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European Origins and Modernity as a Global Condition Author(s): Bjrn Wittrock Source: Daedalus, Vol. 129, No. 1, Multiple Modernities (Winter, 2000), pp. 31-60 Published by: The MIT Press on behalf of American Academy of Arts & Sciences Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20027614 . Accessed: 25/05/2013 19:51
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Bj?rn Wittrock
Modernity:
One,
None,
or Many?
MODERNITY:
TEMPORAL OR SUBSTANTIVE?
When we speak of modernity we seem to mean one of speak as if we were giving a whole in world
and two an
of modern First,
things.1
societies, we may
name to encompassing as the modern distinct age, epoch history, Such a ter say, the medieval from, age or classical antiquity. to as it makes to when discuss minology legitimate questions come the modern be said to have into exist age may exactly its origins may have been, or, indeed, if it has now to an end. Second, we may as we were if speak actually distinct in a given and processes characterizing phenomena at a given time. We may used say that the technology society in some branch of industry of a country is modern but that ence, come what of patterns to determine ena of The It is then an empirical life are not. family to what extent different institutions and question phenom
a country as modern. be described may first perspective to locate the the of where poses problem and the of the modern end, age. However, maybe beginning, once this has been determined, we the question of whether live in one or many modernities In this perspective, becomes trivial. we all live in the age of and there is one such age, modernity, not many. course there will of be an infinite number However, of possible in cultural varieties and commit patterns, beliefs,
is University at Bj?rn Wittrock Professor of Government Director and Permanent Fellow of the Swedish Collegium the Social at Uppsala. Sciences (SCASSS) 31
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32
ments work
Bj?rn Wittrock
as well of this as in institutional the frame within specificity then speak of differ epoch. We may itself refers but the term modernity to the different age in the varieties first place. and
a modern
if it is to carry any analytic However, weight, to rely on a delimitation institutions of which and prac we ones when use the term modern to tices are the defining an epoch. it immediately into the leads characterize Thus, to be as substantive has i.e., something perspective; an to institutions habits of which and We have idea serted. have are not. A society are modern is modern and which only if some second
key defining
modern. coherence tional tries, To
and
structures
countries
are modern
nately, version
at this point of some that advocates is precisely as as tend their critics, well of a theory of convergence, to conflate and empirical questions. conceptual of Talcott often These advocates, by the works inspired tend to and trends all kinds of societal about speak How as giving for their hypothesis. support conditions in defining the necessary succeed a modern society. Instead, they such as whether and have other told direction. tend to delve pat family of the parts is often This
Parsons,
into empirical questions, endlessly States terns and Europe in the United or dissimilar in a similar evolve world interesting, all this has cal debates but unless to do with just blur of modern is to speak the convergists of the concept the of "the basic certain societies.
us clearly what these empiri the modern, or the unity about question to a come closest The they broad trends revolution," such as and "the "the
revolution,"
democratic
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Modernity:
educational the evolution similar revolution." of these in at trends
One, None,
of the
or Many?
last two to have
33
In the course
least the world, and ulti to allow us to speak of a global of the world, with this type of terminology is problem of the the theory convergence, by and one society? specific of measuring rod to assess of to achieve that a sufficient rod ori the measuring remain in, say, value of
advocates to take
large, development a kind the United States?as namely, or failure of other societies the success of modernity. To the extent degree indicates that substantial differences
or family the advocates entations, relations, religious practices, of this theory tend not to reject or revise the original hypoth esis. Rather, be confirmed, albeit at they tend to say that it will a point in the future. In the long run, this is not a very satisfac tory procedure. even if attention Second, ization and democratization is limited to processes in North America of industrial
and Western
in the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Europe it is quite clear that there have been very substantial always differences between countries. It is simply not true that all these countries matter not societies However, ries there tries in of have some had roughly similar types of economic and po
litical institutions
concern
in this historical
technical
period.
political To take
the last two centu Throughout coun differences Western between deep a society, a market the way and modern economy, are best organized. forms the have been but in one more example: prominent most a much countries have European to the state in overseeing interactions than has North role
or, this
and divergences, it need peculiarities the the basic question of of all modern convergence at the very Western societies. least, of all modern is not case.
market shaping In many of these countries the state has not been seen a form of rulership to as the but, paraphrase Hegel,
embodiment
shaping cluding the the
life, with
societal In this
a specific task of
interactions, perspective, in civil
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34
society ethical
Bj?rn Wittrock
can only flourish not if it occurs in spite a failure of of within this framework, it or in opposition be encompassing to it. This in due, if will not do.
may
distant, Rather, Europe
of course
be discarded
democratic
measure
interactions
politically between
family political, tarian that civil society settings, structures. institutional of mutually web supporting with the modern economic The order associated seen to be that of a liberal that to of market and order a nation-state
institutions.
age is often free the economy trade, or a constitutional repub these that
as modern democratic orders, qualify are assumed to have the institution of free elections the our composition attention of to
limit
if we problems to order be the sine necessary characteristics, political defining era. to It is sometimes customary qua non, of the modern speak as a period or of organized late nineteenth of the century as to a and interventionist modernity capitalism previ opposed forms of eco and nonregulated of more genuine period as some For is true for Britain. such nomic order. This countries, no previous noninter of there simply was others many period coun In these free trade. interactions and ventionist market ous a state-oriented indicated, tries, as already not a late aberration. It was constitutive from its very of modernity inception. a break with countries there was Of economic of order even was order in these the economic
Even the executive of the polity. run we into the European setting, forms of economic and take these
course,
forms of many previous of guilds, but via princely decrees and the operation regulation mar an a was far from their economy cry unregulated always as late as the 1930s trade. free international ket with Indeed, on were restrictions most Western drastic countries imposing a concomitant in world trade. sharp decline imports with As Until to political order, the end of World the War situation I, what is even more was as the problematic. time called the
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Modernity:
Great
One, None,
or Many?
