Rewriting Sufi Identity in the 20th Century: The Biographical Approaches of Mauln Ashraf 'Al Thnv and Khwjah

asan Nim Author(s): MARCIA HERMANSEN Reviewed work(s): Source: Islamic Studies, Vol. 46, No. 1 (Spring 2007), pp. 15-39 Published by: Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, Islamabad Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20839053 . Accessed: 23/07/2012 17:37
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Islamic Studies 46:1 (2007) pp. 15-39

Rewriting Sufi Identityin the 20th Century:The

Biographical Approaches of Maul?n? Th?nv? and Khwljah Hasan Nizam? Ashraf 'A

MARCIA HERMANSEN

This articlewill treat some aspects of transformationsin the writing of Muslim hagiography in South Asia during the early twentieth century. Maul?n? Ashraf 4AliTh?nv? (d. 1362/1943) and Khw?jah Hasan Nizam? were two prominent religious leaders whose writings expanded (d. 1374/1955) the genre of Sufi [Sufi]biography in particular ways. As contemporaries,their respective approaches may be compared and contrasted in the light of developments such as thedisseminationof printing,the impactof the colonial experience in South Asia, and the demarcation of various approaches to Islamic knowledge. The two share in being prominent South Asian Muslim as as in being adherents religious leaders and spokespersonsof their time, well of the Chishti SufiOrder. The Chishtiyyah is one of themajor orders of
of this order are especially well

Islamic mystics and has historicallybeen concentratedin SouthAsia. The Sufis

known for their composition of various sorts

of biographicalmaterials over the last seven centuries,includingcollections of the recorded audience sessions of the early saints of theOrder such as the malfuz?t ofNiz?m al-D?nAwliy?' (d. 728/1328).1 Maul?n? Ashraf 'Ah Th?nv?was awell-known scholar and interpreter of to rework various elements of Islamic who attempted the Islamic tradition consistent into and with Islamic tradition interpretations expressions mystical legalism.For example, besides thework defending the biographical notices of
1 On Sufi biography and malf?z?t of theChishtis see, Bruce B. Lawrence, Notesfrom a Distant FluteiTheExtant literature ofPre-MughalIndian Sufism (Boston,MA: Shambhala Publications, 1979);Carl Ernst, "Oral Teachings in theEarly Chishti Order" inhis Eternal Garden:Mysticism, History and Politics at a SouthAsian SufiCenter (Albany,NY: StateUniversity ofNew York, Martyrs ofLove: Chishti Sufism 1992), chapter 4, 62-84; Bruce B. Lawrence and Carl Ernst, Sufi in SouthAsia and Beyond (New York: Palgrave, 2002); Nith?r Ahmad F?r?qi, Naqd-i Mal?z?t (NewDelhi: Maktabah-'i J?mi'ah, 1989).

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MARCIA HERMANSEN

theChisht?s that formsthe subjectof this study, Th?nv? defendedpositions of the famous Sufi, 1-D?n ibn al-?Arabi work Muhy? (d. 638/1240) in the latter's Fus?s al-Hikam in his commentaryentitled, Khus?s alKalim fi Hall Fus?s al case In and each Islamic legal theory Hikam.2 rulings (ahk?m) are deployed so as to explain and defend Sufi actions and utterances that had provoked criticism in the past. Over 1000 works are credited to Th?nv?,3 a certain number ofwhich have to do with Sufi practice and doctrine. Significantly, he was most closely associatedwith the S?biri branch4of theChishtiyyah Sufi will focus on one work of Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah order. This study fi Clear the Exalted in Sunnah among Chisht?s) al-'Aliyyah (The Chishtiyyah accounts froma rangeofChisht? biographical which he defends and interprets writings. The issues treated are primarily those thatmight be considered problematic from the aspect of Islamic legalnorms, and Th?nv? will be shown to primarily employ sharVahcategoriesof legal andmoral reasoning in order
to

Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, on the other hand, grew up in the circle of the Niz?m al-D?n custodians of one of the major Chisht? institutionin India, the shrine inDelhi. Breakingwith thehereditaryrole of being a pilgrimguide and more successful professionalprayer-sayer(du'? g?),Niz?m? became one of the writers of the Urdu journalistsand early 20th century, writing principallyon Islamic themes and on the past glory of the Mughal empire.He is credited with a vast number ofworks,5 often pamphlets or articles,as well as novels (TheNiz?m? Flute).6 In literarycircles,he was especially recognized forhis diaries calledR?zn?mchah.Niz?m? alsoworked popular semi-autobiographical as a reformerof Sufi institutionsin India and was himself recognized as a with many disciples, and, in fact,as a "renewer"of the prominent Sufi shaykh Order. Chisht? I will brieflyreview the respectivecareersof each of the two figuresand then focus on their approach to Chisht? biography in order to demonstrate some of the intellectualcurrentstowhich each respondedwith his own very This identity distinctive approach to Chisht? identity. may be defined in the lightof concerns such as the observance of Islamic law, attitudes to religious
2 Islamic Book Foundation, Lahore, 1999. 3 A. S. Bazmee Ansari, "Ashraf 'Al?,w Encyclopaedia ofIslam1 (Leiden:E. J.Brill, 1960), I: 701. 4 A branch of Chishti Sufis in the line of 'Ala* al-D?n ibnAhmad S?bir (d. 690/1291), a disciple of B?b? Far?d al-D?nMas'?d ShakarGanj (d. 633/1236),who was also the teacherofNiz?m al and a biographical treatment of Niz?m al-D?n Awliy?', entitled Niz?m? Bansr?

explain

these accounts

in a more

palatable

manner.

D?n Awliy?', founder and eponym of theChishtiyyah-Niz?miyyah line ofChisht?s. 5 By some accounts, asmany as fivehundred.Mulla W?hid?, "Saw?nih 'Umr?Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?? Mun?di: Khw?jah Number pelhi: 1957), 130. 6 Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, Niz?m? Bansrt (New Delhi: Khw?jah Aul?d Kutub Ghar, 1990).

IN THE 20TH CENTURY SUFI IDENTITY REWRITING

yj

new media thatbecame available fordisseminatingreligious pluralism, and the with the adventofmodernity. ideas

Maul?n? Ashraf 'AliTh?nvl

was awell-known leader Maul?n? Ashraf 'All Th?nvl (1281-1362/1864-1943), movement that crystallized in north with the De?bandi reform identified as as a prolific author and well India in the late thirteenth/nineteenth century spiritualguide for thousands. He began with a madrasah education in his hometown, Than ah Bhavan, and completed theDars-i Niz?m? curriculum at Deoband by age 20.7 The is often seen as a median position De?bandi style of Islamic interpretation which between thepopular Sufism of the saintcults and reformist puritanism would deny the role of theawliya* (saints)altogether.

to propagate a In 1867 a group of 'ulama' founded a Dar al-'Ul?m at Deoband reformist orientation shari'a minded revivaUst/reformist Islam. The Deobandi to Islamic behavioral norms. . . In contrast adherence individuals of emphasized to the popular mec?ational Islam centered on practices around shrines and annual

conceived of religious leaders as teachers of shrine celebrations, Deobandis Islamic religious duties and exemplars of the Prophetic sunna for the common

people.8

Th?nvf s attitude seems consistentwith the following observation on made by Arthur Buehler,who states that, "Deobandi 'ulama Deoband style while also acting thoughtof themselvesprimarilyas legal consultants (muft?s) as sufishaykhs to their students. Each religiousscholar atDeoband functioned as a directing shaykh, trainingand shaping morals and outward behavior of and the the in accordance with shari'a Prophetic ideal."9 disciples Th?nvl completed the course atDeoband in 1883 and starteda job as a teacher at Cawnpore. The same year he performed theHajj and became a disciple of the scholar and Chisht? S?biri Sufi,H?jj? Imd?d Allah Muh?jir and activist Makk? (d. 1317/1899).10 H?jj? Imd?dAll?h was a religiousreformer Cities in order to in the into exile who is known for going voluntary Holy
7 The Dars-i Niz?m? was introduced at the Farang?Mahall in Lucknow byMaul?n? Niz?m al D?n Sih?law? (d. 1161/1748). It includedbothHad?th studies and the rational sciences (ma'q?l?t). 8 Rise of the Heirs of the Arthur Buehler, Sufi Mediating Prophet:The IndianNaqshbandiyya and the 180. SufiShaykh (Columbia: University of South Carolina, 1998), 9Ibid. 10H?jj? Imd?d Allah also lists his connections to theNiz?miyyah Order through 'Abd al Qudd?s Gang?h? (d. 944/1537) in hisDiy?' al-Qul?b (Delhi:Maktabah^i Mujtab?'?, 1927), 103 104.

