concept of non-violence or ahimsa preached by the Buddha and propagated by Asoka and the spirit of tolerance exhibited by Akbar and Shivaji have equally influenced the foreign policy of India. The Indian foreign policy also reflected the humanistic ideals of Aurobindo, Tagore and M.N.Roy. Geographical Factors: The political developments in the neighboring countries, too, need to be carefully watched, so as to avoid any friction with these countries. The friendship of the Himalayan Kingdoms-Nepal and Bhutan is also quite essential in view not only of traditional and historical reasons but also due to their strategic location. Economic Factors: The economic factors of the developing country play a vital role in the foreign policy and thus the oil crisis of the 1970s has proved the economic condition of developed country while the under developing country like India has to depend on other countries. The natural reservoir of

India has to be exploited properly and requires scientific and technological assistance from the advanced country and necessary capital has to be invested. As Nehru said the economic factor too plays a role in the foreign policy and thus economic factors are to be borne in mind while moldings countrys foreign policy. National Interest: Indias foreign policy, like other nations foreign policy are oriented towards safeguarding her national interests in the first instance and then mold to influence and promote the concept of peace and friendship around the world. The role of ruling elite in identifying and defining nationalist assumes decisive importance. The Indian leaders had pursued this task in their own peculiar way. Jawaharlal Nehru gave expression to this peculiarity in many occasions such as once declared to the interests of India, for that my first duty. In another occasion he had stated that whether a country is imperialistic or socialistic or communist its foreign minister thinks primarily of the interests of that country. Decision-Making factors: A countrys foreign policy is determined by elite and decision-makers and it was Jawaharlal Nehru who framed the Indian foreign policy in those fruitful 18 years from 1946-64. The Domestic Context: India set its goal as the establishment of a socialistic pattern of society through peaceful parliamentary democratic methods to suit the Indian background and conditions. This is the major different from that of Western countries who had the basic principles of Communist and Western societies. The Political democracy, economic development and secularism are the three guiding factors for domestic developments and that paved the path for shaping Indias foreign policy. In a countrys foreign policy international affairs also play a vital role and as such in Indias foreign policy the World peace, Peaceful Co-existence, anti-colonialism, peaceful settlement of disputes, anti-racialism, non-alignment movement are the international determinants of Indias foreign policy. The most important of that is Peaceful Co-existence as it has the five basic principles known as Panchasheel agreement.

According to Nehru co-destruction was the alternative to peaceful co-existence and it was during his period the Panchasheel or peaceful co-existence was formally enunciated in the Sino-Indian Agreement of 29 April 1954. The Panchasheel agreement was based on the following five principles: a) Mutual respect for each others territorial integrity and sovereignty b) Mutual non-aggression. c) Mutual non-interference in each others internal affairs. d) Equality and mutual benefit e) Peaceful co-existence. The above principles play a role in framing the foreign policy with neighbor countries. World Peace: The overriding goal or Indias foreign policy under Nehru was maintenance of international peace and security. Peace to us isnt just a fervent hope: it is an emergent necessity, said Nehru. Peace was a necessity to India because without it Indias many-sided development would have been hampered. Anti-colonialism: It was necessary to as all peoples, irrespective of race, religion, and state of economic development or even civilization, were entitled to freedom as a matter of fundamental human right. This is true as promotion of self-determinations for all colonial people was the major pillar for Indias foreign policy. Peaceful settlement of disputes: Indias major goal in foreign policy is the peaceful settlement of disputes and they emphasize more on peaceful then on settlement. According to Nehru, International disputes in a modern world could not be settled like wrestling bouts between nations. It did no good merely to go about condemning people even it condemnation was deserved. Non-Alignment Movement: The most characteristic feature of Indias foreign policy has been the vigorous pursuit of nonalignment. Non-alignment is simply an independent policy involving no political or military commitments to another state or group of states limiting ones independence of policy and action. The rejection of political or military alliances-bilateral and multilateral have a negative

