T H E J A N A - P A S S I V E I N T H E NIA.

L A N G U A G E S

by
G. H. S C H O K K E R

University of Leiden

In his stimulating study of the Hindi passive (Untersuchungen zur Syntax des Hindi) 1 P. Gaeffke states: "Neben den bisher behandelten Passiva [i.e. the old Hindi types in -iyai, -iyata] ~ begegnen in allen Hindidialekten mit dem Verbumjdnd zusammengesetzte Formen. Sie sind in den Prakrits noch nicht vorhanden, ebenso fehlen sie im Altmarathi. Vidyftpati (Padftvali) dagegen besitzt ein solches Passiv. Das heisst, es wird nicht vor der ~bergangsperiode entstanden sein, in der sich die (gesprochenen) sp/iten Prakritdialekte zu den neuindoarischen Sprachen entwickelten." As Gaeffke expressly leaves open the problem of the origin of the NIA. jdnd-passive, ~it may be worthwhile to investigate this point a little further. It will then appear that periphrastic constructions with the verb yd- (Pkt. jd-, cf. Hindijdnd) to express the passive do occur in Sanskrit, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit (with gamyate), Prakrit and Apabhrarh~a. Hence, the NIA. jdnd-passive may be considered to derive from this type of constructions, especially from those found in Apabhrarh~a. The instances of these periphrastic passive constructions will be discussed, and it will be pointed out which conclusions may be drawn from them for the interpretation of the jdnd-passive and connected verbal compounds in the NIA. languages. 4 In Sanskrit periphrastic constructions of verbs meaning "to go" (yd-, etc.) with abstract nouns, especially those ending in -td, -tva and -ana, to 1 P. Gaeffke, Untersuehungen zur Syntax des Hindi (The Hague, 1967), pp 51-52. 2 P. Gaeffke, op. cit., pp. 40-51. 3 P. Gaeffke, op. cit., p. 53, n. 1. * For those scholars who have akeady drawn attention to some of these constructions see the following discussion. Recently K. de Vreese, without going into detail, remarked: "The Hindi passive, however, which Jules Bloch tentatively explained as having originated under the influence of MI ida (Skt. jdta) and which Chatterji is inclined to derive from MI -ij]ai, can now better be explained from the Apabhraria~a potential passive (type kara.naumjdi), from which the ordinary passive developped later on", Lingua, XHI (1965), p. 213.

G.H. SCHOKKER

denote the passing from one state into another are well k n o w n : The construction of yd- with an action-noun in -ana may express the passive, cf., e.g., dargana~h yd- "To come into vision, to be seen", Vardh. B.rh. S. 11, 42; 58, 1.s This type of periphrastic passive construction is also found with infinite verbal forms like the Sanskrit infinitive in -turn, the gerunds and the neuter of the past participle in -ta. As is well known, the Sanskrit infinitive in -turn (as well as other action-nouns) by itself belongs neither to the active nor to the passive voice. When the infinitive is construed with an active verb, it has an active meaning, but, when construed with a passive verb, it has a passive meaning3 In the case of the intransitive verb yd- the infinitive, when construed with it, may have either (1) an active meaning or (2) a passive meaning. (1) The type quoted by the first edition of the PW., 8 e.g., tathd edreayiturh jdtu ydto bh~te~vararh n.rpat: "And thus, once upon a time, the king went to worship Bhfite~vara", Rdjatar. V, 48. o (2) The type quoted by the second edition of the PW., 1~ sub yd- in the sense of "gehen, so v.a. yon Statten gehen, gelingen, zu Stande k o m m e n " : ye yogindm api na ydnti gun. ds tave~a, vaktud~ katharh bhavati te.su mamdvakdga.h, Kalyd.namandirastotra, vs. 6, translated by H. Jacobi with: "Wenn deine Tugenden, o Fiirst, von Heiligen selbst sich nicht besprechen lassen, wie sollte es dann mir gliJcken? ''11 Similarly the gerunds, originally action-nouns, a2 and the past participle in -ta, in its neuter form able to serve as an action-noun, ~8 may be construed with yd- to express the passive.

I. With an infinitive A. Sanskrit

This type of periphrastic passive, i.e. ndydti with the infinitive, is found for the first time in Mhbh. interpolation 221 after II, 19,30: vaktu~h ndydti
5 Cf. L. Renou, Grammaire Sanscrite (Paris, 1961), p. 495; JAs, 1959, pp. 36, 94.

6 Var~hamihira, B.rhatsarhhita, ed. H. Kern (Calcutta, 1865). Cf. J. S. Speyer, Sanskr# Syntax (Leiden, 1886), par. 387, 391. a O. BShtlingk und R. Roth, Sanskrit W6rterbuch (St. Petersburg, 1855-75), sub yti-,6e. ' Kalha.na,Rajatarat~gin.f, ed. M. A. Stein (Bombay, 1892). 10 O. BShtlingk, Sanskrit-WOrterbueh in kiirzerer Fassung bearbeitet (St. Petersburg, 1879-89), sub yti-, 4. 11 Siddhasenadivfikara, Kalyd.namandirastotra, ed. and trsl. by H. Jacobi, in Ind. Stud., XIV, p. 379. Cf. Renou, Grammaire Sanscrite, par. 219e. 12 Cf. Speyer, op. eit., par. 379; J. Wackernagel und A. Debrunner, Altindische Grammatik (GSttingen, 1954), II, 2, par. 484, 641. 13 CT. Speyer, op. eit., p. 281, n. 1; Wackernagel und Debrunner, op. cir., par. 436c (p. 585).

THE jlffr/d-PASS1VE IN THE NIA. LANGUAGES

rdjendra etayor niyamasthayot.1 " O supreme sovereign, it is impossible for

both of them to speak because they observe a vow". x4 It seems that F. Kielhorn ~ has been the first to point to the periphrastic passive construction o f y d - with the infinitive. Besides the above mentioned instance of the Kaly6.namandirastotra, he quotes the following cases: Har.sac. II, 13 svecchopajdtavi.sayo 'pi na ydti vaktud~ deh~ti.., igvaradurvidagdhat3 "Although his possessions come to him at his own pleasure, a wrong-headed king cannot be told to give ''~6. The Sanskrit c o m m e n t a r y explains na ydti vaktum with vaktuti~ na pdryate, na ~akyata iti virodhat.1. Lalitavigrahardjan6t.aka, p. 9, line 4: virahah, so.dhuth kathaff7 ydsyati " H o w will the separation be borne? ''a7 H. Osthoff (IF, VII, pp. 179-182) quotes vind rdjgd sthdtuti~ na ydti "It is impossible to stay without a king", Hit., p. 41, line 3 (ed. P. Peterson [ B o m b a y , 1887]; thus also the 14th ed. by K. P. P a r a b [Bombay, 1947], p. 40, line 1; but O. BiShtlingk, in his Sanskrit-Chrestomathie [Leipzig, 1909, 3rd ed.], p. 175, line 7, reads yuktam for ydti). In his translation of the Saundarananda (note on VII, 15) TM E. H. Johnston refers to two instances in Gau.dapftda's Bhd.sya on Sdrhkhyakdrikd X I : na vivekaril kartuth ydti "It c a n n o t be decided" (p. 9), and vivektud7 na ),dti (p. 10)39 I n his Histoire de la Langue Sanskrite, p. 70, n. 1,2~ L. R e n o u quotes na ydti pratibhettum "It c a n n o t be pierced" f r o m Jayantabha.tt.a's Nydyamagjari, p. 385, line 18. e~

B. Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit

F. Edgerton 22 quotes gamyate in the meaning "It is possible, there is 14 Mah6bhfirata,crit. ed. by V. S. Sukthankar (Poona, 1943). 1~ F. Kielhorn, "A peculiar use of the verb ya in a verse of the Har.sacarita", Album Kern (Leiden, 1893), pp. 119-120. Cf. Renou, Gramrnaire Sanscrite, par. 107; YAs, 1959, p. 78. in B~n.a, Hars.acarita, ed. K. P. Parab (Bombay, 1897), p. 54. E.B. Cowell and F. W. Thomas, in their translation of the Hars.acarita (London, 1897), p. 42, render na ydti vaktum with: "He cannot speak out his request", but, when taking the verse as referring to K~ma, they translate: "K~ma cannot be called". 17 Ed. F. Kielhorn, in Bruchstiicke Indischer Schauspiele in Inschriften zu Ajmere (Berlin, 1901). is A~vagho.sa, Saundarananda, trsl. by E. H. Johnston (Calcutta, 1932). 19 i~varak.r.s.na, S~thkhyakdrikd, with Gau~laphda's Bhg.sya, ed. Bechanar~ma Tripa.thi (Benares, 1883). 20 L. Renou, Histoire de la Langue Sanskrite (Paris, 1956). 21 Ed. Pandit ~ri Nhrayan.a ~ukla ( = Kashi Sanskrit Series, no. 106) (Benares, 1936). Cf. the translation by L. Renou, in Anthologie Sanskrite (Paris, 1947), p. 251. ~ F. Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary (New Haven, 1953).

