ffi

* *
ffi ffi

ffi
ffi

Cnsr SruDY: Nt GER IA

Nigeria encapsulates many of the characteristics that define Africa as a

whole. There is a constant struggle between authoritarian and democratic governance, between deveiopment and traditional Iifestyles and conservation, and between government corruption and the pressure for accountability. Nigeria has sought to create a viable state out of the negative legacy of colonialism. Several competing ethnic grroups and two major religious cleavages have repeatedly clashed over economic and political resources, as weII as issues of administrative and legal identity. Nigeria also illustrates the paradox of oil; it is a major oil-producing country, but the vast majority of its iitizens are poor. Because of these factors, Nigeria has low levels of tegitimacy and accountability, and it has continually been unable to
meet its citizens' basic needs. For students of comparative politics, the key question regardjng Nigeria is whether it will return to the discredited path of authoritarianism and underdevelopment or achieve a consolidated democracy and sustainable economic growth.

Krv Trnvs
Action Congress (AC)
Hausa-Fulani

All Nigerian People's Party (ANPP)

Biafran Civil War
clientelism dual mandate Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) federal charhcter Federal Electoral Commission GEDECO)

Igbo indirect rule

middle belt national question parastatals

patrimonialism
People's Democratic Parfir (PDP)

prebendalism

shari'a structural adjustment pro gram (SAP)

Yoruba

Kev CoTcEPTS Nigeria, patrons are often linked to clients by ethnic, religious, or other cultural ties, but these ties have generally benefited only a small elite. This extreme form of clientelism is calTed prebendalism. sli The legacy of colonial rule and many years of military domination have yielded a system with weak state governments and a stro4g central governmen! however, the states in the northern regions still have been able to implement shari'a as the dominant legal system. ffi! State institutions of governance and policymaking, including the federal judiciary and subnational governments, operate within the context of a strong central government dominated by a powerful chief executive. $* Nigeria's prolonged experience with military rule has resulted in a policy process that is based more on top-down directives than on consultation, political debate, and legislation. tri Because of the shifts back and forth between civilian and military rule, Nigeria has very few established institutions to structure political life, regardless of who is in power. :s Nigeria's interaction with the West has created a conflict between modern and traditionat beliefs. ffii Throughout its history, Nigeria has substituted one form of commodity dependence for another, and the oil industry overwhelms all other sectors of the economy.
For a full discussion on Nigeria, see Barrington, Comparative politics: Structures and Choices, Chapters 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, g, 72, 7Z; Hauss, Comparative Politics: Domestic Responses to Global Challenges, Zn edition, Chapter 15; and Kesselman et al., Introduction to Comparative Politics,5h edition, AP edition, Chapter 6.

c In

A Bruer Hlsrony or NlcrRn

Nigeria, with over 130 million people, is the most populous nation in Africa and the tenth-most populous country in the world. Nigeria is bordered by Benin, Niger, Chad, and Cameroon-all countries that

were formerly French colonies. However, Nigeria was a British colony from 1914 until its independence in 1g60. Nigeria, in fact, was an arbitrary creation reflecting British colonial interests. Nigeria is not even an African word, but rather an English word describing the region around the Niger River, called the Niger area.The British drew the map of Nigeria without regard to the different groups living there. . The primary demognaphic characteristic throughout Nigeria,s history has been its ethnic divisions. Nigeria's ethnic map can be divided into six distinct regions. The northwest, is dominated by Nigeria's single largest ethnic group, the Hausa-Fulani, two formerly separate groups that merged over the last century. The northeast is a

CnsrSruov: Ntcenn
minority region, the largest of whom are the Kanuri. Both regions in the north are primarily orthodox Muslim. In the center of the country lies the middle belt, where no single ethnic group or religion dominates. As a result, this region has produced a number of national Ieaders. In an attempt to create a symbol of national unity during the 1980s, the government moved the capital from the city of Lagos in the southwest, to Abuja in the middle belt. The southwest is dominated by the country's second-Iargest ethnic group, the Yoruba, who practice Christianity, Islam, and traditional Yoruba beliefs. The southeast is the

