IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP

Ideological and Emotional Resonance of Anti-war Hip-Hop:

An Exploratory Quantitative Analysis on Non-Activists
`

Jeneve Brooks, PhD Candidate
Fordham University
Word Count 4,319
*
Jeneve Brooks, Department oI Sociology and Anthropology, Fordham University, 441 E. Fordham Rd.,
Dealy Hall, 4
th
Fl., Bronx, NY 10458. The author would like to acknowledge the insightIul comments oI
Catherine Zimmer, Doyle McCarthy and Evelyn Bush in developing this paper.
IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
Ideological and Emotional Resonance of Anti-war Hip-Hop:
An Exploratory Quantitative Analysis on Non-Activists
Current anti-war hip-hop music provides a way to examine how protest music,
created Ior mass consumption by the general public, ideologically and emotionally
resonates with non-activists. This paper will present the results Irom an exploratory
classroom survey oI 201 students conducted in the Iall oI 2006 that examined both the
cognitive and emotive impact oI two anti-war hip-hop songs on Iour dependent variables.
The Iindings demonstrate that current anti-war hip hop music is strongly associated with
students` increased receptiveness to anti-war arguments, openness towards anti-war
perspectives, willingness to personally identiIy with anti-war views and to take a more
vocal position against the war. The results also reveal the powerIul role oI emotions and
how certain emotion clusters are associated with students` increased willingness to take a
more vocal position against the war. This study can inIorm the work oI students in social
movements, political sociology, sociology oI emotions and popular culture.
IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
DISCOVERING PROTEST MUSIC`S POWER
.music and its emotional and cognitive impacts can be
Iundamental to the construction oI social movement
culture. (Roscigno, Danaher, and Summers-EIIler
2002:141)
Roscigno et al. argue that protest music can be a particularly powerIul repertoire
oI contention in developing social movement culture, given both its simultaneous
emotional and cognitive power. However, protest music remains a vastly understudied
component oI social movements as these authors acknowledge: 'Little systemic attention
among social movement theorists has Iocused on the importance oI music (2002:161).
Even with the recent cultural turn in social movement theorizing and research
(Darnovsky, Epstein and Flacks 1995; Goodwin and Jasper 2004; Johnston and
Klandermans 1995; Klatch 1995; McAdam 1994; Polletta 1997), most scholars do not
emphasize the role that music may play in emotional and ideological social change work.
There are some exceptions to this (Eyerman and Jamison 1998; Flacks 1988; GaraIalo
1992; Pratt 1994; Roscigno et al. 2002; Roscigno and Danaher 2004;), with Eyerman and
Jamison`s Music and Social Movements. Mobili:ing Traditions in the Twentieth Centurv
(1998) and Roscigno and Danaher`s, The Joice of Southern Labor. Radio, Music, and
Textile Strikes, 1929-1934 (2004) being two oI the most notable works dealing with
protest music. Yet, these studies do not empirically examine the speciIic emotional and
ideological resonance oI protest music on non-activist individuals. Indeed, most social
movement studies--not just those on anti-war music--Iorego studying non-activists and
Iocus their attention instead on activists` processes: their challenges to the system, their
Iormations oI collective identity, cycles oI involvement, and so Iorth.
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IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
Collins argues that the largest, most successIul social movements must rely on
appealing to 'conscience constituents, the broader public who may be predisposed to
social movement messages (2001:31). By logical extension, social movement
researchers need to Iocus more empirical attention on how social movement messages
resonate emotionally and ideologically with non-activists, in order to understand the Iull
mobilizing power oI movements.
This study seeks to Iill in the gaps noted in the literature above by Iocusing on the
simultaneous emotive and cognitive power oI anti-war hip-hop music on non-activists.
In the next section, I will brieIly explore some oI the recent social movements` literature
on emotions and their importance to ideological transIormation.
Bringing Emotions Back In
Increasingly scholars have Iocused on the importance oI emotion Ior personal
change and collective mobilization (Calhoun 2001; Eyerman 2006; Goodwin, Jasper and
Polletta 2001; Goodwin and Jasper 2004; Gould 2004; Polletta 1997). According to
Eyerman (2006:196), 'Movements are oIten spurred into existence by cognitively Iramed
emotions, anger, Irustration, shame, guilt, which move individuals and groups to protest,
to publicly express and display discontent.