G.H. $CHOKKER

opportunity", construed with the infinitive, f r o m Mahdvastu II, 248, 18:

yadi tava abhipt~yo, 6gaccha, nanaprakdrdn, i phaldni paribhoktuth tahith gamyate " I f you are willing, come, various fruits can be enjoyed there". 2~ This impersonal construction, with the accusative case ndndprakdrd.ni phaldni as an object depending on the infinitive paribhoktum, is an interesting parallel to the impersonal passive construction ofjdn~ with the oblique case of the logical object in the NIA. languages, cf., e.g., dm6ke dekhana jdya " I a m seen" in Bengali (cf. Gaeffke, p. 52). 24 C. Prakrit
Kielhorn (op. cit., p. 119) also quotes two instances f r o m Prakrit: 1) Karp~tram. I, 30b .no bahfthith rama.naphalaalh ve.dhiuth jdi dohith "The expanse of her hips cannot be encompassed [even] with the two arms".25 2) Karpftram. I, 30d ta paccakkhath maha vilihiuth jdi esa n.a citte "Therefore, it is impossible for me to p o r t r a y her in a picture as she really is". Kielhorn points to the parallel citren,api na gakyate 'bhilikhitum, Vasav., p. 104. 26 In his Prakrit dictionary, sub jd- (Skt. ya-) in the meaning sakan~, samartha hond, Sheth 27 quotes two instances f r o m D e v e n d r a ' s Sukhabodh~ (in manuscript form) on Uttarddhyayanasatra II, 13 :~s 3) kithtu mama ettha najaipavvahtth, lit. "But by me it cannot be gone there". 4) bahit.t.hiya.narh kith jdyai ajjh~iuth " W h a t can be studied by outsiders?" II. With an action-noun T h e construction of j d- with an action-noun to express the passive (cf. 2s Ed. E. Senart (Pads, 1890). J. J. Jones, in his translation of the Mahdvastu(London, 1952), II, p. 235; translates: "If you are willing, come, we will go there to enjoy those variegated fruits". 24 CT. S. K. Chatterji, The Originand Development of the BengaliLanguage(Calcutta, 1926), pp. 921ff. ,5 R~ja~ekhara, Karprtrama~jarf, 2nd ed. and trsl. by S. Konow and C. R. Lanman (Benares, 1963). Cf. Lanman's note, ibidem, p. 238, n. 2: "The phrase .no jai (yati) seems to be used like es geht nicht, that won't go". Cf. also B. Saksena, Evolution of Awadhi (Allahabad, 1937), p. 296. *~ Subandhu, Vasavadatta, ed. F. Hall (Calcutta, 1859). ,7 Hargovind Das T. Sheth, Pgda-Sadda-Maha.n.nava,2nd ed. (Benares, 1963). ~s According to J. Charpentier, Uttar~dhyayanas~tra(Uppsala, 1922), p. 56, Devendra completed the Sukhabodha in sathvat 1129 (1072 A.D.).

THE jtln~t-PASSIVE IN THE NIA. LANGUAGES

Skt. darganath yd-) is characteristic o f Apabhrarh~a. I n their edition o f A b d u l R a h m a n ' s Salhde~a Rdsaka, J i n a Vijaya M u n i a n d H. V. B h a y a n i state: " T h e use o f t h e infinitive [i.e. the a c t i o n - n o u n ] with .ha (or an i n t e r r o g a t i v e particle) a n d jdi to d e n o t e i m p o s s i b i l i t y o f p e r f o r m i n g an a c t i o n because o f its extreme n a t u r e is peculiarly Apabhraliaga". 2~ As stated b y L. Renou, 3~ in S a n s k r i t the a c t i o n - n o u n , especially t h a t in -andya, -ane, c o m p e t e s with the infinitive. Cf., e.g., Sak. I, 11 drtatrdndya va.h gastrafil na prahartum andgasi; 81 a n d the a c t i o n - n o u n in -ane with adakta: Pagcat. I, p. 72, line 3 a~aktd vayati~ samudra~o.san, e. 32 I n P r a k r i t , where generally the Sanskrit infinitive suffix -turn survives in the f o r m s -iuth, -urh, t h e t e n d e n c y t o w a r d s substituting an a c t i o n - n o u n in -a.ne for the infinitive is well k n o w n , cf., e.g., eso ayalo m a m a ghardgama.ne niv~reyavvo, H. J a c o b i , Ausgew. Erz., p. 63, line 16 (cf. ibidem, par. 116). 33 A c c o r d i n g to G. V. T a g a r e (HGA, p. 322), 34 the S a n s k r i t infinitive suffix -turn survives in the southern A p a b h r a l h ~ a infinitive suffix-hudr, on which the M a r a t h i infinitive in -~h, -oil7 is b a s e d (see below). But generally A p a b h r a r h ~ a 35 uses a c t i o n - n o u n s like those e n d i n g in -evath, -an.a, -a.nahad~ 36 a n d -an.ahi~iT, or g e r u n d s like those e n d i n g in -eppi, -eppi.nu, -evi a n d -evin. u, ~7 for the infinitive. See Hemac. IV, 441 tuma evad7 at.~dn,ahati7 a.nahifi~.3s 2~ Jina Vijaya Muni and H. V. Bhayani, Abdul Rahman's Sarhdega Rasaka (Bombay, 1945), p. 44. For the same function of the j'tin~-passive in the early stage of the NIA. languages see Gaeffke, p. 55. Indeed, the majority of the instances we have collected confirm this impression. Its explanation, however, falls outside the scope of this study which is only concerned with the formal aspect. 3o JAs, 1959, p. 14. 3~ KAlid~sa, ,~akuntal~, 3rd ed. Monier Williams (Benares, 1961). ~ Pagcatantra, 6th ed. F. Kielhorn (Bombay, 1896). 33 H. Jacobi, Ausgewtihlte Erziihhmgen in M~harashtd (Leipzig, 1886). 3, G.V. Tagare, Historical Grammar of.4pabhrathda (Poona, 1948). 35 In Ardhamagadhi the forms deriving from the Sanskrit infinitive in -rum rarely serve as infinitives but are more often used as gerunds. Cf. R. Pischel, Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen (Strassburg, 1900), par. 576; A. M. Ghatage, Introduction to ArdhaMffgadlff (Kolhapur, 1951), par. 462. ~e According to Pischel, Grammatik, par. 579, -a.naharh is gen. plur. of -a.na. L.H. Gray (BSOS, VIII, p. 573), considering this plural form unusual in an action-noun serving as an infinitive, suggests its origin from OIA. *-anatham, but he concedes that -tha is not used either in Sanskrit or in Avesta to form secondary noun-derivatives. Unless -a.nahath is gen. plur. (cf. cintantffham, the gen. plur. of the present participle used in an absolute sense, Hemac. IV, 362), it may be the loc. sing. of the feminine suffix -a.na (Skt. -ana), el. -a.nahidt, which is also loc. sing. (Pischel). See vikkha.nahaK~ (for vikhyatum) in Sanatkumdracaritam ~131," 8 (ed. H. Jacobi, ABAW, 31 [Mfinchen, 1922l), which may be parallel to a form like kannahath (kanyffy~m), ibidem, par. 16. a7 For -eppi, -evi deriving from Vedic -tv[ and -eppi.nu, -evi.nu deriving from Vedic -tv[nam see Pischel, Grammatik, par. 588.