197

Igbo homeland, Nigeria's third-Iargest ethnic group, who

are

primarily Christian, including some Protestant evangelicals. Between the Yoruba and Igbo regions is the southern minority region, which includes the Niger Delta areas and the coast east to Cameroon and is
home to the Edo, Ibibio, and Ijaw ethnic groups, among others. The Fulani came to Nigeria ia a iihad, or holy war, and established the Islamic empire, the Sokoto Caliphate. The Sokoto Caliphate used Islam and the common langnrage, Hausa; to unify the different groups of northern Nigeria. In southern Nigeria, politics was generally conducted along kinship lines. These stateless societies escaped much of the upheaval experienced by the centralized states during colonialism and retained much of their autonomy. Governance in the Yoruba and Igbo communities involved the principles of accountability and representation. The Igbo, in particular, had a widely accepted, unwritten constitution, specifying clearly defined policyT naking, administrative, judicial, and military roles. Life for the Igbo was based more on merit and less on the circumstance of birth than it was for their British colonizers.

Cot-orunltstvt
Colonialism left its imprint on all aspects of Nigeria's existence, leaving political and economic systems that created an enduring legacy on development and goverirance. In the north, the British relied on indirect rule, in which local leaders continued to rule, subject only to the limited supervision of imperial officials. In the south, where more dispersed kingdoms such as the Yoruba and Igbo existed, the colonizers either strengthened the authority of traditional chiefs and kings or appointed warrant chiefs (those who ruled by warrant of the British crovrrn). These colonial practices weakened the traditional values of accountability and participation that had existed before colonialism, because the leaders were more interested in garnering favor with the British than they were in the best interests of native Nigerians. The British used ethnic and social divisions to keep Nigerians ftom developing organized political resistance to colonial rule. Yet the British also laid the foundations of a democratic political system before grranting Nigeria its independence in 1960. This policy standard was knovrn as the dual mandate; which left a conflicted democratic idea: formal democratic institutions within an authoritarian political culture. Colonialism also strengTthened the collective identities of Nigeria's multiple ethnic grroups by encouraging political competition among them, in particular among the three largest: the Hausa-F.ulani, Yoruba, and Igbo. By pitting ethnic groups against each other in order to

198

Chapter 10 divide and rule Nigeria and by structuring the administrative units of the country based upon ethnic giroups, the British made certain that ethnicity would become the prirnary component of political identification and mobilization following independence.

THe Frnsr Rrpuelrc (1960-1966)

The British granted Nigeria its independence in 1960, and Nigerians quickly adopted a parliamentary form of government. It had a bicameral legislature, but only the lower chamber was directly elected and had any real power. Executive authority was maintained by the prime minister and cabinet and was dra'utm from the majority or coalition party in parliament. Nigeria's parliamentary system differed from other parliamentary designs because it was a federal system. The national government shared power with three regional governments whose boundaries coincided with the territories in which each of the three largest ethnic groups lived. The emergence of a federal system was recognition that the highly visible ethnic cleavages in Nigeria would make "governing from the center" difficult without certain concessions and without a strong military presence.

Crvrl Wnn AND MrLrARy RULE (1 g6fl g7g) By late 1965, a great deal of contention had developed over how the government was being run. With the support of civilian leaders, a group of Igbo rnilitary officers, upset over how they felt easterners were being treated, seized power in a military coup in January 1966. A backlash against Igbos erupted throughout the country, forcing many Igbo citizens to flee to the eastern province of Biafra. In 1967, the
predominantly Igbo population of eastern Nigeria attempted to secede and form the independent nation of Biafra. Yakuba Gowon, a military officer and middle-belt Christian, came to power during a coup in 1966. He built a military{ed government by unifizing the northern and western regions of the cQuntry. After a bloody three-year civil war, Gowon's government defeated Biafra in January 1970. The Biafran Civil War led to over 1 million casualties and included the use of starvation and attrition tactics to exact a heavy toll on the Nigerian population. Gowon continually postponed a return to civilian rule and remained in power until a military coup Ied by General Murtala Muhammadin 1975 removed him from power. General Muhammad was assassinated before he could complete the transition to civilian rule. olusegan Obasanjo, a lieutenant general under Muhammad, replaced him and continued the transition to democracy. Obasanjo established freedom of the press, drafted a new constitution, and created seven more states in an attempt to ease ethnic tensions. Political parties were formed, but they were based predominantly'on ethnicity, rather than ideology. A powerful Federal Electoral Commission IFEDECO) was established to remove partisan politics from the conduct of elections and the counting of ballots. rn 1979, obasanjo peacefully relinquished. power, but he would return later as a civilian political officiat.