The importance oI emotion and its catalytic eIIect on individual agency, challenges
the dominant paradigms oI the social movement literature that emphasize that movements
succeed or Iail based on structural components such external political opportunities or the
mobilization oI resources. It also challenges the rational choice model that divorces
emotions Irom individuals` processes oI cognitive understanding and their decision to
participate in social movements. Gould explains that emotions may actually be one oI the
3
IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
most important aspects in motivating someone to join a social movement: 'Put another
way, emotions are a component oI all interpretative processes, aIIecting, Ior example,
how external opportunities and threats are understood and responded to, how resources
are allocated, why a collective action succeeds or Iails (2004:162).
Various scholars (Goodwin and Jasper 2004; Flacks 2004) acknowledge that even
the Iounding Iathers oI the resource mobilization and political process models (i.e.,
McCarthy, Zald and McAdam), who originally preIerenced 'structure, have increasingly
recognized the need to blend with more cultural constructionist theorizing which Iocuses
on topics oI individual and collective 'agency such as the role oI ideology, emotions and
collective identity (McAdam 2004; McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996; Zald 2000).
Furthermore, Goodwin, Jasper and Polletta explain that even the Iorebearers oI more
constructionist approaches like Irames and Iraming are recognizing that they have not
incorporated enough oI emotions in their analyses (2001). Here, I quote BenIord as
quoted in Goodwin, Jasper and Polletta (2001:7).
.those operating within the Iraming/constructionist
perspective have not Iared much better than their
structuralist predecessors in elaborating the role oI
emotions in collective action. Instead, we continue to write
as though our movement actors (when we actually
acknowledge humans in our texts are Spock-like beings,
devoide oI passion and other human emotions.
In this paper, I will attempt to bring 'emotions back in by demonstrating their
simultaneous impact with cognitive processes in aIIecting both respondents` ideological
openness and willingness to engage in activism.
4
IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
METHODOLOGY
In September November 2006, I conducted a survey oI 201 students at two
Northeastern colleges (one private institution and one public institution), disseminating
the surveys in Iour undergraduate sociology classes at each institution. I chose these two
diIIerent institutions to ensure that my sample would reIlect greater economic and racial
diversity. Although this survey is not generalizable to the larger U.S. population, I still
desired Ior my sample to reIlect the diversity oI American society.
To control Ior bias in the survey, I alternated the songs played by song content,
tempo, and song order Ior the eight classes.
1
For content, I played two hip-hop songs that
presented varying positions on the war (i.e., one pro-soldier song and one anti-war). To
control Ior the eIIects oI song order, I alternated the order oI which song I played Iirst
(i.e., in Iour classes I played the anti-war song Iirst and in the other Iour classes I played
the pro-soldier song Iirst.) I also alternated whether I played two medium to Iast songs or
two slow songs in any given class to control Ior tempo eIIects. In total, I alternated using
Iour songs: 1) Bin Laden by Immortal Technique (anti-war; medium to Iast tempo); 2)
Wake Up by Cold Duck Complex (anti-war; slow tempo); 3) Dont Understand by Pyro,
Amp, Q (pro-soldier, medium to Iast tempo); and 4) Rest in Peace by Q, Amp (pro-
soldier, slow Tempo). All Iour songs have not received mainstream radio play so as to
control Ior outside knowledge. I explained to students that I was interested in examining
how people understood messages in songs and explained that I would play two diIIerent
hip-hop songs with a political message.
I structured the actual survey into Iour parts. First, I began the survey with Iive
1
All songs were in the key oI E minor, a commonly used key in hip-hop. ThereIore, I did not need to
control Ior key.
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IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
point likert scale questions to ascertain students` political orientations, general interest in
politics, levels oI political activism, their initial support Ior the Iraq war in 2003, and their
support Ior the war at the time oI the survey (2006). Second, I played the Iirst song and
immediately Iollowed this by asking students about their own emotional responses to the
song and then their belieIs about which emotions the artist(s) were trying to make them
Ieel through the song. This was Iollowed by an open-ended question about what the
students thought the song was trying to communicate. The students were then asked Iive
point likert scale questions reIerring to: 1) whether they thought the song made valid
points; 2) their openness towards the song`s perspective; 3) their personal identiIication
with the song`s perspective; and 4) their willingness to be more vocal in their positions
on the war. Third, I played the second song and repeated the same line oI questions. I
ended the survey with basic listening habit questions and demographic questions.
FINDINGS
(TABLE 1 ABOUT HERE) As we see Irom Table 1, there are key diIIerences in
the respondents by institution. The public institution serves students who are
predominantly minorities; most are 21 and older and over halI listen to hip-hop. The
students Irom the private institution are mostly white; the majority oI students are 20 and
younger, and close to halI listen to hip-hop. In all eight classes, there were more women
than men. I view these diIIerences in demographics and preIerences Ior hip-hop as
ultimately beneIicial to the study as the sample reIlects more diversity as a whole.