35
no European the type of had country War, virtually now define as emblematic of mo that theorists order political a nation-state. The of democratic central and i.e., that dernity, eastern polities polities ernance part of Europe was neither that were where and were electoral the composed nation-states had of multinational nor imperial i.e., gov these democracies, a decisive effect on
outcomes
Most of the executive. of composition in a process various of transition toward forms of some na often with form of elected monarchy, a
as a complement, or indeed a balance, to assembly or less closely to the prerogatives linked still more government of the monarch. In the western
at the turn of the nineteenth part of Europe, were most in a period countries slow of often and century, monar transition embattled from forms of constitutional highly Some of these form of parliamentary democracy. chy to some countries vian tary these (such countries) assemblies countries as Britain, could draw and could local be by not the Netherlands, and on age-old traditions self-government. said to have been the to be turn of the the Scandina of of parliamen none However, full-blown nineteenth parlia century.
mentary by gender
suffrage was
to women until
limited
after
World War
the Russian tury present
II. Paradoxically,
Finland?still
in the first decade of the new cen empire?could and democratic the most modern form of maybe of in Europe. the Thus, the representatives on traditional of four national was suffrage assem trans for estates, of universal
representation bly, composed into one formed women socialists tional and men came miracle
based the principle in a unicameral national to have occurred 40 percent after the Not of of of defeat
the
of
framework to a wholesale
within the over surprisingly, its ten the Russian with empire, this reform nationalism, to parliamentary democ
toward lead
not
imperial transition
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36
Bj?rn Wittrock
ONE OR NONE? at the conclusion on that a temporal conception a substantive one. However, that defines conception?one
MODERNITY: We have
arrived
of the prevalence of a few key societal to lead and economic the political order?seems a to the absurd result that modernity has short history, very even in the European context. Modernity to is suddenly reduced a phenomenon in some parts of Western that can be found of the twentieth century. Indeed, periods as a general Western of the phenomenon Europe, would World War after be that and II, period if all of Europe is considered. Modernity in time to witness its own demise arrived prophets of this postmodernism. is hard conclusion Given to the avoid. would as her facts Yet of some
Europe during for modernity relevant even barely alded time have the shorter
it history, a and schol of innumerable makes literary, political, mockery course in the of the nineteenth debates Europe throughout arly mean It would the coming of the modern about age. century have might society truly modern as modern were never theories that we to there has ever been ask whether any in Europe. institutions European Maybe as social scientists have claimed. Maybe ideology of late-nine these be
by institutional
are little but an of modernity science. social teenth-century in an affirmative is some truth There a general There misleading. As in the also of statement,
potheses.
hy seri
have, institutional
the world
Unfortunately, a coherent account A in providing of these changes. an can account reason if the be such is that only major provided is brought back constitution of modernity cultural in, and this own science has that social is precisely the side of its legacy tended they research-oriented grounding to neglect. a democratic The
centuries.
been profound qualita of intellectual landscape at large, in the course of the last science social has had great dif indeed, and
of modernity?be institutional projects or a a liberal market economy, nation-state, their unless be understood university?cannot conceptual changes is recognized. Ulti
in profound
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Modernity:
mately, sumptions conceptual constitute tional these institutional projects
One, None,
were
or Many?
37
on new as premised These human their rights and agency. about beings, came to notes that entailed promissory changes affiliations, identities, and, ultimately, institu
new
realities.
notes in this sense presuppose that six conditions Promissory can be formulated are met. to that desiderata First, they point a range as statements be about of achievements that may reached issory refers terms. by note to a the members a prom of a given Thus, community. or a It is not desire vague just fleeting preference. state of affairs in explicit that may be expressed this state of affairs refers to the situation not of
Second,
an individual but of a community. Third, this state of affairs is not just something to be hoped for in general; it is something that may validly be expected and may be regarded as implied by deeply held values. Thus, it, fourth, depends for its assertability
on the validity of claims about the nature and as members of the beings posited community. of human history as In particular, of human beings and have
will be highlighted
depend place social been and on a range
an ontological
at any given point in time, the prevalent insti political a to a range of of and give expression society embody notes. in other words, These institutions, promissory imply the Fifth, tutions reasonableness community and legitimate
course.
of of these
set of expectations that members to assume institutions feel entitled they take for granted
of
the of It
as valid
as a matter set.
that
notes
itwill be
of existing macroinstitutions political notes as the that they officially proclaim new set will so be that it always presented resurrects the original set or rejects and
either
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38
Bj?rn Wittrock
it. In periods rejection notes been these of major cultural the crystallization, and transcendence?will be the preva are not put fora Public of forth have just expressible in some public been are of in principle. In the forum.