CnsrSruov: Nrornn

199

Srcoxp Rrpueuc, TnrRo RepuaLtc, AND

MrlrRRv
DotrlttruRnorrr (1

979-1 999)

'

'

The Second Republic rejected parliamentary insLitutions in favor of a presidential system modeled after the United States. Under parliamentary rule, the majority party was able to pass legislation with little opposition. Under the First Republic, the majority party funneled most resources to its own ethnic group. This practice of political corruption and patronage lead to the coup. It was believed that presidential rule would uni$z the country, under a directly elected president, and would lead to compromise within the legislature. The president and vice president were eligible to serve two four-year terms. In order to break the ethnic stranglehold on political parties, a candidate needed to win a majority of the vote and at least a quarter of the ballots cast in at least two-thirds of the states in order to secure victory in an election. The House of Representatives had 449 members elected from singlemember districts. There was also a Senate with 95 members, five for each state. FEDECO had to offlcially'license all political parties, and all the parties from the First Republic were banned. To be licensed, a new party had to show that it had a national and not iust a regional organization. The first president of the Second Repubiic was Shehu Shagari. He was of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), which hailed primarily from the north. His regime did Iittle to reduce the misfust and conflict among the different regions of the federation or to put an end to corruption. Massive fraud and corruption in the election of 1983led to a military coup by Major General Muhammadu Buhari, which set off a succession of military regimes that would govern Nigeria for the next
15 years.

In 1985, General Ibrahim Babangida seized power from Buhari, and although he quickly announced a program of dembcratization, he continually stalled the process in order to remain in power. In 1993, Babangida annulied the presidential election in order to remain in power. However, protest over the annulled presidential election led Babangida to turn over power to Ernest Shonekan, the former CEO of Nigeria's largest conglomerate. However, this "civilian" government was merely a puppet regime ruled by Babangida; within three months of Shonekan's appointment, another military coup took place. General Sani Abacha, who had been installed by Babangida as defense minister, seized power. Abacha's reign continued the military domination of Nigerian politics and combined repression with the empty promise of returning to democracy. Abacha cracked down on political opposition, Iimited civil liberties, and encouraged wide-scale corruption. OnIy Abacha's unexpected death in June 1998 prevented further crisis in Nigeria. He was replaced by General Abdulsalami Abubakar, who quickly established a new transition to democracy. He turned over power to an elected civilian government led by President Olusegan Obasanjo and the People's Democratic Party (PDP) in May
1999.

200

+ Chapter 10

The AP Exam has often asked questions regarding the political concept of corporatism. So, as you prepare for the exam, you should compare the corporatist systems. In Nigeria, state corporatism was designed to control and coopt the labor unions, similar to Mexico before the fall of the PRI from dominance.

FounrH Rrpueuc
PDP to run

(1

ggfPnESENr)