18

MARCIA HERMANSEN

avoid

living under British rule, and Th?nv? had

with him.11

already been

in

In 1306-1307/1889-90 Th?nv? againwent toMakkah and spent several months with his teacher. "In hismid-thirties (in 1316/1898),he retiredto his home in a small country town called Th?nah Bhavan, in theUpper Doab region of the United Provinces. There he wrote voluminously, taught,
answered letters, and counseled arrival."12 many visitors that newcomers were asked to fill out a form upon

correspondence

Hundreds of works were attributed to Th?nv?, although some were probably compiled by his followers.Among them is an Urdu Qur'?n thisproduction is due to the fact that many of his books repeat large sections or consistof compiled answers thathe provided as responses to issues in fatw? like form. Barbara Metcalf, who studied his manual of advice to women, Th?nv? as a scripturalist and a neo-Sufi.14 Behishti Z?var, characterizes His most famous book on Sufism is al-Takashshuf (an Muhimm?t al Points in Sufism) which is a collection of Tasawwuf15 (Disclosure of Important treatiseson various points of Sufi belief and practice.A further work along
commentary in twelve volumes, Bay?n al-Qur'?nP The extensive nature of

this line is Tabwtb Tarbiyat al-S?lik (Topics in theTraining of the Spiritual Seeker)which consistsof some 1,272pages in two largevolumes. was composed by one of his followers, Th?nv?'s biography al-Hasan Ghaur? "Majdh?b," inAshrafal-Saw?nih followingan expository model of the
Sufi path of purification.16 In political terms, Th?nv? League and independent statehood forMuslims.17 supported the Muslim

In order to illustrate aspectsofTh?nv?'s approach to Sufibiography Iwill focus on one of his works, aUSunnah al-Jaliyyah fi 'l-Chishtiyyah al-'Aliyyah1* (The Clear Sunnah among theExalted Chisht?s). This is a work of 184 pages composed in order to refutethe charges that theChisht?s did not follow the sharVahand theSunnah or that theyfollowed it in a laxway. Itwas completed in 1351/1932. This work is quite rare today and I was able to acquire a

13Maul?n? Ashraf 'AliTh?nv?, Tafsir Maktabat al-Hasan, 1978). Bay?n al-Qur'?n (Lahore: 14 5. Women, Metcalf, Perfecting 15 Peshawar: University Book Agency, n.d. 16 al-Hasan Ghauri "Majdh?b" inAshraf al-Saw?nih (Th?nah Bhavan: Maktabah-'i T?l?f?t-i Ashrafiyyah, 1984), ch. 13,163-310. 17 Ahmad Ali Khwaja, Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi:His Views on Religious andMoral Philosophy and Tasawwuf (Islamabad: PakistanHijra Council, 1989), 7. 18 Delhi: Kutubkh?nah-'i Ashrafiyyah, 1932.

11 A. S. Bazmee Ansari, "Ashraf ,"701 12 Women: Maul?n? Ashraf t?Thanaw?'s Bihisht?Zewar: A Barbara Daly Metcalf, Perfecting Partial Translationwith Commentary (Berkeley: University ofCalifornia, 1990), 4.

IN THE 20TH CENTURY SUFI IDENTITY REWRITING

19

photocopy of it through the auspices of the Islamic Research Institute in

Islamabad.

He Th?nv?'s approach to Chisht? biography is not historical criticism. refrains from trying to cast doubt on the authenticityof any particular Anis al-Arw?h,purportedly themalf?z?t of collection, even thehighly suspect the early Sufi, 'Uthm?n H?r?ni (d. 617/1220).19Th?nv? rather uses the technical categories and argumentsoffiqh and themethodology of hadith criticism to defend and explain the traditionof Chisht? writings about the with hadith criticismare deployed in saints.For example,methods resonant material order to explain how controversialreportsfound in the hagiographie can eitherbe considered suspector spurious. More inventively, exampleswill uses the interpretive be given below of how Th?nv? systemand categoriesof to to reconcile the sharVah material that otherwise permissibilityaccording zann" i. e., trying Using theprinciple of "husn-i might verge on theheretical. never most to think the best about something, Th?nv? utterly rejectseven the in thediscourse of technicalhadithcriticismsuch as theirtransmitter being an a or that report is found transmitted unknown person (majh?l) by only one chain of narrators (khabarw?hid). The result is that these sayings are not established" (thiqah). technicallyconsidered to be at the rank of being "firmly Th?nv? will find otherways tomake Even in cases of dubious authenticity,
certain accounts somehow egregious accounts. He rather cites problematic facts concerning these reports

of the sharVahor in some cases through invoking Sufi claims to privileged knowledge or insights. The sources thatTh?nv? addressesare a rangeofChisht?malf?z?t,mainly Mir'at aUAsr?r the earlyones, but also some laterones in the S?bir? line such as (The Mirror of Secrets)20and Iqtib?s al-Anw?r (Obtaining the Lights),21 genre of the South Asian Malf?z?t literatureis known as a distinctive literary masterwith his disciples in a diary Sufis. meetings of a Sufi Malf?z?t record the When he invokes Islamic jurisprudence(fiqh) of biography and daily routine. Th?nv? cites quite a number of classical sources, for exampleMuhammad b.
19 whose malfuz?t H?run? was the teacherofMu'?n al-D?nChisht? and hence a very early figure are considered spurious by contemporary researchers.Scholars such as Bruce Lawrence, on the Dalli al-'?Hfin, and R?hat al-Qul?b works such asArils al-Arwah, other hand, have characterized as "patently frauds"with "incidental value for estimating themood of popular piety in 14th Delhi." Bruce Lawrence, Notesfrom aDistant Flute, 36. century Urdu trans. W?hid Bakhsh ?'Abd al-Rahm?n Chisht? (1004-1093/1596-1682),Mir'at al-Asr?r, Siy?l (Lahore: SufiFoundation, 1982). 21 Muhammad Anwar Qudd?s?, Iqtib?s al-Anwar,Urdu Bazm-i Ittih?d al-Muslim?n,1988). trans. Wahid Bakhsh Siy?l (Lahore: form and often feature question and answer sessions interspersed with details

plausible,

at times within

the evaluative

categories

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MARCIA HERMANSEN

Muhammad al-Ghazz?l? (d. 505/1111), Jal?l al-D?n 'Abd al-Rahm?n b. Ab? Bakr al-S?y?t? (d. 911/1505), the legal compendium, Hid?yah of 4Ahb. Ab? Bakr al-Margh?n?n? (d. 593/1197), Ahmad b. 'Al? ibn Hajar al-'Asqal?n? (d. 852/1448), etc. His language andmethodology of proof, especially in the thirdsectionof the book, are highly technical in termsof thediscussions of thequalifications for truth, the degrees and forms of analogical reasoning (qiy?s), etc. Such discussionswould likelybe beyond the scope of the general reader,but rather address an audience that ismadrasah educated at the graduate level infiqh. Th?nv? also invokes "Sufi" or "kashfi" proofs such as the evidence of dreams, the insightpossessed by spirituallyendowed persons, and the fact that Sufi are credited with the ability to perform theirown independent legal shaykhs Resorting to diverse sources of ijtih?d is not an judgments (ijtih?d).22 innovation on the part of Islamic scholars and continues an interest in combining kashfandfiqh as sources of knowledge honed by scholars such as Mizan al-Kubr?, and Ahmad 4Abd al-Wahh?b al-Sha'r?n? (d. 973/1565) in the ' b. Abd al-Rah?mShah Wall Allah ofDelhi (d. 1176/1762).

