TEACHING BRAZILIAN TWEENS1[1] ENGLISH: FUN NGAMES OR ANALYTIC AWARENESS-RAISING?

David Shepherd (UFF)

Abstract: This article highlights Brazilian tween (pre-adolescent) learners and TEFL. The starting point is lack of learner motivation.A number of potential teacher-based reasons are described. Arguments are made against the current TEFL emphasis on fun-and-games in the light of recent neurolinguistic research findings. A case is made for focus on genre-analytic brain activities. Finally, examples are provided of pedagogic research and classroom tasks for promoting genre awarenessraising. Key words: tweens Brazilian TEFL genre analysis. 1. The Situation and the Puzzle Teachers of English at the ensino mdio taking university Especializao courses are often encouraged to carry out classroom Action Research projects, whereby they analyse and reflect upon their learners and their teaching procedures.The starting point for these projects is the articulation and definition of the practitioners individual puzzles. That is, the teachers are encouraged to write down, and then reformulate, their professional doubts and worries. Many of the teachers concerned consistently present their pedagogic puzzles by way of the following question:Why is it that my tweeny groups have little or no motivation when it comes to learning English? This is always surprising, given the enthusiasm by certain members of the same target population for popular music in English, cartoons in English, Hollywood movies in English, RPG in English, computer games in English, cruising the web in English, chatrooms & email communication, very often in English. This has been evidenced recently from interviews with the target population in focus: you have stated that you regularly listen to songs in English,watch movies and chat in the Internet (Pontes, 2001:18). Clearly, many of the latter facilities are available to no more than a privileged minority of young Brazilian adolescents. Nevertheless, my own puzzle then is: Why is it that there should be, generally speaking, a resentment among young Brazilian teenagers towards learning English, particularly in the public sector classrooms, when, in contrast, so many people are spending a great deal of time, energy and money in their attempts to learn English, in the neverending mushrooming of private EFL franchise schools? The latter phenomenon is a reflection of the fact that most adult citizens in our country, for better or worse, increasingly accept the premise that a knowledge of English may prove a crucial factor in their professional lives, whatever their field of activity. 2. Why are young Brazilian tweens unmotivated to study English? Personally speaking, I would eagerly embrace the belief that our nations youths quase- hatred of English is the result of their growing political awareness, and of their development of Freires concientizao (Gadotti, 1995: 716), in political terms; that it stems from a recognition that English is the language of the capitalist exploiters, who have dominated and restricted the development of Brazil for almost 200 years; that their distaste for English is a symptom of their understanding that
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The American term tweens has been used throughout this article to refer to the pre-adolescent age-group. It is cited by Collins Cobuild (17/07/2001) as has been chosen in preference to existing alternatives including pubescents; tweenies or tweenagers. This research was carried out by Rosane Pinheiro (see bibliography above) as part of her unpublished Masters degree dissertation at the Universidade Federal Fluminense, under my supervision. This activity is based on a presentation by Dr. T.M.G. Shepherd (UERJ) at the 2ND ENPLIRJ CONFERENCE, Rio de Janeiro, September,2000.