Obasanjo was called out of retirement by the leading members of the for president in the 199g presidential election. Although a former military officer, Obasanjo had become a leading advocate for reform and democracy. He was the founder of Transparency International, a nongovernmental organization that monitors political corruption in different countries. The public feeling was that an exmilitary leader could better manage the armed forces that would be relinquishing power to the new president. within weeks of taking over as president, Obasanjo retired aII military offlcers who had hetd positions of political power under previous military governments, since they were viewed as the likely plotters of future coups. Under Obasanjo's regime, the oil sector was targeted for new management, and the president lobbied foreign governments to forgive Nigeria's debts. The minimum wage was raised, and commissions were formed to flght corruption and channel oil revenue back to impoverished regions. New political freedoms allowed for the emergence of some semblance of a civil society. Freedom of the press practices in governrnent. Despite his ambitious reform program, Obasanjo's political debts to his party required that the anticorruption campaign purposely avoid certain interests and politicians. obasanjo also had trouble with the National Assembly and faced three motions of impeachment during his two terms as president. The PDP political machinery engaged in widespread electoral malpractices.during the 2003 elections, including rigged elections in the states of the Niger Delta and the southeast. Political deals and shaky election practices secured obasanjo's second term and the PDP's continued dominance in Nigerian politics, but public confldence in Obasanjo's regime was seriously damaged as a result. Toward the end of his second term, Obasanjo tried to pass a series of constitutional reforms that would have allowed him to seek a third term in office. In what even Obasanjo later called a ,,victory for democracy," all motions to amend the constitution were rejected by the National Assembly. obasaqjo did name himself "chairman for life" of the PDP, giving himself the authorrty to remove anyone from the party. rn 2007, despite accusations of fraud and attempts to alter the political process, olusegan obasanjo turned over power to another civilian presidential regime led by a former governor of a northern

was broadened, and the media responded by exposing corrupt

CnsrSruov: NrceRn

201

Military in Barracks versus Military in Politics

The AP Comparative Government and Politics course often addresses the military as a sigmificant political institution, particularly in less-developed countries (LDCs). On the AP Exam, you may be asked to identifiz the difference between

the "militarv in barracks" compared to the "military in

politics."

Military

in Barracks, This is the traditional role of the military as the institution that provides national security, is involved in international conflicts, and maintains domestic order. In consolidated democracies, the military is generally under civilian control.
Military in Politics, This occurs when the military intervenes in decision-making and political affairs. Military involvement may occur through coup d'6tafs or direct control of the
executive office.

Nigerian state, Umaru Yar'Adua. President Yar'Adua has since demonstrated his independence from both Obasanjo and the PDP by reversing a number of Obasanjo's controversial decisions regarding privatization deals that Obasanjo awarded himself and his supporters. Yar'Adua was the governor of Kadu,na, a state with a predominantly Muslim population, before winning the 2007 election. In spite of the problematic election, Yar'Adua claimed a "mandate" to lead the country. Yar'Adua's victory also continued a political tradition of alternating the presidency between Christian and Muslim candidates.

GovrnuANCE AND PoIIIcRL I NSTITUTIONS

Tnr NnloNAL
QUESTToN

Nigerians are stil debating the basic structures of government, such as who will rule and how and, in some regions, whether the country should even remain united. This fundamental governance issue is referred to as the national question. How is the country to be governed given its diversity? What should be the institutional form of government? And, perhaps most importantly, does Nigeria even meet the definition of a nation? Nigeria has drafted nine constitutions since World War I. Perhaps the biggest issue is that Nigerian constitutions have received little respect from military or civilian leaders, who have often disregarded legal and constitutional constraints. Governance and policymaking are conducted within fragile institutions that are dominated by personal and partisan politics. Nigerian citizens are more likely to be loyal to their ethnic groups than to the leaders of the country as a whole.

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Chapter 10

FrornRt-tsM, ErHNtc Rotntoru,

AND THE .,FEDERAL

CHAMCTER,,

including shari'a (Islamic) courts in the northern, Muslim communities. Despite its federal structure, a long history of military rule has left in place a political culture of authoritarianism. The control of oil wealth by this centralized power structure has entrenched economic and political control at the national level, resulting in a distorted federalism in which states have nominal powers, but in reality are nearly totally dependent on the central government. The elites from major ethnic groups are accommodated in order to prevent cultural divisions from widening and to provide some sense of cultural pluralism. This has often been represented by the concerted effort to rotate political offices among the three major ethnic gnoups. This ethnic rotation principle is not found in the constitution, but all major political parties recognize it as a necessity so that Nigeria's many ethnic communities can feel that they have a stake in the federal government. The political parties practice ethnic rotation at the state and local levels as weII, rotating those offices among iocal ethnic groups and subgroups. The idea of ethnic rotation was built upon an older, formal practice kno'vrm as federal character. Federal character calls for ethnic quotas in government hiring and civil service appointments. The federal character principle was introduced into the public service sector and made official by the 1979 constitution. The armed forces observed the federal character principle even before the 1979 constitution. Though the federal character code is regarded by many as a positive aspect of Nigerian politicai pluralism, its application has also intensifled some intergnoup rivalries and conflicts.