G.H. SCHOKKER

So in Apabhrarhga the periphrastic passive is expressed by the construction o f j a - with an action-noun or a gerund (or a past participle, cf. sub IV). As will be pointed out, the Apabhrafiaga construction o f j a - with an action-noun to express the passive survives in the NIA. languages, cf. the type pit.a dharan,a na jai "The pot cannot be held" in Old Bengali (cf. Gaeffke, p. 52). The instances noted in Apabhrarhga are: 1) Hemac. IV, 350, 3~ when prescribing the ending -he for the gen. sing. fem. in Apabhrarh~a, quotes: annu ju tucchai~ti~ tahe dha.nahe tath akkhan.aibi~ na jai, cf. Trivikrama: anyad yat tucchalh tasya dhanydyds tad dkhy~turh na yati; Pisehel translates: "Alles andere was an der gliicklichen zart (klein, etc.) ist, das geht nicht zu z~ihlen". Vaidya renders akkhaeai~th na jdi with: " I t is impossible to mention". 2) Hemac. IV, 441 (see above) quotes: emval" suhu bhmiljan, ahad~ man. u para bhulhjan, ahilh hajji, 4~cf. Trivikrama: evam eva sukhayi7 bhoktumand.h parayh bhoktuth na yati; Pischel translates: "So gerade denkt man Glfick zu geniessen, jedoch (so) geht (Gliick) nicht zu geniessen". Vaidya renders bhuti~jan,ahiFn najai with: "Is unable to do so [i.e. to enjoy happiness]". 3) Sathdega Rdsaka 7 l a lajjavi parhthiya ja~"rahai~rh, hiyai~ na dharan, ai~ j6i " O traveller, if I stay, I cannot keep firm my heart out of shame". 4) ibidem 81a sadTdesa.dai~ savittharaft, para ma~" kahan, u na j~i "The message is long, but I cannot tell it". 5) ibidem 218b kima kofla kalarai~ sahan,a j 8 i " H o w can the sound of the kokila be borne?" 6) According to Jina Vijaya Muni and H. V. Bhayani (Sathdega R~saka, p. 44), this type of periphrastic passive construction also occurs in Joindu's Paramappapayasu? ~ But to my regret this text is not available to me.

3~ SiddhahemaeandraAdhyaya VIII, ed. and trsl. by R. Pischel (Halle, 1877-80), cf" also the edition by P. L. Vaidya (Poona, 1958). Thus also Skrhhafftja, Prak.rtarCtp~vat~ra, ed. E. Hultzsch (London, 1909); Lak.smidhara, $ad.bhas.acandrik~, ed. Trivedi (Benares, 1916). Cf. Puru.sottama, Prdk.rtanugasana, eel. L. Nitti-Doici (Paris, 1938), XVII, 36. See Tagare, HGA (p. 321), who also gives a survey of the regional division of the infinitives used in Apabhrath~a. ~9 For Hemac. IV, 350 and IV, 441 see Kramadf~varaIV, 36 and V, 55. Cf. R. Pischel, Materialien zur Kenntnis des Apabhrarhga, in AKGW (G6tt.), Phil.-Hist. Kl., NF., Bd. V, n. 4, pp. 10, 42; L. Alsdorf, in Festschrift Winternitz (Leipzig, 1933). 40 In his Apabhrathga-Studien (AKM, XXII, 2 [1937]), pp. 69ff., L. Alsdorf considers Hemac. IV, 441 one of his "Ad hoc gedichtete Beispielstrophen". For Hemacandra's sources see Pischel, Grammatik, par. 29; L. P. Tessitori, Ind. Ant., XLIII, p. 22; L. Nitti-Dolci, Les Grarnmairiens Prakrits (Paris, 1938), p. 176. ~1 The text has been edited by A. N. Upadhye (Kolhapur, 1937). Cf. also the edition in the Rayacandra-Jaina-,qKstra-Mala, 12 (Bombay, 1915), and the translation by R. D. Jaini (Library of Jain Literature) (Arrah, 1915).

THE jdnd-PASSIVE IN THE NIA. LANGUAGES

III. With a gerund

A. Sanskrit
L. Renou, in his Grammaire Sanscrite (par. 103d), has pointed out that the gerunds in -tvd and - y a f z especially in passive or nominal sentences, m a y express the action experienced by the subject. This use o f t h e gerunds in a passive meaning is also found in their construction with yd- to express the passive. In A~vagho.sa's Saundarananda and Buddhacarita the construction of yd- with a gerund, besides denoting continuous or habitual action (S. V, 43; B. IX, 54; X I I I , 5), m a y also express the passive :~3 1) Saundarananda VII, 15:44

chittvd ca bhittvd ca hi ydnti tdni svapauru.sdc caiva sah.rdbaldc ca j~dndc ca rauk.sydc ca vind vimokturh na dakyate snehamayas tu pdga.h
" F o r the former [bonds] can be cut or broken by one's o w n might or the strength o f friends, but the snare o f love cannot be loosened except by true knowledge or hardheartedness" (Johnston). N o t e : chittvd ca bhittvd ca hi ydnti : vimokturh na gakyate. 2) Buddhacarita VI, 48:45

yasmad ydti ca loko 'yath vipralabhya parati~param mamatvarh na k.samath tasmdt svapnabhftte samdgame
" A n d since this world is in a state o f continuous separation, therefore the feeling 'this is mine' is improper with regard to a coming together that is transitory as a d r e a m " (Johnston). 46 ~ See note 12. 46 Cf. Johnston, Buddhac., trsl., Introd., p. LXXV; L. Renou, JAs, 1959, p. 78. The periphrastic construction of verbs like ds-, v.rt-, sthd- with a present participle or a gerund to signify a continuous action is well known, cf. Speyer, Sanskrit Syntax, par. 381. For the gerund "in the manner of a participle forming a continuous tense with i-" see W. D. Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, 6th ed. (Cambridge, Mass., 1941), par. 994e. - For the construction of gain- with a gerund in Pali see Rhys Davids and W. Stede, The Pali Text Society's Pall-English Dictionary (Chipstead, Surrey, 1925), s.v.; R. N. Vale, Verbal Composition in Indo-Aryan (Poona, 1948), pp. 263-264; H. Hendriksen, Syntax of the Infinite Verb-forms of Pali (Copenhagen, 1944), par. 46. 44 Ed. E. H. Johnston (London, 1928). 4s Ed. and trsl. by E. H. Johnston (Calcutta, 1936). 46 Cf. Johnston's note: "Y~ti with the gerund implies continuous or habitual action, possibly here in a passive sense 'is being continually separated', as is apparently the contruction at S. VII, 15."

8 B. Apabhrarhga

G. H. SCHOKKER

In Apabhrarh~a, where the gerund may serve as an infinitive (Hemac. IV, 441, cf. sub II), the following instance has been noted: Pu.spadanta, Ndyakumdracariu I, 15,1347 tuhurh jdhi laeppin, u kith paren, a " H o w can you be taken by another? ''4s This type of construction survives in the early stage of the NIA. languages, cf. early Avadhi mandira.., kahi jdta so ndh~ti~ " T h a t temple cannot be described", Tulsid~sa, Rdmacaritamdnasa V, 5,349 (cf. Gaeffke, p. 52).

IV. With a past participle The construction of yd- with the neuter of a past participle in -ta, which may serve as an action-noun a~ (e.g., yatam, n. "motion", ~1 Vardh. B!47. S. 68, 115; 86, 6), has not been noted in Sanskrit. In Prakrit and Apabhraa~a, however, some instances have been noted. In a Prakrit passage like dit.t.hHlia bdn.ehi a tuliath j~i lahuarh pavatizgamasen, n.arh, translated by Goldschmidt with "Jetzt ward das Affenheer mit Blicken und Pfeilen yon ihm aufgewogen ( = iiberwaltigt), leicht ( = besiegt)" (Rdvan. avaha XV, 44), ~ tulia~i7 jdi lahuarh may be considered one expression "becomes easily matched (i.e. defeated)", unless tuliarh is an adjective belonging to pavavhgamasen, n.arh. As regards Apabhrarhga, H. Jacobi, in his edition of the Sanatkum6racaritam (p. 19), 53 states: "Vielleicht liegt eine Umschreibung des Passivs mit dem Verbum "gehen" wie im Hindi vor in der Verbindung panallhau jdi (342, 9)'. Since Jacobi here refers to the unedited part of the manuscript of Haribhadra's Neminathacaritam, the context in which panat.t.haujdi occurs is unknown. But, as the distinction between the -au and -aurh endings for respectively the masculine and neuter forms of the -a stems is maintained in the Sanatkumdracaritam (Jacobi, pp. I 1 ; 17), it seems likely that panatthau is not the neuter but the masculine form and corresponds with an unknown masculine noun. If so, this construction o 4~ Ed. H. Jain (Benares, 1933). 48 Cf. also the construction ofjai with the loc. sing. of a noun, ibidem tH, 11,9: jasu atthu so j~i viy6rahith "He who has property can be changed". 4~ Ed. ~y~masundarad~sa (Pray~g, 1922). 6o See note 13. s~ See below the Kha.ri Boli constructionjayaj~na "to be possible to go", which is based on Pkt. jaya (Skt. yatam). 5~ Rava.navahaoder Setubandha, ed. and trsl. by S. Goldschmidt (Strassburg, 1880-84). 58 Sanatkunuiracaritam,ed. H. Jacobi, in ABA W, 31 (Mfinchen, 1922).