Sixth, promissory to have have They age of modernity, namely, matters discourse rulership. and
a particular type, common fora where but and where form of rulers
open often
or the objective of influencing enough the polity and the sphere of officialdom. changing a successful cannot If so, modernity be identified just with It has to be understood in industrial and democratic revolution. notes of promissory in debates reference points terms that and served in the as ever more formation forms. The of notes generalized affiliations
general serve not that the promissory point reference of departure for various and proposals projects only as a point to realize notes. the ideas of the promissory because Precisely serve as also become reference points, they they generalized ized means points
forms.
and
the creation
of new
institutional
term
of
departure promissory
for
and in older
for
efforts
to
institutional
the age of modernity perspective of emblematic that the opponents their express with reference
by their
but
as culturally be understood constituted may serve as notes entrenched. may Promissory in debates reference and political confronta points these points generalized in ideational reference points not they of confrontations; behind the formation only also new
structuring provide principles in a perspective It is only of this type that institutions. a European as having sense to talk about modernity across two centuries. the past extending
it makes history
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Modernity:
ORIGINS Despite tion, institutions for the OF WESTERN important cultural at era the MODERNITY similarities constitution turn of the in world
One, None,
or Many?
39
to earlier of a set
a new
In fact, even if of reason and light. breakthrough to just some areas of Western is restricted the Europe, of those institutional of an actual realization projects with modernity at a precise moment the configuration in time of those is highly institu
Furthermore, misleading. the role of a civil and a public tional e.g., society practices, to state power, has always been quite different relative sphere even in different Western of parts Europe. a meaningful notion of modernity that does not involve Thus, and events will, processes complex as already in the relationship of also have to bring emphasized, to cultural and various institutional projects cognitive projects. is so not merely This because these institutions exhibit features misreading of that differ from notes those of of previous these new periods. An equally important a historicist
has to do with
and
the
the projects were on new based they presupposi radically tions about human historical the and agency, consciousness, new in forging institutions. role of reason societal The tion, out of processes emerged at and political urbanization, upheaval of the Eurasian landmass. caused They modern world across the world to become of industrializa transfor by re the northwestern societal
edge mations
American and North European move a whole from vision range Far from being cultural order. ies, as they were evolving of the fourteenth period derwent but Yet three the India.2 formation that a process differed rapid internal Ming examples,
dislodged to almost
of earlier
just "traditional," in different in the parts of the world un to the eighteenth often centuries, This is equally true Japan, China, Tokugawa of, to take and Mogul
change.
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40
world
Bj?rn Wittrock
and in other of European Of course, the epochs history. to the formation of distinctly modern societies last two centuries have roots. Thus, already it may in the when
the
to speak of a type of early modernity context in the twelfth and thirteenth processes was element of
that the long-standing Papal Revolution, was ecclesiastical and mundane power separation not to be overcome a to remain but of the key feature of Western to be Christendom. termed of the Feudal and Equally important was what an be Revolution, obligations involving that could
come
of a variety
rights
in various public
life?the trade with of and Urban
fora.
Revolution?not activities; only it also
economic
parts had become such as power greatly weakened, new Northern forms of rule took Italy, city republican shape. on an association Sometimes modeled for common trade pur came to exert a deep influ poses, government city republican ence on notions same in In of political the rulership Europe. a were as universities formed of self type period, particular imperial governing corporation set the Church. This scholarly fora for cal part and of activities intellectual institutional one of the least partial from the autonomy in revolution both stage for an intellectual themselves and in the possibility of multiple in a multiplicity nested of politi activities, arenas across a Europe that yet formed order, of that this of Western ecumenical Christendom. order and the with at
ecumenical breakdown
Similarly,
from the late fif delimited territorially polities a set created of onward unique preconditions. to depict in Europe the formation of modernity and of basically intellectual each that bordered where processes transformations mutually a spe is indeed other. There continuous
European
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Modernity:
characteristic. It would be
One, None,
to trace
or Many?
the diffusion and but and time. also
41
fora as a key
of It of and
univer
of Central of
impact the Reformation, the Scientific the establish sance, Revolution, ment of a system of mutually delimited balancing territorially a and the but also of states, great revo Enlightenment, period new in lutions ushering the formation of order. types of political seem unreasonable to impose It may artificial notions of differ ent epochs or ages on the continuous flow of loosely structured events run a risk of in historical time. Such an account would the inevitable of historical just reproducing complexities changes an to without In particu of them. contributing understanding the rupture in both underestimate that occurred lar, it would terms in institutional and intellectual in the late eigh Europe events teenth and early nineteenth The centuries. involved did not emerge ex nihilo, but they involved the appearance of a radically distinctly new configuration modern societies. of phenomena, the formation of
the Renais
OF MODERNITY
a need this essay, for a funda is, as argued throughout mental of a long-standing revision and predominant view among as as in social well the about formation scientists, lay debates, in terms of a conjunction of modernity of a technological and a revo transformation?the industrial and the democratic political lutions, respectively. the underestimates occurred There modern are at the reasons This traditional deep-seated epistemic turn of the eighteenth and to examine the ways understanding in the late interpretation radically transformation that nineteenth in which of centuries. distinctively emerged and early
of an key concepts the transition great during nineteenth centuries. One and such history, shift and
society
eighteenth the of
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42
Bj?rn Wittrock
nature of societal in the to a social life beyond political science the domain sphere that but much of com interactions, transition of the and proper. Thus, the transcends also traces further the than True Baker, in eigh of
political conditions is a
Pierre Manent
society "postrevolutionary as is and demonstrated convincingly enough, a the term society undergoes long conceptual the French context in the course of the teenth centuries?with a dramatic increase
century. analysis
It is also of Western
of the simply a symptom of the dissolution as in that had been understood the social whole, primacy was a terms. It also condition for traditional necessary religious what he once again called (following Karl Polanyi) the "discovery in strictly sociological of society"?its discovery in which it from the religious representations Not its existence. until the ideological pressed he argued, could vidual interests was postulated, in the operation these interests be discovered social order subject to its own laws.4 an inquiry has pursued Johan Heilbron In the course interests.5 of of individual eighteenth to nable particular, virtue, was borders would the of centuries, the constraints given there such of interests various condition for a human imposition outcomes Such of were notions short terms, disengaged ex had hitherto of indi primacy constraints upon of an autonomous
into the
conceived
a human
In sociability. true religious beyond order pursuit pursued were the that of
a prospect a Leviathan-like
involve self-interests
inquiries
in various and
the parts of Europe throughout centuries. and the eighteenth Heilbron However, even is a long if there others agree that, today of the modern gestation of revolutionary upheaval concept requires of the society, that discursive
process unique
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Modernity:
One, None,
or Many?
