Reservoir Hill

An Analysis of a Baltimore Neighborhood

Jason Boothe GEOG 391, Fall 2010 Dr. Thompson December 13, 2010

Table of Contents
Census Data Analysis ........................................................................................................................................... 1
Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................................................... 2 Boundaries ............................................................................................................................................................................................. 2 Population and Race........................................................................................................................................................................... 4 Housing .................................................................................................................................................................................................... 6 Education ..............................................................................................................................................................................................10 Income ....................................................................................................................................................................................................13 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................................................................14

Historical Analysis ............................................................................................................................................. 16

Early History and Development ..................................................................................................................................................17 Druid Hill and the Streetcar effect .............................................................................................................................................18 Start of the Decline and the Second World War ..................................................................................................................21 Continued Decline and White Flight .........................................................................................................................................23 Relation to Borchert Epochs .........................................................................................................................................................24

Personal Impressions ....................................................................................................................................... 28

Introduction .........................................................................................................................................................................................29 Transportation....................................................................................................................................................................................30 Housing ..................................................................................................................................................................................................31 Commerce .............................................................................................................................................................................................35 Open Space ...........................................................................................................................................................................................37 Community Spaces ............................................................................................................................................................................39 Overview ...............................................................................................................................................................................................39

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Census Data Analysis

Reservoir Hill

Introduction Reservoir Hill is a neighborhood in Baltimore City, Maryland, located just to the northwest of the central business district. According to the 1990 and 2000 census data, the neighborhood can be characterized as a being mostly poor, majority black, and whose residents have a low level of educational attainment, The majority of housing units in the neighborhood, according to the same census data, are occupied and classified as rental units. These are characterization that could also be similarly made for the city as a whole for the 1990 and 2000 census. Boundaries The Reservoir Hill neighborhood is bound by North Avenue on the south side, McCulloch Ave on the west, Druid Park Lake Drive/Swann Drive on the north, and Interstate 83 (Jones Falls Expressway) on the east (Figure 1). In both the 1990 and 2000 census, the neighborhood had nine block groups with countable population within its borders.

Figure 1. Map of the Reservoir Hill neighborhood of Baltimore, Maryland showing boundaries (in red). Sources: Basemap from Google Maps; Neighborhood boundary from LiveBaltimore.

Reservoir Hill

In the 1990 census, block group 1304 BG 3 extends into the neighborhood, but includes no housing units in its part within the
Figure 2. Map of Reservoir Hill neighborhood showing the boundaries of the neighborhood (in red) and 1990 Census block group boundaries (in green). Sources: Basemap from Google Maps; Neighborhood boundaries from LiveBaltimore and Block Group boundaries from American FactFinder.

boundaries of Reservoir Hill, and has been excluded. Block group 1304 BG 1 also extends into the neighborhood, and while this block group looks to have units from the neighborhood within it, it cannot be precisely determined. This block group also contains housing units in other neighborhoods and thus has been excluded (See Figure 2.). In the 2000 census, block group 1304 BG 3 extends into the neighborhood with a similar boundary as in 1990, but once again it contains no housing units, and has been excluded. Block group 1207 BG 3 also extended into the neighborhood but contains no housing units in the neighborhood
Figure 3. . Map of Reservoir Hill neighborhood showing the boundaries of the neighborhood (in red) and 2000 Census block group boundaries (in blue). Sources: Basemap from Google Maps; Neighborhood boundaries from LiveBaltimore; and Block Group boundaries from American FactFinder.

Reservoir Hill

and has been excluded (See Figure 3).

Population and Race In the 1990 census the majority of residents of Reservoir Hill were Black. Whites make up the second largest racial group in the neighborhood; their percentage of the total population being significantly smaller when compared to that of Blacks. Small groups of American Indian, Eskimo, or Aleut and Asian or Pacific Islanders also have representation in the neighborhood. On a block group basis in Reservoir Hill, blacks represent a significant majority of the population in all block groups. Citywide the majority of the population is Black (See Table 1.). The percentage of the population that is Black in Reservoir Hill is significantly higher though when compared to the Black population citywide. (Figure 4, 5)
Reservoir Hill 8446 715 7661 19 51 0 Percent Total, Reservoir Hill 8.47% 90.71% 0.22% 7.13% 0.00% Baltimore, Maryland 736014 287933 435619 2373 7982 2107 Percent Total, Baltimore 39.12% 59.19% 0.32% 2.77% 0.29%

Total: White Black American Indian, Eskimo, or Aleut Asian or Pacific Islander Other race

Reservoir Hill

Table 1. 1990 Population by Race and Percentage of population by race within the Reservoir Hill neighborhood and . Baltimore City. Source: American Fact Finder 1990.

White White Black Black American Indian, Eskimo, or Aleut Asian or Pacific Islander Other race American Indian, Eskimo, or Aleut Asian or Pacific Islander Other race

Figure 4. Percentage of Population by Race for 1990 in the Reservoir Hill neighborhood. Source American Fact Finder 1990.

Figure 5. Percentage of Population by Race for 1990 in Baltimore City. Source American Fact Finder 1990. .