the language is the message, the Trojan Horse means by which linguistic and cultural imperialism is achieved (Kandiah, 1995; Postman & Weingartner, 1981). Sadly, this is rarely the case, and our learners are, far too often for my own peace of mind, alienated apoliticals. Is their dislike no more than a symptom of simply being a young teenager? Is it no more than a healthy reaction against all forms of establishment, typical of people tormented by the physical, emotional and psychological changes which accompany post-puberty? If that were the reason, then their negative reactions would be equally felt by our colleagues in the educational world teaching Biology, Portuguese, Mathematics, Chemistry, Ecology among other subjects. Yet this does not seem to be the case. By and large young teenagers are less negative towards several of the other subject areas of their curricula. 3. Is the schizophrenic nature of Brazilian TEFL to blame? It could be argued that much of the blame lies in the fact that our EFL profession is schizophrenic. Thus, on the one hand, we teachers of English in Brazil are part of the educational, formative sector of society, where the objectives are, presumably, to enhance the abilities of our learners to be active, thoughtful, contributory citizens. However, the profession is also very much part of the entrepeneurial world of business, represented by some of the largest, most lucrative enterprises in the world, namely the aformentioned Brazilian EFL franchise schools. Here, the EFL industry, has adopted client-based sales jargon with the key catch phrase fun n games. Thus it is no surprise that two of the key plenary speakers at the 1999 IATEFL Conference were Herbert Puchta, advocating games, games and more games, and Carol Graham, advocating songs, songs and more songs. Because many Brazilian EFL teachers function in both the public and the private sector; they then often suffer from contradictory imperatives (Wagner, 1988:111), or what a famous Scottish psychologist termed mental knots (Laing, 1970). Mental knots are, put simply, the contradictions and ambiguities inherent in all our behaviour, actions, beliefs and lives. In other words, we TEFL practitioners in Brazil, as elsewhere, normally find it impossible to reconcile these two contradictory sides of the ambivalent nature of our professional make-up (viz. Maley, 1992:99). The net result of this schizophrenia is that teachers will opt for the easy way out in pedagogic terms. Thus, the genuine needs of our learners, both short-term and long-term, are often ignored in favour of the contemporary fashion in TEFL. Faced with a barage of multi-media sales techniques from a highly-competitive, globalised publishing industry, teachers go for the use of technological gadgets: overhead projector, video, CD, or website, and for the positivist view that, as far as TEFL materials are concerned, the latest must be the greatest, a stance well-documented in the relevant literature (dos Santos, 1970:27; Ilich, 1971:34; Pennycook, 1989:609). And who can blame us? For we are bombarded by the huge globalised publishing companies selling a constant range of new products; we are often seduced by the razzmatazz, high-tech glamour and glitter of the private language industry, in which, since the early 1990s, the evaluation of learning is largely dictated by accountants and advertising agencies. In addition, many American, Australian and British academics from the field of Applied Linguistics have sold the profession down river in their attempts to jump onto the publishing bandwaggons (viz. Richards, 1984:14). 4. The colonial make-up of Brazilian TEFL teachers. Teachers attitudes to materials and methodologies are also influenced by two other elements in our culture, one deep-rooted, one more recent. The first is the colonial mind, which Freire (1972:59) has defined as accepting the view that modern, progressivist ideas come exclusively from the metropolis. And in the TEFL world the metropoles are Sydney, Michigan, Ottawa, Reading, Cambridge, London, California. A prime recent example is the decision, by the State of Paran, to allow the planning and organisation of teaching and learning in English to be dictated by the British, largely ignoring the efforts made over several years by the NAPs (Ncleos de Assessoria Pedaggica para Ensino de Lnguas), run by Brazilian teachers in Londrina, Curitiba and Maring (Gimenez, 1999). The other influence is that of the methodologies adopted in the EFL world, specifically in the 1990s, the Marketing/ Accountancy Approach, in which pedagogic objectives, (in the current jargon, the mission) must be client-based (Olher, 2000). The dominating principle behind classroom teaching has hence become that of fun and the sole criteria for TEFL evaluation the degree of client satisfaction and the amount of profit. A further aggravating factor for public sector TEFL has been the widely held misconception that learning using Communicative Language Teaching (henceforth CLT) infers an oral approach in two ways. Firstly, that the linguistic input in TEFL should be from oral data, usually in the form of