Th?nv? begins thework with a preface statingthathe wishes to disprove did not enforceadherence to the common perception that theChisht? shaykhs the sharVahor were careless about it.23 According to Th?nv?, holding such two both thosewho believe in harmful consequences, affecting opinions has may make thebelievers in the Sufi saintsbecome lax in theirpractice also; and Th?nv? says this is tantamount to kufr (unbelief). Alternatively, thosewho doubt the role of the Sufimasterswill be insultingthe saintsby holding such opinions. Th?nv? asserts that this position is on the level of a despicable innovation (bid'ah shan?ah) and isdefinitelysinful. On the other hand he contends that, "If you treat thematter honestly you will see that the Chisht?s gave a special distinction to following the Sunnah. The proof of this is that there is not to be found in theirpractice "1A which isnot found in theSunnah anything Th?nv? divides his book into threesections: of the which they Chisht?saintsin thesha?'ah (1) Sayings emphasize following (pp.7-57). Chisht?s that demonstrate thatthe followedthesha?'ah (pp.57-83). Actions (2)
22 The ability and qualifications to derive theirown legal interpretations. 23 1. Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyahy 24 2. Ibid., the sanctity of the Sufi masters and those who do not. In the former case, it

IN THE 20THCENTURY REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY

21

(3)

Reconcilation sha?'ah

of the problematic accounts that seem to contravene the from the Chishti biographies with Islamic norms of practice

(pp. 83-172). first section of the book features citations frommajor Chisht? malfuz?t collections that are associated with the theme of following the sharVah.The first incident involves Qutb al-D?n Bakhtiy?r Kaki (569 633/1173-1235) encouraging his disciple, B?b? Fand, to complete his before embarkingon the Sufi path.Next, Th?nv? "external" studies in sharVah cites an anecdote fromAnis alArw?h (Intimateof the Spirits), inwhich the early SufiKhaw?jah Qutb al-D?nMawd?d Chisht? (d. 527/1133), says that villages inKhwarazm will be destroyed because their inhabitants likemusic and singingtoomuch. This, according toTh?nv?, proves the saint'sdislike of The
these things.25

cases illustrating firm adherence to the Sunnab include the following. In an anecdote taken from themalf?z?t ofMu'?n al-D?n Chisht? while (d. 633/1236), the saint omits to rub the gaps between his fingers a voice is and then ablution reprimandedby coming from (wud?) performing Unseen. Th?nv?'s comment is, "See, at leavingout the khil?l (rubbingthe the gaps in between the fingers)while perfoming ablution and even that mu'akkadah) but unintentionally, and not even a necessary Sunnah (sunnah ? only an action at the statusof being recommended (mustahabb) how upset was! How could suchpeople ever abandon the sharVah}"26 the saint Other account echoing this theme, another saint in the According to a further Chisht? lineage,Fudayl ibn 'Iy?d (d. 187/803), forgot to repeatwashing his handswhile performingthe ablution (wud?). In a dream thatnighthe saw the him. In compensation for this sinhe Prophet (peace be on him) reprimanding made the performanceof 500 daily extra cycles of prayer (rak'at) compulsory
on himself for one year.27

The second section of Th?nv?'s book is entitled,"The mention of deeds that prove the punctilious following of sharVah in the lives of the Chisht? acts citedhere are the following: Saints."Among the representative Mu'?n al-D?nChisht? it is reportedthat the In thehagiographie account of ShVah governor of Herat during his era reviled the Companions of the
25 See, ibid., 7-8 citingAnis al-Arw?h 3rd session, saying #2.The issue of audition ofmusic on how it is allowable are given on thepart of theChisht?s is complex and sharVah proofs justifying pp. 85-86 ofTh?nv?'s work. Dalli al-'?rifin First session 26Th?nv?,al'Sunnah aljaliyyah, 11.He quotes this referencefrom with no pagination. (majlis) Saying #13, 27Ibid., 11.

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MARCIA

HERMANSEN

water

who named theirchildren Prophet (peace be on him), and had people executed or 'Umar 'Uthm?n after Ab? Bakr (d. 13/634), (d. 23/643), (d. 35/656). to went Mu'?n the al-D?n Chisht? palace garden and sat by the Khw?jah
tank. The governor came to the garden, saw him, and was angered. He

wanted to punish the Khw?jah when the saint'spowerful spiritualgaze fellon When Khw?jah saw his conditionhe him the governor felldown unconscious. took some water from the tank and sprinkled it on him.When the official regainedconsciousnesss,he changedhis attitudeand fellat the feetof the saint. with his entire retinue became themurids of the Subsequently he together Khw?jah. He became the saint's disciple andwanted to give him wealth and ? treasure. Khw?jah toldhim, "Thiswealth belongs to thoseyou have harmed returnhis share to each one." The governor did so and also freedhis slaves. He served the saint for fifteendays and received the inner and outer Case number two concerns a famous event in the lifeof theChisht? Sufi, Qutb al-D?n Bakhtiy?r K?k?. During a session of listening to music the qaww?ls sang the verse, "We who are slain by the dagger of submission, Unseen World." Hearing this, receive at each instanta new existencefromthe Qutb al-D?nwent into spiritualecstasy (hai) and jumped tenyards. For three expired];he would only returnto days he remained in this state[and thereafter his senses in order to pray.Once he had performedthe prayer he returnedto the ecstatic state(wajd).29 The third example is a report about Far?d al-D?n Shakar Ganj. His daughter,B?b? Sharifahbecame a widow at an early age and had no children. Until her dying breath she remained steady in the remembranceof God and was a greatperfectedsaint. Her father, B?b? Far?d, used to say, "Ifkhildfat and to a woman, then sajj?dah (deputyship and successorship) could be given was the of she worthy getting khildfat,"30 undoubtedly other the storyofMu'?n al follow, reports Many includingone featuring a cow D?n Chisht? having slaughtered and making theHindus who had converted to Islam consume itsmeat.31Th?nv? observes: See how he didn't

deputyship (khildfat).2*

28 See, ibid., 57-58. Th?nv?'s note: See how much importancewas given to people's ri^ts, who claim knowledge and action. Ibid. which today isnot given by those 29 See, ibid., 58. Th?nv?'s note: How important the performance of prayerwas to Khw?jah Qutb al-D?n, so thatevenwhen overcomewith ecstasyhe did not omit it. Ibid. 30 Even without See, ibid., 58-59. Th?nv?'s note: See how prescisely this saint followed sharVah. a direct proof textbeing present, the heritage of the followers of the Sunnab has been given so much importance (i.e., thatawoman can not be given succession in the SufiOrder?khil?fat and sajj?dah). Ibid., Khwajah Hasan Niz?m?, however, allowed khil?fat to be given to females and had himselfdone so.Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, Rozn?mchah, 8 January 1933, 8. 31 70.He returnsto this issue later in the textconcerning a report Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah,

IN REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY THE 20TH CENTURY

23

mind thedisapproval of thenon-believers (kuffar).02 Then our author remarks, now some and eating cows is ignorantpeople think that slaughtering "Right to Sufi opposed principles."33 The theme of the third section of thework is the explanation, using legalistic categories, of sayings and actions in Sufi biographies that (on the
to contravene the sharVah.

surface) appear

Th?nv?'s strategyin this sectionfollows severalprinciples:

(1) (2) to interpret elements metaphorically; to show how certain incidents could be rated less strictly in terms of the sharVah categories of actions, for example, by being at the level of

(3) (4)

something reprehensible (makr?h) rather than something forbidden or by a having legal statuswhich is amatter of dispute; to demonstrate that the saints are permitted to use their own independent legal interpretations (i. e. that they are mujtahids); and to expand the details of the story, offering inner as to itsmeaning. insights some inner details intowhich only the saint has insight are disclosed later.

ofMoses andKhidrwhere This is along the model of the Qur'anic story

At this point in the textTh?nv? insertsa short section entitled "Bina' al Qubbah 'alaNaba' al-Jubbahn (Building the dome on the reportof the robe).34 was inspiredby thedisplay of a cloak of theProphet (peace be on This treatise near Th?nv?'s village and supports the permissibilityof venerating such him) relics. For example, in order to justifythe veneration of beard hairs of the Prophet (peace be on him), Th?nv? cites a number of ahddith about their more directlyrelated Th?nv?'s text then returnsto thediscussion of issues to Sufi biography.These are arrangednumerically together with his responses and have both chronology and topic as organizingprinciples.
that in the company ofKhw?jah Nas?r al-DinMahm?d ?harigh, a person said that it iswritten in 'Uthm?n H?r?ni's malfuz that it is the saying of Darvtshs that killing cows was like murdering people. Whereupon Khw?jah said it is not H?r?nl butHar?n?, and it is not his [i.e. H?r?ni's] malfuz. In this case Th?nv? questions its authenticity since "Harun" is spelled sanctity.35

of the reporton the grounds questions the authenticity incorrectlyin the report.Th?nv? further that (i) themalfuz containsmatters inconsistent with Khw?jah Nas?r al-D?n's knowledge and teachings,and (ii) thathe [H?r?n?] scrupulously followed the short'ahand so could not have said Ibid., 136. something so clearly opposed to sharVah.
32Ibid.,70.

