Journal of Black Studies

http://jbs.sagepub.com Scourge of Racism: Genocide in Rwanda

Kenneth R. White Journal of Black Studies 2009; 39; 471 originally published online May 8, 2007; DOI: 10.1177/0021934706297877 The online version of this article can be found at: http://jbs.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/39/3/471

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Scourge of Racism
Genocide in Rwanda
Kenneth R. White
Marywood University

Journal of Black Studies Volume 39 Number 3 January 2009 471-481 2009 Sage Publications 10.1177/0021934706297877 http://jbs.sagepub.com hosted at http://online.sagepub.com

One of the major social problems of the 21st century is the problem of the color line. Racism is any activity by individuals, groups, institutions, or cultures that treats human beings unjustly because of color, physical features, and ethnicity and rationalizes that treatment by attributing to them undesirable biological, psychological, social, or cultural characteristics. Rwanda is no exception to the effects of racism. More than 800,000 Rwandans were killed in the government-directed ethnic cleansing of Tutsis and Hutus during 1994. It is considered this century's best organized genocide. New plans and visions for peace and justice must include a psychocultural segment for social therapy if the cycle of violence is to be broken in Rwanda and the Great Lakes Region. Keywords: racism; ethnopolitical; genocide; Rwanda; ethnic cleansing; massacre; ethnicity; Tutsis; Hutus

ne of the major social problems of the 21st century is the problem of the color line (Du Bois, 1903). Terry (1975) defined racism as the following:
[It] is any activity by individuals, groups, institutions, or cultures that treats human beings unjustly because of color, [physical features, and ethnicity] and rationalizes that treatment by attributing to them undesirable biological, psychological, social, or cultural characteristics. (p. 41)

One of the assumptions is that some racial/ethnic groups are superior to others (e.g., Europeans over Africans, Hindus over the Untouchables, Tutsis over Hutus). Institutional arrangements are designed not only to award preferential treatment to the dominant group but also to maintain one groups supremacy over the other group. Hence, racism is a system of privilege based on race (Tatum, 2003). Another is the notion that the concept of race represents separate species and subspecies of Homo sapiens. However, the term race is a sociocultural
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construct that uses ancestry determine racial grouping. African Americans are a case in point. They are culturally and socially defined as members of the African race because of having one drop of African blood in their body (Twine, 1998). On the other hand, success, money, or physical features make a person White in Brazil. An example is Pel, the great Brazilian soccer superstar, who is viewed as White by many Brazilians. Hence, the social significance of race is limited to what people make of it. Racism defies logic, knows no boundaries, and finds differences unacceptable and intolerable. The causes of racism are many, ranging from irrational fear and ignorance to capitalism. Its birth and development have been traced to Europe and India (Gossett, 1965; Rajshekar, 1987) and has spread to other countries like a disease of pandemic proportion. Rwanda (a small, mountainous, landlocked, and extremely densely populated country in Central Africa) is no exception to the effects of racism. The National Coordinating Committee for UDHR50 (1998) stated that more than 800,000 Rwandans were killed in the government-directed ethnic cleansing [i.e., massacre] of Tutsi and Hutu citizens during 1994 (p. 2). It is considered this centurys best organized genocide (Corry, 1998). Corry (1998) found that 333 deaths occurred every hour. People of all ages and gender were killed. Best friends, family members, and church members turned on each other, using whatever weapons available. Moderate Hutus, politicians, human rights activists, journalists, and clergy were massacred. Young girls and women were raped and used as sex slaves before being massacred. The very social fabric of the Rwandan society was torn asunder. Ethnically based massacres, such as that in Rwanda, are the result of many factors (Chretien, 1995; Des Forges, 1999; Gourevitch, 1998; Kamukama, 1997; Kellow, 1998; C. Newbury, 1995; Reyntjens, 1994; Smith, 1995; Uvin, 1999), including a history of colonialism, ethnocentrism, political oppression, human rights abuse, social injustice, poverty, and environmental degradation (Mays, Bullock, Rosenzweig, & Wessells, 1998). Other factors include the policies of the International Monetary Fund, donor countries of financial assistance, and the effects of the postCold War era. This article will focus on the sociohistorical roots of genocide in Rwanda, such as the precolonial Rwandan society, the legacy of Colonialism, postindependence, and responses to the ethnic genocide.