impact. It also has positive impact by taking ad hoc decisions on international problems and act based on merits of each case. Apart from the above salient features, anti-racialism is also a part of Indias foreign policy. Indo-Pakistan relation regarding Kashmir: Still in the present situation the relation between India and Pakistan is not fruitful regarding Kashmir issue. The wind of change has not reached the Indian subcontinent. Over the last several years Pakistani rulers have helped in fuelling the militancy in Kashmir. They deluded themselves into a belief that had won the battle for the hearts in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. This made them to harden their position. The so called Kashmir question overshadows all other questions and the entire gamut of India-Pakistan relationship. The problem dates back to the partition of the subcontinent and relates ultimately to the two nation theory, the basis of Pakistan. Pakistan has been arguing that the acceptance of partition meant that all Muslim majority areas should have gone to Pakistan. Kashmir was a Muslim majority state and therefore it should have gone to Pakistan. With respect to the Kashmir issue Pakistan stands on selective facts favorable to its position and princely states had to make their choice to join one or the other dominion. Jinnah had rejected Congress suggestions for the wishes of the people of each State to be taken into consideration to decide the issue of accession and insisted on only consideration for the accession was the contiguity of each State with either India or Pakistan to be taken into consideration. The standstill signed on every stage was broken by Pakistan and encouraged the Pathans to raid the territory of Jammu and Kashmir. They did not get any support from the people within the State. The people of Kashmir had a long tradition struggle against feudal oppression of the Dogra rulers but they also opposed communalism. In respect to this issue the Kashmir National Conference was politically close to Indian National Congress and on the eve of partition the Muslim League leaders were apprehensive that under Sheikh Abdullas leadership Kashmir would not accede to Pakistan and therefore as a preemption measure they organized the Pathan Invasion of the State. In due course Pakistan claimed again in 1965 to take over the state by force of arms but had failed. Owing to the combination of domestic political factors and mistaken handling by New Delhi the Kashmiri

people were alienated from the Indian Political system by Pakistan with the help of some communal and fundamentalist group within the state to provoke the current militancy in the state. A strategic view was established by Pakistan and can be summarized as 1. To arm, train and provide material support to the militancy at a high level of alteration. 2. To render political support to militancy by raising the issue in every conceivable forum and thus internationalize the dispute. 3. To project the problem in a religious dimension to mobilize Muslim countries for this to use OIC. 4. To project Kashmir as the core issue in India-Pakistan relations and as the unfinished agenda of partition. 5. To make all India-Pakistan relations dependent on the solution of Kashmir question which means no trade, cultural or other relations with India. The Pakistan leaders may over reach themselves and miscalculate as they did in 1965, or in Kargil in 1999, Indian determination to defend its territorial integrity or that they might cross the optimum line of Indias tolerance with disastrous consequences for the subcontinent. Ethnic Problems and its impact on Indo-Sri Lanka relation: Since the Independence of India in 1947 and Sri Lanka in 1948, both nations have been enjoying fairly close relations. Security interests and the shared ethnicity of Tamils living in southern India and in northern and eastern Sri Lanka are the two major factors in India Sri Lankan relations. During the initial period after British vacating the Indian Ocean region (IOR), India and Sri Lanka increasingly came to share regional security interests.2Though India looked into this issue with strategic concern, Sri Lanka feared India of having a hegemonic attitude towards her. Majority of the Sri Lankans, whether be it Sinhala, Tamil or Muslim, belong to the same ethnic stock as Indias population, and cultural affinities extend not only to religion, but also to language. Tamil being common to Tamil Nadu as well as North and East of Sri Lanka, and Sinhala being related to the North Indian languages such as Pali, Sanskrit, Hindustani, Marathi, Guajarati and Bengali.3 Despite these close relations, Sri Lanka Indias equations have always been overshadowed by distrust and mutual suspicion.