THEjana-PASSIVE IN THE NIA. LANGUAGES

jdi with the adjective masculine past participle panat.t.hau is an interesting forerunner of the well-known NIA. passive construction with jdnd and the declined past participle.
NIA. L A N G U A G E S

As stated by Gaeffke (p. 52), in the early stage of the NIA. languages the jdnd-passives are construed either with infinite verbal forms or with the declinable past participle. The above mentioned constructions account for the NIA. passive constructions with jdnd and infinite verbal forms. The infinite verbal forms found in the early NIA. jdnd-constructions are: the Old Marathi infinitive endingin -tirh, -o~h deriving from the Sanskrit infinitive in -turn (I); the action-noun (II); the gerund (III); the direct form (IV, 1) and the oblique form (IV, 2) of the masculine past participle serving as a verbal noun; the oblique form of the present participle used as an oblique verbal noun (V). It has been pointed out that the Sanskrit infinitive in -turn survives only in southern Apabhrarhga (ending in -huffO and in Marathi where infinitives in -lin'~ or -orb are found (cf. Bloch, F L M , par. 265; L'Indo-Aryen, p. 283). 54 Hence, in Old Marathi periphrastic passive constructions with the infinitives in -lirh, -on'~ may be found (sub I). But, as pointed out, in Apabhramga generally other forms of the verb like the action-nouns (cf. Skt. -ana), the gerunds and the neuter of the past participle, which take the place of the Sanskrit infinitive in -turn, are construed with jd- to express the passive. The NIA. jdnd-constructions with the action-noun (sub II) and with the gerund (sub [II) continue the Apabhrarhga types. Since, except for Gujrati, Marathi and Sinhalese, the neuter does no longer exist in the NIA. languages, the NIA. jdnd-passive, when formed with the past participle, is construed with the masculine past participle used as a verbal noun, which stands for the older neuter form of the past participle in this function. This masculine past participle, then, occurs either in its direct form (sub IV, 1) or in its oblique form (sub IV, 2). On the other hand, the adjective form of the past participle, declined in
"~ J. Bloch, La Jbrmation de la langue Marathe (Paris, 1919); L'lndo-Aryen du V~da

aux temps modernes (Paris, 1934). R. Turner (BSOS, VIII, p. 211) considers Bloch's statement, that the Sanskrit infinitive has disappeared except perhaps in Marathi, too sweeping. But his referenceto Hindi maifa kar saktd hath, Gujrati hurhkad ~akurh chuth only concerns the infinitive function of kar, karl Morphologically they do not derive from Skt. kartum. As will be pointed out, kar may be considered the verbal root form substituting the Apabhrarh~a gerund in -i, serving as an action-noun, while Gujrati kari may be explained as the locative absolute past participle. - - For Pkt. -urh see Jacobi, Ausgew. Erz., par. 60; Tessitori, 1rid. Ant., XLIV, p. 121.

l0

G.H. SCHOKKER

concordance with the logical object, appears in the NIA. jdnd-passive, el. the Apabhrarh~a type panat.thau jdi. This construction has become the normal one (sub IV, 3). Analogous to the jdnd-construction with the oblique past participle is that with the oblique form of the present participle which, then, serves as an oblique verbal noun (sub V). The periphrastic passive construction with the -ruth infinitive in modern Gujrati (sub VI) can be explained by the infinitive function of the Sanskrit gerundive in -tavya, from which type it derives (cf. Kellogg, G H L , par. 596). 55 Because a periphrastic passive construction with the gerundive has not been noted in the older stage of the language, it has not been mentioned before. But it may be noted that the gerundive's function as an infinitive is known from Sanskrit (rarely), 5~ Prakrit (more often) 57 and Apabhrarh~a where -evvaiilh is mentioned as one of the substitutes for the infinitive by Kramadf~vara V, 55. 58
I. With the Old Marathi infinitive in -firia, -ore

As stated, in Old Marathi periphrastic passive constructions with the infinitive ending in -~n~, -orb occur. 59 Though not pointing to them in his section on the passive (par. 236ff.), A. Master, n~ in his section on the infinitive (par. 249), quotes constructions like taro~h ye yogeril " I t is possible to cross (to be saved) by yoga", V I I 2 93, 6~ and, in his Select Index (ibidem, p. 170), he quotes viedr~ti~ e "It can be considered", R 5, ld. 6~ II. With an action-noun Type pit.d dhara.na na jdi "The pot cannot be held" quoted by Gaeffke (p. 52) from the Caryds in old Bengali, of. Chatterji, ODBL, p. 924. 63 55 S.H. Kellogg, .4 Grammar of the Hindi Language, 3rd ed. (London, 1938). ~n Cf. Speyer, Sanskrit Syntax, par. 386; 389, Rein. 2; Wackernagel und Debrunner, Altindische Grammatik, II, 2, par. 460r 57 Cf. Speyer, op. eit., p. 303, n. 1. ~8 Cf. Pisehel, Grammatik, par. 570; Tagare, HGA, pp. 321ff. 69 It seems that such periphrastic passive constructions found in Old Marathi have not yet been noted. According to Bloeh (FLM, par. 258) the Marathi j~nd-passive is of recent date. The Old Marathi eontruetion is not mentioned by: S. G. Tulpule, An Old Marathi Reader (Poona, 1960), par. 59; M. G. Panse, Linguistic Peculiarities of .I~dnegvari (Poona, 1953), par. 3. 61 (pp. 99ff.); Joshi, A Comprehensive Marathi Grammar, 3rd ed. (Poona, 1900); W. Doderet, BSOS, IV, pp. 59; 543ff. ,o A. Master, .4 Grammar of Old Marathi (Oxford, 1964). ~1 Vaehdharal.laofDdmodara Pa.n~lita, ed. V. B. Kolte (Malk~pur, 1953). e2 J~dnegvari, ed. V. K. R~jv~te (Dhulia, 1908). 6~ S.K. Chatterji, The Origin and Development of the Bengali Langaage (Calcutta, 1926).

THE jtT//tT-PASSIVE IN THE NIA. LANGUAGES

1l

Subhadra Jh~ (FML, par. 748) 6~has already recognized forms like dharan,a as verbal nouns, deriving from the Sanskrit action-noun in -ana. Chatterji, wrongly deriving such forms from the gerundive (type kara.nfyaka), points to corresponding passives like kahanijdya, 65 which are not preserved in Bengali but which occur in Tulsidfisa. While referring to a corresponding construction like nd jdya kahane in Middle Bengali, Chatterji states that the locative-instrumental ending -e in kahane might be a reminiscence of the older form in -i, which could be recognized as a locative. In view of an Apabhraliaga passive like bhuthja.nahirh na jdi (Hemac. IV, 441), where bhumjanahirh is loc. sing. (see above, note 36), forms like kahani (Tulsid~tsa) may be considered locatives of the action-noun (cf. Skt. -ane). ~ Since in Apabhrath~a the locative singular is also used for other cases and has, therefore, the function of an oblique case, 67 forms like kahani may be considered oblique case forms of the action-noun. Final -i being liable to be omitted, forms like dharan, a ( Caryds) arose. This conclusion is supported by the fact that in Old Braj, too, forms like dharan,a serve as oblique infinitives, cf. Dhirendra Varma, LLB, p. 110.6s Kellogg (GHL, par. 596c) quotes inflected infinitives in -i (type karani) from Braj. If in the early stage of the NIA. languages forms like dharan.a, kahani serve as oblique infinitives, the infinitives in -n like Braj -nauth, Hindi -nd seem to derive not from the Sanskrit gerundive in -aMyam - - as supposed by Kellogg (par. 596) 6a - - but from the Apabhrarhga infinitive in -an.aud~ (for Skt. -anakam). Thus Kha.ri Boli passive constructions like dekhne metil dnd "to be seen ''7~ run parallel to the early j~nd-passive
6' Subhadra Jhfi, The Formation of the Maithili Language (London, 1958). 85 Chatterji does not give a place of reference for kahani. Saryak~nta's Index Verborum to Tulasi D~sa's R~m~ya.na (Lahore, 1937) quotes only the form kahana. 66 See also the construction of dv~ba with the oblique case of a verbal noun (followed by a locative postposition) in Avadhi, cf. Saksena, Evolution ofAwadhi, p. 294. 67 Cf. L. Alsdorf, Der Kum~rap~lapratibodha (Hamburg, 1928), p. 64; H. Jacobi, Ausgew. Erz., par. 116. as Dhirendra Varma, La Langue Braj (Paris, 1935). ~a Kellogg bases himself on the theory proposed by A. F. R. Hoernle, in JASB, XLII (1873), pp. 66ff. S. Konow (JRAS, 1902, p. 419, n. 1), however, has already doubted the derivation of the Braj infinitive in -nauru from Skt. -anfyam (Pkt. -a.nijjathor -a.nfath) and has suggested its derivation from the Apabhrariaga infinitive in -an.auth (for Skt. -anakam), originally an action-noun. See also Tagare, HGA, p. 321. It may be noted that, in contrast to the gerundive in -tavya, the gerundive in -aMya does not serve as a n infinitive in Apabhrarhga. 70 See R. N. Vale, Verbal Composition in Indo-Aryan (Poona, 1948), p. 73. See also periphrastic passive constructions with the verbal noun dikh~i like dikh~f den~, dikh~i pa.rn~ (Vale, p. 93). The usefulness of Vale's study, however, is impaired by its lack of examples.