Between 1990 and 2000, the population of Reservoir Hill dropped, as did the population citywide. This drop in population occurred across all racial groups, with the exception of the American Indian and Alaska Native populations, which had a slight increase. The two or more races category was not included in the 1990 data (See Table 2.). Blacks still maintained the dominant position percentage wise, with Whites being second, in both the neighborhood and the city (Figures 6, 7.). The percentage of Blacks as the total population of the city increased from 1990 to 2000; it slightly decreased in the Reservoir hill neighborhood. The percentage of Whites both decreased in the neighborhood and citywide.
Reservoir Hill 7065 459 6364 68 0 0 Percent Total, Reservoir Hill 6.50% 90.08% 0.96% 0.00% 0.00% Baltimore 651154 206445 417231 2247 10256 128 Percent Total, Baltimore 31.70% 64.08% 0.35% 4.97% 0.02% 5

Total: White alone Black or African American alone American Indian and Alaska Native alone Asian alone Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander alone Reservoir Hill

Some other race alone 39 0.55% 4659 0.72% Two or more races 117 1.66% 10188 1.56% Table 2. 2000 Population by Race and Percentage of population by race within the Reservoir Hill neighborhood and Baltimore City. Source: American Fact Finder 2000.
Whitealone BlackorAfricanAmerican alone AmericanIndianandAlaska Nativealone Asianalone NativeHawaiianandOther PacificIslanderalone Someotherracealone Twoormoreraces Whitealone BlackorAfricanAmerican alone AmericanIndianand AlaskaNativealone Asianalone NativeHawaiianandOther PacificIslanderalone Someotherracealone Twoormoreraces

Figure 7. Percentage of Population by Race for 2000 in the Reservoir Hill neighborhood. Source American Fact Finder 2000.

Figure 6. Percentage of Population by Race for 2000 in Baltimore City. Source American Fact Finder 2000.

The 2000 census also showed some shifting in the population within the neighborhood. However, Increases and decreases in populations of all block groups, with the exceptions of 1301 BG 4 and 1303 BG 1, can be partly attributed to changes in the block group boundaries between 1990 and 2000 (See Table 3.).
Block Group 1, Census Tract 1301 Block Group 2, Census Tract 1301 Block Group 3, Census Tract 1301 Block Group 4, Census Tract 1301 Block Group 1, Census Tract 1302 Block Group 2, Census Tract 1302 Block Group 3, Census Tract 1302 Block Group 4, Census Tract 1302 Block Group 1, Census Tract 1303

Percent 245% -61% -37% 6% 85% -30% 106% -46% 10% Change Total 2000: 655 716 928 666 808 1017 593 670 1012 Total 1990: 190 1819 1464 628 437 1453 288 1248 919 Table 3. Percentage change of population by block group in the Reservoir Hill neighborhood from 1900-2000. Source American Fact Finder 1990 and 2000.

Housing As is the case in Baltimore City as a whole, the majority of housing units in Reservoir Hill were occupied in both 1990 and 2000. From 1990 to 2000 both the city and the

Reservoir Hill

neighborhood experienced a loss in total housing units. This corresponded with a drop in percentage of occupied units as well as corresponding increase in vacant units in both the city and neighborhood (See Table 4.).
Reservoir Hill Baltimore City Reservoir Hill Baltimore City (1990) (1990) (2000) (2000) Total 4565 303706 4215 300477 Occupied 3690 276484 3163 257996 Pct. Occupied 80.83% 91.04% 75.04% 85.86% Vacant 875 27222 1052 42481 Pct. Vacant 19.17% 8.96% 24.96% 14.14% Table 4.Total, occupied, and vacant housing units in Reservoir Hill and Baltimore City in 1990 and 2000. Source American Fact Finder 1990 and 2000.

Reservoir Hill

Of the block groups in the neighborhood, four showed an increase in the number of available housing units (Figure 8.). Of those four block groups, two (1301 BG 4 and 1304 BG 1) did not have boundary changes from the 1990 to 2000 census. Shifts in the number of housing units in the remaining block groups can be partly attributed to the redrawing of the group
400 300 200 BG1, CT1301 100 0 -100 -200 -300 -400 -500
Figure 8. Change in total housing units per Block Group between 1990 and 2000. Source: American Fact Finder 1990 and 200.

block

BG1, CT1302 BG3, CT1302 BG4, CT1301 BG3, CT1301 BG2, CT1302 BG4, CT1302 BG1, CT1303

BG2, CT1301

boundaries. Other explanations could come from the gentrification of parts of the neighborhood, allowing new housing units to become available, as well as the elimination of blighted properties. Of the occupied housing units in Reservoir Hill, a significant majority in both the 1990 and 2000 censuses were rental units, as opposed to being owner occupied. This differs from the city as a whole, where in both 1990 and 2000 the amount of rental units hovered around the fifty percent mark, with there being more than fifty percent owneroccupied housing units citywide in 2000 and less than fifty percent in 1990. As with the city as a whole, the percentage of owner occupied homes in the neighborhood did increase
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between the 1990 and 2000 census, and the number of owner occupied properties in the neighborhood did increase as well (See Figure 9.), even with the total number of housing units falling between the 1990 and 2000 census. This increase in the number of owner occupied units, with the total number of units falling, could be seen as a sign of gentrification in the neighborhood.
Figure 9. Percentage of owner occupied vs. owner occupied housing units in Reservoir Hill and Baltimore City for 1990 and 2000. Source: American Fact Finder 1990 and 2000.