Precolonial Rwandan Society

Prior to the arrival of the German and Belgian colonizers, the social boundaries between the Hutus and the Tutsis were fluid. The type of work was the

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primary difference between the groups. Hutus had a penchant for farming, and the Tutsis were cattle breeders. The Twa (an aboriginal group) were hunters and gatherers. Although precolonial Rwandan society had social stratification, the social boundaries were permeable, which allowed for crossing over from one group to another. Several criteria were used to determine membership: birth parents, wealth, place of origin, social, and marriage ties. The most important determinant of ethnic affiliation was the ownership of cattle. Those who owned cattle were considered Tutsis, whereas those who did not were called Hutus. Language, traditions, and religions between the Hutus and Tutsis were easily transferable. Bowen (1996) pointed out that poor Tutsis became Hutus and economically successful Hutus became Tutsis (p. 3). He also found that lineages with lots of cattle were simply labeled Tutsi, whereas poorer lineages were labeled Hutus. With this much socialization, assimilation, and acculturation between the various ethnic groups, it was really difficult to distinguish Hutus from Tutsis. From the physical evidence of intermarriages or mixing among the three groups, there were even tall and slender Twa. Over generations, individuals and clans moved from one group to the other, depending on their vicissitudes of politics and economics in accord with the political fortunes of the different kingdoms and with the degree of integration (i.e., annexation after defeat in battle) of different regions into those kingdoms (Lowe, 1997).

Legacy of Colonialism
With the establishment of German colonialism (i.e., hegemony), the impositioning of European racial theories (e.g., Great Chain of Being and the Hamitic Curse) solidified ethnic lines. The more physical European-featured Tutsis were deemed to be the natural-born local rulers, and the Hutus (short, stocky, more pronounced African physical features) were destined to serve them (Shalom, 1996). The distinctions between the various groups were racialized into hierarchies, with the Europeans at the top, the Tutsis in the middle, the Hutus at the bottom, and the Twa on the periphery. Because the Tutsis were considered to be closer to the Europeans (Whites), distorted versions of history were used to portray the Tutsis as a separate Hamitic people migrating into the region from the north to conquer the Bantu-speaking Hutu (Lowe, 1997). Walter Rodneys (1972) words are apropos: Colonial education corrupted the thinking and sensibilities of the African[s] and filled him with abnormal complexes [e.g., racism, self-hatred] (p. 249). The European overmind (Orwell, 1949) through colonial institutions (e.g., government, education,

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church, and army) controlled the Rwandans, causing ethnicity to become a divisive social construction among them. One of the ways by which ethnicity became a divisive social construction was the issuance of identity cards. Under the Belgian colonial rule and administration, ethnic identities were fixed based on the theory of scientific racism (e.g., skull size, nose measurements) from Europe. Another way involved the Belgians arbitrarily replacing Hutu chiefs with Tutsi rulers. In addition, new sources of power and privilege emerged under colonial rule, accruing exclusively to the White rulers and those designated Tutsis (Hildyard, 1999). Only Tutsis were allowed employment in the colonial administration and the army. The best jobs in all sectors of the country under the hegemony of European colonialism were given to the Tutsis. Thus, the prevailing notion of being Tutsi was synonymous with privileges of wealth and power. The Germans and later the Belgians justified such exclusion on the grounds that the Tutsis were somehow less African (Black) and more European (White) and, by extension, superior (more human) to their Hutu fellow countrymen and women (Hildyard, 1999). In essence, the Germans and Belgian political and socioeconomic reconstruction of the Rwandan society intensified ethnic identity to the point that ethnic groups in Rwanda were seen exclusively in discriminatory racial/ethnic terms with a rigid caste system. The ethnic groups of Rwanda were changed into the image and the mindset of their European overlords. As Jean Paul-Sartre put it in the preface of the Wretched of the Earth, when the Europeans look at us, they say, Look at what we have manufactured [carbon copy White folks] (Fanon, 1963, p. 7). Rwandans were inculcated with the values, beliefs, and mores of Europeans, which resulted in the falsification and misdirection of their African consciousness and behavior (Wilson, 1993). Sebahara (1998) found that the history books written during colonialism confirmed the dissimilarity of the three ethnic groups. He surmised that the textbooks used in every school were fundamental to the inculcation of ethnic consciousness. Racism manifested itself in the form of ethnic divisions replete with discriminatory practices, racial myths, fears, and hatred. Wilson (1993) pointed out that history may be used to influence personality, culture, roles, and to motivate [people] to commit suicide, and may be used to create or rationalize fratricide, genocide, and self-destruction (p. 28).