33 This would be referringto opinions such as those of Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m? that Indian Muslims should refrainfrom cow slaughter.See his Tark-i G?'? Kush? (Delhi: Thakur Das and Sons, 1920). 34 89 ff. Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah, 35 91. Ibid.,

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MARCIA HERMANSEN

As an example, the fourth item considers whether maintaining continuous fastingas has been reportedabout some of the Sufis is allowable. Th?nvI states that this is a matter about which there is juristicdisagreement Thus it cannot be rejectedabsolutely in juridicalterms.36 (amr mukhtalaffihi). The fifth item concerns the performance of a spiritual retreat while as featuredin reportsabout theChisht? ma'k?s), hanging upside down (chillah is Fand. conclusion that if such an action is performedas B?b? Th?nv?'s saint, a practice stipulatedfor thepurpose of drawing a person closer toGod then it is not allowable, but if it is done in order to cure some moral defect ? may be allowed.37 (mu 'alajah) then it A number of other reports concern topics such as the permissibilityof sajdah to thepir)?* Logical prostratingbefore the spiritualguide (performing may arise, problems with accepting some accounts, as well as sharVahissues, for example, in the storyof theKa'bah leaving itsplace to salute the female R?bi'ah of Basrah (d. 185/801).Th?nv? counters that in the case of this saint, manifestations report itwas not the physical building but rather its spiritual to that R?bi'ah.39 appeared (tajalliydt) over the concept of the saintson occasion not praying because they might go into an ecstatic state a ) and die. For Th?nv?, thisomission of prayer would be allowable in such a case since the Sufis involvedhave the shar%excuse of fearing that theywill perish because of the performance of some religious duty. Because, in termsof the sharVah goal (maqsad) of "preservinglife" they at could be excused fromprayer thatcriticaltime.40 Another question raised is whether a disciple can interrupt his supererogatory(na?) prayers ifhe hears thePir (Sufi master) calling.This is status to the the Pir of is equal to thatof a allowed, according Th?nv?, since Mu'?n al-D?nChisht? asked a potential More dramatic is the report that to recite "/? Chisht? ras?lAll?h." "There isno Haha illa 'Allah, disciple (mur?d) God butGod, Chisht? is theProphet ofGod."
36 See, ibid., 105. 37Here he cites 'Abd al-Rahm?n al-Suy?ti,Jam*al-Jaw?mi\known as al-J?m?al-Kab?r (Cairo: Majma* al-Buh?th al-Isl?miyyah,1970), awork on hadith. 38 Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah,106-112. This was a controversial issue among South Asian Sufis. In fact, Khaw?jah Hasan Niz?m? composed a work Murshid k Sajdah-'i Ta'z?m (Delhi: Khw?jah Aul?d Kit?b Ghar, 1390) on this topic. 39 113, issueno. 10. See, Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah, 40 nos. 15 instances and 16. See, ibid., 115-116, 41 no. instance 29. Therefore thePir, like the parent,may be obeyed in this See, ibid., 122-3,
case. parent.41

Moving

to a separate

issue, several reports are cited that convey

concerns

IN THE 20TH CENTURY REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY

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Th?nv? interprets this reportby statingthat the term "ras?l" (messenger) is used here in the linguistic sense of the general logical mode ( ?mm), He therefore rules that this statementisnot on the same level as an "Prophet." alternativeprofession of faith (fcalimah-'i which would render one an kufr) notes that this incidentoccurredwithin a gatheringof infidel. Th?nv? further the elite. It could also be ruled permissible since it entailed the benefit (maslahah)of testingthedisciple (mur?d).42 Another story concerns how theChisht? saints, Qutb al-D?n Bakhtiy?r once were K?k? and Hamid N?g?ri (d. 672/1274) performing the prayer Mu'?n al-D?nwas in the behindMu'?n al-D?nChisht?who was actingas Im?m. midst of a spiritual retreat (chillah) and thereforethe power of his glance would turn stones to dust.The discipleshid behind awall and then joinedhim only as he began the prayer. They quickly performed their final prayer movements (tashahhud Mu'?n and sal?m) so that they could run away before al-D?n Chisht? could complete his final prayermovement (sal?m) and turn
around. therefore meaning "someone who brings a message," L e. it does not mean

whether thisbreaking out of the prayer The legal problem here involves would be allowable?Th?nv?'s answer is that before the Imam's final salutation a case ?the fear of had good rationale for their action the disciples in this being destroyedby the Im?m's glance.43 The text is interruptedat this point by the insertionof another brief treatise, "Ris?lah Sarah al-Sharabn (Treatise on theMirage of Intoxicating In this sectionTh?nv? collects a clusterof reportsabout the Sufi Substances).44 substances. saints'drinkingor allowing theuse of intoxicating Chisht? Sufis mentioned in this regard includeG?s? Dar?z (d. 825/1422), eAbd al-Haqq Jal?l al-D?n P?n?pat? (d. 765/1364), Shaykh Ahmad (d. 837/1434), 'Abd al-Quddus Gang?h? (d. 656/1537), 'Abd al-Ghaf?r A'zamp?r? (d. 986/1578), and Jal?lal-D?nTh?neswar? (d. 989/ 1582). The problem raised in each of these cases is how could these shaykhs
sanction,

Th?nv? offersthe following solutions:

(1) (2) The

buy,

or consume

intoxicating

things?

were ones over which the jurists disagree Perhaps the intoxicating things in it that there are four kinds of intoxicating drinks the i.e., says Hid?yah

sources of these reports are unknown; there is no definitive proof, so that there is strong doubt about their authenticity.

42 See, ibid., 124-125, instanceno. 30. 43 Ibid., 141-142, instanceno. 47. 44 Ibid., 144-161.

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are forbidden (har?m), and all others are allowable. Those doubtful ones may have an intoxicating element in them that is yet insufficient to cause drunkenness.

were mujtahids(interpreters of the law) andwe aremuqallids (3) The shaykhs

we are not able to question their verdicts. For (followers)45 and thus a ill very person may use a forbidden (har?m) thing as a medicine, example, likewise a person with a sick soul (nafs) may need to use one of these intoxicating things as a cure.

(4)

was saved fromthe sin by following an (5) In some cases a disciple (mur?d) inner sign fromhis Fir making the forbidden(har?m) thing into a who are in specialstates of beingdrawn suchasmajdh?bs (those (6) Some Sufis, as in thestory Mir Sayyid of the whom thepen is Qutb, "from majdh?b,
raised."47

Other ways of reconciling various reports of this type are that sometimes a forbidden be (makruh) substance may (har?m) or a disapproved transformed. miraculously

disapproved to God),

(makmh) one.46

are beyond legal categories due to their loss of normal rationality

may be that somewhere Qalandars in one place not performingtheprayers, it else they are in the state of rationality ((aqt)which is the essential feature (man?t) of their being liable to having the religious obligations imposed on in theirphysical form,there is them (takl?j).Since there is some defect (Jzhalal) on them.This would be parallel to the case of a no religiousobligation (fakltj)
lunatic

A furtherinquiry along these lines examines the case of the antin?mi?n Sufis, the Qalandars.48 How can Qalandars not perform the religious on them special spiritual obligations? Th?nvi responds thatGod bestowed bodies in addition to theirphysical ones. Due to this situation, ifyou see

In such cases only if someone has the spiritualpower to see both of the out bodies (materialand spiritual)can he object to theQalandar not carrying his religiousduties.49 an extendeddiscussion of Sufi sectionofTh?nv?'s book features A further
practices such as

(ma'tiih) who

is excused,

as is every insane person.

(audition of music). In the discussion of the permissibilityof these rituals,

'Urs (commemorating

a saint's death

anniversary)

and sama'

45 Persons who follow the rulingsof one of the four legal schools (madh?hib). 158.Thus it would fall into a lessercategoryof sin. ^Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah, 47 an terms In "intoxicated" sharVah such Sufi is not accountable since, "The pen is raised Ibid., ? the the unconscious from three child, person and the insane person," according to a hadith. 48 On the religious and cultural symbolism of theQalandar, see,Katherine P. Ewing, Arguing and Islam (DurhamNC, Duke University Press, 1997). Sainthood; Modernity,Psychoanalysis, 49 163-166. al-Sunnah See, Th?nv?, al-]aliyyah,

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Th?nv? quotes various ah?d?th as to their status, and complains at the The conclusion of the decadence of the 'Urs commemorations in his time.50 on the author's 71st birthday. book notes itscompletion in 1351AH Ris?lah Tamiz al-lshq min There is a postscript aswell, a treatiseentitled al-Fisq (Treatise on Distinguishing (True Spiritual) Love from Moral al Depravity). This treatiseis statedto have been completed severaldays after errors to In whatever the latter treatise had Sunnah al-Jaliyyah. addition intended to reform,according to Th?nv?, there is one which has affecteda who claim to be Sufis.This is love of beauty (husn parasti) largegroup of those or love fora human being (cishq-i maj?z?). Th?nv?'s discussion of thisproblem and itscure isbeyond the scope of our present topic.