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

Renter Occupied Owner Occupied

Changes in ownership by block group are more difficult to determine due to changes in the block group boundaries, between the 1990 and 2000 census. In the two block groups that have no boundary changes, 1301 BG 4 and 1304 BG 1, the number of owner occupied housing units increased from 1990 to 2000, though both block groups did not experience an increased percentage of owner occupied units (See Table 5.); with the percentage in 1304 BG 1 falling due to an increase in the amount of rental units. This increase in the ownership rates in these two block groups, both next to each other, points to a possible sign of gentrification.
Block Group 1, Census Reservoir Hill Block Group 2, Census Block Group 3, Census Block Group 4, Census Block Group 1, Census Block Group 2, Census Block Group 3, Census Block Group 4, Census Block Group 1, Census 9

Tract 1301

Tract 1301

Tract 1301

Tract 1301

Tract 1302

Tract 1302

Tract 1302

Tract 1302

Tract 1303

Change 10.02% -5.77% 4.16% 9.60% 2.52% 2.86% -3.57% -5.67% -6.37% Table 5.Percent Change in Owner Occupied Housing in Reservoir Hill from 1900 to 2000. Source: American Fact Finder 1990 and 2000

Education

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The data on education shows

Less than 9th grade

that there are not many significant differences in the level of education between the residents of Reservoir Hill and the city as a whole. The majority in both the neighborhood and the city as a whole in both 1990 and 2000 (Figures

9th to 12th grade, no diploma High school graduate (includes equivalency) Some college, no degree Associate degree Bachelor's degree Graduate or professional degree

Figure 10. Educational Attainment in Reservoir Hill in 1990. Source: American Fact Finder 1990.

10-14.) have not obtained a higher than high school level of education. From 1990 to 2000 the percentage of those having graduated from high school (or obtained equivalence) or obtained/perused higher levels of education did increase, with the exception of those with associates degrees, in both the neighborhood and in the city as a whole, while those having less than a high school education
Less than 9th grade 9th to 12th grade, no diploma High school graduate (includes equivalency) Some college, no degree Associate degree Bachelor's degree Graduate or professional degree

decreased, showing that the population of both the neighborhood and the city has become slightly more educated in 2000 then in 1990. The decrease in the number of residents in the neighborhood with lower levels of education cannot be directly

Figure 11. Educational Attainment in Baltimore City in 1990. Source: American Fact Finder 1990.

correlated to changes in boundaries, it

shows a possibility of these residents either obtaining a higher level of education or moving out of the neighborhood. Similar results are also observed citywide.

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While it is difficult to compare

Less than 9th grade

levels of education in the block group

9th to 12th grade, no diploma High school graduate (includes equivalency) Some college, no degree Associate degree

levels due to changes in the block group boundaries, in the two block groups that have no boundary changes from 1990 to 2000 (1301 BG 4 and 1304 BG 1), there

Figure 13. Educational Attainment in Reservoir Hill in 2000. Source: American Fact Finder 2000.

are some significant changes that can be

examined. In 1301 BG 4, there was an increase in percentage and number of residents that had a graduate or professional degree, the largest increase of all block groups. In 1301 BG 4, there was an increase in percentage and in number of residents who had attended college but had not received a degree, the largest increase of all block groups.
Less than 9th grade

Both of these increases could be attributed to proximity of institutes of higher education to the neighborhood, with professors, in the case of 1301 BG 4, and students, in the case of 1304 BG 1, moving into these parts of the neighborhood (Figure 14.).

9th to 12th grade, no diploma High school graduate (includes equivalency) Some college, no degree Associate degree Bachelor's degree Graduate or professional degree

Figure 12. Educational Attainment in Baltimore City in 2000. Source: American Fact Finder 2000.

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Less than 9th grade Block Group 1, Census Tract 1303 (2000) Block Group 1, Census Tract 1303 (1990) Block Group 4, Census Tract 1301 (2000) Block Group 4, Census Tract 1301 (1990) 0% 20% 40% 60% 80%100% 9th to 12th grade, no diploma High school graduate (includes equivalency) Some college, no degree Associate degree Bachelor's degree Graduate or professional degree

Figure 15. Percentage of residents by educational attainment for Block Group 1, Census Tract 1303 and Block Group 4, Census Tract 1301 for 1900 and 2000. Source: American Fact Finder 1990 and 2000.

Income As with the city in total, the level of median family income did increase from the

60000 50000 40000 30000 Median family income in 1999 20000 10000 0 Median family income in 1989

Figure 14. Median Family Income by Block Group for Reservoir Hill and for the total of Baltimore City for 1989 and 1999. Source: American Fact Finder 1990 and 2000.

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1990 to the 2000 census. The level of income in 2000 increased at a greater rate in Reservoir Hill than it did in the city as a whole, nearly reaching the median level of income in the city as a whole, a number that it was significantly lower than in 1990. This increase was primarily led by 1301 BG 4, one of the block groups that does not have a boundary shift from 1990 to 2000, with an over 250 percent increase in income level. All other block groups but one, 1301 BG 1, also showed increases in their level of income, but not to the extent that block group 1301 BG 4 does (Figure 15.). Conclusion From the data gather about both Reservoir Hill and Baltimore City as a whole, we can see that there have been some significant shifts in demographics. Both the City and the neighborhood remain majority black neighborhoods, with the number of Whites, as a percentage of and in total population, in both communities falling. Home ownership rates in both have increased over time, even though the number of available housing units has decreased. The level of education in both communities also is trending to the residents being more educated than in previous years, with a large number of residents with lower levels of educational attainment possibly leaving the city altogether. Income levels in both the neighborhood and the city also increased, with their being a marked increase in the level of income in neighborhood. These demographic markers are showing sighs of a gentrification possibly taking place in the neighborhood, with a small but an increased number of educated, and higher income earning household moving into and taking ownership of units of the neighborhood. This gentrification is shown significantly in the