Also, the reader should note that I could not report direct income levels as most
students leIt this question blank. However, based on my discussions with Iaculty at both
colleges and knowledge oI their student bodies, I Iound that the private institution caters
6
IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
more to students whose Iamilies represent the middle and upper classes and the public
institution serves students Irom low-income Iamilies.
(TABLE 2 ABOUT HERE) Table 2 presents the students` political orientations,
interest in political aIIairs, political activism and support Ior the Iraq war in 2003 and at
the time oI the survey.
2
For the political activism index, I took students` responses to Iour
questions regarding students` engagement with lobbying, signing a petition, protesting
and donating to a political cause and combined them to create a political activism index
(Cronbach`s alpha .759).
Based on Table 2, we can see Iour trends amongst the students. First, over halI oI
the students in the sample identiIied themselves as liberal; only 15 oI the students selI-
identiIied as conservative.
Second, 60 oI students were interested in political aIIairs. This does reIlect the
higher levels oI political knowledge and interest demonstrated by those Americans who
have some college education.
Third, levels oI political activism were low, with only 10 stating that they had
been politically active in the last year, indicating that 90 oI the sample could be
characterized as non-activists at the time. 40 stated that they had engaged in some
political action at some point in their liIe (i.e., lobbying, petition signing, protesting or
donating to a cause) and 50 saying they had not. This reIlects what social scientists
have Iound over recent decades that Iewer Americans are making a commitment to
engage in overt political activity (Aronowitz 1996; Putnam 2000). As Putnam states: 'We
|Americans| remain, in short, reasonably well-inIormed spectators oI public aIIairs, but
many Iewer oI us actually partake in the game (2000:46).
2
Likert Iive point scale questions were recoded into three answer categories.
7
IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
Fourth, a majority oI the students (59) were against the Iraq war at its inception
in 2003 and that number grew to 75 in 2006. This number does not reIlect overall poll
numbers amongst the general populace.
(TABLE 3 ABOUT HERE) Table 3 represents the 44 emotion choices that
students could choose Irom aIter hearing both social message songs.
3
I selected these
speciIic emotion choices based on Gabrielsson`s previous research on respondents` Iree
descriptions oI emotions aIter strong experiences oI music (SEM) (2001). In addition, I
utilized Juslin and Laukka`s conception oI music induction and music perception (2004)
to measure respondents` emotional responses to the songs. Music induction represents
respondents` own 'Ieelings or emotions in response to the music and music perception
captures respondents` perception oI emotions they believe the composer and/or artist was
seeking to convey in the music. To me, it was important to separate these emotional
responses given that I am studying a musical Iorm that artists create to inIluence the
listener with strong emotions and convincing rhetoric. I wanted to tease out the
importance oI artists` emotional intent or listeners` own emotions in impacting their
reception to anti-war arguments, their ideological openness towards anti-war
perspectives, and their willingness to identiIy with or espouse anti-war sentiment.
AIter each song was played, students were Iirst asked a music induction question:
What emotions did YOU actuallv feel when hearing the song? Please circle that
applv. They were then presented with the emotion choices in Table 3. They were next
asked: What emotions do vou think the hip-hop group was trving to make vou feel when
listening to the song? Please circle that applv. Again, the students were presented
with the answer choices in Table 3. In total, respondents had 88 emotional answer
3
In an open-ended question, I also gave students the option to list other emotional reactions.
8
IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
choices (capturing both music induction and music perception) Ior each song.
I ran Iour Iactor analyses on all emotional responses to capture students` music
induction choices and music perception choices Ior both the pro-soldier song and the
anti-war song. Twelve emotion dimensions emerged as statistically associated (capturing
three music induction Iactors and three music perception Iactors) Ior both the pro-soldier
and the anti-war songs. Table 4 presents the twelve emotion Iactors and the numbers oI
students who selected one or more emotions under each Iactor at both institutions.
(TABLE 4 ABOUT HERE)
Table 5 presents the Iour dependent variables in this survey. These Iour response
items Iollowed the emotion questions about the anti-war song.
(TABLE 5 ABOUT HERE)
As Table 5 shows, the majority oI respondents agreed that the anti-war song made
valid points about the war and made them more understanding oI an anti-war perspective
(86) and (73) respectively. These high levels oI agreement decreased to some extent
when respondents were asked whether they personally Ielt more against the war (46
agreed) or were willing to take a more vocal position against the war (33 agreed).