43
in the forma become and political controversy joined practice a era. Pierre Manent modern has elaborated tion of a distinctly the original "The Revolution offered similar spec argument: no of unheard-of tacle of a political scope, yet change having
stable political
settle, This nable most of an description of process
effects, of a political
and of revolution as an
upheaval
irreversible was
impossible
and thinkers intermi
to
interminable fundamental
indeterminate
event."6 formulated
perhaps of the
In his memoirs, de Tocqueville. Souve as in the summer of 1850, he describes revolution nirs, written one long upheaval of "that our fathers have seen the beginning we shall not see the end of. Every in all likelihood, and which, thing that In fact, duration remained Reinhart of of the old regime was Koselleck's conception to its destroyed in his its spatial, forever."7 early and work indeed
is quite similar. He
of upheaval as well as to
the process
in extension, worldwide, increasing intensity as a process terms of modernity that affects all human beings, or certain not in central institutions just, say, those political cities: major The the unfolding of bourgeois soci century witnessed eighteenth saw new as which itself the claim to ety, world, laying intellectual the whole world and simultaneously the old. It grew out denying states and, in dissolving of the territories of the European this link, a in line with the process. The progressive developed philosophy subject to be unified from a better future.8 its
was all mankind, of that philosophy centre led and towards European peacefully
because the eighteenth witnessed the cre century Precisely ation of a political the whole world and project encompassing at the same time shattering the existing absolutist the order, main of this the agent up European change, bourgeoisie, opened of expectations horizons that were unknown: "The previously can be seen as the antechamber to our century eighteenth present erbated cess epoch, since one whose the French tensions have as been increasingly exac pro to all and the revolutionary revolution, around the globe and intensively it is also this sense of openness
spread mankind."9
extensively However,
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44
Bj?rn Wittrock
that from serves as a forceful and moral impetus to an examination
of the political
philosophy
today
to reinterpretation than they have been open acutely or at if not for a century?are for decades, formulated being into the new reformulated and are entering least fundamentally discourse. social-science the whole the one the role of historical historical inquiry becomes becomes an a crucial integral reason
becomes
philoso the moral and political hand, a variety of new discourses that in the to a coalesce and are reduced century other
is set for the of disciplines. This means that the stage a historical and between discipline divergence professionalized a we that still the other social and human sciences, divergence as a intellectual divide. major today experience in language interest Second, of the human into all domains and and linguistic analysis as sciences social constitution second of A enters a key textual
of of
this
is the
debates
poststructuralism?is tion, and consciousness. language link was historic This collective a certain continue tic. That, of societal In the subject and provided construction leads identities. or linguistic to
and analysis text, interpreta relationship to historicize A third one is the effort a crucial itself. Thereby development various collective entities such as the linguistic between the notion of different peoples. constituting could no new longer
analysis. on
one?familiar
of
to a third
the princely
to doubt. categories
were
eighteenth by no means
irreversibly
superseded.
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Modernity:
however, Revolution, remained to doubt open to the necessity the dominant such of more as these
One, None,
or Many?
45
a deep challenge
to those
form
imperial-like
of political and of
political
order
entities
in the
that
eastern
I. In the western
capture Robert
"compatriot" reconstitution.
anyone
universal
in this period reformulated acutely are probed that once again these notions not conceal reexamined should that they not ways or even just reformulated invented. in this period
to act about what human Fifth, prompts assumptions beings to interpret a broader and how their actions within framework are at the very core of any scholarly in the social and program At the turn of the eighteenth human sciences. and nineteenth the fundamental that we still by and large centuries, categories or four such draw upon were and proposed. elaborated Three were fundamental categorical conceptualizations propounded. to a conceptualization Each of them of what corresponded comprised follows: "society." These categories with might be described as
(a) Economic-rationalistic, ety as a form of (b) Statistical-inductive, aggregate; (c) Structural-constraining, an organic totality; (d) Linguistic-interpretative, ety as an emergent The losophy transition to a social from
a corresponding
view as
of
soci
collective; compositional a view with of society with and with totality. a discourse on moral and a conceptualization a view of society
a systemic in terms of of
soci
political
science?analyzed,
for example,
phi by Robert
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46
Bj?rn Wittrock
and late shift of To some form had already taken rudimentary in France 1790s after the Revolution. from an would agential?some to one that emphasizes in the place a It entails
ing away political eco In the course of the nineteenth agency. century, "average cast in a web nomic man" instead of structural becomes prop erties and dynamic fundamental and twentieth regularities categories centuries rather of than in a moral and universe that
society a similar in economic shift occurs extent, a broad concern from about moral and
of individual action.
Thus, nineteenth tary form can some to affect One favor on agency society
such
project
in
forms
reasoning of conception by
social
sciences
that
position of
to a place
cialized
which the one turn
discipline
had of been
of philosophy.