India Sri Lanka relations can be divided into four phases; first, Nehruvian era, starting from independence of both the nations until 1970s. Second; during the stewardship of Mrs. Indira Gandhi and Mr. Rajiv Gandhi, where India was a forward looking policy of involvement. Third; post Rajiv Gandhi and post-IPKF period until the beginning of peace process in 2002. Fourth; the period beginning with peace process and Eelam War IV, when India was not directly involved, however its influence was decisive. The end of Eelam War IV has heralded the current phase in India Sri Lanka relations. The first phase of relationship was devoted to of clearing the colonial baggage and adherence to the policy of non-alignment. The first issue between India and Sri Lanka related to the future status of the People of Indian Origin in the island. The first bilateral agreement between India and Sri Lanka, Nehru Kotelawala Agreement on Persons of Indian Origin in Ceylon was signed in 1954. This agreement dealt with the problems of illicit immigration and proposals for granting them citizenship. According to the agreement the persons of Indian Origin who desired to get Indian citizenship were to be registered under the Indian and Pakistani (Citizenship) Act, and it was expected to be completed within two years. But not all the persons of Indian Origin came forward to register. 9,75,000 persons who did not register under this agreement, were declared by Colombo as stateless. The process of registration and repatriation to India had to be restarted again under the Indo Ceylon (Sirimavo Shastri) Agreement of 30th October 1964. Under this agreement out of a total of 9.75 lakhs stateless persons in 1964, 5.25 lakhs were to be repatriated to India over a period of 15 years. At the same time, it was agreed Colombo would grant citizenship to 3 lakh stateless persons. The further status of 1.50 lakhs was to be determined later by negotiations between the two countries. From the date of pact upto 1st January 1973, 70,621 persons had been The problem became a little more complicated by 30th April 1970, the deadline for applying for Indian citizenship. Indira Gandhi visited Sri Lanka on 27th April 1972 on a goodwill visit for 3 days. During this visit issues pertaining to repatriation of people of Indian origin, Kachchativu and possibilities of economic cooperation were discussed. This visit of Indira Gandhi was intended to assure Sri Lanka that India was open to repatriation of the people of Indian Origin and India would not involve itself in Sri Lankas internal problem, as it has done in Bangladesh. Despite Indias categorical assurance that India has no intent to get involved in Tamil issue to the Tamils move, the Sinhalese were always suspicious of India intention. In the

course time Indira Gandhi refused to meet the Tamil leader S.J.V. Selvanayagam even though the latter was very keen in meeting her. But in order to solve the problem Indias co-operation is important in solving the ethnic problem and it is against this background that the Rajiv Jayawardana Accord came to be signed on July 29, 1987. India and the United Nations: India was among the original members of the United Nations that signed the Declaration by United Nations at Washington on 1 January 1942 and also participated in the historic UN Conference of International Organization at San Francisco from 25 April to 26 June 1945. As a founding member of the United Nations, India strongly supports the purposes and principles of the UN and has made significant contributions to implementing the goals of the Charter, and the evolution of the UNs specialized program and agencies. Independent India viewed its membership at the United Nations as an important guarantee for maintaining international peace and security. India stood at the forefront during the UN's tumultuous years of struggle against colonialism and apartheid. Indias status as a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 cemented its position within the UN system as a leading advocate of the concerns and aspirations of developing countries and the creation of a more equitable international economic and political order. To begin with, India rejoiced over the end of cold war, India felt vindicated, for it was integral to Indias long-standing aspiration about one world. The renaissance of the United Nations was promised when the former Soviet Union and the United States jointly sponsored (an unprecedented initiative in the history of the world body) a resolution calling for adherence by all member States to the principles. A variety of regional conflicts began to be resolved, while more and more countries embraced democratic form of government. In other words, a prospect of new and better world order of peace and justice was widely hoped. India is today at the forefront of efforts on UN reform, including expansion of the Security Council in both the permanent and nonpermanent categories to reflect contemporary realities. Indias role in the post-Cold War United Nations and the issues are major conflict situations, the UN peace-keeping, nuclear disarmament, and human rights.