Khw?jahHasan Niz?m?
Niz?m? was born on 2 Muharram 1296, 26/7 September, 1878 in the he was calledQ?sim eAl? but his uncle Niz?mudd?n district inDelhi. At first startedcalling him ?A Hasan and this name was used until he was twenty. were published under the name SayyidMuhammad Some of his firstarticles 'AhHasan Niz?m?, but a newspaper editor inAmristar published one of his pieces under the name Hasan Niz?m? and later Muhammad Iqbal (d. 1357/1938) startedto call himKhw?jah Hasan Niz?m?.51 His parents and two sisters died beforehe was twelve.Following this loss were said to have Niz?m?'s ancestors he was brought up by his older brother. come to India long before fromBukh?r?. One of them,Badr al-D?n Ish?q had been a khallfahof theChisht?, Bab? Far?d, and friendof (d. 690/1291),52 Niz?m al-D?n Awliy?', so that afterhis death his two sonswere raised by Niz?m al-D?nAwliy?', who brought the familytoDelhi. Niz?m? was given a traditional education in theNiz?mudd?n shrine compound and later studied atRash?d Ahmad's madrasah inGang?h forone and a half years.53 When he was eleven his fatherhad made him a murid of then laterat age 16 his brother Sh?hAll?h Bakhsh Taunsaw? (d. 1901),54 made a him murid ofKhw?jah Ghul?m Far?d (1260-1319/1844-1901).55 At the age
50 See, ibid., 166-172. 51 Khw?jah Mahdi Niz?m?, "Saw?nih?Kh?kah-'i Hadrat Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?," inKhw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, Shakhsiyat awr Adabl Khidm?t, ed. Nith?r Ahmad F?r?qi, special number Kit?bnum? (Delhi: May 1994), 11. Iqbal was to carry on a long correspondence with the Khw?jah. 53 Ibid., 13;Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, ?p Biti (Delhi:Halqah-'i Mash?'ikh Book Depot, 1919), 14. This edition has 145 pageswhereas subsequent ones contain only 140 pages. 54 Ibid., 6. 55 Ibid.
52Mulla W?hid?, ?Saw?nih 'Umn....,* 18.

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of 24 out of his own volition and following a spiritual sign fromBab? Fand, he became a murid of Mihr 'Ali Sh?h (d. 1356/1937) and eventuallywas He describes finding this spiritual guide appointed his deputy (khatifah). througha dream visitationbyNiz?m al-D?nAwliy?' which convinced him to as well as a trip on foot (partially) to Pakpattan in undertake self-reform saint's emulation of the tripto findhis spiritualguide (murshid).56 In 1908 Niz?m? formeda group consistingof young shrinecustodiansand a few famouspatrons such asMaul?n? Ab? -Kal?m ?z?d (d. 1378/1958) and an into Nu'm?n? Shibl? organization the "Circle of Great (d. 1332/1914),

Shaykhs" (Halqah-'iNiz?m al-Mash?'ikh).Goals of thisorganization included reforming kh?nqahs and darg?hs in India and proffering the authentic teachingsof Sufism.The fourprinciplesof theorganization are listedas: andpreserve Sufism; (1) To spread withinone body; (2) tounite theSufishaykhs
(3) to reform customs at annual festivals ?urses) and kh?nqahs so as to eliminate practices contrary to Islamic law and the Sufi path (shar?'ah and ta?qah);m?

of Sufishaykhs.57 (4) toprotectthepoliticalrights Due to this Niz?m? faced criticismand opposition by thosewho feared
customs and corrupt practices at the shrines. Some

his reforms of unnecessary

As his biographer, Mulla W?hidi observed:

The

At one point in 1928 an enemy declared him an enemy of Islam and Sufism. shot at him, killing one of his relativesinstead.58 The foundingof this organizationmarked a turningpoint in his career.

Hasan Niz?m? had studiedat Gang?h and become aWahh?b?, and thatby
supporting him all of us would be destroyed. But while on the one hand opposition was arising from the darg?hs, at the same time interest inKhw?jah S?hib was increasing in the colleges. Those Muslims

"Circle of Shaykhs Organization" was not only for the reform of the shrine of Niz?m al-D?n Awliya' but for the reform of all darg?hs. The p?rz?dahs from theNiz?m al-D?n Darg?h went from shrine to shrine spreading the rumour that

who supported English education were not ignoring the scholars and Sufi shaykhs, and were searching for such scholars and religious shaykhswho could cooperate with them. In Khw?jah Sahib they found someone also turned their attention to Khw?jah S?hib worthy and capable. Newspapers 56 Ibid., 7. M Niz?m? mentions this incident,and the fact thatbullet holes can still be seen in thewall, in his,Niz?m? Bansri, 515.
57Ibid.,21.

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and gave their prominent support to the objectives of theHalqah-'i Masha'ikh.59

Niz?m

al

In 1911Niz?m? travelled to Egypt, Syria and Palestine and theHij?z He seems to have under the auspices of theHalqah-'i Niz?m al-Mash?'ikh.60 at this time, including a khalifah of contacted various Sufis and activists he took a great interestin the teachingsand activities Shaykh San?sL61 In fact, of San?s? and wrote about him in a number of contexts aswell as translated some of his teachingsand other Sh?dhil?practices.62 Niz?m? met with Pan-Islamic activistcircles and thushe Along with Sufis, became the subject of intense surveillanceand harassment on the part of the was only British authorities. Meetings of the Halqah became impossible and it in 1917 that the Commissioner of Delhi, Wiliam Hailey, lifted this One ofNiz?m?'s writings, a guidebook toDelhi,63 isdedicated to surveillance. Hailey and seems to be designed to assuage British suspicions as to his A contemporary critic of Urdu literature, Ali Jawad Zaidi, gives this activities: summaryofNiz?m?'s literary
He a simple, style with an prolific writer, who wrote in colloquial that and enlivened any subject he intimacy, mystic perception, light-heartedness a over touched. He has written hundred books and pamphlets including the was . He a loyalty.64

of 1857 in twelveparts in the formof a moving storyof theGreat rebellion

also edited a weekly, Munadi> which contained his personal diary His works are replete with outspoken autobiographical and other writings. . . . referenceswhich add to their charm.65 romance..

60 Misr va Sh?m va He writes about this trip in diary form in his R?zn?mchah b? Tasvir: Safar-i H?shim? Press, 1913). Hij?z (Meerut: 61ShaykhSayyidAhmad al-San?si (1290-1352/1873-1933). Third Grand Master of the Libyan San?siyyah Order of dervisheswho sidedwith theOttomans and Germany during the First World War. Hasan Niz?m?, ShaykhSan?s? (Delhi:Muhammad S?diq, 1915); Idem,Ris?lah Shaykh 62Khwaj?h San?s? (Meerut:H?shim? Press, 1914); Idem, Fayd?n-i Shaykh San?s?, Pt. 3 (Meerut:H?shim? Press, 1914). In one work he translated some prophecies of San?s? regarding a "German 63 Delhi (Delhi: 1917). Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m? Rahnuma-'i Sayr-i 64 85. William Malcolm Niz?m?, ?p Biti, Hailey (1872-1969) went on to become "themost Service in the twentiethcentury and one of the few of Indian Civil member the distinguished W. Cell, Hailey: A Study in British Imperialism raised to the peerage." On his career see John (1872-1969) (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1992). 65 Ali JawadZaidi, A History ofUrdu Literature (Delhi: SahityaAcademy, 1993), 262.
112-3.

59W?hid?,

"Saw?nih...,"

44.