Third,
intellectual
historical
to find of
reasoning,
at
at the core
transformation
the eighteenth
separate discipline, a permanent divide century the social to the We sciences. This
came end
a place as the nineteenth and history unknown that stating not just on
divide
political
philosophers.
shape and organizational of technological developments."12 was a set it constitution of of the institutional Rather, projects were not nature. the institutions of a specific Thus, just new, but they were to serve as vehicles for the enhancement of
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Modernity:
continuous tional process frameworks because rather of innovation. themselves
One, None,
At the same to be
or Many?
47
institu stabil on about
were
assumptions societies. beings, was a wide of Of course, there array contesting philosophical across schools and political confronta However, groupings. a fundamental tions and divergences there existed acknowledg of the idea that help sciousness might constitution agency, construct and historical reflexivity, a new set of institutions. set of societal macroinstitutions.
premised
ment
con Thus,
the
FORMATION
institutional century, projects at large. emblematic of modern that became the world emerged One economic in the form such project concerned organization a a of rather than mercantil liberal market economy regulated came ist economy. order Similarly, political nation-state ized as a modern of compatriots tional of fellow citizens rather than republic absolutistic subjects. arose for In to be or conceptual as a constitu form ruler of an and
eigh
in the
was only to make and undertake allowed interventions sanctions that were and foreseeable. clearly specified The focus on the nature of the public and political sphere on ontological order was thus based of a new assumptions nature life was about human on premised For the first time beings. a radical and irreversible the idea of ethical about the stance
its distinction with between monarchy new the realm of private interactions, a legally protected state where the sphere
demands
principled
sense, other gence Europe.
in the
macroinstitutions
the public In this and of the state. sphere was not in Europe the formation of modernity just an or reminiscent of the axial of the age period early emer of a bifurcation between in secular and sacred power
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48
Bj?rn Wittrock
sphere, order tolerance the but Thus, estates new also institutions and some involved a con as constituted in terms legitimated form of active acqui ideas of repre centuries-old
In the political of political ception of not escence sentation mented ereignty. associated Democratic life from only and with silent
In the western
were comple parliaments sov for participation and even popular wave the of of demand part Europe, and
to as the Parsons referred ideas, what was a constant feature of political Revolution,13 to the mid-twentieth the late eighteenth century when terms, monar form of monar of Eu
across In political the board. they were finally victorious it had entailed the gradual limitation of constitutional their eventual chical and regimes replacement by some democracy. parliamentary from the transition rope, chies In the Central-Eastern to constitutional part absolutistic
was in the wake of World War I. by no means complete were In the private there age parallel developments: sphere, from acts of arbitrary rulers abstain old demands that princely intervention there rules be that a and violence were basis and legal-rational are transparent that by demands superseded for all actions of government. allow for of ac consequences and predictability
Thus, official acts are legitimate only if they are based on legal
to be predictable. tions Such transparency a reality only can become if the nature of political order accepts as a basic principle of than the volition the rule of law rather as Such de its of ruler basic principle the princely operation. mands not application no means century, for legal only of legal order all?European protection had long countries. they were voiced but At also for the universal by traditions in some?but
the turn of the eighteenth with intensity. increasing by the demands of of acad
reinforced activities.
also outside spheres emerged public and outside of the control and salons, and are control. created not enable public Whether that in scholarly, on are based
courts,
purview
of royal or artistic
should and
rather
to persecution be subject of opinion the expression life. One may say that
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Modernity:
premised
state.
One, None,
of
or Many?
not
49
only
on
the
legitimate
articulation
a discourse
a societal these at be
that we
modernity?
context
Clearly
projects the time
it would
became of
be highly misleading
realized
to suggest
in the European
further remained
from
the
Instead, highly to
conception. Nothing the new institutional controversial the western were still in prac part of constitu
the following
century and a
limited in that
region democracies parliamentary by eastern In the end of the nineteenth the century. part, as already to constitutional the transition from absolutistic out, pointed was no means monarchical forms of government by complete century. by the turn of the nineteenth Indeed, end across Europe on the eve of World of 1789. of War Even truly I, radical inWestern universal
conservatives
Europe,
suffrage did not become a full institutional reality until the end of World War II. Despite these facts, it is still possible to speak
in a meaningful of modernity and its institutional way projects as a societal a sense in as of the word: reality specific namely, a new set of promissory notes. These formu notes, promissory lated and promulgated and even partially if for implemented, came brief periods of time, at the turn of the eighteenth century, to have core were At relevance. their notions self of global and historical consciousness. agency, reflexivity, tional projects became of continuous the object never institutional battles; they could again be the attention of such These discursive exorcised institu and from
in the European context. is battles This so what stated in his memoirs. Tocqueville clearly were a compre The Vienna and the Holy Alliance Congress to unthink hensive effort the consequences of the French Revo lution and to restore It became the Old almost Regime immediately and make clear tradition. safe for Europe that this program
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50
was cal
Bj?rn Wittrock
an unrealizable one in the French the politi it impossible to of pre-Revolutionary France. forces found and 1820s not only the reactionary thought context. Even
with
of
if centrally and state directed, reform efforts fundamental, a war in few in after its the defeat of Prussia years Germany
1806
against Napoleon
became
was
a decisively
feature
its
and
implications
political
down a long
lands. Even
easily put the first in often cen
modernist
enough
tury.
nature,
projects, following
as was
often
points
whether projects, they were adopted the case, became inevitable rejected, a truly global It is this feature scale. that modernity institutional without gridlock is not Thus, reality. modernity set of philosophical of a small and Such implementation universal acclaim of has a im unduly on an un
to talk about it possible a rigid and misleading and complex historical to universal or acclaim endorsement
equivalent
adoption recent and then only past, even cases when in those these reality early on, Even more their internal
few never
at any point in time. Universal the very did not exist until in parts of Europe. Furthermore, institutions became differed need notes. a societal dramati to rethink relationships is an urgent there of promissory
TO ALL THOSE HOPES: TWO FIN-DE-SI?CLES of of the the nineteenth intellectual, century political, it seemed and in the elite self of
understanding
cultural
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Modernity:
Europe about ket and America alike as to be overcome.