12

G.H. SCHOKKER

constructions with the loc. sing. of the action-noun, type kahani jdya (Tulsidftsa), ndj@a kahane (middle Bengali). Similar passive constructions are found in Old Gujrati, viz. in The Vasanta Vihisa: 71 Long Recension 19 dipati sahan, a na jdi "His splendor cannot be borne"; Long Rec. 52 kdmini ndhuldfirh sukha ffrh mukha kahan,a na jdith "The pleasures which the loving woman has with her husband are not to be described" (cf. Short Recension 41 kamin, i pdmai je sukha te mukha kahatla na jdhh); Short Rec. 29 ni.sidhipan,ai vidhdtd gha.df jdgha.d[ kaha.nu na j~i "Her thighs shaped to pure perfection by the Creator cannot be described"; in the corresponding passage of Long Rec. 68 ( : Reconstruction 41) najdi is construed with the noun upama, acc. of upamd: nirupamapan, aiti7 vidhi tdrit gha.di jgtrhghad. ~ upama na jdi. G. A. Grierson 72 has noted the modern passive construction in Kashmiri with the oblique infinitive in -aria, type gupana yima "I will be hidden,,.Tz III. With a gerund Type mandira.., kahi jata so ndhiviT, Tulsidftsa, Rdmacaritamdnasa V, 5,3, the instance quoted by Gaeffke (p. 52). For early Avadhi see also Jayasi's Padumdvatf: 7a 5, 7 saud~ha nirakhi na jai nihdrd "Being viewed from the front he cannot be gazed upon"; 15, 8 likhi najdi ita dinha "For so much has been given that it cannot be written"; 17, 7 bhasama gti dho? (m.c. long) "His ashes have been washed away"; 49, 7 tilaka gd met.?(m.c. long) "The mark on her forehead was effaced"; 96, 3 bhari ga gagana "The sky was filled". For Old Braj see Sf~ra X, 3019 h.rdai dna~iTda mukha kahi na j6i "The happiness of heart cannot be described with the mouth" ;7~ RP. VIII, 5 kahi kyorhhf~rh na j~i "It cannot be said in any way",76 and two ambiguous instances (with a feminine logical object): V, 35 dehi rf kdlhi ga~ kahi daina "O woman, give the gift that was promised [by you]
,1 Ed. W. Norman Brown (New Haven, 1962). This type of periphrastic passive in old Gujrati is not mentioned by T. N. Dave, A Study of the Gujarffti Language in the 16th Century (V.S.) (London, 1935), pp. 46-47. ~2 G . A . Grierson, A Manual of the K~shmirfLanguage (Oxford, 1911), I, p. 61; II, pp. 194ff.; see J. Bloch, L'Indo-Aryen, p. 294. ~z See also the periphrastic passive construction of labanu "to receive" with the infinitive in -anu, -inu in Sinhalese, cf. W. Geiger, Sinhalese Grammar (Colombo, 1938),

p. 157. ~4 Ed. LakshmiDhar (London, 1949). *~ Ed. NathdadulfireVfijapeyi(Benares, 1958-61). ~ Ke~avadhsa,Rasikapriy~, ed. Vi~van~thapras~da MiCra, in KedavagraK~th~vali, I (Allahabad, 1954).

THE jt#/tl-PASSIVE IN THE NIA. LANGUAGES

13

yesterday"; VIII, 6 jihOh dti suprfti hiyerh kahijdi na tais7 "Such a way in which there was a great love in the heart c a n n o t be described". The past participles ga, gd (Padumdvati 17, 7; 49, 7; 96, 3) and gai (RP. V, 35) show that past participles o f j d n d also occur in the jdnd-passive (contrary to Gaeffke, p. 56). Cf. also early Maithili rabhasa samaya jata kahi geld " I n the days of love's caresses, he promised me m a n y things", Vidydpati L X X I I I , 4. 77 See sub IV, 3. Generally a form like kahi is considered to derive f r o m the Apabhrarhga gerund in -i, Hemac. IV, 439 (cf. Pischel, Grammatik, par. 594; Kellogg, GHL, par. 599), cf. the Prakrit gerund in -ia (Pischel, par. 590). If so, a construction like kahijdta m a y be considered a continuation o f the construction o f j d - with a gerund in Apabhraria~a (cf. yd- with a gerund in A~vagho.sa), explicable by the gerund's function as an action-noun. TM In K h a r i Boli the verbal r o o t f o r m substitutes the old gerund in its function as a verbal noun. 79 This explains the K h a r i Boll construction of the root f o r m of intransitive verbs with jdnd that denotes the transition into a state, e.g., ho jdnd, lit. "to pass into the state of being", "to become", s~ In Kha.ri Boli the construction o f j ~ n d with the root form of transitive verbs, however, expresses no more the passive but it is used in an active sense. See sub IV, 3. In m o d e r n Marathi the jdnd-passive is construed not only with other verbal forms but also with the gerund in -tTn, e.g., terhjalfmjd~l " T h a t will be burnt", cf. Bloch, F L M , p. 259. s~ v7 Cf. G. A. Grierson, JASB, LI (1882), p. 174. 7s This function of the gerund also explains an old Braj construction like suni kai (RP. I, 23; III, 71), cf. Dhirendra Varma, LLB, p. 112. That gerunds, doing duty as action-nouns, are construed so in Apabhraria~a is attested by a construction like dahevi kari, lit. "performing the act of burning", "burning", Sarhdega Rasaka 108b (cf. ibidem, p. 37). ~9 Cf. Old Braj suni kai: Khari Boli sunkar, sunke. See Kellogg, GHL, par. 426. The use of the verbal root form in compound verbs is already found in Apabhrafia~a, see the Apabhrarh~a intensive formations d~-d~hi,jajjdhi (for ]d-jdhi), interesting precursors of the Khari Boli type de do, cf. L. Alsdorf, HarivarMapurd.na (Hamburg, 1936), p. 169. For the alternation between the verbal root form and the gerund in the early stage of the NIA. languages see Old Rajasthani: itarai ek dlf le dvi ~nana ~gali adarasa : abald lei gha.Mbhurhidyau, l/eli Krisana Rukama.nfri83, 130 (ed. L. P. Tessitori [Calcutta, 1919]; ed. and trsl. into Hindi by R~masiriaha and Sfiryakaran.a Pfir~a [Allahabad, 1931]), cf. ibidem 104 turi ldga le t~ki. so See P. Hacker, Zur Funktion einiger Hilfsverben im modernen Hindi (Wiesbaden, 1958), pp. 203ff. 81 Cf. G. R. Navalkar, The Student's Afardt.M Grammar (Bombay, 1880), p. 148. Bloch (FLM, p. 261) explains the Marathi gerund ending in -tin as an ablative form in -a with a -ni postposition, type meghauni, divtini. For -tin as resulting from a contamination of old -tvana and -tvfna see Tagare, HGA, p. 326.

14

G. H. SCHOKKER

IV. With the past participle It is a well-known fact that in the Apabhrarh~a stage of the language the neuter is liable to disappear. 8z So, except for Gujrati, Marathi and Sinhalese, it does not exist in the NIA. languages, as In Old Gujrati, where the neuter is preserved, in a periphrastic passive construction the neuter of a past participle serves as an action-noun, e.g., The Vasanta Vildsa, Long Rec. 41 ( = Reconstruction 22) mdi mzTlil d~.sa anit.hauth dit.hawh gamai na c~ra " O mother, my pain is unending, I am unable to see clothes", cf. Short Rec. 33 hala sakhi dftkhu dm.fft.hau dit.hau gamai na ch'u. According to N o r m a n Brown, both forms dit.hauti~ and dit.hau are accusative neuter. In those languages, however, which have no neuter the masculine past participle is substituted for the old neuter in its function as an actionnoun. Just as in other constructions where the masculine past participle serves as a verbal noun, it is in the jdnd-passive used either in its direct form (IV, 1) or in its oblique form (IV, 2). Alternatively, it is treated in the jtind-passive (as elsewhere) as an adjective (IV, 3). For Old Western Rajasthani Tessitori has pointed to the c o m m o n usage of the loc. sing. forms of the past participles as oblique verbal nouns. Thus they may also serve as gerunds. In the Veli Krisana Rukaman. i ri, besides the gerund in -i (see sub III), forms in -i, -e, -ai serve as gerunds, cf., e.g., 104 silaha md~iThi garakdba sa~itpekh?jodha mukura pratibimba jima; 108 devdlai paisi ambikd darase; 123 v~t.hai v~haviyai d veld hala. The form in -i, found in Old Western Rajasthani and in old and modern Gujrati, 84 does not derive from the Apabhrarhga gerund in -i s'5 but, like the forms in -e, -ai which are locative past participles serving as oblique verbal nouns, the form in -i may be explained as the locative absolute past participle, e.g., kariu, kari-i, kari. s6 In the same way J. Beames s7 has explained the form in -iyai, which (along with that in -i) serves as a gerund in Chand Bardfii. A similar explanation may perhaps be proposed for the
82 Cf. Tagare, HGA, p. 105. According to Jacobi (Bhavisatta Kaha [in ABAW, 29,