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demographics of the two block groups whose boundaries did not change, 1301 BG 4 and 1304 BG 1

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Historical Analysis

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Early History and Development The neighborhood known today as Reservoir Hill has its beginnings as part of the wider area known as Mount Royal. Charles Carroll of Carrolton, one of Marylands signers of the Deceleration of Independence, originally owned the land. In the latter half of the 1700's Carroll received a grant to purchase a tract 1,000 acres of land to the north of Baltimore Town and to the west of Jones Town (Reservoir Hill Improvement Council, 2010). In 1789 Carroll sold a part of the land to Dr. Solomon Brickhead, the estate that Brickhead would construct would be named Mount Royal. The Brickheads, who owned a home within the city limits of the time, purchased the land with the intention of making it a summer retreat outside of the city. Mount Royal was bound by Druid Hill, the Jones Falls, North Avenue, and McCulloh Street. The mansion, know today as the Norwegian Seaman's Home, sits at the intersection of Reservoir Street and Park Avenue. Portions of the area surrounding the estate were generally considered by city residents to be a rural area, even though it was located just outside of the city limits. During the Civil War , the depression that is now occupied by Druid Lake, served as a dumping ground for dead Union horses (Reservoir Hill Improvement Council, 2010). In time, Brickhead began selling of portions of the land surrounding the mansion to other prominent Baltimoreans for use as their country retreats. Among the families to

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whom he sold land were the Brooks, Gail, Whitlock, Carroll, Garrett, and Stricker families (Reservoir Hill Improvement Council, 2010). Druid Hill and the Streetcar effect For much of the early 1800s, the residential development of the city stayed considerably to the
Figure 16. City of Baltimore. (Published by Stedman, Brown & Lyon,Baltimore.

1873) Source: David Rumsey Historical Map Collection

south of Mount Royal. By the 1840's though, development began to move north towards North Avenue. As the area above North Avenue became more attractive for the wealthy of Baltimore, the development of three and four-story homes as well as churches began. The older estates were either subdivided into duplexes or apartments or converted into institutions for the elderly. In 1860, Lloyd Rodgers, owner of an estate to the north of the Mount Royal estate, sold a part of his property to the City of Baltimore to be used as a public park. The plot of land that Rodgers sold was known as Druid Hill, becoming todays Druid Hill Park (Figure 16).

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Not long after the opening of the park, several streetcar lines were built from various locations in the city, to transport residents to the park. These lines would spur further residential development in the neighborhood. Developers bought estate lands, dividing them into smaller parcels until only a few estates remained. During this time the city annexed the Mount Royal area. Following annexation, Druid Lake and Mount Royal Lake were made into reservoirs. New streets were built and existing ones were paved and widened. By 1896 most of Mount Royal had been developed (Figure 17).
Figure 17. Rand, McNally & Co.'s indexed atlas of the world map of Baltimore, 1897.

Source: David Rumsey Historical Map Collection.

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World War I and the Jewish Influx The start of the 20th century brought an increase in industrial activity as well as the invention of the automobile. Wealthier families continued to move from the inner city towards the outskirts of the city, including Mount Royal, with older families in Mount Royal moving even further out. As affluent white Gentiles began to move out of the neighborhood, they were replaced with affluent white Jews. Among some of the Jewish families that settled in neighborhood at the turn of the century were that of Gertrude Stein, retail empire families like Hechts and the Hamburgers, and oil service families like the Blausteins, The neighborhood was a center of Jewish upper class from the 1880s to the 1960s (Bolton Park Neighbors, 2010). The increase in industrial activity brought an influx of people into the city looking for work, increasing the demand for housing. The large townhouses in the neighborhood were subdivided into apartments, with other being demolished for multi unit high-rise structures. Much of this new and converted housing was equipped with what was considered at the time to be modern amenities of indoor plumbing, refrigeration, and electricity. With the dawn of the First World War, the demanding for housing increased even further, as workers flooded in from other parts of the nation to work in the ship and steel

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mills in and around the city. During this time, the affluence of the neighborhood decreased, and it became more of a working class neighborhood. This working class was a mix of Jewish and non-Jewish residents, becoming increasing more Jewish into the 1930s. By the 1930s the community had become a predominantly Jewish middle class neighborhood, complete with synagogues, as well as delis, schools and shops that catered to the Jewish community of the neighborhood (Bolton Park Neighbors, 2010).

Start of the Decline and the Second World War By the end of the 1930s and into the 1940s the neighborhood began a physical decline. Homeowners concerned with the decline formed the Mount Royal Improvement Association. The Association would sponsor blockcleaning campaigns and garden competitions. The Association was
Figure 18. Home Owners Loan Corporation, Residential Security Map,

1937. Source: Antero Pietila

also a proponent against blockbusting, asking homeowners not to sell their properties to

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speculators or to subdivide them into apartments. However the policies of the Association were largely ineffective, as the community continued to decline going into the Second World War. Efforts to improve the community were stymied by the Home Owner Loan Corporation (HOLC), which classed the neighborhood as a Type C Declining (Figure 18). Reservoir Hill was also surrounded by neighborhoods classified as Type D neighborhoods, neighborhoods considered by the HOLC to be the most risky. This classification, while not preventing, made it less likely for prospective homeowners to obtain mortgages to purchase homes in the neighborhood (Palen,1984). The Second World War once again put housing pressures on the city and the neighborhood, with new workers coming into the city to work in industries related to the war effort. Many of the remaining large townhouses in the neighborhood were subdivided, and those subdivided previously were subdivided even further. The wealthy residents of the neighborhood moved into housing north of Whitelock Street, where properties their had not been substantially subdivided as of yet. During the war period the Jewish population began to leave the neighborhood, replaced by working class white Gentiles employed for the war effort. The overcrowding and deterioration of housing conditions continued through the war. In 1948 the City undertook a massive housing inspection program, examining some 3,500 housing units in the neighborhood (Reservoir Hill Improvement Council, 2010).