Khil?fat" which were all seized by the British Police. Idem,?p Biti, 81;W?hid?, "Saw?nih...,"

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Muhammad Sadiq, another critic ofUrdu literature,is less enthusiastic about the skills of Khw?jah Hasan. He ranks him with R?shid al-Khayr? Urdu writerswho has been able to (1285-1355/1868-1936) as one of those rare Niz?m? rose from live off the income fromhis writings.66Sadiq claims that bookseller to being amillionaire: being an itinerant
With his long loose cloak and an outlandish conical cap, his beard and long a patriarch of old, despite his short stature. . .67 flowing hair, he looked like Hasan Niz?m? wrote more than a hundred books and pamphlets, besides editing a number of newspapers, mostly written by himself. Consult

himself. Some of them, no doubt, are his own; others were written by hacks out as his employed for the purpose. These he corrected and improved and gave
own.68

on any conceivable subject amazing output. Here was a man who could write under the sun. They range from metaphysics, religion, history, philosophy to such items as confectionery. The fact is that he did not write all these books

and anywell-equipped libraryand you will be surprised by his versatility

the catalogue of

It is noteworthy that Niz?m? entered the field of journalism just at the timewhen print culture in South Asia was expanding.As Francis Robinson
observes: When Empire entered its terminal stages from 1911 onwards, the ? Abu-1 Kalam as never before. Great newspapers flourished Press boomed Azad's al-Hilal [alHildt], Muhammad Ali's Comrade, Zafar Ali Khan's Zamindar the Ottoman [Zamtnddrf9

Niz?m? was given thehonorific title,"musawwir-i fitraf (thedepictor of nature), probably because of his talentforbringingout human nature and for
writing in a more natural and accessible

theme of his activities is both modernizing and popularizing, not simply Sufism, but general attitudes to knowledge. A study of Niz?m?'s numerous writings illustratesthat his political position modified during the years of hismajor literary production, approximately 1915-1940. Some of the home rule,72 opposition to the khilafat,71 political themes are Pan-Islamism,70 A

style.

66 Muhammad Sadiq, A History ofUrdu Literature (Delhi:Oxford, 1984), 512. 67 Niz?m?'s heightwas considered above averageby his contemporaries and in his autobiography he characterizeshimself as "tall," ?p Biti, 4. 68 A Muhammad Sadiq, History ofUrdu Literature,514-15. 69 Francis Robinson, "Technology and Religious Change: Islam and the Impact of Print," XXVII: 1 (1993), 243. Modern Asian Studies, 70 are For example, inhismemoirs of a journey to the There many examples of such sentiments.

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His brothers/3 and accommodation to other reEgious communities.74 with the latter, initial support forGandhi75 changed to some disappointment and supportofNehru.
Mr. Gandhi's is on ambition ismore to become aMahatma ?

and his political leadership has failed. Mr. Gandhi has no with the and he is definitely aspirations of the Indian Musulmans sympathy hostile to theirUrdu language and culture because he wants to make an end of their political power by destroying the last shreds of their national solidarity.76 the wane,

of the thana politicalleader Hindus. But his geniusison theebb,his popularity

a big religious leader?

Although he claimed not to have known English,Nizam? took a strong West and supported "English" education for boys and girls.77 interestin the His earliestpatronwas a BritishGeneral, Dixon, who seems to have become one of his first murlds.7*Shortly afterthe abdication ofKing Edward, Niz?m? not only composed an imaginary diary portrayingthePrince's inner struggle as a Sufi fable, A Modern Gulistan for Modern Man: Ex-King Edward's Diary "The Sufi's Secret of Real Happiness"79 but also critiquing British understandings of the Indian situation.Another earlywork, "The French Dervish" (Fr?ns?s? Darv?sh) excerpts anecdotes from a life of Napoleon them as Sufi Urdu, treating Bonapartewhich had been translatedinto malf?z?t and proof ofNapoleon's spiritual wisdom and insights.80

Middle East in 1911Niz?m? is quoted as observing, "The nation ofChrist not only demands to rule but they have also seized civilization, good manners, and virtues from us." W?hid?, 71 In his work Government awrKhil?fat (B?tala:Niz?miyyah Book Depot, 1920),Niz?m? takes the rather odd strategyof inviting the Prince and the British generally to accept Islam and establish their own Caliphate. "I am quite certain that ifBritain becomes Muslim, then in a shortwhile theMuslims will accept its Caliphate and the centre of the Caliphate will be from transferred Constantinople toLondon." Ibid., 12. 72 some There is discussion of this in, Im?mMurtad? Naqv?, Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?: Fann awr Shakhsiyat (Karachi:Urdu Academy Sindh, 1991), 139-141. This work is a reprintofKhw?jah Hasan Niz?m?: Hay?t awrAdab? Khidm?t (Lukhnow:Nas?m Book Depot, 1978). 73 For example he compiled a lengthywork, Nam?nah hi Jang-i Siffin> mainly comprising
"Saw?nih...," 108.

documentation regarding his conflict of opinion with Muhammad 'Ali (Delhi: Halqah-'i Mash?'ikh, 1927). 74 For example,works on Hinduism, Sikhism and theBaha'is, aswell as a lifeof Jesus,T?r?kh-i Masti? (Delhi:Mash?'ikh Book Depot, 1927). 75For this see W?hid?, "Saw?nih...," 162-187, passim. 76 Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, Ex-King Edward's Diary, English translation by M. Fazl al-Haqq (Delhi:Munadi, 1937), 92-93. 77 Idem,Bivi ktTaTtm (Delhi:Halqah-'i Mash?'ikh, 1924), 16-19. 78 Niz?m?, ?pB?t?, 15-16. 79 Mun?d? (Delhi: 1937). Set, 80 Darv?sh k?Malfuz?t (Delhi:Muhammad S?diq, 1915). Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, Fr?ns?s?

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Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m? took an interest in other religions, studying Hindu holy places as a young man to study with Hinduism and visiting the He wrote favourablyabout and publishing a biographyofKrishna.82 Sadhus,81 theSikhs83 and Bah?'ull?h, founderof theBaha'? faith.84 In the 1920she conducted a campaign against theArya Samaj, "Shuddh?" movement, which was attemptingto get IndianMuslims and (purification) Christians to convert back toHinduism.85 As part of this he published a on basic Islamic teachingsand sponsored activitiessuch number of pamphlets86 as the tour from Delhi to Lahore of aMusulman M?h?r?n?.87Another major As part of thisproject Muslim community. projectwas theupliftmentof the as of harmful social customs and the Niz?m? addressed themes such the reform need forgainfulemploymentand a "work" ethic, especially in trades. In the latter years of life "Khw?jah S?hib," as he was affectionately He lived with weakening health and loss of eyesight. known, was afflicted seems to and in times his old have felt of the difficult age partition through embattled by the political and ideological conflicts raging around him. For example, a small statement entitled, "A Message fromMy Last Days" is of performingprostration before attached to his work on the permissibility This textwas written in 1951when he was seventy-five years old. He addresses his "lakhs of disciples (mur?ds)" and "hundreds of deputies statingthat: (khal?fahs)"
The time of the Last Day (qiy?mat) is approaching, fighting and wars are on the increase all over the world. After the division of Hindustan, in both India and spiritual guide.88

one's

Maulvls due to Pakistan, the believers in the saints appear to have lost out to the the political influence of the latter. Therefore I feel that it is necessary to write ? that those who this have the love of Sufism should not become frightened and should remain firm in their belief. The Maulvls, since the beginnings of Islam,

advertised inFransisiDarvish, 33. This work is alsomentioned in ?p Biti, 79.He met with 4Abd al-Baha* while inEgypt.W?hid?, "Saw?nih...,* 90. 85 On his activities in this regard see Ibid., 148-159. On the "Shuddh?"movement see R. K. Movement in India (NewDelhi: Commonwealth Press, 1990). Ghai, The Shuddhi 86 Advertised as "Insid?d-i Irtid?dk?Rit?ben" or "books designed to block theflow of apostasy." 87 Musulman M?h?r?n? (Delhi:Halqah-'i Mash?'ikh, 1927). Khw?jah Hasan Niz?mi, Tadhkirah-'i 88 Murshid k Sajdah- *i Ta 'zim,64. Idem,

81 Mull? W?hidi, "Saw?nih..,'' 39. 82 was Khw?jah Hasan Niz?mi, Kirshin Biti (B?tala:Niz?miyyah Book Depot, 1917). Later this in illustrated and to versions with the title Kirshin Kath?. published changed 83See for example, a concluding section about "The Sikhs", in his Bivi k?Ta'tim, 172-188,aswell as his SikhQaum (B?tala:Khw?jah Press, n.d.). 84 His work, Irani Darvish features a translation of Baha'ull?h's, "Kit?b al-Asr?r" and is