dialogues; and, secondly, that the learning focus, in the form of tasks and exercises, should be to improve the learners spoken abilities (the case of over 70% of 127 teachers in the Paran public sector who responded to attitude questionnaires, Shepherd, 1992). The adoption of CLT is a classical example of a wholesale importation of a foreign concept, which has been misconceived and misrepresented in Brazil. For the pedagogic roots of CLT are found in British English for Specific Purposes, with immigrant communities (Jupp & Hodlin, 1975), with undergraduate ESL science students (Allen & Widdowson, 1974) and ESL medical staff (Candlin,et.alli.,1974). In all three cases the target learning population were residents, and needed to survive, in Englishspeaking environments in the UK, thus very different from the situation of Brazilian EFL learners in school. It is my contention that by opting for the latter approaches TEFL practitioners have turned their backs on the essential formative nature of our profession, which has, in turn, alienated and distanced them from the dialectic for multi-disciplinary learning advocated in the MEC Parmetros Curriculares. 5. The Fun n Games Factor in Brazilian TEFL. By concentrating on songs, fun and games, TEFL practice has concentrated on the development of language as a right-brain function involving holistic thought, intuition and creativity. Over the past 20 years most thinking TEFL practitioners have been influenced, to a greater or lesser degree, by movements such as suggestopedia, accepting Lozanovs (1978) research which demonstrates the power of a pleasant setting, with music and comfort, for the learning of foreign languages. Other approaches, including Moscovits(1982) Sharing and Caring, Rodgers (1983) holistic learning, Krashens (1983) Natural Approach, Edges (1992) Co-operative Learning, and those described by Stevick (1976), have influenced EFL practice in prioritising the affective learning factors for adults. In the 1990s there have also been EFL blockbuster publications (notably Puchta, 1997) based on neuro-linguistic approaches, but these have aimed specifically at the childrens market. All these elements, have, albeit unwittingly, often reinforced the arguments for the priority of the fun n games factor. Of course I would be the first to agree that this almost wholesale opting for entertainment is as much a reflection of the shallowness of present-day hedonist culture, mirrored by the power and popularity of a gamut of Brazilian TV shows on Sundays. But when it results in EFL teachers opting for fun n games, no matter what the level, profession, aim or specific pedagogic purpose of their learners, then questions have to be asked. This is often recognised by a select band of aware practitioners, as the following extract with a Brazilian EFL teacher of tweens demonstrates: I give them songs, video clips, hypertexts. I play with them, tell jokes, basically make them laugh. But when this doesnt work I make use of the traditional methods. (Pontes, 2001:19) And now there are several convincing research findings suggesting that the fun n games circus-manager stance, so often adopted by EFL teachers, is the last thing which tweens (i.e., young adolescents) require. 6. A smack-in-the-face for fun n games: recent research into tweens learning. Recent educational, medical and neurolinguistic findings in the UK may provide surprising insights for the specific age level of young teenagers under focus. Thus, medical researchers at the University of Warwick, led by Oxford (2001), have (I quote), found that happy people use reasoning strategies similar to those patients who have suffered damage to the frontal lobes of the left side of the brain... This would suggest the exact reverse of the dictum that happy teenagers make good students. Similarly, Williams (2001), a neurologist at the University of Birmingham, claims Our research suggests that the acquisition of analytical skills would be better induced by a negative mood state. This is a somewhat surprising research finding, given the long-standing belief, partially intuitive, of the crucial central position of the affective filter in langauge learning (viz Krashen & Tyrrell, 1983) Williams research has been carried out with adolescent pupils in British comprehensive schools and their scholastic success was measured against their attitude and perceptions of both the teacher, the subject, the topic, the materials and the time of day. Williams position is partially explained by the findings of McGee (2001) of New College, Oxford: The post-puberty development of frontal lobes are closely associated with reasoning powers ; however, it is given much firmer backing by Smiley (2001) from Kings College, Cambridge, whose studies demonstrate that For postpubescents, being in a good mood makes you less critical... but self-criticism is an essential part of all logical thinking... if you are in a good mood you just do not want to study. 7. A positive analytical focus with tween TEFL learners.