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Continued Decline and White Flight Dismayed with the condition of the housing they were living in, and the availability of new housing in the new suburbs following the Second World War, the white population began departing the neighborhood. This white flight continued for the next several decades. As the whites moved out of the neighborhood, blacks began to move in, with the demographics of the neighborhood going from majority white in the 1950s to majority black in the late 1960s. During the same time speculators continued to purchase and convert single family homes into multiple family dwellings, an attempt to put as many residents into a structure as possible (Palen, 1984). The shifts in housing continued through the early parts of the 1970s. With the conversion of many single-family homes into multi-family rental units, much of the housing stock began to deteriorate. Because of this sub-standard housing, lower-income families began to move into the neighborhood as rents on these properties decreased. Corresponding with the detrition of the housing and the downturn of the neighborhood, the number and quality of commercial areas in the neighborhood also began to deteriorate at the same time (Palen, 1984). The Urban Pioneer program and Gentrification In 1972 the city targeted the neighbored for urban renewal as part of its Urban Pioneer program, a program to attract new residents to the city and blighted neighborhoods. The city rechristened the neighborhood as Reservoir Hill. Individuals such

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as Parren Mitchell assisted in the creation of the Reservoir Hill Improvement Council, initially a volunteer group of neighborhood residents who sought ways to improve and rebuild the neighborhood (Reservoir Hill Improvement Council, 2010). In 1996 the residents of the neighborhood, in partnership with the city Planning Department, developed a comprehensive revitalization plan. Key points of the plan called for major investment in physical infrastructure and human capital. The Plan was revised and updated in 2002 (Reservoir Hill Improvement Council, 2010). The neighborhood also rode the wave of gentrification that had occurred in many areas of the city in late 1990s to the end of the 2000s. New residents and speculators purchased and renovated distressed properties either for their own use or to resell. However there still remained pockets of poverty and distressed properties throughout the neighborhood. The neighborhood was at times considered one of the more hopeful revitalization projects in the city (Suarez, 2008). Like other neighborhoods in the city the neighborhood was also hit hard from the mortgage crisis. A number of properties fell into foreclosure not long after the start of the mortgage crisis, making the neighborhood one of the foreclosure hotspots in the city (Montgomery, 2008). Relation to Borchert Epochs In 1967, University of Minnesota geographer John H Borchert developed a theory that the urbanization of American cities developed along four periods of time. He classified these periods of time as the Sail-Wagon Epoch (1790-1830), the Iron Horse Epoch (1830Reservoir Hill 24

1870), the Steel Rail Epoch (1870-1920), and the Auto-Air-Amenity Epoch (1920- ). While many parts of the Baltimore area follow the Borchert Epochs in terms of their development, Reservoir Hill does for some epochs and doesnt for others. In the Sail-Wagon Epoch (1790-1830), Borchert describes the suburban development of America, of which Reservoir Hill would have been at the time, as developing along fall lines well outside of the economic heart of the city, six to ten miles (Earl, p327). These suburbs were heavily involved in manufacturing, particularly in textiles, with a surplus of unskilled labor and a ready power source in fast moving waterways (Earl, p328). Reservoir Hill does not follow this however. While located outside of the city, it sat adjacent to the northern border of the city, a shorter distance from the city center then a community like Hampden. Also unlike these other communities that Borchrt describes, Reservoir Hill never experienced industrial development, despite being near the Jones Falls. Instead Reservoir Hill during this time remained a relatively rural, undeveloped area of a few summer estate houses for wealthy merchants from in the city. In the Iron Horse Epoch (1830-1870), Borchert describes the continuing development of urban areas and how the advent of rail travel assisted in it. According to Borchert, rail travel allowed the far suburbs to continue to develop, but developed also occurred along the rail lines from the central city to the suburbs, allowing the development of the city to move outwards (Earl, p377). Borchet then goes on to describe that as the limits of the city continued to push outwards, other forms rail transportation, like streetcars began to link the now near suburbs to the central city (Earl, p377). With the exception of the early rail, the development of Reservoir Hill does follow this epoch. The
Reservoir Hill 25

streetcar system was pivotal in the development and integration of Reservoir Hill into the City. As the lines were built through the neighborhood on their way to Druid Hill Park, they sparked urban development in the community. This development was increased as Reservoir Hill annexed into the city. In the third epic, Steel Rail Epoch (1870-1920), Borchert describes the rise of industrialization, immigration, segregation, and municipal service in urban America. He point out the affects of the assembly line and large need for land for large-scale industrial development (Earl, p381). How the immigration from other parts of the world was needed to supplement the workforce, and how they formed distinct communities (Earl, p380). How after the reconstruction of the south was ended, segregation throughout the United States increased. And that how as cities expanded the need for services became apparent, such as water and sewage (Earl, p382). As for Reservoir Hill during this time, as a residential community it didnt experience industrialization, but the effects of, from the wealthy industry owners being residents in the neighborhood. Segregation did play a small roll in the neighborhood at this time, but mostly in that it was a predominately white neighborhood, that was converting into a more Jewish one. Immigration for the most part had little effect on the neighborhood. And as the neighborhood become more of a central located within the borders of the city, it received the services that other neighborhoods did, like water and sewage. In the last of Borchert epics, Auto-Air-Amenity Epoch (1920-), Borchert describe the rise of the new suburb and the decline of the city. Borchert describes that new city dwellers were now starting to move towards the green-belt cities surrounding the cities,
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and had in which the lifestyle was different then what was seen in the cities, with large tract housing (Earl, p391). At the same time cities began a decline for a variety of reasons, such as desegregation, the end of the war, and taxes. Reservoir Hill easily follows this epic. As the white population began to flee from the neighborhood, the neighborhood when into decline, the decline was sharp and quick. However Borchert never gives incites into the future and the possible regeneration of the neighborhood.