Assembly, which is made up of a Senate and a House of Representatives. The judicial system has a network of local and appellate courts, as well as state-level courts. Nigeria also allows customary law courts to function alongside the secular system,

The Fourth Republic continues to operate under a presidential system. Nigeria maintains a strong executive, a bicameral legislature, and an independent judiciai branch responsible for matters of the law and constitutional interpretation. Nigeria is comprised of 36 states, 44g municipalities, and 7 7 4 local government units-all empowered, within Iimits, to enact their own laws. This means that every substantial ethnic group can gain control of its "home" government. All together, these different units constitute a single national entity with three branches of government. The legislative branch is the National

Exrcurvr

BnnNcn

Under military rule, the president or head of state made appointments to most senior government positions. Since the legislature was often disbanded, executive decisions were subject to the approval of a council of military officers. By Abacha's rule, however, the provisional Ruling council (PRC) had become a rubber stamp for the ruler. Given the highly personal character of military politics, patron-client relationships flourished during periods of military rule. The person who occupies a position of authority in this type of system is often far more important than the formal responsibilities and rules that the offlce itself woujd suggest. The military pattern of organization, with

Cnse Sruov:

NrceRn

203

one strongman at the top and numerous subordinates below in a pyramid of top-dor,nm relationships, spread throughout Nigerian
political culture. The president is responsible for managing the day-today operations of the state and is also commander-in-chief of the armed forces. The president is not a member of the legislature, but can go before it to make statements on basic public policy issues at the request of either the Senate or House of Representatives. According to the constitution, the president can be elected to serve two consecutive four-year terms.

Lrorsntune
The National Assembly is a bicameral legislature consisting of a Senate and a House of Representatives. Election to the Senate is on the basis of equal state representation,.with three senators from each of the 36

states, plus one senator from the federal capital territory of Abuja. Election to the Nigerian House of Representatives is also based on state representation but is weighted to reflect the relative size of each state's population. Only eight women were elected to the National Assembly in 1999, reflecting the limited avenues of political participation for Nigerian women. Although the Nigerian legislature is designed after the U.S. Congress, there is one sigmificant difference: in Nigeria, the president is in charge of determining the budget and disbursing public revenue, which the Assembly only influences by its right to pass the budget. In the United States, Congress controls the public purse. When passing a bill, each house must agree on the same version of the bill before it is submitted to the president. While the president does not have formal veto power, he must give his assent before a bill becomes law. If he refuses to do so or fails to act within 30 days, the bill is returned to the two houses of the legislature. If each house passes it again with at least a two-thirds majority, it becomes law without any further action by the president.

Juorcnnv At its inception, the Nigerian judiciary had a significant degree of

autonomy from the executive branch. During the successive military governments, however, the judiciary was weakened. In 1993, the Supreme Court approved a government policy that placed the actions of the military executive above the process of judicial review. In 1999, with the return of civilian rule, courts have begun to regain some of 'their independence. In 2002, the Supreme Court struck down a 2OO7 election law that would have prevented new parties from contesting elections; this decision went against the wishes of President Obasanjo and the ruling party. The state-level courts are subordinate to the Federal Court of Appeals and the Supreme Court. Several northern states with largei Muslim populations maintain a parallel court system based on shari? Islamic religious law. Originally, shari'a courts only had jurisdiction among Muslims in civil proceedings and in issues related to Islamic personal law. In November 1999, however, the northern state of Zamfara instituted a version of shari'a criminal code: Zamfara was followed by several other northern states that adopted the shari'a

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Chapter 10

criminal code as well. This caused a great deal of fear among and conflict with the Christians living in northern Nigeria. Some states in the middle belt and southern part of Nigeria also maintain subsidiary
courts based on customary laws.