Indias role in peace and stability: In responding to various challenges to international peace and security under the United Nations auspices, India steadfastly advocated the path of non-resort to use for force, negotiation of a comprehensive settlement accommodating contending views of parties and at the same time preserving the independent, nonaligned, and united identity of the country in question. In order to end the Arab-Israeli problem India called for a United Nations- sponsored conference. She planned to settle the Jews of the Soviet origin in the territories of Palestine. As a measure of reconciliation, she joined with other countries in 1991 to rescind the 1975 General Assembly. India was pleased with the Arab-Israeli negotiations under the joint-sponsorship of the United States and Russia, which culminated in a peace accord in 1993. In her second historical move of making Namibia independent under UN supervision, India played a role in forming part of UN Transition Assistance Group in 1990., the various measures taken by the regime of President de Klerk in piecemeal renunciation of the apartheid policy beginning with the release of Nelson Mandela from imprisonment and final as swore as President in 1994. India supported the General Assembly decision and welcomed a new, nonracial, democratic South Africa to the privileges of full participation in the General Assembly which was denied since 1972. Likewise India Played a crucial role in other issues such as antiapartheid struggle, issues related to Angola, in maintaining peace in Afghanistan after the withdrawal of Soviet Union troops. Indian with the help of UN rendered her hand for the reconstruction of Afghanistan. History detailed India and has proud peace keeping actions with hands together with United Nations. India has participated in more than 400 missions and 118 peacekeepers had played an integral part in it. Peace Keeping: Faced with the complex challenges in peace and security during the post-cold War years, the United Nations turned to the time-tested technique of peace-keeping and enlarged its scope and capabilities. After a long gap of two decades India again associated with UN peace-keeping operations during the period and played a worthy role in major peace-keeping operations in the Gulf, Namibia, Central America, Cambodia, Haiti, Rwanda, Somalia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and

Angola. It took part in 16 out of 30 peace keeping operations launched since 1989. Indian army officers commanded UN Iraq-Iran Military Observer Group (Iraq side of the border), UN Transition Assistance Group in Namibia, and UN Protection Force (UNPROFOR) in former Yugoslavia. The Indian peacekeepers were especially skilled in demining work carried out in Cambodia, Angola and Somalia. As a mark of its capability to sustain large-scale and long-term troop commitment, India offered in 1994 a fully equipped brigade to the United Nations stand-by arrangement. India also agreed to take part in the UN Operation I Somalia (UNOSOM-II), even though it was mandated under the enforcement provisions of the Charter. It was a crucial role played by India and submitted to maintain the distinction between peace-keeping and other such as humanitarian relief activities. India diagnosed that particularly that operations which abandoned the principles that evolved over the past decades had failed. Among the concerns specific to India were the safety of the peacekeepers, the timely reimbursement of cost to the contributing countries (nearly $60 million are owned to India) and adaption of nondiscriminatory and fair scheme of compensation in case of death or disability. Nuclear Disarmament: Indias advocacy of nuclear disarmament in tackling the problems of peace and security was outstanding. She was encouraged by the adoption in 1993 of the international convention which prohibited development, production or stockpiling and use of chemical weapons, and which required their destruction. India deposited its instrument of ratification of the convention in September 1996. In the Cold War era, India had made several proposals for nuclear disarmament: a call for ending nuclear testing in 1954, a broad framework of principles in 1965 for negotiating a nonproliferation treaty, a call in 1982 for adopting a convention on banning the use of nuclear weapons and in 1988 advocated the comprehensive action plan for a world free of nuclear weapons. In order to protect against the countries from nuclear disasters a Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) was formed and Indias reaction thereto should be viewed. Right from 1968 when the treaty was originally signed, India vehemently articulated its objections. India faced many hurdles and disappoints in this but still India played a crucial role in the nuclear disarmament. The end of Cold War, instead of brightening the prospects of an early convening of a much delayed conference on implementation of the 1972 Declaration brough forth the opposite.

