40113810

El Camino de Santiago

Cover Photos: Autor: Peter Andren

Tourism, Society and Visual Culture TSM11109

Rory MacLellan Assessment 2 Student No. 40113810 Word Count: 3,488

Page 1

40113810

Your own way

Page 2

40113810

Table of Contents
1. Appraisal of the impact of the development of tourism, over a period of time, on El Camino de Santiago. 2. References. 3. Appendices: 3.1. Appendix 1: Historical Overview. 3.2. Appendix 2: Overview of the main authors that examined the relationship between pilgrimage and tourism. 3.3. Appendix 3: Collage Images.
Image 1: Map of ways leading to Santiago de Compostela. Image 2: Codex Calixtinus, visual representations of St. James and medieval pilgrims to Santiago de Compostela. Image 3: The Scallop shell as a visual element of El Camino de Santiago's culture. Image 4: A conceptual Framework of the Study of Authenticity. Image 5: Different Marketing Strategies promoting El Camino. Image 6: Photos from tourists contributing to the formation and dissemination of El Camino's image. Image 7: Some souvenirs available in El Camino de Santiago. Image 8: 'Compostela' and Pilgrim's passport. Sample of stamps. Image 9: Promotional images from the film 'The Way'. Image 10: The five-stage stylized of El Camino de Santiago. Image 11: Example of negative impacts on host communities due to the tourist influx. Image 12: Example of how some business made themselves visible to tourists walking El Camino.

Page 3

40113810

The Way of Saint James, namely El Camino de Santiago (from now El Camino), is one of the oldest religious pilgrimage routes in Europe (Morpeth, 2007). In fact, the adoration of St. James in Spain began when the remains of the Apostle were supposedly found in Galicia and buried in Santiago de Compostela; and so the site became a holy shrine that attracted around 500,000 pilgrims a year in the Middle Ages (Murray & Graham,1997). However, during the past fifty years, El Camino has undergone a process of economic and cultural commodification which has converted it into a desirable tourist attraction. In 2012, a total of 192.488 pilgrims from 133 different nations arrived in Santiago de Compostela, only 41.30% of which were driven by strict religious purposes (Pilgrims' office, 2013). It is becoming increasingly difficult to ignore that the overcrowding of tourists is producing a trivialisation of El Camino, which in turn creates a conflict with part of the local community that considers the way a sacred journey. The aim of this paper is to examine the impacts of tourism on El Camino, specifically inquiring into the effects on its society and tourist sector. Due to tourist destinations largely relying on the creation of attractive images, special attention is paid to the visual imagery of El Camino. According to Callaghan et al. (1996:00), Tourism depends on creating a vision in the mind of the tourist, an image and identity that is to be valued, sought after and ultimately paid for. Thus, illustrative examples of the impact of tourism on the visual culture are given. This paper has been divided into four parts. The first part gives a brief overview of the destination and its reinvention as a tourist destination. The second section shows how the image of El Camino is collectively produced. Thirdly, socio-cultural and economic impacts on local community and tourism sector are examined. Finally, the main conclusions are drawn. Although El Camino still remains a valuable religious destination, today it is also an extremely relevant cultural heritage site as well as a prestigious tourist destination (Xunta de Galicia, 2012). This is the result of a painstaking process of rediscovery and interpretation of the territory: a place of memories and roots. As Alvarez (2008:1) argues, El Camino is a complex heritage site, like a puff pastry in which every layer has its texture, a place where religious, historic, cultural, linguistic, and aesthetics codes overlap. The final destination of the route is the Cathedral of St. James the Apostle, located in Santiago de Compostela, a medium-sized city in the northwest of Spain. The start of the journey, however, may begin from one's home and then through any of the most common routes across Europe, viz., the Primitive, French, Portuguese or English Way (Xacobeo Galicia, n.d.). Therefore, El Camino represents a complex net of trails and paths that covers all Europe (Image 1), from Scandinavia and Baltic countries, through the continent and maritime routes (Xunta de Galicia, 2012).
Page 4