One, None,
if the crisis of
or Many?
of modernity an unbridled
51
were mar
the dangers Thus, be countered through scientific through determinism an appreciation in Strindberg's of their own bureaucracy and light.
well-informed social era of a previous of the importance phrase, with be for an era a
might
of volition
and aesthetic
judgment. Antiquated
famous
and inefficient
salaries?might appropriate
modern
arrival
constitutional
a new
exhibitions
It was
heralded
the
of
to be
an
of traditional values and customs, of urban growth appreciation cities amidst and invented of garden newly pastoral landscapes, movement communication and of without social global friction, without of national without strife, development competition war. was to be contained National assertiveness in colonial endeavors science An and Olympic games. was to thrive amidst at the turn increasingly international im nationally conferences. rule, to be colo
of the century, constitutional and seemed property parliamentary rights, democracy even within reach everywhere in the civilized world. Yes, nies might maturity. civility, violence the of To be elevated It was in due to course to the status
portant To liberals
of dominions
and equal partners once they had achieved the required level of
a world of measured envisage and home self-control, rule, with personal political to outer and uncontrolled the impulses relegated fringes possible or whether distant deserts and mountains world, interior of persons and continents, those hearts it seemed of uprooted be. Conservative as and long nightmare masses enraged rising intellectuals even if the of in
armed rebellion, had subsided for good and that social order
as stable seemed
to hold out the promise that the pernicious and divisive ideas of 1789 might be relegated to the ideological past. And the social
a steady growth with of parliamentary ists, confident represen tation and membership in trade unions and the socialist party, a firm guarantee the Socialist of per and, with International,
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52
petual become
Bj?rn Wittrock
peace, proudly proclaimed the century of socialism. of humankind. at the cannot end but of such evoke a century, these The sadness. scale that expectations tragedies evade our of of the a time twen that And the new some to century was even Utopians spoke
are of
they imagination are cognitively aware of them. It is today almost to consider tens of thousands the time when of the consent of their governments and
sent, with
the blessing of public opinion in their home countries, each day to their deaths during the major battles of the Great War. It is
unfathomable permanent the corner to overtake the sixteenth and have the fear of deeply never for his embark how peace when even and for socialists and universal the scale of in fact and pacifists brotherhood the could were and lower that imagine around just came rapidly civil wars of
of bloodletting
the masses
the revolt
of the
fear of
had so eloquently
and a vastly in Eastern
condemned
larger scale.
the Tsar
soon
deportations
would
To
comed Russians
read accounts
I of how Jewish
inhabitants
wel Europe warmly in the German because and Austrian troops ousting seen to bring orderliness is like and safety they were an account from an unknown and unimaginable world. difficult notes, to of learn human The that for us today to read Klaus and Mann's autobio that German tormented ac Turning Kafka's Point, short to realize his
story, "In the Penal Colony," a story painfully difficult to read with the knowledge of the events of the 1930s and 1940s?
when met human read with aloud laughter, condition.14 in literary in Prague in the salons as hilariously accounts humorous 1920s, were of the frail
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Modernity:
When moment epitomized Friedrich that Paulsen wrote science
One, None,
his and account German of
orMany?
for the great
53
uni
versity exposition
in Chicago
German
scholarship. in particular Abraham Flexner, scholars, by and large agreed. so When Paulsen?later much admired reading by educational Tse the world, and teachers around Mao scholars including tung?or was Weber, or Dilthey, or Husserl, within that or Meinecke, a few decades, or Hiritze, be
the highest
achievements
it is not possible
the notion but nothing of crimes beyond so much scholars the To road write not
to envisage
that anywhere
a devastated
in their thinking
might
nation, pariah guilty the high culture all these was but one step on epitomized
fundamental simply
catastrophe. these modernity today without rethinking notes breaches of the promissory of modernity is have forced of cultural processes possible. They that are yet to be completed.
reinterpretation MODERNITY:
ONE OR MANY?
in terms of a conjunction, thus be delineated may Modernity a set with of of and cultural, institutional, global implications, In shifts. the discussion about the contemporary cosmological or two of modern have societies, diversity uniformity positions occupied First, In the wake racy institutional parts vide forms the will a prominent there is a stance of outside of academic discourse. place that might be labeled liberal historicism. the collapse of the Soviet Union, liberal democ in the come form particular to exhibit in recent are that decades seen to pro These these in
Europe, of social models legitimate organization. to be embraced, then come if with time lags, across to say, the adherents are not Needless of this view
and Western
as to assume that this type of global diffusion would a development or even toward homo cultural, linguistic, mean no reason It does, to that there is however, geneity. fundamental innovation institutional that would any expect transcend these types of liberal institutional arrangements.
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54
Bj?rn Wittrock
If such an innovation were sense to occur, and would it would be unreasonable from sense entail a departure or variation. This
development that
captured
I think the
by the philosopher
contemporary for its own revolution
Richard
liberal
Rorty:
society
institutions last
improvement....