However, one has to note that the issue is more a collective setback to the Indian Ocean countries than exclusively to India. India also played a crucial role in the development, reforming of countries after war and also certain other issues. She had successfully marked her role in all the issues and her image of a mature, world-oriented and forward looking country to work in, with and for the United Nations is worth mentioning. This attempt is evident in Primer Minister Raos observation in October 1995 on the fiftieth anniversary of the organization. Development of SAARC: The world today is at a turning point. The changes that we are undergoing are global in scope, revolutionary, fundamental and structural in content. As we have entered the 21st century a sense of optimism prevails for attaining peace and prosperity through effective role-play of regional as well as global organizations. Many view Asia as having a variety of characteristics in common with Europe of the nineteenth century: underdeveloped international institutions, mixed domestic orders, rising nationalism, high but differential growth rates, and bitter, emotional rivalries between insecure neighbors. Interest in greater regional economic integration, fuelled partly by the achievement of an economic union and a single currency in Europe, has grown in different parts of the world. This includes South Asia and the regional organization known as South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), which has announced the goal of attaining an economic union and expressed the desire for a common currency. SAARC is a fairly recent association, established in 1985 by the seven member states of Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. These seven countries differ greatly in land area, GDP, and population, although they have similar levels of human and economic development. They also share the unusual feature of having a common border with one another member country. Today world is divided into two major categories. The states whose influence goes beyond a particular region the world powers and those whose influence is confined to a particular region the regional powers.

Origin and Evolution of SAARC After the analysis of theories of globalism and regionalism, it becomes imperative to find out the rationale for regional cooperation in South Asia. Besides, it is desirable to look at the evolutionary process of regional cooperation in South Asia to assess the pace of regionalism in reaching at its present destination as SAARC. The evolution passed through four phases that include: Conception (1977-80) The Meeting of Foreign Secretaries (1981-83), The Meeting of Foreign Ministers (1983-85), and The Summits (1985-2004). The first concrete proposal for establishing a framework for regional cooperation in South Asia was made by the late president of Bangladesh, Ziaur Rahman, on May 2, 1980. Prior to this, the idea of regional cooperation in South Asia was discussed in at least three conferences: the Asian Relations Conference in New Delhi in April 1947, the Baguio Conference in the Philippines in May 1950, and the Colombo Powers Conference in April 1954. Since 1977, the Bangladesh president seemed to have been working on the idea of an ASEAN-like organization in South Asia. During his visit to India in December 1977, Ziaur Rahman discussed the issue of regional cooperation with the new Indian Prime Minister, Morarji Desai. In the inaugural speech to the Colombo Plan Consultative Committee which met in Kathmandu in December 1977, King Birendra of Nepal gave a call for close regional cooperation among South Asian countries in sharing river waters. President Ziaur Rahman welcomed the Kings call during the formers visit to Bangladesh in January 1978. President Ziaur Rahman had also informally discussed the idea of regional cooperation with the leaders of South Asian countries during the Commonwealth Summit in Lusaka (1979) and the Non-Aligned Summit in Havana (1979). However, the Bangladesh president seems to have given a concrete shape to the proposal after his visit to Sri Lanka and discussion with the Sri Lankan president, J.R. Jayawardene, in November 1979. Several factors seem to have influenced President Ziaur Rahmans thinking about establishing a regional organization in South Asia during 1975-1979: (1) Change in the political leadership in South Asian countries and demonstration of accommodative diplomacy by the new leaders; (2) Ziaur Rahmans need for Indian support to legitimize his coup dtat regime; (3) An acute balance of payment crisis of almost all South Asian countries which was further aggravated by the second oil crisis in 1979;