40113810

Originally, El Camino was established as a political project and a religious idea (Garca Costoya, 1998) aimed to consolidate the Christian kingdom against the Islam's occupation. Monarchical and catholic institutions took advantage of the enormous prestige of having the relics; so a massive infrastructure to accommodate the first pilgrims was put in place, building an extensive network of hospitals, churches and new villages (Martnez Garca, 2011). Thus, El Camino was transformed into a secular route that ascertained the settlement process around its course: an articulation of territories where trade, cultural exchange, and living happened. Despite the lack of prevailing data from that period, valuable visual evidence endures. For example, the first known guidebook in history: the Liber Sancti Jacobi/Codex Calixtinus, a guidebook of El Camino (Garca Costoya, 1998). As Bryson (1991) states, iconic images remain alive and transcend the time and place of their creation (Balm & Holcomb, 2003:159). Therefore, it can be argued that these images (Image 2) and cultural artefacts present themselves today, with connotations from the past but are interpreted within the contemporary context, creating additional meaning. Guidebooks in tourism are an instrument to create and reinforce place-images; they standardise the visit experience by listing sites and activities (Sletvold, 1996). Consequently the Codex Calixtinus eased the journey for pilgrims; however, the influx of travellers fluctuated over the past centuries. That is why the Spanish government decided to reinvent El Camino by increasing its cultural and touristic value (Appendix 1). The reinvention and commodificaton process of El Camino started at this point. This process was initially driven by the local government of Santiago de Compostela, and it was possible thanks to the creation of an administrative structure of great complexity. Public, private, and charitable bodies at the local, regional, and national level were involved (Tresserras, 2007). As a result of this conscientious planning, the Council of Europe proclaimed El Camino the First European Cultural Route in 1987, and a Major Cultural Route in 2004. This award helped El Camino to transcend its value as a religious phenomenon. Currently, it also serves as a symbol that reflects the roots of European identity and acts as a model of cultural co-operation of Europe as a whole (Council of Europe, 2012). The cultural construction of El Camino is also disclosed through its visual culture. Visual elements play a significant role in creating meaning. For example, the scallop shell -traditional emblem of St. James- was employed by pilgrims to identify themselves at shelters in order to benefit from

Page 5

40113810

charitable donations (Garca Costoya, 1998). Subsequently, it became a signposting motif to guide the right path to those heading to the shrine. In 1993, the figure of the scallop shell was used to create a logo (Image 3). This logo is a recurring visual element of El Camino and represents the roads of Europe converging in Santiago de Compostela (Murray and Graham, 1997). Thus, as stated above, El Camino is not merely a sacred journey but also acts as a symbol of European identity. This exemplifies how heritage sites are shaped and arranged to meet the demands of the tourism industry (Allcock, 1995) by means of adding another layer in the 'puff pastry'. This supplementary 'layer' facilitated the transition of El Camino from being a religious destination to becoming one of the major tourist offerings in the international market; a tourist product that offers spirituality, nature, culture and leisure simultaneously (Precedo Ledo et al. 2007). The relationship between religion and tourism has been extensively reviewed by academics (Appendix 2). Durheim (1915) was the first that interpreted religion as a social act however some authors see tourism as a sacred ritual (Callaghan et al. 1996); Soja (1980) resolves this interconnection by formulating the concept of a 'third space', an idea that acknowledges the coexistence of religious, agnostic and atheist activities at a specific site (Collins-Kreiner, 2010). However, Hughes (n.d.) claims that both, pilgrimage and tourism, are quests for authentic experiences (MacCannel, 1973). The authentic experience in El Camino is the actual undertaking of the journey. Pilgrims generate an individual and introspective authentic experience by interweaving their beliefs, actions and visited places. The Theoplacity framework (Image 4) developed by Belhassen et al. (2008) is applicable to El Camino's visitors as it does not imply any intrinsic holiness in pilgrims. It provides a basis to understand the search of authenticity within the toured landscape, no matter whether the traveller is a believer or eventually arrives to Santiago. In this vein, it can be concluded that tourism and pilgrimage are not completely distinct. As Pfaffenberger (1983) argues, they only differ in the culturally determined language of symbols in which travellers express their journey (Pfaffenberger, 1983 in Sharpley & Sundaram, 2005). Hence, the journey to Santiago is different depending on what travellers come for, look for and know about El Camino. The visual representations of a destination influences how visitors perceive, expect, and experience a destination; marketers are aware of this power and they accommodate these images in order to create, improve, or promote a destination (Crouch and Lbbren, 2003). The promoters of El Camino include public-private institutions, laic-religious organisations, and particulars (e.g. Xacobeo Council, Tourist Board, Confraternities and Friends of St. James, local business). However, the interest when marketing El Camino is different. The