Indeed, my hunch
have the
is that Western
conceptual a common that with
thought in the
cultural as
it needs."15 and
Other
coming order.
less sophisticated
emergence It is ironic of
beliefs
to exhibit
in common
did with
extent, nineteenth-century same to kinds that the of open objections in connection with the discussion earlier elevate the
convergence. experiences single They simply to the status of a world historical However, country yardstick. as of modernity the notion be rejected while this position may a common be retained. condition may global on the attention is a position focuses that there Second, to of each them current life forms and cultural of array assigns are seen to a larger civilizational entities These compose entity. to cultural amount tectonic that move what almost and, plates each but sometimes merge other, upon rarely violently, impinge or blend what tions as into each that other. At a kind is based on least of might research constitute since Toynbee, there has been in international-rela tradition of this type. Sometimes, served as this view a multiplic have tended
a view
in the case
a basis
forms. ity of cultural to be more hard-nosed, that values To natural their diffused "the others" the that might authors close about
cases,
naive hopes allegedly the same "Western" it is positions, True enough, with institutions, become also as
scholars, to speak
analogous of modernities.
a set of
and political economic, context have of Western Europe, at least as ideals, sometimes the globe
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Modernity:
working realities. do These at not
One, None,
or Many?
55
and adaptation, of diffusion processes mean cultural and all that however, deep-seated Western differences say, between, China, Europe, cosmological are about to disappear. It only means that these and Japan to adapt to and refer to a set of entities have cultural different
globally
these
diffused
societies
remain
earlier periods during much are located these periods centuries. These thirteenth ways in themselves but been
by the form they acquired of cultural whether crystallization, or to in in the axial tenth the age core identities have, of course, al
they and
of change and processes undergoing to structure have continued the most societal of their civili assumptions to believe naive that they theo convergence the conception of Modernity in this its
of different of
ries. However,
it is not
tried a new
extensiveness, unparalleled ness. Rather, is a set of promissory notes, modernity some minimal of hopes and expectations that entail of adequacy that may be demanded of macrosocietal tions no matter how much these institutions may In both cultural and institutional respects. from the very of its basic ideas inception
differ
characterized
forms and that points as structuring wide certain scale.
in institutional
structuring principles condition. The existence global does not mean that members are about to relinquish their sumptions, much that the less their however, and transformation tures cannot but continuous of those take account
as an age when upon modernity come a common to define have of this common
condition global of any single cultural community as and ontological cosmological institutions. It means, traditional reinterpretation, struc institutional of the global
the commonality
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56
condition has
Bj?rn Wittrock
been an of modernity. inherent part This feature basic even characteristic in the restricted of modernity context of that is
a characteristic
In all periods of fundamental cultural and institutional a new sense a new of historical lization, consciousness,
crystal sense of
the place of the thinking and acting self, has emerged. Indeed, intense activities intellectual of a critical, and reflex historical, are among ive nature the key defining features of periods of major middle of cultural of crystallization. the first millennium and renaissance This b.c.16 of is true of It is also cultural the axial true of ecumenes age in the the period in many thirteenth in a range in Empire
assessment These
parts of centuries.
the world
in the period from the tenth to the were manifested latter developments and Ottonian caliphate
of phenomena, from the Carolinian in the Western Western and Europe to those of neo-Confucianism. Spain cultural the late constitution eighteenth In all these other of
personal it also form generalizable chasm the between bridge order. all Consciousness also of cases
limits
such reflection has had periods, as one of its existence finite out brought the mundane the existence a discourse
to consciousness about institutional linked prac serve to The discourse tices that might transcend that chasm. about such transcendence be religious and philosophical, might or as in the as in the axial age, ecumenical, ecclesiastically twelfth and thirteenth in Europe philosophical the first time centuries in the reflection in world matters say, in Europe. In the formation of late eighteenth and early nineteenth was, po however, explicitly history, located or reflexivity and political public as ecclesiastical sphere, such critical
the
a religious
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Modernity:
the locale necessary efficacious for
One, None,
or Many?
to be
57
institu
transcendental
reflection
tionally
an idea of ethical in manifesting life. to see that already it is important in this respect, dramatic differences between different European is maybe political
in a number of countries, and France Thus, noticeable the formation of a modern case, a strongly stance. In some involved anticlerical involved the sphere political described not a mundane of
anticlericalism
periods, of the chasm only a rejection a and a transcendental it involved realm; in the of a temporal linearity conception to order as the mundane with sphere. a millenarian telos has some
a consequence that of serving as a tool for the forces of light in an inescapable and uncompromising against struggle the forces of darkness and evil. However, nor stance in many parts a Jacobin-Gnostic goes for Britain. of Europe, neither one was ever In the Low Countries, an very antireligious prominent. Scandinavia, Protestant
This and
clearly
a widely diffused and state-supported Prussia, sometimes of a pietistic in the seventeenth had nature, ethic, so to not as served bolster much the century spirit of capitalism state. In these countries the spirit of the early modern territorial a such religious sentiments remained in societal vital force life. In Prussia to be and some other German this ethic tended states, linked to a notion reformed
to royal prerogative, if in a state of service in the early nineteenth In century. Scandinavia, movements and opposition reform hand, sprang up state churches the Lutheran and sometimes also in the formation of Protestant came sects and a Churches. In many opposition to form in the course
the nineteenth
century.