(4) Failure of the North-South dialogues, and increasing protectionism by the developed countries; 10 publication of an extremely useful background report by the Committee on Studies for Cooperation in Development in South Asia (CSCD) Aims and Objectives of SAARC The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) comprising Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka is a dynamic institutionalized regional cooperation in South Asia, basically perceived as an economic grouping to work together for accelerating the pace of socio-economic and cultural development. The objectives of the association as defined in the SAARC Charter are: To promote and strengthen collective self-reliance among the countries of South Asia; To contribute to develop mutual trust, understanding and appreciation of one anothers problem; To promote active collaboration and mutual assistance in the economic, social, cultural, technical and scientific fields; To strengthen cooperation with other developing countries; To strengthen cooperation among themselves in international forums on matters of common interest; and To cooperate with international and regional organizations with similar aims and purposes. Salient Features of the Organization Secretariat: The SAARC Secretariat is based in Kathmandu. It coordinates and monitors implementation of activities, prepares for and services meetings, and serves as a channel of communication between the Association and its member states as well as other regional organizations. The Secretary General, who is appointed by the Council of Ministers from member countries in alphabetical order for a three-year term, heads the Secretariat. Mr. Q.A.M.A. Rahim from Bangladesh is the current Secretary General. The previous Secretaries Generals were from Bangladesh, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. The next Secretary General is to be from Bhutan. Seven Directors on deputation from member states assist the Secretary General. The SAARC Secretariat and member states observe 8 December as the SAARC Charter Day. SAARC Regional Centres: Regional Centres covering Agriculture, Tuberculosis, Documentation,Meteorological Research, and Human Resource Development have been established in different SAARC

capitals: SAIC (Dhaka, 1998) STC(Katmandu, 1992) SDC (New Delhi, 1994) SMRC (Dhaka, 1995) SHRDC (Islamabad, 1999) SCC (Kandy, 2004) SCZMC (Mal, 2004) and SIC (Katmandu, 2004). In addition, three new regional centers covering Culture, Coastal Zones Management, and Information are being established. Summits: Summits which are the highest authority in SAARC, are supposed to be held annually. The country hosting the Summit also holds the Chair of the Association. Bangladesh hosted the Thirteenth Summit in November 2005 at Dhaka as the Chairperson of the Association. India will host the Fourteenth SAARC Summit in 2007 as its Chairman. The Agreement on Mutual Administrative Assistance in Customs Matters Establishment of SAARC Arbitration Council, and the Limited Agreement on Avoidance of Double Taxation and Mutual Administrative Assistance in Tax Matters were signed during the thirteenth SAARC Summit. South Asian States have adopted Conventions on the Suppression of Terrorism (including Additional Protocol signed in January 2004 in Islamabad), Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, Trafficking in Women and Children, and Child Welfare in South Asia. An Agreement on Food Security Reserve is also in place. During the 12th SAARC summit held in Islamabad the leaders of South Asia reiterated their commitment to form South Asian Economic Union (SAEU). If formed, it will pave the way for more ambitious but entirely achievable goals such as a Free Trade Area, an Economic Union, open borders, and a common currency for the region. As President Pervez Musharraf said, we must expand SAARC charter to discuss bilateral issues at the regional level. There can be no development in the absence of peace. There can be no peace, so long as political issues and disputes continue to fester. Beyond official linkages, SAARC also encourages and facilitates cooperation in private sector through the SAARC Chamber of Commerce and Industry (SCCI), which is a SAARC Apex Body. Other such bodies are SAARCLAW and South Asian Federation of Accountants (SAFA). In addition, the status of SAARC Recognized Bodies has been accorded to professional groups in South Asia including Architects, Management Development Institutions, University Women, Town Planners, Cardiologists, Dermatologists, Teachers, Writers, Insurance

Organizations, Diploma Engineers, Radiological and Surgical Care Societies. The Association of Speakers and Parliamentarians enjoy special recognition by the Heads of State or Government.