To summarise the argument thus far. Over the last two decades EFL teachers have been seduced into emphasising the affective factors, by both a plethora of respectable advocates of humanistic language learning, as well as pressures from the all-pervading need for profit in the private sector. Widespread misinterpretation of what it means to engage in communicative teaching, has resulted in an overwhelming focus on oral input and spoken production. All these influences have meant constant focus on the holistic thought skills of the creative right-side of the brain, with subsequent neglect of the analytical, logical, left-side functions, which are exactly the abilities which these recent research findings have specified as meaningful for tweens, and which include, of course, the study of lexico-grammatical language elements. Little wonder that we TEFL teachers have enormous problems teaching post-puberty adolescents, using classical humanistic approaches, at what may now be seen as essentially analytical stages of their development, apparently requiring serious, logical focus. So where does that leave the EFL teachers of young adolescents? Should a new reign of terror be introduced into the classroom, with a return to corporal punishment and strict adherence to grammar-translation precepts? This would clearly be anathema to any self-respecting, thinking, educational practitioner. In any case, wouldnt wholesale acceptance of these research findings from exclusively British institutions and British scholars surely represent the type of colonial stance criticised above? Not so, for the research is neuro-cognitive, dealing, so it is claimed, with chemical and physical elements of the brain, which are claimed as universal. One means of focussing on the analytic, left-brain functions, is to develop awareness-raising by genre analysis. The activating of knowledge of previously experienced genres in Portuguese may provide a principled means of empowering both EFL teachers, and their learners, towards independent analysis and learning. Carrells (1984: 83-84) research has demonstrated that one type of schema which humans possess is background knowledge about the formal, rhetorical, organizational structures of different kinds of texts. In other words, part of our background knowledge includes information about, and experiences of, differences among rhetorical structures, e.g., differences in the structures of fables, short sories, scientific texts, newspaper articles. In a similar vein Rinvolucri (1996: 39) has made certain concrete claims, based on his analyses of neuro-linguistic patterning. He believes that focus on wider thinking patterns can provide a starting point for new ways of looking at language, which are both intellectually stimulating, as well as demanding, and yet enjoyable. White (1999) has also made a plea for using the concepts of text types, genres and contrasts of rhetoric from different cultures in TEFL. All three scholars argue for focussing on topics which demand using the left-side skills of the brain. Transferring to our own Brazilian context, tween learners might be encouraged to enjoy the excitement of discovery, by activating their previous experience, using textbook genres in Portuguese, from the range of scientific and social science subjects which are their everyday school reality. In the same way EFL teachers may also create a healthy exchange of ideas on text selection and curriculum planning with teachers of subjects other than foreign languages, as advocated by Allen and Widdowson (1974). 8. Why use a genre-analytic focus in Brazilian TEFL? Approaches which highlight the wider, global organisation of texts would dovetail into two of the "Characteristics of the Objective of Teaching", published by MEC for Foreign Languages, (Moita Lopes, 1999), namely, Aprender lnguas significa aprender conhecimento e seu uso" and "A natureza socio-interacional de linguagem". These are the underlying starting points for activities on learning about genres, as advocated by Holmes (1999): Three tests for identifying a genre: What is its purpose, its reason or its communicative function? How typical an example of the genre is it? Do we have a specific label or name for this genre? A similar basis is found for workshops run by Roxo (1999): Descreva as principais caratersticas de um gnero: o contexto social; a organizao retrica; os aspectos lxico-gramaticais. Faa uma proposta de apresentao desse gnero; sua explorao e prtica.