State of Affairs Following Independence

Research is replete with the manner in which people and groups are manipulated and influenced to conform to prevailing political and socioeconomic

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policies and various types of ideologies and practices (Cialdini, 1984; Johnannesen, 1989; Kelman & Hamilton, 1989; Milgram, 1974; Staub, 1989). Woodson (1990) observed that if you can control a mans [peoples] thinking, you do not have to worry about [their] action, when you determine what a man shall think you do not have to concern yourself about what he will do (p. xiii ). Woodson maintained that the type of education one receives is greatly responsible for his or her behavior. Colonial education assisted in shaping the political, economic, and social motivations of the ethnic groups following independence. In the waning days of colonialism (i.e., European hegemony), the Belgians turned against the Tutsis because of the fervor of political independence sweeping across Africa and other places in the world. Furthermore, the Hutu upper class clamored for more political power and the overthrow of the Tutsis. The Belgians were concerned with diverting attention from themselves as well as promoting the Tutsis as the object of attack for the Hutus. The Bahutu Manifesto of March 1957 (Willame, 1995) paid special attention to the social problems caused by the racism of the Europeans and the Tutsis and as well called for institutional changes in favor of the Hutus and other races living in the country. Following the issuance of the Manifesto, fighting between the ethnic groups broke out in several locations in the country, resulting in hundreds of Tutsis being killed. In 1961, general elections were held, which replaced the Tutsi monarchy with a presidential system under the leadership of the Hutu Emancipation Party. So during the period of the First Republic (1962 to 1973), the Hutus took control of the government and military. However, between 1961 and 1967, Tutsi insurgents launched small-scale guerilla attacks from Burundi and Uganda (Sebahara, 1998). The recurring episodes of repression and massacres of Tutsis resulted in hundreds of thousands of Tutsis being massacred and tens of thousands becoming refugees. Instead of dismantling the apartheid structure of government and society created by the Europeans along with reversing the policies and practices of racial discrimination based on ethnicity, the Hutu majority kept them intact. For example, the system of ethnic identity cards was continued for the purpose of keeping the Tutsis from entering the military or government service. This was affected through the use of discriminatory quota system. Also, persons in the military and in government were kept from marrying across ethnic lines. Hildyard (1999) stated that daily, through legislation and other administrative proofs, people were reminded that Tutsis were not only different but potential enemies within [the country], resulting in a pool of scapegoats that could be targeted in times of [social] unrest (p. 4). When the government failed to deal with the dire levels of poverty in the country,