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Personal Impressions

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Introduction Reservoir Hill is a neighborhood in the City of Baltimore just to the northwest of the central business district. It is bound by North Avenue to the south, McCulloh Street to the west, Druid Park Drive to the north, and Interstate 83/the Jones Falls Valley to the east. The neighborhood started as part of a larger estate ground in the 1700s, eventually becoming subdivided and developed as site for country homes for Baltimore's elite. As the population of the city began to expand out from the historic city center, Reservoir Hill was absorbed within the limits of the city, becoming an upscale community in the city. The neighborhood also served as a home for the Jewish elite for the city as well as home for upper-class blacks. The fortunes of the neighborhood changed after the Second World War, where it, like many inner city neighborhoods in Baltimore, was effected by redlining and demographic shifts of affluent and white populations to the suburbs. Over the last twenty years, an effort has been made by residents and the City to revitalize the community. Their is a feeling that the results of this effort have been mixed, being hampered by economics, location, and outside perception of the neighborhood. For the purpose of this paper, I will be giving my observations on several different aspects of the neighborhood after doing field observations. These aspects are Transportation, Housing, Commerce, Open Space, and Community Space, ending with an analysis.

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Transportation Primarily developed after most of the city street gird had been laid out south of North Avenue, the neighborhood incorporates portions of the city street grid system as well as having a grid of its own. For the most part, the north-south streets are extensions of the street grid coming north from North Avenue, the southern border to the neighborhood, following a northwest to southeast orientation. Eutaw Place and west, with the exception of the merger of McCulloh Street and Druid Hill Avenue, follow nearly along the same line a they do with their sections south of North Avenue. However, east of Eutaw Pl, several of the north-south streets have shifts in them near their crossing of Whitelock Street to a more north/south orientation, where others are strictly in a north/south orientation. In regards to east-west streets, the streets are in a northeast to southwest orientation until, with the streets in the northern portion of the neighborhood, Linden Avenue, or with the streets in the southern portion of the neighborhood, and Brookfield Avenue, when they begin an east to west orientation. Two streets, Whitelock Street and Newington Avenue; once they cross Park Avenue, return to a northeast to southwest orientation. With the exception of Whitelock Street, none of the east-west streets has a connection outside of the neighborhood. Following an examination of the topography and field observations of the neighborhood, with two and possibly three exceptions, there seems to have been no specific, identifiable reason as for breaks in the road grid of neighborhood. The two exceptions to this being Hendiler Lane and Brooks Lane, with a possibility Chauncey
Reservoir Hill 30

Avenue, which seem to follow the curve of Druid Park Lake Drive. One possible explanation of the breaks could be the timeline of development of the neighborhood, as it was not all developed at the same time. Another possible explanation could be that the streets follow the former property lines of the estates that were located in the neighborhood. In terms of mass transportation, there are several
Figure 19. Bus Stop on North

Avenue. Source: Jason M Boothe.

bus routes that run along North Avenue (5, 13, 91) (Figure 19) offering service to and through downtown, as well as to other points throughout the city. One bus line (5) does penetrate into the heart of the neighborhood. While of the bus stops that were noticed were clearly marked with bus stop sign, none at the time of observation had any potential passengers waiting at them, however this should not be taken as indicative of the level of use of these stops, and could have been attributed to the time of day, midday. Besides the bus, a light rail station is located a couple of blocks to the east of the eastern edge of the neighborhood on North Avenue. A Metro-Subway stop is located a couple of blocks to the west from the western edge of neighborhood along North Avenue. Housing The majority of housing in the neighborhood consists of three-story brick rowhomes of various architectural styles. Along with the three-story houses, there are twostory row and semi-detached housing units, large fully detached homes, and a number of

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apartment-style housing units ranging from low-rise units of three to five stories to multistory high rises of five or more stories. From observations, most of the single housing units in the neighborhood seemed to be occupied, though there were a number of visibly unoccupied structures in the neighborhood. Of the occupied structures, most seemed to be in decent condition, with a number showing improvements
Figure 21. Row of homes with

being made, in what I suspect, was the past several years (Figure 20). The unoccupied structures were a mixed state of

front yards along Eutaw Place. Source: Jason M Boothe.

structures that were for sale, structures that appeared to be under renovation, though little work was observed being done for all but a few structures, and those in serious states of disrepair, with several having roofs missing. While many of the row houses in the neighborhood does have front yards, several that did had their yards fenced off by chain-link, wooden pickets or shrubbery. A number of homes, both occupied and unoccupied, displayed do not trespass signs, with several of the unoccupied but possibly under renovation homes having security shutters (Figure 21) on lower floor windows and doors. While just from visual observation it is difficult to decide if the homes are single- or
Figure 20. A home with

"Security Shutters" affixed to windows. Source: Jason M Boothe.