Mtinchen, 1918], p. 32), this text does not observe Hemacandra's distinction between the masculine and neuter forms (Hemac. IV, 331 IT.; 354; see Namisadhu [Nitti-Dolci, Les Grammairiens Prakrits, p. 169]). But the Harivarh~apurK.na (cf. Alsdorf, ibidem, p. 178), like the Sanatkumaracaritam (see above), observes this distinction. Cf. Pischel, Grammatik, par. 357; 359. ~3 Cf. Bloch, L'lndo-Aryen, p. 151; FLM, p. 178. For the modern Gujrati neuter ending -urh (from Apabhrariaga -auth) see Tessitori, Ind. Ant., XLIII, pp. 182ff. ~* Cf. Grierson, JRAS, 1902, p. 552. ,5 Cf. Bloch, L'lndo-Ar),en, p. 285. s6 For the forms in -e, -ai see Tessitori, lnd. Ant., XLIV, p. 103. For the form in -i see ibidem, pp. 105, 119. ~7 J. Beames, JASB, XLII (1873), p. 182; of. Kellogg, GHL, par. 754, 2t".

THEjdt/d-PASSIVE IN THE NIA. LANGUAGES

15

oblique -d participles (old gen. sing. forms) in the l/eli, e.g. 60 sydmd dradTbhiyd si.nagdra "Syam~ [was engaged] in the act of making her toilet" or 62 tumhdrh kil.Tai s~khavyd tai" "Who [was engaged] in the act of teaching you at that moment?", absolute forms comparable to static compounds like maiffl samjhe hue thd in Khari BolP s or dye chai in Gujrati. Here the supposition would be that the auxiliary verbs are omitted, as is often the case, 89 the result being a purely nominal construction. (1) The jdnd-passive is construed with the direct form of the past participle serving as a verbal noun. It is a well-known fact that in the NIA. languages which have no neuter the masculine of the past participle, standing for the neuter, may serve as a verbal noun. Cf. early Braj kahyo lcari mero "doing my saying" (RP. I, 27) and Kha.ri Boli merd kahd mdniye " M y word should be obeyed" (Kellogg, GHL, par. 754, 4). 9o This type of verbal noun is known from the Khari Boli types pa!'hd karand "to read often" and bold cdhand "to be about to speak" (Kellogg, GHL, par. 386b; 435). Kellogg has recognized that forms like pa.rhd, bold here function as verbal nouns. But, though they agree in form with the past participles, Kellogg makes a distinction between the two, presumably in view of the eastern Hindi type sunai caha (Kha.ri Boli sund cdhd), with the so-called inflected infinitive sunai. However, both forms sund (Kha.ri Boli) and sunai (eastern Hindi) are to be considered past participles used as verbal nouns, sund being its direct form and sunai its oblique (old loc. sing.) form (see sub IV, 2). That a form like sund is actually a past participle appears from an Old Braj construction like su cdhati hal aba pdi lagdyo " N o w she wishes her feet as being embraced (to be embraced) [by Krishna]" (RP. III, 56), where the past participle is used as an adjective. 9~ Cf. also Gujrati bolydkarwulh : Kha.ri Boli bold karand (Bloch, L'Indo-Aryen, p. 277)) 2 Forms like jdyd, mard in jdyd edhand, mard cdhand 93 are also past ss Cf. Bloch, L'lndo-Aryen, p. 277; Kellogg, GHL, par. 754, 3. 89 Cf. Kellogg, GHL, par. 506b. 9o Cf. also Vale, Verb. Comp., p. 97. ~ Cf. Dhirendra Varma, LLB, p. 121. g" See also Bhojpuri 6ila kar ~ Magadhi dvala kar ~ and Maithili dela kar ~ (Kellogg, GItL, par. 591). 9z Cf. G. A. Grierson, JASB, LII (1883), p. 156. See also ~yd-jdyd karand,jdyd karand (Vale, Verb. Comp., p. 74). According to Vale (10.78), constructions likejdyd cdhie are now obsolete, substituted by the type jdnfi cahie. Referring to a form like mdrd in mfira mdri "a mutual beating", where according to him rndrd (deriving from Pkt. gen. sing. mdria) is the oblique form of the verbal noun mari, Grierson considers the forms

16

G.H. SCHOKKER

participles serving as verbal nouns. In Prakrit the past participle jdya (Skt. ydta), on which H i n d i f i y a is based, is less common than'gaya (Skt. gata), on which Hindi gayd is based. Sheth quotesj~va (Skt. ydta) only from Sf~agad.dhgasutta I, 3,1; I, 10,94 and as a neuter action-noun from ~cardrhgasatra, p. 13, line 27. 95 The rare occurrence of Pkt. jdya (Skt. ydta) over against the very common usage of Pkt. gaya, possibly due to the formal identity of the first form with Pkt. jdya (Skt. jata "born"), may account for the fact that in Hindi generally gaya serves as the past participle of jdnd. Although jdyd is known as an adjective past participle from Panjabi, 9e it especially occurs in Kha.ri Boll in the typesjdyd karand, jdyd cdhand where it serves as a verbal noun. Perhaps this is due to the fact thatjdyd, unlike gayd, is derived fromjdnd. For Kha.ri Boll mara, old Braj marau (cf. RP. III, 10), see Pkt. maria, based on the present tense marar,a7 whereas Kha.ri Boli mud (cf. Old Braj mue) 9s is from Pkt. mua (Skt. mrta). In the passive construction jdyd jdnd "to be possible to go ''99 and the typejdyd cdhand "to be about to go" the elementjdyd seems to be identical. In Old Braj the construction gayaujdi is found, cf. Sfira X, 1022 hama pal ghau.sa gayau nahim jdf, lit. "By us it cannot be gone to the shore" (cf. Gaeffke, p. 56). For early Maithili Grierson a~176 has pointed out that in Vidydpati the old form of the past participle kahia in the passive construction kahia jd- functions as a verbal noun, cf. Vidydpati XXXI, 2 r kahini kahia najdya "The story of that moment is unreliable", and, with pdria, ibidem XXXIII, 5 kahia na pdria pahu mukha bhasd "I cannot tell the words that issued from my husband's lips". Similarly the indeclinable past participle in -ala is here used, el. the instances quoted by Gaeffke (p. 52): bolala bola najdya (Vidydpati V, 12) and kahin~ kahala na jdya (ibidem IX, 9). ~~ This use of the past participle as a verbal noun may also explain a Kha.ri Boli passive like is rupae ko bairhk merh rakh diyd jde "Das Geld
jayd and marl in jaya c~hana, mara c~hard similar oblique verbal nouns. His derivation, however, is impossible. Cf. Gujrati gaya (orjayd) karvuth (Vale, p. 49). a4 Ed. (Bombay, sarhvat 1917). 95 Ed. W. Schubring (Leipzig, 1910). 96 Cf. J. Beames, A Comparative Grammar, III (London, 1879), p. 140. 97 Cf. Pischel, Grammatik, par. 565. 98 Cf. Brajabh~.sd Sgtra-koga, ed. P. N. T.an.~tana (Lucknow, 1962). ~9 Cf. Vale, Verb. Comp., p. 83. x00 G . A . Grierson, JASB, LI, pp. 146; 174. 101 Gaeffke quotes the edition Vidyapati-Padfivali, by Kumud Vidyalafiak~r and Jayvafi~ji Jhfi, 2nd ed. (Delhi, Regal Book Depot, 1961). See also Subhadra Jh~t, FML, .par. 748.