Page 6

40113810

majority of the marketing actions were carried out by religious institutions although the laic institutions took on in 1993 and they brought about a diversification of messages (Sousa et al., 2010). The promotional images of El Camino (Image 5) reflect the effort of these bodies to design 'thematic' Caminos and make them available to potential visitors. For example, wine and gastronomic routes, various means of transportation like boat trips, rural tours, length of trip or circuits, and so on. This array of form and type-related attributes of El Camino contributes to the battle against tourist seasonality because most travellers undertake the way during the summer months and on Jubilee years (Sousa et al., 2010). It is also important to mention that private companies often associate themselves with El Camino. This is a brand management technique in order to build a stronger brand (Fenger and Carl, 2010). Their aim is not to promote tourism but create a visual connection with El Camino that produces emotions in their clients and potential customers; in turn their brands benefit from El Camino's values, i.e. culture, heritage, and nature. However, a drawback that may arise from this marketing technique is it that some values from private brands may be transferred back to El Camino and inevitably have a positive or negative impact on its image. Therefore, it is crucial that this eventuality is taken into account when planning communication partnerships. According to Lo et al. (2011) destination management organisations together with the private sector have traditionally controlled the formation and dissemination of a desired destination image. However, it has been demonstrated that the image of a destination is built by a variety of influences (Day et al., 2002; Yksel & Akgl, 2007). This is partly due to the recent democratisation of image production. Today, most travellers have access to cameras and online travel photo-sharing technologies. Tourists employ the production of images to mediate their own experience and document it, contributing in turn to the construction of a destination image (Image 6). This confirms that tourism is an essential visual practice (Williams, 1998; Burns et al. 2010). The tourists photographs also act as souvenirs that are 'tangible markers of an otherwise intangible and ephemeral experience' (Swanson and Timothy 2012:490). Souvenirs in El Camino also include postcards, merchandising, pilgrims figurines, and St. James' relics, among others (Image 7). However, pilgrims that arrive in Santiago de Compostela obtain a certified document of accomplishment. It is also known as 'Compostela' or Pilgrims' Passport. This passport falls under the category of a symbolic reminder within the Souvenir Taxonomy (Appendix 3) which includes items that have not been necessarily purchased. The majority of the pilgrims keep this passport as an emblem; its stamps have become an important visual element of El Camino's culture and visitors' experience (Image 8).
Page 7