Pnnry Sysrrv AND ELECTIoNS An unfortunate result of the party and electoral systems afier independence was'that political parties were associated with particular ethnic groups. There was great incentive for a three-party system, with one party representing each of the major ethnic groups within
society. The idea of partisan politics as an ethnically zero-sum game (winner-takes-all) struggle for resources and political power encouraged political and social fragmentation that destroyed the First and Second RepuLrlics. The rnultiple ethnic-based. parties deepened existing social divisions within Nigeria. Nigeria's use of a first-pastthe-post plurality electoral system produced tegislative majorities for the three parties with strong ethnic identities. In 1998, an electoral body was 'created to regnrlate Nigerian elections and to register parties for participation in the electorit process. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) required that parties earn at least 5 percent of the votes in 24 of t:ne 36 states in local government elections in order to advance to the state and federal levels. The goal was to reduce the total number of parties and to force political parties to have a greater multiethnic appeal. The three leading parties of the Fourth Republic-the People's Democratic Party (pDp), the AII Nigerian People's Parfy (ANPP), and the Action Congress (AC)-are all multiethnic. The rise of multiethnic political parties is one of the most significant democratic developments of the Fourth Republic.

BuneRucRRCY
The bureaucracy in Nigeria permeates all aspects of Nigerian government. The colonial system had relied on an expanding bureaucracy to govern Nigeria. As government was turned over to Nigerians, the bureaucracy became a way to reward indivjduals in the patrimonial system. Patrimonialism is a system of governance in which a ruler treats the state as personal property. Appointments to public office are made on the basis of unswerving loyalty to the ruler. As a result, state officials exercise broad authority and often use such authority for their personal benefit to the detriment of the general population. Officials use state resources to benefit their families and other members of their ethnic groups. This extreme form of clientelism is called prebendalism. .Bureaucratic growth in Nigeria was no longer determined by function and need. Increasingly, individuals were appointed on the basis of patronage, ethnic background, and regional origin rather than merit. Among the largest components of the national administrative bureaucracy in Nigeria are the multiple state-orrrmed enterprises, known as parastatals. Parastatals were established in Nigeria for several reasons. First, they provide public services such as power,- telecommunica-

tions, and transportation at a lower cost than private

companies,.

Second, they were meant to accelerate economic development bv con-

Cns=SruoY: Ntoenn

205

One of the core concepts to review in preparation of the AP Exam is "patron-client politics." Patron-client systems exist in all countries and political systems. Nigeria engages in the most extreme form of clientelism of any of the six countries we study and is an excellent example to use on the AP Exam. Prebendalism is an established pattern of political behavior that justifies the pursuit and use of public office for the personal benefit of offlceholders and their clients.

trolling major sectors of the economy, such as steel, oil, and agriculture. Lasf there is a nationalist component that relates to issues of sovereigmty over certain sectors of the economy for national security
purposes. Parastatals such as the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) have been used to co-opt and organize business and social interests in order to control Nigeria's economy politically. Nigeria is one of the world's leading oil producers. Nigeria relies so much on oil that it has not diversified into other forms of economic activity, and as a result, Nigeria's economy is at the mercy of the world oil market. Although Nigeria is oil rich, the majority of its citizens are poor. This is sometimes called the paradox of oil.

Pourcnl

CuLTURE

Military rule left Nigeria with strong authoritarian influences in its political culture. Most of its current politicians came of age during military rule and learned politics under military dictators such as
Abacha and Babangida. The interaction of Western elements (colonialism) with traditional practices (African culture) has created the tensions of a modern sociopolitical system that rests tenuously on traditional foundations. Individuals tend to identifiz with their immediate ethnic, regional, and religious groups rather than with the .idea of being "Nigerian." Missing from the rejationship between state and citizens in Nigeria is a working social contract based on the belief that a common interest binds citizens and state institutions together. Recently, religious cleavages in particular have widened over political issues such as the secular nature of the state. The pull of religious versus national identity becomes even stronger in times of economic hardship. These many culturai divisions have continually exacerbated the issues of clientelism, corruption, and ethnic conflict in Nigeria. Clientelism is the practice by which particular individuals or segments of society receive disprooortionate policy benefits or political favors patrons. In Nigeria, patrons are often linked to clients by ethnic, from religious, or cultural ties that generally benefit only a small group. Clientelism reduces the state to a political arena of struggle over the distribution of resources (the "national cake") among ethnic "clients" rather than institutions serving to govern the entire populace.