REWRITING SUFI

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sincetheyfindthedignity of thedervishes have been opponents of thedervishes

to be a threat.89

Niz?m? composed an autobiographywhen he was only forty-onethat His traveloguesindiary formare includesawealth of his personal experiences. also autobiographical, as is his daily diary, R?zn?mchah,90a form of Urdu prosewhich he, inparticular,cultivated. In termsof Sufi biography Niz?m? composed numerousworks including: Char Darv?sh?n ka Tadhkirah91(The Biography of Four Dervishes), a brief Yemeni and Egyptian exemplars. Indian, Spanish, biography featuring Niz?m? Bansr?ya biography ofNiz?m al-D?nAwliy?' based on published Niz?m? rendered these into and unpublished malf?z?t and historical sources. highly readable Urdu prose. The tone is edifying and entertaining. Occasionally there arises a break in the translatednarration in order for Niz?m? to enter a note, clearly indicated and usually of a historical or nature.Quite a lotof attention is given to historical material that architectural to Niz?m al-D?n shrineand its traditionalsystemof attendant is relevant the Niz?mFs familyis a so-called,"Nab?rag?n" one of the four families. (muj?wir) of traditionalcustodial familiesdescended from the children of a p?r-brother was a are the saint and his wife, who There also daughter of B?b? Far?d.92 Chisht? shaykhs occasional critiquesof current in India, for example, theirlack and the fact that those in the of attention in preservingthe literary heritage,93 Niz?m? line do not all attend the annual anniversaryfestivals (Vrs) whereas Vrs inKalior in the company of their all attend the the S?bir?Chisht? shaykhs
disciples.94

In the following sections I will briefly characterize some of Niz?mTs foraysinto Sufibiography.

Autobiography (?p Biti)

While still relatively young Niz?m? composed an autobiography. was thework is introducedby threeprefaces.The first Interestingly, preface composed by his wife, Lail? (Khw?jah B?n?). She characterizes thework as

89 Ibid. 90 Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, R?zn?mch?h Hasan Niz?m? (Delhi :Halqah-'i Mash?'ikh Book Depot, 1925). Shams al-Rahm?n F?r?qi has written an article on the literaryqualities and historical importance of this diary, "Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m? k? R?zn?mchah,,> Shabkh?n (Allahabad) (March 1997), 51-54. 91 Idem,Ch?r Darv?sh?n k? Tadhkirah (Delhi:Halqah-'i Mash?'ikh Book Depot, 1926). 92Mull? W?hid?, "Saw?nih...,* 18,note. 93 Niz?m?, Niz?m? Bansr?, 508-509. 94Ibid.

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one containing edifyingadvice (nas?hatn?mah). His close associate, "Mulla" Niz?mFs lifean example W?hid?,95who authored the second preface, finds in a of child of povertymaking good througheducation and sound upbringing. The work is termed on several occasions to be one that illustratesself improvement(isl?h).% The third preface by a literary figure,ShaykhMuhammad Ihs?n al work is the firstindependentautobiographyof itskind Haqq,97 claims that the made man."98 in Urdu and epitomizes the storyof "a self Niz?m? states that thework iswritten forhis In his own introduction are on the same discipleswhom he terms,"ptrbrothers" (plrbh?l) since they level as him in being seekers (murids)ofAllah. Later he mentions that many of his disciples have nevermet him and have only had the opportunity to

By 1919he is said to have 60,000 disciples.100 pledge theirallegianceby post.99 work gives a briefaccount ofNiz?m?'s childhood The first portion of the and youth, followed by the recountingof small incidentsof everyday lifeand the lessons that can be derived from them. Interestingly,a long section discusses his variouswritings in chronologicalorder, why he composed them, how well they have sold, and their currentprices and availability.For the as of 1919wereMil?d N?mah (Celebrating theBirthday record,his best-sellers Bivi k? Ta'l?m (Education of the of the Prophet), Wife), Ghadar-i Delhi k? Rebellion), Muharram N?mah Afs?ne (Stories about the Delhi month of Hizb al-Bahr,a Sufi litany.101 (Commemorating the Muharram), and
Sufi aspects of the autobiography his visions and a section, concerning include Niz?m?'s mention of some of or a sort of "spiritual autobiography,"

verses about

"L?h?ti?p B?t?."102 This segmentaims to explain thephysical/human (n?s?it?) and spiritual/divine(l?h?ti)aspectsof thehuman condition.Following R?mi's
the progression of existence through the mineral, vegetal, human,

with successive spheres Niz?m? portrayshis identification and angelic realms, of existence, concludingwith the experiencesof various prophets, as well as identifications with contemporary figures such as Kaiser Wilhelm, Hindenberg, King George, and Lloyd George. For example, "I witnessed the
95 Niz?m? writes about his closest disciple,Mull? W?hid?, in the textof?p Biti, 66-68.W?hid? also composed a biography, "Saw?nih 'UmriKhw?jah Hasan Niz?m?." 96 Niz?m?, ?p Biti, 7, 9. 97 Editor ofUswah al-Husn?Magazine, Delhi. On his connections to Niz?m?, see, ?pBiti, 73-76. 98 Ibid., 8. "Ibid. 100 Ibid., 24. By 1951 it ishundreds of thousands (l?khs)of disciples. 101 Ibid., 84. 102 Ibid., 135-144. Also published separately as L?hut? ?p Biti (Gurd?sp?r: A'zamiyyah Book Depot, 1922).

IN THE 20TH CENTURY SUFI IDENTITY REWRITING

35

murder of theRussian Czar," and it is said, It is I who was killed.' It can be me." "Thismonth I can be seen and said, "MisterGandhi is none other than heard in thevoices of Sir Hamilton Grant andGeneral 'AllAhmad Khan."103 Conclusions In conclusion, each of these fourteenth/twentieth centuryChisht?s took a to reformistattitude contemporary Sufism. Th?nv? couched his reformist Niz?m? in that of general education and discourse in the idiom of legalism, publicmorality. Niz?m?, writing within the' context of India, urged accommodation to diversity,i.e., theperspectivesof non-Muslims.For example, he is the author of a tract against cow slaughter104 while Th?nv? advocated this as being a Niz?m? opposed the assimilation or apostasy Still, practice of theChisht?s.105 more than once articulatedhis purpose as being the of IndianMuslims and Niz?m? presented the broader Muslim world to IndianMuslims through some of his travelaccounts and throughtranslationsthathemade from Arabic into Urdu. Even his biography of the fourdervisheshas a certainPan-Islamic thrust to it. In his writings he also citesWestern sources such as the and he speaks approvingly about the Sufimission of Encyclopedia of Islam107 West inhisNiz?m? Bansr?.m Hazrat InayatKhan to the Niz?m?'s writings.An The increasingimportanceof print is evidenced in towhomever examplewould beNiz?m?'s givingpermission "ij?zat" in print109 as to in the order performSufi practices such recitationof the reads the book never al-Bahr. of his Hizb Many actuallymet him litany, disciples apparently but correspondedwith him by post.110 He thereforefelt that composing and was one own his with way for them to have contact autobiography publishing
him. propagation of Islam.106

The commercial aspects of writing emerge on occasion. In addition to advertisementsforhis publications at the back of books, there are references to his otherworks within the text,and there is the aforementioneddiscussion in Niz?m?'s autobiographyofwhich of hisworks soldwell andwhy.
103 Ibid., 141. Hasan Niz?m?, Tark-?G?'o Kush? (Delhi: Thakur Das and Sons, 1920). 104Khw?jah 70. al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah, 105Th?nvI, 107 Niz?m?, Niz?m? Bansr?, 526. 108 Ibid., 505-507. Niz?m? presented the land for In?yat Khan's tomb in theNiz?mudd?n quarter. Ibid., 506. 109 Hizb al-Babr (Delhi: Khw?jah Kutub Ghar, 1952), lastpage. Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, A 'mal-i 5???,8. 110Idem,^/7
106W?hid?, "Saw?nih...,'' 175.