These classroom tasks avoid the danger of presenting EFL materials or utterances in contextual voids, or in make-believe situations. These activities ensure that the initial take-off focus is the communicative function of the utterances, the WHY things are being said, an aspect highlighted by Meurer (1999). The net result is that when learners are faced with an authentic text they can see the wood from the trees. In other words, their awareness of the overall purpose of the genre means that they may be encouraged to approach the text using their previous experience and knowledge at a global level. In this manner learners can develop potential ways through the wood. This is very often achieved by pre-reading or pre-viewing or pre-listening activities which use another of the MEC "Characteristics", namely, "o conhecimento de mundo do aluno". Thus teachers may brainstorm a topic, activate the students background knowledge or previous experience (known as activating content schemata, Carrell, 1984) and develop a mind map of the key lexical items of a topic. Nuttall (1996:154) has provided several practical examples. There is, it must be said, nothing new in this pedagogic tack of using pre-reading activities. One of Saint Augustine's dictums (in his 5th century treatise on teaching) was to establish what the student knows and use this as a platform for extending knowledge. Dewey (1938: 33) the American educationalist stressed the importance of learner experience in reading, and Smith (1978) made his strong pleas for the use of prediction in the teaching of reading in English more than 20 years ago. However, what may be considered as relatively new, is the recourse to our learners' previous experience and background knowledge of a range of text types and genres from their everyday exposure in their Portuguese language. This activating of readers rhetorical schemata is what the MEC parmetros refer to as "o conhecimento da organizao textual", which is one parameter for describing and exploiting genres. It is described as follows: "textos escritos podem ser classificados em trs tipos bsicos: descritivos, narrativos e argumentativos... O aluno pode se apoiar ...nos tipos de texto que j conhece como usurio de sua lngua materna...ele sabe que, ao se deparar com uma historia, deve esperar um determinado tipo de organizao..." 9. Practical classroom activities for the concepts of text-type and genre. All of us have formal, lexical or organisational knowledge from our experience of language texts which expose us to hundreds of genres every day in our mother tongue and in general these genres function because both the writers, or artists, and ourselves, the readers, have previous knowledge and experience of them. So why not use this vast resource with our learners of English? One problem might be where to begin. On teacher development courses at the Universidade Federal Fluminense, one useful starting point has been to define and exemplify a text typology, for written, published texts, as defined by de Beaugrande and Dressler (1981: 182-206). For practical pedagogic purposes these are limited to four basic text types, namely procedural, descriptive, narrative and argumentative, thus closely matching the text types cited by in the MEC guidelines cited above. Each teacher searches for examples from their learners reading in Portuguese. A framework for each text type is established to include the communicative function, the global organisational macro-pattern, and the related discourse markers, typical noun-phrase constituents, cohesive elements and the dominant verb tense. This framework is developed as a discovery technique, from the teachers previous experience and background knowledge, and, once established, the teachers can then apply a similar pedagogic activity with texts in Portuguese which their EFL learners select. A second stage in the process is to select and analyse similar text types published in English. The move from text-types to genres can be achieved by an uncomplicated jumbling- matching task, in which the learners are required to build up separate parts of a version of the following table, adapted from Holmes (1996): TEXT TYPES Descriptive a Geography textbook an encyclopedia GENRES a tourist brochure

a recipe a video camera manual. Procedural a trekkers' guidebook. a fairy story. a History textbook. a business report. a newspaper editorial. a book review a TEFL methods article.

Narrative

Argumentative

By this straightforward means students learn to distinguish the text type as a limited concept, defined and easily recognised by a restricted number of formal characteristics, which galvanise, and can be found in, an infinite range of genres. They can then appreciate that the term 'genre' refers to a text which has a specific purpose or communicative function, which, in turn, may be easily identified. Finally, they are asked to complete the following assertions, in English or Portuguese, using examples of genres of their own choosing: Descriptive passages are found in .... Procedural instructions will be found in .... Narrative sequences will be part of ..... Argumentative prose will be an essential element in.. There is also a simple, interactive means of demonstrating and making learners conscious of exactly how much they already know about genres and, at the same time, develop their metacognitive awareness of how they specify and recognise individual genres. Before the lesson, the teacher can photocopy a selection of between 10 and 20 easily identifiable everyday published written genres. These might be in Portuguese or English, or first in Portuguese, when the focus is no more than to establish the meaning of the concept. Subsequently, the same activity can be done, with different range of genres, in English. Each genre is numbered and displayed on different walls of the classroom. In the classroom activity each learner is given a task-sheet with a list of definitions of several common, everyday written genres, in English or Portuguese, including those displayed, but with some room for doubt, each with a space beforehand to number each genre, and each with a space below for learners to explain how they identified each genre. The learners then match their list of definitions with a selection the numbered texts displayed and write notes on how they identified each separate text as a specific genre. The students efforts at matching, and their notes, provide the teacher with the initial wherewithal to develop understanding of the concept. The starting point for discussion is thus the perceptions of the learners themselves, and in this way follows Saint Augustines educational dictums cited above. A similar activity to the first above, also involving the building up of a table, may help learners to see exactly how many written genres they already know and how easy they recognise distinctions between types of genres. Here they can first write their own lists of all the written genres they know, each on a separate piece of paper. These lists can then be mixed together in groups. Each group is given a series of headings of wide genre-types, e.g. Academic Genres; Literary Genres; Newspaper Genres; Common/Everyday Written Genres; Entertainment Genres , etc. The learners can then try to match their own large genres list with the headings, and, finally, negotiate their decision-making. 10. Research contrasting popular written genres in English and Portuguese. It may be useful at this stage to cite an example of genre-analytic research contrasting a popular written genre published in English and Portuguese.(2) The starting point for the choice of the specific genre was a TEFL classroom difficulty related to motivation involving tween learners. In earlier classes the choice of authentic written texts had provoked difficulties and demotivated the learners. Thus, the pedagogic response was to analyse texts selected by the learners themselves