THEjtT//t~-PASSIVEIN THE NIA. LANGUAGES

17

sollte in einer Bank hinterlegt werden", quoted from Premcand's Gaban (p. 208) t~ by Gaeffke (p. 52). Here the impersonal construction of jde with the verbal noun (rakh) diyd accounts for the oblique form is rupae ko. It seems clear that a purely nominal construction isolates the logical object, which, then, is put in the oblique case. For instance we find in Old Braj already, notwithstanding the passive present participle, constructions like nahirh sobhd ko sdjiyatu "Der Glanz wird nicht versch/Snt" (Satsai 272, l~ quoted by Gaeffke, p. 51), with the oblique case for the logical object, or like caMiyatu.., bdta (SatsaO, where the oblique form, as is often the case in the earlier language, is not expressed. Alternatively, the passive present participle may be declined here as well as in thejdn#passive with the declinable past participle, as an adjective, cf. caMiyali.., cdla (Satsa O. See also the ergative construction in Kha.ri Boli, either with the past participle serving as a verbal noun and the oblique form of the logical object, as in rnailh ne larM ko dekhd (hal), or with the adjective past participle and the direct form of the logical object, as in tna#i7 ne la!'kf dekM (hal), cf. Gaeffke, p. 83. Bloch t~ has pointed to the use of an indeclinable past participle in a Bengali passive like mardjdya "he is killed". According to Bloch, the fact that this past participle is here indeclinable suggests that it is used as a verbal noun. But, since past participles are never declined in Bengali, this argument seems to be ambiguous. Nevertheless, the construction of this type of Bengali passives with the logical object in the dative-objective case form in -ke, e.g. ~mdke dekhdjdya (idiomatic in contrast with dmi dekhd jdya), drndke dekhd hai (never dmi dekhd hal) and dmdke dekht~ calla, ~~ suggests that, just as in the Bengali passive dmdke dekhanajdya the form dekhana is a verbal noun (in its oblique case, cf. sub II), here dekhd may be considered the past participle serving as a verbal noun. (2) Thejdnd-passive is construed with the oblique form of the past participle serving as an oblique verbal noun. 10z 26th Ed. (Allahabad, Harhs Prakfi~an, n.d.). lo8 Ed. Devendra Sarmfi "Indra", 2nd ed. (Agra, Vinod Pustak Mandir, 1962). 104 J. Bloch, L'Indo-Aryen, p.278. 10~ Cf. Chatterji, ODBL, pp. 921ff. For the origin of the verbal noun in -t~in Bengali, e.g., mara from Skt. maritam, see Chatterji, pp. 660, 1016. Although Chatterji recognizes the substantive value of the past participle in the constructions amake dekhd hai and ~m~ke dekh~ calla, he considers dekh~ an adjective past participle in the constructions dmake dekhdjdya and ami dekhdjaya (uncommon). As will be clear, his reference to the Old Bengali passive construction with the adjective past participle in -il, e.g., bdndhilajai (Sri Kr~.naKirttana, ed. Basanta-Rafijana, VSPd, Bengali year 1323), is not relevant.

18

G.H. SCHOKKER

Like the above mentioned obfique verbal nouns in -i, -e, -ai in Old Western Rajasthani, the so-called oblique infinitives in -ai found in Old Braj (SOra and Ke~avad~sa) and Avadhi, 1~ or those in -e, -ahi found in early Maithili, 1~ m a y b e explained as oblique (old loc. sing.) forms of the past participles. The early Maithili form in -ahi has preserved the Apabhrarh~a suffix -hi and is based on the short past participle (type bait.ha, cf. Padumavatf, p. 25). Cf. the Apabhrathda forms in -ai (Alsdorf, Kumdrapalapratibodha, p. 63). l~ The infinitive forms in -a~' found in eastern Apabhrafia~a and explained by Tagare 1~ possibly due to an extension of the absolutive may perhaps also be considered loc. sing. forms of the past participles serving as oblique verbal nouns. To this type also belong the oblique forms of the infinitive in -en'~ (Rasikpriy6) or in -airh (S~ra) found in Old Braj? ~~But they seem instrumental forms of the past participles, cf. the Apabhrarh~a instrumental in -erh? a~ Their substantive value clearly appears from a construction like duti deha k~ dekherh terh "By seeing the beauty of her body" (with duti : dekherh), RP. III, 38. Bloch l~z quotes Kha.ri Boli kahe se, cf. a Khari Boli expression like kahdnf kahe se kya hot~ hai (with kah~n~ : kahe se). In Old Western Rajasthani the jand-passive construction with the oblique past participles is not found. But in early Avadhi the oblique past participles in -ai are used in the jdnd-passive, e.g., kahai na jdi biraha dukha bht~kha "The sorrow of separation cannot be described in words", Padumdvaff 98, 3. Cf. the eastern Hindi type sunai caha (Kellogg, GHL, par. 435; 569), e.g., cahai u.ddvai jh6la "Wishes to blow away her ashes", Padumdvat? 83, 8. From early Maithili Subhadra Jhfi ~3 quotes the following periphrastic passive constructions with the so-called oblique infinitives in -e, -ahi: paradae samandae na jde "A message cannot be sent through another person" (V.S. 23), T M bolae na ida kicchu dhde "Nothing can be said at once" (K.H. 9), at5 kahahi najtie "Can't be said" (V.S. 23), cf. also, with xo6 Cf. Lakshmi Dhar, Padum~vatf, p. 26; Vale, Verb. Comp., p. 112. ~07 Cf. Subhadra Jhfi, FML, par. 710, 748. lo8 According to Jacobi (BhavisattaKaha, p. 41) Apabhrarhga forms in -iyai occur but they are rare. See,however, the absolute past participle in -iyai, serving as a gerund, in Chand Bardfii (above). xo~ Tagare, HGA, p. 322. x~o Cf. Dhirendra Varma, LLB, p. 110. *x~ Cf. Tagare, HGA, p. 118. xx~ J. Bloch, L'Indo-Aryen, p. 278. ~ Subhadra Jh,~, FML, par. 748. t~4 VMy6patipad~val~,the Bafigiya S~thityaParisad edition of the photographic copy of the Nepal manuscript.

THEj8nd-PASSIVE IN THE NIA. LANGUAGES

19

pdr-: herahi na pdrali "Could not be seen" (V.N. 52b), ~" upamd karae na parae jdka "Whose comparison cannot be given" (V.S. 69), ganae na pdria "Could not be counted" (K.H. 18), and, with ho-: kuca siriphala nahi hoe nawde "The ~ri fruits of her breasts could not be bent down" (R. 43)? 17 The substantive value of Kha.ri Boll past participles in their oblique form is well known? *s They occur in the static compounds, e.g., maiti7 samjhe hue thd "I was [engaged] in the act of understanding" (see above), in the type kiye rakhand "to keep on doing" (Vale, Verb. Comp., p. 98), in constructions with dend, e.g., [gardffTva] khole deft hfoh "I open [the rope around the bulls' neck]", Premcand, Mdnasarovar, II, p. 154, last line (cf. the v.1. khol deft hOlh in the Urdu version), ~t9 and in constructions with jdnd in an active meaning, e.g., is latd ki kyoff7 chore jdti hai "Why are you leaving this vine?" (Sakuntald, cf. Kellogg, GHL, par. 754, 3). However, thejOnd-passive in Kha.ri Bol~ is not construed with the oblique past participle (serving as an oblique verbal noun) but either with the direct form of the past participle (serving as a verbal noun) or with the declined past participle? 2~ Thus it appears that, when the past participle serves as a verbal noun, the language can use either its direct or its oblique form. For Gujrati and Marwari Bloch ~ has pointed to the same phenomenon, cf. Gujrati bolyd karwwi7 (Kha.ri Boli bold karand): Gujrati and Marwari bolydd7 karwuti~, with the ob!ique plural (!) form bolydrh. See the Marathi periphrastic passive with the present participle in -tdrh (an oblique plural form), cf. sub V.
(3) Thejdnd-passive is construed with the adjective form of the past participle, which, in concordance with the logical object, is declined according to the -d, -e, -i rule. See the Old Braj type gahanaurh ga!'hycturh najdi "The jewel cannot be made" : gati kahi na jdti "The way cannot be described", Biharidfisa, Satsaf, 105 and 169, quoted by Gaeffke, p. 52. As pointed out, the type can be found already in Apabhrariaga, el.

xl~ Kirtilata, ed. M. M. Haraprasad S~stri. 11~ Vidyapatipadavali,the photographic copy of the Nepal manuscript of Vidy~ipati. 117 Rdgataratigi.niof Locana. 118 Cf. J. Bloch, L'Indo-Aryen, p. 278. 11a Premcand, M~nasarovar, 9th ed. (Allahabad, 1962); M. A. and D. Ansari, Chrestomathie der Urdu-Prosa (Leipzig, 1965), p. 25. For the type khole dend see Hacker, Zur Funktion einiger Hilfsverben im rnodernen Hindf, pp. 241 ft. 120 For a possible explanation of this fact see below (sub IV, 3). 121 J. Bloch, L'lndo-Aryen, p. 277.