Thus,
itwould
as
be deeply misleading
involving a uniform
of modernity
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58
Bj?rn Wittrock
that a previous came sphere societies. chasm between a mundane and to be differentially
it meant Rather, a transcendental in different nineteenth lization are directly in particular axial age
reinterpreted
European centuries
and early
crystal the world
is the first major period in different transformations For of the other associated with
transformations, epochal of the so-called the concept b.c. and first millennium the in the of the world parts co are striking temporal case there are no demon an In apparently the second
in many transformations profound to thirteenth there tenth centuries, occurrences. in the first However, strable similar case, linkages nature some to account in different
connectedness have been about historical hypotheses rather substantiated. remain than but suggestive they proposed, came a series of developments In the formation of modernity, a crystallization of a new and jointly constituted type together of its societal and order. This occurred teenth early to this consequences specific events for immediate repercussions Of discourses at the nineteenth in the period of the was not it but centuries, context. and It had civilizations late eigh in limited direct across and the
about turn
only but between and tional was There there never was
contesting positions. as already were, emphasized, and adversaries between proponents the were one never restricted of modern advocates significantly in different single of different different European
traditions
homogenous of
there Thus, of conception modernity. even in societal institutions, There an was, from the very undeni cultural This
Europe.
been
regions
multiformity
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Modernity:
may that reason and be speak of a variety of institutions origins still to assume that an all and these
One, None,
roots of
or Many?
59
of different
civilizations cosmological will that across we may condition in dialogue just now
is no
encompassing, by replaced is a global condition However, modernity our and actions, habits, interpretations, irrespective to. claim scale that we of which In this have civilizational roots it is a common sense, live in and with, engage to reach out to grasp.
nations have on
that we
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
For helpful comments on an earlier version of this text, I am John grateful Hall, to Johann Hans Joas,
Stephen
Graubard,
ENDNOTES
^he distinction between temporal and substantive conceptions of modernity is
taken from Bernard Yack, The Fetishism of Modernities: sciousness in Contemporary Social and Political Thought
University of Notre Dame Press, 1998). While I share
Yack's
logical critique, I disagree with his argument that it is not possible and mean
to analyze ingful transformations. 2This theme was modernity as the conjunction of a set of societal
explored
in the
Summer
1998
issue
of Dcedalus
on
"Early
Modernities."
3Pierre Manent,
versity Press,
An Intellectual History
1994), 80-83; see also
of Liberalism
Pierre Manent,
"The Modern State," inNew French Thought: Fayard, 1994) and Manent, Political Philosophy, ed. Mark Lilla (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 123-133. 4KeithMichael Baker, "Enlightenment and the Institution of Society: Notes for a inMain Trends in Cultural History: Ten Essays, ed. Conceptual History," Willem Melching andWyger Velema (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1994), 95-120.
5Johan Heilbron, The Rise of Social Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995); "French Moralists and the Anthropology of theModern Era: On Heilbron,
the Genesis of the Notions of 'Interest' and 'Commercial Society,'" in The Rise
of the Social Sciences and the Formation ofModernity: Conceptual Change in ed. Johan Heilbron, Lars Magnusson, and Bj?rn Context, 1750-1850, Wittrock (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1998), 77-106.
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60
Bj?rn Wittrock
of Liberalism, Compl?tes, 82. Tome XII, Souvenirs (Paris: of
8Reinhart Koselleck, Critique and Crisis: Enlightenment Modern Society (Oxford: Berg, 1987): 5 f.
9Ibid., 6.
10Robert Wokler,
Pangs of Modernity,"
"The Enlightenment
in Heilbron,
Birth
Rise
Magnusson,
of Modernity,
35-76.
nRobert Wokler, "Saint-Simon and the Passage from Political to Social Science," in The Language of Political Theory in Early Modern Europe, ed. Anthony Pagden (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 325-338. 12Such a definition of the concept of civilization is proposed by Willard G. Oxtoby in his article "Rivals, Survivals, Revivals," inWorld Religions: West ern Traditions, ed.Willard G. Oxtoby (Toronto, New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), chap. 5. 13See, e.g., Talcott Parsons, The Evolution Prentice-Hall, 1977). of Societies (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
am grateful to Professor Ion Ianosi in Bucharest for pointing this out to me in 14I a conversation during the time in 1996-1997 when we were both Fellows of the Collegium Budapest. 15Richard Rorty,
University 16See, e.g., Press, Karl
Contingency,
1989), The 63. Jaspers,
(Cambridge: Cambridge
(New Haven, Conn.:
Origin
Yale University Press, 1953); "Wisdom, Revelation, and Doubt: Perspectives on the First Millennium b.c.," Dcedalus 104 (2) (Spring 1975); Shmuel N.
Eisenstadt, ed., Kulturen der Achsenzeit, 3 vols. (Frankfurt am Main:
Suhrkamp, 1992); and Eisenstadt, ed., The Origins (New York: SUNY Press, 1986). Age Civilizations
17For a discussion of early modern Europe and its
and Diversity
to
of Axial
Islam, see
relationship
(Princeton: Princeton Univer Judith Herrin, The Formation of Christendom sity Press, 1987); but also the essay by David Abulafia, "Islam in the History in Islam and Europe in Past and Present, ed. Henk of Early Europe," Institute for Advanced Study in the Hu (Wassenaar: Netherlands Wesseling manities and Social Sciences, 1997), 9-23. (New York: Praeger, 18J.L. Talmon, The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy 1960). See also S.N. Eisenstadt, Paradoxes of Democracy: Fragility, Continu ity, and Change (Baltimore, Md.: John Hopkins University Press, 1999), 33-41.
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