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the government orchestrated a mass propaganda crusade against the Tutsis. Consequently, thousands of Tutsi children were expelled from school and thousands of Tutsi adults lost their jobs. Many Tutsis went into exile across the border into the countries (the Great Lakes Region of Africa) of Uganda, Burundi, Tanzania, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (Zaire). During the Second Republic (1973 to 1994), Rwanda was governed by the Habyarimana regime, which bowed to the demands of the Hutu extremists, many of whom were under the leadership of his wife. Hence, the practice of ethnic discrimination against the Tutsis intensified. An allotment system was used to restrict the number of Tutsis entering secondary and higher education institutions. Tutsi refugees from the 1960s and 1970s were not permitted reentry under the pretense that no space was available in the country. Prunier (1995) noted that the Habyarimanas Revolutionary Movement for Development (MRND) was a truly totalitarian party and the administrative control was probably the tightest in the world among non-Communist countries (pp. 76-77). For example, it was mandatory for Rwandans to participate in collective labor on Saturdays, and no one could change residence without government approval (Corry, 1998; Prunier, 1995). Death squads were formed in the military and among the civil servants, principally by the MRND and the Coalition for the Defense of the Republic (CDR). Both groups formed militias known as the Interahanwe (those who attack together) and the Impuzamugambi (those who have the same goal), which were supported by the Presidential Guard and portions of the military (Hildyard, 1999). The CDRs militia was formed as a way of popularizing the war by making the war a personal affair (The Triumph of Evil: Interviews: Phillip Gourevitch, 2004). In an interview with Frontline, Gourevitch explained that every Hutu must consider himself attacked by every Tutsi rather than thinking that the state was being attacked by a rebel army. In this way, a collective responsibility for the genocide was created so that no one person could bear individual or total responsibility (Human Rights Watch, 2004). Nevertheless, the actions of the death squads precipitated the Rwandan Patriotic Front to invade Rwanda from neighboring countries. Habyarimana, along with the MRND and the extremist group CDR, reacted by maligning the Tutsis as vermin and cockroaches who should be crushed without mercy. Propaganda through newspapers and the killer radio stations (Chretien, 1995) urged the people to support Hutuism. This genocidal philosophy viewed the Tutsis as immigrants or Ethiopians who were enslavers of Hutus, stealers of land, and killers with no need for justification of their action for murdering Hutus. The basic tenet of this belief system is that by killing

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every member of every Tutsi generation, the Hutus will regain the land lost in the 16th Century Tutsis invasion (Griggs, 1997, p. 5). Thus, there was no distinction made between civilians and soldiers. In addition, the proponents of this genocidal philosophy employed a first strike policy, meaning that those who have the same goal must attack together quickly and without mercy before the Tutsis could organize themselves to stop the massacres. As a consequence of the ethnopolitical conflict, Rwanda and the Great Lakes Region of Africa were swept by the whirlwinds of genocide.

Responses to the Challenge of Ethnopolitical Genocide

The genocide in Rwanda and its attendant atrocities of mass rape and sex slavery resulted in thousands of births, thousands of abandoned children, internal displacement of hundreds of thousands of people, and millions of refugees along with the devastation of the social fabric (i.e., church, school, families, clans, friends, government) of the Rwandan society; humanitarian aid and peacekeeping were the first response. Donor countries and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) rushed food, supplies, and personnel to the various refugee camps. Emphasis was placed on rebuilding the countrys infrastructures, such as banking and finance, the Constitution, and agriculture. Another response to facilitate peace and justice was the establishment of the International Criminal Tribunal of Rwanda, whose effectiveness and legacy are questionable (Cobban, 2004). An additional response was the rebuilding of the countrys judicial system, including the village-level hearing system known as gacacas (Cobban, 2004), to prosecute perpetrators of crimes against humanity. In July 1996, the Tribunal established a Sexual Assault Committee to coordinate the investigation of gender-based violence (Human Rights Watch/ Africa, 1996) because Tutsi women were often raped, tortured, and mutilated before they were murdered (Human Rights Watch, 2004). In addition, the United Nations established the Human Rights Field Operation in Rwanda with the mandate to protect and promote human rights and as well to investigate the human rights violation situation in the country. A significant response by the Rwandan government was through public announcements over former killer radio stations downplaying ethnic differences. Specifically, the government removed references to ethnicity from identity cards and eschewed discussions of ethnic quotas (Drumtra, 1998). Part of the governments efforts in collaboration with UNICEF included reeducation seminars to facilitate ethnic unity and counteract racist propaganda. Seven thousand and five hundred teachers were trained by UNICEF