206

Chapter 10 Most Nigerians learn about political life primarily through the mass media. For most of its history, Nigeria has had a relatively free press, which has long been one of the most active and critica] presses in Africa. Nigerian press publications include The Guardian and Gamji. Although the credibiiity of the Nigerian press has been questioned by westerners for accepting bribes and payoffs in order to publish certain stories, a strong case could be made that Nigeria's press is freer than the media in other developing countries, including china, Iran, and Russia. Because many Nigerians are illiterate, the key institutions of mass media are radio and television stations. Independent television and radio stations have proliferated around the country, although both civilian and military governments have tried to control the telecommunications industry through the Nigerian Broadcast Commission (NBC).

PueLlc Poucy rr! NlcenA

Military rule has left a lasting mark on policymaking in Nigeria. Civilian policymaking centers largely on presidential initiative in

proposing policies, which are then filtered through the interests of the "loyalty pyramids" that exist within the political parties and government structures in Nigeria's political system. If the agendas of certain "big men" conflict with those of the president or with each other, these policies are blocked or altered. Nigeria's extended experience with authoritarian rule has resulted in a policy process based on top-down directives opposed to political debate and legislation. The most siginificant policies in Nigeria since its independence have focused on democratization and development.

DeuocnnrzATtoN Prior to the democratic election of president obasanjo in 1999, the most significant attempts at democratization took place under the

Babangida regime. Babangida endorsed what he called ttre custodiht theory, which holds that military government can be justified only on a temporary basis and only to prepare the regime for civilian rure. Babangida's regime started by banning all leading politicians and parties from the First and Second Republics on the premise that they had already proven that they could not run the country. The government then licensed new political parties that needed to have broad, multiethnic support in order to compete in the electoral process. The federal government also funded the parties so that they were not dependent on local patrons or corrupt officials. A neutral federal electoral commission was set up to regulate the conduct of elections, and it eventually evolved into the INEC. The most sigrnificant economic policies in Nigeria also were implemented by the Babangida regime: structural adjustment and privatization.
ADJUSTMENT PRocnRM

SrnucruRnl

1985, the Babangida regime developed an economic structural adjustment program (SAp) with the support of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF): The decision was made to institute the SAP because of Nigeria's growihg international

In August

CnseSruov: NtoeRn debt, balance of payment difficulties, and lack of fiscal discipline, which mostly resulted from the country's dependence on oil revenue. Privatization, which is the key component of Nigeria's structural adjustment program, meant that state-owned businesses would be sold to private domestic or foreigm investors. Privatization was intended to generate revenue, reduce state expenditures, and improve efficiency. Nigeria was a major factor in the attempt to develop the regional economy of West Africa. Nigeria has taken a leading political and financial role in the formation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which has played a primary role in regional security, political organization, and the promotion of free trade in the region. A major factor in ECOWAS's formation was to counter French influence in West Africa. Under Obasanjo's presidency, ECOWAS voted in 2000 to create a parliament and a single currency in a movement toward a European-style economic organization. Overall, expectations that privatization would encourage Nigerian and foreign investment in manufacturing, diversify the economy, and Iead to greater economic development have not been realized. Nigeria's reputation for fraud discourages international companies from doing business there. The Nigerian economy continues to depend heavily on the oil industry and the international demand for
petroleum.

207

In April 2007, an important event occurred in Nigerian democratic history. For the first time, one Nigerian civilian president was scheduled to relinquish power to another civilian after democratic elections. The evenf however, was troubled by political intrigue
created by President Obasanjo, who was attempting to extend his stay in office beyond the constitutional limit of two terms by provoking the electorate. into crisis through obvious electoral fraud, Despite the electoral fraud, Nigerian citizens remained calm, and Obasanjo had to hand over power in May 2007 to Umaru Yar'Adua, who b'ecame the second civilian president of the Fourth Republic. Going forward, Nigeria's Fourth Republic must find ways to move beyond prebendal politics and develop a truly national political process. Only when political conflict is diminished can Nigeria fully address the critical issues of poverty and underdevelopment.