40113810

What is surprising is that visual representations of El Camino, both promotional and personal, are very descriptive. They make an allusion to the diverse activities offered and undertaken but do not transmit the wide range of unique experiences travellers may encounter. El Camino is more than a holiday experience. Despite the efforts in producing attractive promotional images of El Camino, it has been evidenced that word of mouth recommendations play a significant role in stimulating potential visitors (Alvarez Sousa et al., 2010); and so alternative channels of visual communication such as the ubiquitous television and new technologies. According to Buchmann et al. (2010), films and documentaries make potential visitors want to learn and know more about a destination. For example, it is worth mentioning the film 'The Way' directed by Emilio Estevez in which a variety of images about El Camino were displayed and reached a worldwide audience (Image 9). As Urry (2002) argues, such non-touristic practices like films or TV construct an anticipation that reinforces the tourist gaze. *** Attention has been paid to the visual imagery of El Camino and how the journey's image is constructed collectively. However, it is also necessarily to consider the impacts that high turnouts of tourists have on local communities and business . Tourism brings about social interactions within the host community and these encounters leave societies with no option but adapt over time (Sharpley, 1994 in Brunt, 1999). For example, the major impact accounted from the pilgrimage/tourism on El Camino was the alteration of its own geography and physical features. The bustle of pilgrims attracted traders and peasants to settle alongside the trail (Murray & Graham,1997), transforming the landscape forever (Image 10). Thus, it can be noted that tourism impacts tend to be multi-faceted, very visible and may have positive or negative effects (Mason, 2003). Tourism impacts are expected to vary over time as the destination develops (Butler, 1980). Therefore, despite the fact that the communities in proximity to El Camino are used to interacting with travellers for centuries, they have not remained intact. They have experienced changes in their economic and social realities; changes that reflect the unavoidable process of commodification and acculturation which in turn create tensions between economic goals and socio-cultural welfare (Callaghan et al. 1996; Joseph & Kavoori, 2001). This may be seen as threatening and harming to a destinations identity. Because, as Welgemoed (1996:301) argues, tourism should not be regarded as a business or a recreational activity, but a 'vehicle for understanding culture and bringing diverse people together' (Callaghan et al. 1996).

Page 8

40113810

There are several studies that examined the impacts of tourism in the host localities of El Camino. Some focused on measuring the geographical revitalization (Precedo et al., 2007) others on the progress of local industries (Matamala, n.d.). However, these studies conclude there are considerable limitations in isolating indicators and gathering accurate data. Their suggestions for further research point out that studies should examine impacts at the micro-scale level and interconnect the findings as an approach to gain a broader idea of the impacts of tourism on El Camino as a whole. As previously stated, El Camino stretches across a number of cities, towns and countries; this complicates the analysis enormously. Notwithstanding this, some of the main socio-cultural impacts, specifically applicable to the Spanish region, are examined next. Firstly, host communities alongside El Camino are visibly cosmopolitan, friendly and caring. Their character was shaped as a result of a continuous trade and cultural exchanges with traveller influxes. In fact, when being categorised as a Cultural Route, a destination must meet certain criteria. The International Committee on Cultural Routes (CIIC) determined that these routes, such as El Camino, must arise from and reflect interactive movements of people as well as multidimensional, continuous, and reciprocal exchanges of goods, ideas, knowledge and values between peoples, countries, regions or continents over significant periods of time (ICOMOS 2008). This reveals why host communities alongside El Camino are thoughtful and altruistic. Secondly, the host communities benefited from the substantial investment made in the restoration and preservation of religious and historic buildings. Sharpely (1994) asserts that tourism plays a significant role in the preservation of historical monuments. For example, in 2011 Xunta de Galicia announced an investment of 2.5 million euros to restore 'El Prtico de la Gloria' at the Catedral de Santiago (El Pais, 2011). As Rampley (2005:102) states 'Architecture is the most public of the arts'. For that reason, governmental and tourist agencies have a high interest in protecting the artistic and cultural heritage of El Camino as it is one of its most precious tangible assets for tourism promotion. Thirdly, some local communities are irritated because El Camino is going through a trivialisation process. This trivialisation is evidenced by the records kept about the pilgrims' motivations at the 'Compostela's office. For example, in March 2013, only a total of 39.01% of pilgrims that arrived in Santiago undertook the Way due to strict religious motivations. The loss of piety is creating a growing fear in some communities who reject categorically the idea of El Camino turning into a touristic product and some of its effects (Image 11) (Porcal Gonzalo et al., 2012; Santos, 2006). In fact, 'turigrino' is a term coined by some locals to refer to those tourist-pilgrims that have nothing to