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to teach cooperative classroom culture, diversity, tolerance, peace, and human rights to all Rwandese children (Pender, 1997). For adult trauma victims, especially women rape victims, several organizations implemented programs attached to health centers for the purpose of providing psychological counseling. Workshops addressing ethnic-political conflicts in Rwanda were held by several NGOs. Naeste (1997) reported that the African Humanitarian Action organization held a symposium in February 1995 for over 50 government officials and NGO representatives to discuss reconstruction, psychosocial trauma (PTSD), and reconciliation (p. 3). There were many responses to the ethnopolitical genocide in Rwanda. Some of them included the following:
1. Religious organizations have held in-house seminars in efforts to heal the deep divide that splits the churches and crosses ecumenical lines. 2. Catholic Relief Services in conjunction with the Nairobi Peace Initiative conducted a 2-day workshop in March 1995 for more than 50 Catholic church leaders. 3. In May 1995, a multidimensional conference was held in Kigali to discuss the future role of the Christian church in Rwanda. 4. Reporters Sans Frontiers proposed a peace radio program for the Great Lakes Region of Africa. 5. Belgium and Switzerland have been instrumental in providing funding for radio programs aimed at reconciliation. 6. Several NGOs, such as Feed the Children, CARITAS, and the Salvation Army, actively promote ethnic integration within their normal programs by providing a legitimate and organized venue for interaction.

Food for the Hungry in Gisenyi offers logistical support for women to sell their crafts to other womens associations in Rwanda (Naeste). Although there are many programs and recommendations for reconciliation and peace in Rwanda, the rebuilding of the country will be a slow process. The rebuilding of Rwanda will require a tremendous amount of resources and a sustained, intentional effort to effect healing. The legacy of colonialism with its institutionalization of racism issuing into genocide will linger for many years.

Conclusion
The causes of the maelstrom in Rwanda are complex, crossing culture, ethnicity, gender, religion, history, politics, and economics (D. Newbury, 1991; Smith, 1998). The national healing process in all of its various components, such

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as reconciliation, justice, structural, land reformation, and economic adjustments, must be holistic and multifaceted in approach to ameliorate the consequences of ethnopolitical genocide in Rwanda. Rwandan women are a special case in point. They are the majority of the population as result of the cauldron of genocide. Also, thousands of women were stigmatized by acts of rape, sexual slavery, and torture. They are called the living dead (Sehene, 1999). As Dr. Leila Gupta stated,

buildings can be repaired and damage can be cleared [government restored, army strengthened, judicial system rehabilitated, financing obtained, aid received, resettlement implemented, resources distributed, political power shared, boundaries re-drawn], but the psychological suffering and scars are harder to see and are much longer lasting. (as cited in Sehene, 1999, p. 2)

There must be a fundamental connection between the well-being of individuals and the well-being of communities in the healing process (Mays et al., 1998). The psychological and spiritual dimensions of justice, rehabilitation, reconstruction, and reconciliation must not be neglected. New plans and visions for peace and justice must include an intentional and comprehensive psychocultural segment for social therapy for Rwanda and the Great Lakes Region of Africa if the cycle of violence is to be broken in Rwanda (Ntezilayo, 1995).

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Kenneth R. White (PhD) is assistant professor of Social Work at Marywood University. His areas of focus are social work administration, social work practice, social justice, human rights, and cultural competency. Research interests include racial identity development, culture-specific substance abuse interventions, culture-specific assessment instruments for ATOD and mental health, acculturation, immigration, and crime. Dr. White has lived in several countries such as Sierra Leone, Portugal, Jamaica, and Trinidad & Tobago. His extensive travels abroad brought him into contact with many people from different countries.

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