36

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HERMANSEN

Each of the two figures responded to the context of the fourteenth/twentieth centuryby incorporatingthe individual and individual into the framework. his psychological healing Sufi Th?nv?, through experience methods, which although grounded in Islamic and Sufi tradition,directly Niz?m? throughhis application and analysis speak to problems of individuals; events drawn from of the lessons experienced inhis own life. Both writers demonstrate theirprimary role as being "educator shaykhs" The distinctionbetween ratherthan making charismaticclaims for themselves. Th?nvFs "De?band?" interpretationand Niz?mFs more shrine-based or "Bar?lv?-oriented" approach may be illustrated by the latter's frequent Niz?m? Bansr?, forexample) of theprayers and invocations (du'?s) citations (in which he composes before the tombsof departed saintsand Prophets (peace be on them). He reportson speaking to themdirectly as if they are alive in the thepractice of disclosure from the graves "kashf tomb, illustrating alqub?r"111 were great teachersand Th?nv? certainlyupholds the idea that the Sufi saints he encourages his followers to recite certain litanies that he believes to be He focuses, however, on the living spiritually and materially efficacious. death. In alSunnah al practice of the Sufis ratherthan on theirinfluenceafter on Th?nv?'s glosses theChisht? malf?z?t often seem to be doing a Jaliyyah, rhetoricalviolence or disservice to the intentof the original accountswhich celebrate the charismatic powers of the saints. Th?nv?, however, is not interestedin this meaning, and rather seeks to show how the reports can be made to fall within Islamic legalnorms. As for the issue of Chisht? identity, in Th?nv? this is most directly displayed in the fact thathe has gone through theChisht? malf?z?t in detail He is defendingthe and has a comprehensivegrasp of the silsilahand its links.
Chisht?s, response as a specific Sufi movement.112 and un-Islamic to "uncongenial One may his also characterize intrusions and innovations"113 as it.114

reflectingshifts in theChisht? S?bir? line towards a more activist and even

"quasi-Naqshband? stance," as some scholars have categorized 111 Literally, "the disclosure of the graves" inwhich a pilgrim experiences the buried saints as with them. livingpersonages and converses 112 Comparing the Chisht?s to other Sufi orders,Th?nv? mentions that theNaqshband? Sufis master (tasawwur)holding them to perform some practices such as visualization of the spiritual

be short (a necessary condition).He holds that although this is a dangerous practicewhich may lead to excesses, still it is mentioned in major Naqshband? textssuch asKanz alHidayah, and the Makt?b?t ofShaykh Ahmad SirhinduTh?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah, 4. On the other hand, if this not skart(a necessary condition). Ibid., 5. practice isdone by Chisht?s it is at the level of shughl, 113 Avril A. Powell,Muslims andMissionaries inPre-Mutiny India (London: Curzon, 1993), 68. 114 See, for example, Farhan A. Nizami, "Madrasahs, Scholars, and Saints:Muslim Responses to the British Presence in Delhi University, 1983), 85-9. and the Upper Doab 1803-1857," D. Phil. Thesis (Oxford

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37

As a reviverof theChistiyyah-Niz?miyyah line, Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m? seems to have focused primarilyon the biography ofNiz?m al-Din Awliy?', but not to have exclusivelypromoted theChishtiyyahOrder, as is evidenced by his interestin other groups such as the Sh?dhil?s. At one point in his autobiography, Niz?m? statesthatall of the trialsand difficulties that he faced early in life enabled him to realize his aim of manner."115 "presentingIslamic Sufism in a new way and a fresh Perhaps his ? for "new" style in Sufism could be characterized as beingmore egalitarian

writing articles for becoming involved in all kinds of journalisticactivities, a as own as Muslim newspapers well starting number of his magazines such as Fir Bba% Darvtshy andMunadi. Printing and publishingwere not centralized activitiesat that time,and in fact many vernacular languagebooks in India and are still self-publishedin small runs of 500-1000 copies. Thus both Pakistan Th?nv? andNiz?m?, due to thevolume of theirpublications, eventuallycame
to constitute publishing centres in their own right.

example, the egalitarian "p?r bh?T idea, stressinghis equality with his followers,and his allowingmore inclusionofwomen.116 Both authorswere writing in the early fourteenth/twentieth centuryas as a Urdu came into its own prose language. Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m? as an innovative stylist,particularly in the in this development participated field of biography, autobiography, and diary writing. It is said that his oratorical styleand eloquence were shaped by the fact thathe went to school with Mughal princes and he certainlyassociatedwith the great contemporary figures of Urdu, Shibl? Nu'm?n?, Abu -Kal?m ?z?d, Akbar Il?h?b?d? Niz?m? also went beyond the book as a form by and Iqb?l.118 (d. 1921),117

Th?nv? performed an importantservice toUrdu in transferring part of Urdu prose, and in the classical religiousheritage into making Urdu a religious Arabic
language for Islam. His works feature more extensive use of Persian and

than those of Niz?m?

or rhetorical patterns and modes of argument of traditional madrasah legalistic on the other hand, could be seen as a in "the discourse.119 Niz?m?, pioneer

and stylistically follow more closely the

production of Islamic' books [which] set aside the long tradition of authoritative discourse by religious scholars in favour of a direct
115Niz?m?, ?p Biti, 21. 116 women to read the For example, the voice of his wife, Khw?jah B?n?, encourages literate to to women 4-5. and in illiterate involve them Sufism. See, ibid., biography 118 on a number of topics,occasionally disagreeing. Iqbal andNiz?m? met and exchanged letters 119 In fact, the work al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyahquotes long sections in Persian from the Sufi biographies, oftenwithout translatingthem.
117 W?hidi, "Saw?nih...," 136-145.

38 of texts."120He also was

MARCIA HERMANSEN

understanding

? including a translationof theQur'?n entitled '"?mm fahm" accessible to

a transmitter of central Islamic

sources

general understanding.

Chisht? biographical accounts.On the Muslim belief and practice, including whole, Th?nv?would be thebetterknown figuretoday,althoughhis audience, toUrdu speakers.122 Niz?mFs remains largelyrestricted like Both appealed to the new reading public of the early fourteenth/twentieth century although was not yet achieved in South Asia. However, the spread of mass literacy materials on the English education and an increaseduse of polemic and tract part of South Asian Muslim religious factions, created a new audience for on the impactof print writings on Islamic topics.FrancisRobinson, reflecting on the authoritystructures of Islamicknowledge observed: and transmission of 1200 thestranglehold the yearsof oral transmission, By breaking by breaking
stranglehold of the madrasa-trained ulema on the interpretation of Islamic an era of vigorous print helped make knowledge, possible religious came to was Print the main in be forum which debate experimentation. religious

Overall, Nizam?'s role, includinghis approach to Sufi biography, could be categorized as popularizing and humanizing Islamic/Sufiteachings,121 while Th?nv?'s mission could more readily be seen as one of Islamicizing popular

conducted; itwas an era of pamphlet wars and of religiously partisan newspapers and magazines. Scholars, some madrasa-trained, some not, delved with increasing vigour into the resources of both the Islamic tradition and Western civilization, now made so freely available by print, to find answers to contemporary challenges.123

As a finalnote, one of the few writings ofKhw?jah Hasan Niz?m? being Niz?m? in Bansr?. Th?nv?'s work on Chisht? reprinted Pakistan today is the on the other hand, is not well known and biography, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah, was not reprinted, while his works in other fields of moral and spiritual
F. Eickelman and JonW. Anderson, "Print, Islam, and the Prospects for Civil Pluralism:New Religious Writings and Their Audiences," Journal ofIslamic Studies, 8:1 (1997),
49.

120 Dale

Sbakhsiyat,338-9. 122 Th?nv?'s influence is also magnified by the fact that the network of spiritualdescendants of his murshid, Imd?dAllah, included other prominent Muslim reformersand activistssuch as the De?band? connections of Rashid Ahmad Gang?hi, and the Tabl?gh? Jam?'at movement of Muhammad Ily?sK?ndhalv? (d. 1363/1944) andMuhammad Zakariyy? (d. 1402/1982).His own Une included Sayyid Sulaym?nNadv? (d. 1373/1953) awell-known Muslim scholar andwriter. 123 Robinson, "Technology and Religious Change," 246.

121 Imam Murtad? Naqv? evaluatesNiz?mFs popularization of Sufi teachings in accessible and appealing prose as one of his major contributions. See his, Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?: Fann awr

IN THE 20TH CENTURY SUFI IDENTITY REWRITING

jC;

development, such as Bihishtl Z?war and al-Takashshuf 'anMuhimmat al many editions. Tasawwuf24have gone through

124 Muhimm?t al-Tasawwuf (Peshawar:University Maular?a Ashraf *Al? Th?nvi, al-Takashshuf'an Book Agency, n.d.).