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Reservoir Hill

Figure 22. . Former estate house on Eutaw Place. Source: Jason M Boothe.

multiple-family homes, some homes did give away their occupancy with multiple mailboxes on the front of the structure. Lead paint also seems to be an issue in these homes, at least one lead paint warning was observed on the exterior of a home. There were only a handful of single detached homes in the neighborhood, with all of them being located from Eutaw Place and to the east. While the histories of these homes was not readily available, from an outside observer one could suspect that these structures were at one time or are still very large single family homes, perhaps former estate homes (Figure 22). Upon further inspection, several of these structures lent to the idea that they are no longer single family homes and are possibly being used as multiple unit dwellings, possibly offices, with multiple mailboxes affixed near the front entrance.

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Apartment-style housing complexes, structures specifically built to be apartments, are located throughout the neighborhood. Most of these structures are low-rise buildings of no more than four stories. These structures are in various conditions, from being recently renovated, to being abandoned (Figure 23), to under renovation, to being used. Those that were being used looked to be in satisfactory condition from the
Figure 23. Run down low-rise

apartment. Source: Jason M Boothe.

exterior. Along Druid Park Drive, the northern border of the neighborhood there are located several high-rise apartment

structures. The ones to the western side of the neighborhood were older in appearance than the complex to the eastern side of the neighborhood, with a couple having plaques affixed near their entrances stating they were listed on the National Register of Historic Places (Figure 24). Banners on several of the older complexes advertised apartment leasing opportunities, also that they were recently renovated. Most of the housing looks to be in private hands; but at least one area of housing was not. The section of the neighborhood bound by Lennox, North, and Park Avenue has a low-rise apartment style public housing complex. Also, the high-rise apartment complex in the northeast section of the neighborhood is quasi-public coFigure 23. Historic Designation Plaque

on High-Rise Apartment Complex. Source :Jason M Boothe.

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op housing complex, run by the Lakeview Towers Tenant Council. One strange housing anomaly that I observed was new construction in the neighborhood. Along Brookfield Avenue, a set of three townhouses is under construction. The website for the development states that only one remained to be sold, none of the townhouses looked to have had been occupied yet or in a finished condition,
Figure 24. The Brookfields. Source:

Jason M Boothe

with construction possibly being halted several months

ago, perhaps due to the economic downturn (Figure 25). Commerce Within the boundaries of the neighborhood, commercial activity was extremely limited. Most of the commercial activity occurred along a stretch of North Avenue, the southern boundary of the neighborhood and a significant eastwest thoroughfare in the city, from McCulloh Street to Linden Avenue. Among the commercial activities taking place along this stretch were a car wash, an auto parts store, a medical office, office of a technology
Figure 26. Interior of Linden Liquors and Bar. Source: An H

Tran.

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company, a liquor store (whose goods and employees were behind thick Plexiglas) (Figure 26), a grocery/carry-out (whose goods and employees were also behind Plexiglas), and a laundromat. While these are in the neighborhood, I doubt that they are located to serve Reservoir Hill exclusively, and are probably patronized by residents from outside the neighborhood. Besides this strip, little else was observed in the way of commercial activity. The only other commercial activities were a car repair shop on Whitelock Street, a convenience store on the ground floor of a high-rise apartment building on Eutaw Place, and a couple of doctors offices in former homes on Eutaw Place. There are a couple of commercial looking buildings in the northwest corner of the neighborhood, but they seemed to have no activity that was observed and are possibly used for warehousing. Of the commercial establishments that sold foodstuffs, the quality of what was being sold was observed to be low. A fair number of products sold would fall into the class of junk foods, or foods with high sugar content, and while there was fresh produce available the freshness of the produce would be considered suspect (Figure 25); it was observed that tomatoes in a cold storage unit showed signs of freezer burn or mold. There was also observed to be a lack of restaurants

Figure 25. Interior of Atim's Mini Supermart. Source:

An H Tran
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36

the neighborhood as well, or establishments serving any significant quantities of hot food. While commercial activity is limited in the neighborhood, the neighborhood is by no means isolated. Commercial strips were observed within a short distance of the neighborhood boundaries within a short walk for most
Figure 26. Nearby Commercial

Outlets on the Edge of Reservoir Hill. Source: Jason M Boothe.

residents of the neighborhood. While the quality of these commercial establishments was not ascertained, they

supplement the limited commercial offerings of the neighborhood. For those with personal transportation available to them, Mondawmin Mall, which is a short distance away (Figure 26), has both standard retail and grocery offerings. It is also accessible by the #5 bus line that runs through the neighborhood. Open Space While most of the land in the neighborhood is taken up by housing units, there are several plots of undeveloped land, ranging from open lots, to designated parks, and even a community garden. Most of the open lots, those not designated as parklands, are located in the northern sections of the neighborhood. These lots gave no clue whether if they had a previous use, as any previous structures were removed and leveled and the lots graded. For the most part, the lots looked to be maintained in the most minimal of way, with grass being trimmed but litter was present. Most of the lots were grass-covered, with several being partly
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dirt/gravel covered (Figure 27). While many of the lots remained vacant, some served as parking areas. A couple of the lots closer to the central part of the neighborhood had signs in them stating that they were for sale, and the potential development opportunities based on the current zoning. Several small municipal parks are also located in the neighborhood. Of the parks observed, all seemed to be maintained, with no
Figure 28. An unimproved lot. Source:

Jason M Boothe.

signs of significant deterioration or unusable facilities; one featured a functional water feature (Figure 28). At least one park was recently improved, with fixtures looking fairly new, and a sign posted by the city stating improvements had been made in the past several months. There was practically no activity taking place in any of the parks during the times observed, midday on weekdays. Two sites in the community serve as community gardens, Lennox Street and Whitlock Street,
Figure 27. Park in the median of Park Avenue. Source: Jason M Boothe

featuring several small plots,

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but I was unable to determine what was grown or the extent to which the gardens are used. Community Spaces In the neighborhood, there are several community-oriented structures. These include churches, schools, and community centers. With the exception of a church on North Avenue, most of the churches in the community are small so-called community churches. A synagogue (Figure 29) is also located in the community, located on Eutaw Place. The City maintains an elementary Source: Jason M Boothe
Figure 29. Beth Am Synagogue.

school and a community center in the neighborhood, both located just off of North Avenue. Overview By far Reservoir Hill is a decidedly residential neighborhood. It is a mix of properties from derelict to urban upscale, and it is not uncommon to see a range of the conditions along the same street if not the same block. Signs point to attempts being made to improve the neighborhood through the renovation of housing. I was surprised though that the census data points to a far more impoverished neighborhood than what I observed. General speaking the census data points to the neighborhood being on the lower end of the income scale, with a high amount of rental properties. Usually, from my own personal observations and opinions, this point to a severally distressed neighborhood that is in a downward slide. But while there are signs of poverty, they are off set by improvements and

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investments in the neighborhood. I am also not surprised with this either, as the census data also showed that over the period of time from 1990 to 2000, income levels in the neighborhood increased, educational attainment in the neighborhood increased, and home ownership rates in the neighborhood also increased. I would suspect that when then next set of census data is released for 2010 even further increases will be shown in these three metrics, with the highest levels possible have been attained in 2007 or 2008. Crime seems to be a concern in the neighborhood. While in the neighborhood I never felt unsafe, the security shutters on the windows of some properties points to the possibility of property crimes. There were signs that the owners of the establishments were concerned with crime by placing of inventory and employees behind Plexiglas. Police cameras were also observed; leading me to believe that on street crime is a concern to the residents in the neighborhood. During one of the walkthroughs of the neighborhood, I had a chance to talk to some Police Officers on foot patrol in the neighborhood. While they could not comment on specifics of crime or activity in the neighborhood, they did warn to be careful. If this concern was out of liability or a warning of criminal activity in the community, I could not accurately tell. While it could be said that the presence of police foot patrols points to crime issues in a community, I disagree somewhat. I for one welcome a police foot presence in the community, as it adds to sense of reassurance that the community is being looked after by the police. However that presence should be limited, as was in the case in Reservoir Hill, which leads me to believe that while there is criminal activity in the community, it is general not of a extremely violent nature.

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I found the almost complete lack of commercial activity in the neighborhood somewhat of a surprise. The quality of what was available commercially was disappointing. With the stretch of stores on North Avenue, none were inviting to me as a passerby on the street, Even with these concerns, I would say that the neighborhood is, to use a euphemism that has been used plenty for this neighborhood, is an up and coming neighborhood with potential.

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Bibliography
American FactFinder. 2000 Decennial Census. Summary File 3. http://factfinder.census.gov (last accessed September 24, 2010). American FactFinder. 1990 Decennial Census. Summary File 3. http://factfinder.census.gov (last accessed September 24, 2010). Bolton Park Neighbors, Inc. A Brief History of Reservoir Hill.http://www.boltonparkneighbors.com/historyofreservoirhill.html (October 31,2010) Boothe, Jason M (Photographer). (2010). Reservoir Hill, Baltimore. Personal photograph by author. 5 Nov 2010. Division and Research and Statics. 1937. Residential Security Map of Baltimore. Home Owner Loan Corporation. Google Maps. 2010 Map of Reservoir Hill neighborhood of Baltimore, Maryland, United States. Http://maps.google.com (September 24, 2010). Gray, Ormando Willis; Martenet, Simon J.; Walling, H. F. City of Baltimore. [map] 26,000. New topographical atlas of the State of Maryland and the District of Columbia. With descriptions historical, scientific, and statistical, together with maps of the United States and Territories. Baltimore. Stedman, Brown & Lyon. 1873. LiveBaltimore. 2010 Map of Reservoir Hill neighborhood of Baltimore, Maryland, United States. http://www.livebaltimore.com/neighborhoods/list/reservoirhill/ (September 24, 2010). Montgomery, Lori. Mortgage Crisis Reverses Tide of Urban Renewal. The Washington Post. 22 July 2008. Palen, J. John and London, Bruce. 1984. Gentrification, Displacement, and Neighborhood Revitalization. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Rand McNally and Company. Baltimore. [map] 15,400. Rand, McNally & Co.'s Indexed Atlas of the World. Chicago. Rand McNally. 1897. Reservoir Hill Improvement Council, Inc. History of Reservoir Hill. http://www.reservoirhill.net/history/history_reservoirhill.htm (October 31, 2010)

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Tran , An H (Photographer). (2010). Reservoir Hill, Baltimore. Personal photograph by author. 5 Nov 2010. Suarez, Ray. 2008. NewsHour. Foreclosure Rates Reflect Human Cost of Mortgage Meltdown. PBS. (25 March 2008) http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/business/janjune08/baltimore_03-25.html (accessed 31 October 2010)

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