Page 9

40113810

do with the sacred journey (Porcal Gonzalo et al., 2012). However, on the other side of a coin, the community of Brandenburg in Germany expressed contrarian views in light of a project aimed to recover part of the trail that passes through their non-religious community because of the Way being a holy reference (Maak, 2009). Finally, some local communities are deprived from urban improvements and are excluded from municipal planning (Porcal Gonzalo, 2012). This means that government bodies prioritise infrastructure for tourism instead of considering the real urban needs of those communities. For example, some roads are being built beside the traditional and medieval trail. This is because a growing number of visitors drive the way instead of walking or cycling; others hire cars that carry their luggage (Murray & Graham,1997). These roads attempt to interconnect the distant accommodations like rural hotels to the trail in order to cover these tourist demands. As seen, pilgrimage and tourism have notable political, economic, and social-cultural implications. Holloway and Valins (2002) remark that both pilgrimage and tourism are local economic processes inserted in a complex of socio-spatial processes, historic, cultural, and locally determined (Holloway & Valins, 2002 in Collins-Kreiner, 2010) and residents tend to benefit from them through direct or indirect involvement (Wall, 1997 in Mason, 2003). Therefore, it is important to examine the impacts of tourism on local business as they are closely connected to El Camino's local communities and its socio-cultural transformation. Firstly, local economies progressively reshaped from being agricultural-based to tertiary and service-based. Due to the influx of travellers, local businesses saw a profitable opportunity in providing services. Towns located at the end of the walking sections benefited, creating an increment in their population (Santos, 1999). Secondly, local businesses diversified their products and services. The hostel was the traditional business. However, the scarce accommodation capacity encouraged the establishment of alternative hospitality businesses such as ecotourism hotels and camping (Porcal Gonzalo et al. 2012). Later, small businesses like restaurants, transportation of luggage, agencies offering 'thematic tours' and other related products became available. These businesses were aware of the tourist bustle and made sure their business were noticeable for pilgrims when passing by (Image 12). Thirdly, the quality of employment is poor, as it suffers from tourism seasonality. As stated above, the majority of the travellers undertake the way in summer or Jubilee years, leaving a low-rate of

Page 10

40113810

visitors spending during long periods. This affects the stability and quality of a number of businesses that rely on the tourist turnout. That is why the 'Observatorio Turstico del Camino', a tourist observatory, was founded in 2006 aimed to monitor the tourist activity beyond the Jubilee years (Santos, 1999). This observatory drove the creation of a 'quality signature' which business would be endorsed to in order to ensure quality standards of service (Tresserras, 2007).

Despite the significant role played by tourist activity in the local communities, most studies determined that the impact of tourism has not been as significant as expected (Precedo et al., 2007). The average amount of spending per pilgrim a day is 30 euros (Porcal Gonzalo et al., 2012). This helps to deduce that the tourist influx does not benefit small and medium businesses but national corporations like hotel chains; organisations that attract tourists seeking comfort during their tourist experience.

***
In conclusion, El Camino has been an international pilgrimage route for many centuries. However, its development as a tourist destination started in the 1960's mostly driven by laic institutions. Some communities disagree with the trivialization of El Camino. Therefore, the central issue of concern is whether local governments and destination-management organisations will achieve an equilibrium between tourist interests and the religious significance of El Camino. This conflict remains unresolved. The pious pilgrims do not bring as much substantial revenue to local communities as tourist pilgrims do. That is why official efforts are put to creating additional touristic value and developing 'thematic' Caminos that would satisfy alternative tourist demands, specifically related to the cultural and natural resources of the route. Field studies that examine impacts of tourism are biased due to their local reach and a cross-national study is now needed in order to explore the impacts on El Camino as a whole. Withal, the imagery of El Camino is produced collectively and depicts the diversity of visual discourse available, not only to tourists but also to the local population. However, despite this heterogeneity of images, most promotional and tourist visual material are descriptive and do not transmit the authenticity of living and walking El Camino, which can only be achieved by one's self.

Page 11

40113810

References and Appendices

(included in the written and material copy submitted in 1/53)

Page 12