20

G.H. SCHOKKER

panat.thaujai (Sanatkumdracaritam 342, 9). As stated above (sub IV, 1), the alternation between the indeclinable and the declinable past participle is also found in other constructions, viz. 1) the type bold cdhand, cf. Old Braj su cahati hal aba pdi lagdyo "Now she wishes her feet as being embraced (to be embraced) [by Krishna]" (RP. III, 56), and 2) the ergative construction in Kha.ri Boll, cf. mairh ne la.rk~ ko dekhd (hal) : mairh ne la.rki dekhf (hal). It would seem that in the jdn~-passive the differentiation between the construction with the indeclinable past participle and that with the declinable past participle is due to the need of distinguishing between the active and the passive voice, especially in the case of transitive verbs. Cf. Old Braj kahi jata "is said", Kha.ri Boli kah jata (-~, -e) "says", Old Avadhi kahai jai "is said", Kha.ri Boll kahe jata (4, -e) "says', kaha (-~, -e) jata (4, -e) "is said". Thus the jana-passive with the declined past participle has become the standard construction in Kha.ri Boli. It may be pointed out that this construction, like that of the jdntipassive with the gerund (sub III), is also formed with the past participle of jdnain Old Braj (contrary to Gaeffke, p. 56), lz~ cf. nd bakhang kdhftpai gai "This could not be described by anybody", Rdmacandrikti I, 2. ~2~

V. With the absolute present participle The periphrastic passive construction with the absolute present participle (serving as an oblique verbal noun) runs parallel to that with the oblique past participle. The construction is found in Old Braj where a form like kahata (with or without Mrh) may have an absolute function. Although in Old Braj the endings -u and -i for the masculine and feminine present participles are optional, 1~ the comparison of a passage like Sftra I, 2 abigata-gati kacchu kahata na dvai "The way of the Unknown One cannot be described in any way" to S~ra I, 12 abigata ki gati kahi na parati hal shows that kahata, here explained with kahane meth by the Sflrakoga, is here used as an oblique verbal noun. Passive constructions like karata avata, kahata 6vata, pahanata avata or sunata avata are current in Modern Braj. m For Gaeffke's quotation of S~ra X, 1022 see above (sub IV, 1). For his quotation of S~ra IX, 3 taharhgayau najdi the edition by Narhdadul~re V~japeyireads tfi dsrama srajata n.rpagayau, tahfithjai kai d.era dayo, wheregayau and j'tiikai are separate. m Ke~avad~sa,R~rnacandrikd, ed. Viw MiCra, in Kegavagra~hthdvali, H (AUahabad, 1955). xz4 Cf. Dhirendra Varma, LLB, p. 108.

THE jtlnt~-PASSIVE IN THE NIA. LANGUAGES

21

The construction is well k n o w n f r o m m o d e r n Marathi where the indeclinable present participle in -tdrh ~25 is construed with the verb ye- "to c o m e " to express the passive, cf. maldjdtdrh yeto "I can go" (with the logical subject in the dative case), ~26 maid nakkf sdd~gtdth yet nai "[ c a n ' t say definitely", dusryd bashed7 jdtdd, yell kd " C a n one go by another bus?".~27 I n Kha.ri Boli the oblique present participle, 12s like the oblique past participle, is used as an oblique verbal n o u n in the static compounds, cf. ek strigdte dff tM, lit. "A w o m a n [engaged] in the act of singing was coming" (Kellogg, GHL, par. 445) : mairh samjhe hue thd (sub IV, 2). Vale also quotes it from the construction with dekhnd (p. 90). This oblique present participle is also f o u n d in a K h a r i Boli passive like yah rot.f khdte naMrh banat~ "This bread cannot be eaten", which might be explained as "This bread is not suitable for the eater", but, since the feminine f o r m of the present participle never occurs in this type, the form khdte here also seems to function as an oblique verbal noun. Cf. the Old Braj type khelata bahai gho.sa nikdsa "It can be played in the open field o f the c o w - p e n ' , Sflra X, 244. A construction like yah rot.rkhdte naMrhjdti tM "This bread could not be eaten" (cf. the Old Braj type kahata na dvai), however, does not occur in Kha.ri Boli.

VI. With the -vurh infinitive in modern Gujrati In m o d e r n Gujrati, where javu~ "to go" is construed with the declined past participle to express the passive, the passive is also made by means of dvavurh "to c o m e " and the -vuff7 infinitive in its oblique f o r m in -md~i~,1~9 e.g., vastu jovdmdtil dvi " T h a t thing was seen". The latter construction seems to be frequently met with in Parsi Gujrati33~ 126 J. Bloch (FLM, par. 262) considers the form in -tdth either an old gen. plur. (cf. Skt. -andre) or being based on the gerund in -tvdnath (Pali) or -ttd.ndth(Ardhamagadhi). According to Tessitori (Ind. Ant., XLIV, p. 97), -tdrh is a gen. plur. form contracted from Apabhrarhga -antdham or -antaham, cf. cintantdhad: (Hemac. IV, 362), which is used in an absolute sense. 12n Cf. J. Beames, .4 Comparative Grammar, IIl, p. 222; Vale, Verb. Comp., p. 36. 127 Naresh B. Kavadi and Franklin C. Southworth, Spoken Marathi (Philadelphia, 1965), p. 204 (par. 3. 316). 1~8 Cf. the Bengali indeclinable present participle in -ire, a locative absolute, which, according to Chatterji (ODBL, pp. 999; 1014), is distinct from the Bengali infinitive in -ite, which he derives from the old verbal noun in -i plus the locative suffix -te. 1~9 According to Geo. P. Taylor, The Student's Gujardt[ Grammar (Bombay, 1908), p. 73, -mdrh is the locative form of the -ruth infinitive. 1~0 See W. St. Clair Tisdall, A Simplified Grammar of the GujratiLanguage (New York,

22

G.H. SCHOKKER CONCLUSION

In Khari Boli and other central NIA. languages thejdnd-passive construed with the declined past participle has become the standard construction. Its alternative, however, is the construction with the indeclinable past participle (either the direct or the oblique form). It has been pointed out that the latter construction belongs to the general type ofjant~-passives construed with infinite forms of the verb, which are especially known from the early stage of the NIA. languages. These forms occurring in the early jdnd-passives are: the old Marathi infinitive in -tirh, -oth, the action-noun (also in modern j~nd-passives like in Kashmiri), the gerund (that in -6n also in the modern Marathijdm~-passive), the above mentioned indeclinable past participle and the oblique present participle, cf. the modern Gujrati periphrastic passive with the -v~r/zinfinitive in its oblique form in -rntirh. From the periphrastic passive constructions noted in Sanskrit, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhrai~a~a it appears that this type of jtimi-passives construed with infinite forms of the verb is explicable from a historical point of view, the underlying construction being that with an action-noun or infinite verbal forms like the Sanskrit infinitive in -turn, the gerunds and the neuter of the past participle in -ta. The type is found in other Indo-European languages. H. Osthoffxzl has pointed to the periphrastic passive construction with qu-it "it is possible" or nequ-it "it is impossible" and the infinitive in Latin. In this connection it would be interesting to investigate whether the type also occurs in the Non-Aryan languages in India. The passive construction with the indeclinable past participle is noteworthy. The past participle in -ta was originally a verbal adjective. But in its neuter form it could serve as an action-noun. Thus this past participle, like the action-noun, could be construed with ya- (Pkt. jt~-) to express the passive. This type has survived in the NIA. jdnd-construction with the masculine past participle serving as a verbal noun (either the direct or the oblique form). On the other hand, in the early stage of the NIA. languages, perhaps already from Apabhraria~a onwards (cf. panalt.haujai, Sanatkumdracaritam 342, 9), the past participle also appears as a declined verbal adjective (!) in the jdnd-passive. In the central group of 1961 [republished]),p. 69. Cf. also G. Cardona,A GujaratiReference Grammar (Philadelphia, 1965), p. 118; Vale, Verb. Comp., pp. 48, 53. x31 H. Osthoff,IF, VI, pp. 20ft.; IF, VII, pp. 179-182. CL R. Meringer, IF, XVII, p. 161 (different).

THE jdrtla-PASSIVE IN THE NIA. LANGUAGES

23

the NIA. languages thisje/nd-passive with the declined past participle has become the standard construction. It has been pointed out that the indeclinable past participle also occurs in other NIA. verbal compounds: with the direct form in the Kha.ri Boli types pa.rhti karand, bold ctihand, and with the oblique form in Kha.ri Boll types like kiye rakhan6, khole den6 and the static compounds. In the ergative construction, the same alternation between the indeclinable and the declinable past participle is found as in the jdnd-passive. Similarly the oblique present participle may serve as an oblique verbal noun in other constructions, cf. the Kha.ri Boll static compound construed with it. Thus it would seem that for the explanation of participial constructions in Kha.ri Boli and other NIA. languages one cannot rule out the possibility that the participles in these constructions are originally not adjective but substantive participles serving as verbal nouns.