as their most popular reading matter in Portuguese, and attempt to identify the communicative function, the writer source, and the target audience. At a second stage the researcher attempted to establish either common writer moves, and/or repeated organisational macro-patterns, and/or specific writer lexico-grammatical choices. Simultaneously, an effort was made to ascertain whether, in texts published in contemporary British publications, with similar contexts of situation, the same generic elements were in evidence. The initial research tack was thus to ask learners to both complete questionnaires, and to apply structured interviews in pairs, to determine, albeit at a superficial level, their reading interests and habits in both languages,and their perceived view of which texts match their L1 interests and/or learning needs. The learner target group were pre-intermediate female tweens, urban dwellers, with little interest in their EFL syllabus. The activities designed to elicit information regarding their reading habits revealed a common preference for weekly magazines aimed at female adolescents, overwhelmingly the Brazilian publication Querida (Pinheiro, 1997). Further probing showed that the most popular section of the magazine were the pseudo-psychological quizzes on topics related to peers, boy-friends, etc. The decision to focus on these quizzes in both languages was felt to be pedagogically sound for three reasons. First they focus on individual behaviour and thus have an intrinsic appeal given the egocentricity of the particular age group. Secondly, they had been identified as the most popular leisure reading in the mother tongue. Thirdly, because the quizzes are an interactive genre, they are easily exploitable in the EFL classroom. Each learner was asked to bring at least three different quizzes to class. The teacher then asked them to decide which (non-lingustic) sections or elements were present in every text. A pyramid sequence ranged from individual analysis, to pair-work, group-work, then a whole-group, lock-step discussion of findings. In this way, a framework of compulsory and optional sections (= writer moves) was established. At a later stage the same learners were asked to apply their framework of writer moves to quizzes taken from the British equivalent to Querida, namely, Seventeen. Once the generic moves were established for the quizzes in both languages, the learners felt at ease with the genre in English. The teacher/ researcher then analysed the lexico-grammatical elements of the Portuguese texts using six categories cited by Rector (1995) as specific of the register of teen-talk or pubilect for informal peer interaction among Brazilian tweens ( Metaphors; Clitisizations; Ellipsis; Age-specific slang; Adverbials of degree: hyper, ultra etc.; Foreign language loan-words) These findings were then compared, quantitatively and qualitatively with the presence of the same six categories found in the quizzes published in English. The comparisons of the rhetoric of the two languages were then established and described. Returning to the classroom, the learners were asked to identify typical teen-talk or pubilectwhich they use with their peers. Having agreed on what might be the typical formal charasteristics, Rectors categories were then explained, at a suitably comprehensible level, and examples were identified by the learners using the quizzes which they had selected in Portuguese. At the final stages exemplification of the same six categories were made from the quizzes published in English. Pinheiro (1997) reported that the learners were highly motivated, despite the fact that the focus was linguistic, that their participation improved, as did their performances in subsequent evaluation of reading in English. 11. Conclusions These text and generic dimensions are seen as one possible means of overcoming teacher resistance to change and enable them to perceive the wisdom of using their own and their learners knowledge as a basis for pedagogic innovation, rather than constantly relying on imported models, of dubious value within Brazilian reality. These goals, in addition to those of building confidence and developing autonomy, by both teachers and learners, might be acquired through Byrams (1989:3) axiom of using explicit awareness of the mother tongue as a starting point. To recap, the approach focusses on the organisational global patterns characteristic of certain wider text types and genres, as well as the surface signalling of the same patterns. These can be illustrated from published written texts in Portuguese and English, which have been selected by both teachers and learners alike. By providing relatively straightforward descriptive categories and building on their own strengths of knowledge of Portuguese, the approach represents a first step towards autonomous contrastive rhetoric, relatively easy to develop using practical classroom task-sheets similar to that included as an appendix. References

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