(TABLE 6 ABOUT HERE) Table 6 presents the statistical associations (chi-
square tests) and the correlations (gamma) oI all independent variables (e.g.,
demographic and preIerence Ior hip-hop variables, political variables, and emotion
variables) in the study with each oI the Iour main dependent variables based on cross-
tabulations I ran with the data.
As can be expected, the political independent variable Support for War 2006 is
most strongly correlated (in a negative direction) overall with all Iour dependent variables
9
IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
that reIlect respondents` views oI the anti-war song`s points as valid, openness to an anti-
war perspective, willingness to embrace an anti-war view themselves or willingness to
espouse an anti-war view aIter listening to the anti-war song. In addition, Support for
War 2003 and the Political Jiews variables demonstrate a strong, mostly negative
correlation with all Iour dependent variables. Table 7 represents an interesting cross-
tabulation result demonstrating openness to the anti-war songs` arguments even Ior those
who are not selI-identiIied as liberal. (TABLE 7 ABOUT HERE)
As we see, 41 oI conservative students agreed that the anti-war song made valid
points compared to 38 that said it did not. Likewise, Ior those students who identiIied
as neither liberal nor conservative, the majority (67) stated that the song made valid
points. We also see that 55 oI the 93 students (or 59) who did not selI-identiIy as liberal
were still open to the progressive positions espoused in the anti-war song. This provides
some indication that anti-war songs may serve to present arguments to those who would
be presumed to be ideologically resistant to such positions but, in Iact, are receptive.
(TABLE 8 ABOUT HERE)
Table 8 demonstrates a similar trend with the Support for the War 2006 variable
cross-tabulated with the second dependent variable (ideological openness to an anti-war
perspective aIter hearing the anti-war song).
From this table, we see that more than a third (39) oI those who supported the
war in 2006 agreed that the anti-war song made them more understanding oI someone`s
perspective against the war. For those students who would not identiIy as either agreeing
or disagreeing with the war, 77 stated that the song made them more understanding oI
an anti-war perspective. In sum, more than halI oI all students (29/49 or 59) who did
10
IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
not overtly disagree with the war or even supported it, agreed that the anti-war song made
them more understanding oI someone`s perspective who was against the war. This
Iinding empirically demonstrates that anti-war music may have more ideological power
than just the presentation oI an argument. An anti-war song may deepen respondents`
understanding oI an anti-war perspective, increasing their openness to an alternative
worldview or ideology.
As public opinion research would predict, the demographic variables (e.g.,
Gender, Race, and Age) are also strongly and positively correlated to respondents`
openness to anti-war arguments, ideological perspectives, their personal identiIication
with and/or espousal oI anti-war sentiment (Burris 2008). In the post-Vietnam era,
women, minorities and younger people tend to be less hawkish and exhibit more anti-war
opinions and views (Burris 2008). We also see Irom the model that listening to hip-hop is
strongly correlated with the Iirst two dependent variables. Table 9 highlights the racial
diIIerences in respondents` Ieelings oI opposition to the Iraq war aIter listening to the
anti-war song, the third dependent variable. (TABLE 9 ABOUT HERE)
We see here that a majority oI minorities (45/79 or 63) agreed that the anti-war
song made them Ieel more against the war compared to only 33 oI whites.
A particularly intriguing Iinding is the strong, positive correlation between
emotion Iactor variables SpiritualYouAW and BemusedYouAW with the dependent
variables. SpiritualYouAW was especially strong in its relationship with all dependent
variables and achieved the second highest correlation oI independent variables with the
Iirst dependent variable (Gamma .667).
This is a signiIicant Iinding, given that respondents were granted much more
11
IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
Ireedom in answering the emotion questions than they were allowed in the political
questions (i.e., presented with a vast number oI choices (44) Ior each induction and
perception question vs. the more limited and directive, Iive point likert scale choices in
the political questions). Students could mark only one emotion that they Ielt or perceived
or even leave the emotions` questions blank. The Iact that numerous students marked
numerous similar emotions under both the music induction and perception questions that
ended up clustering in statistically meaningIul Iactors, empirically demonstrates the
similarities in respondents` emotional responses to the music. Furthermore, the Iact that
some oI these Iactors demonstrated strong correlations with the dependent variables
Iurther illustrates the eIIects oI anti-war music`s emotional power.
It is also interesting that both oI these emotion Iactors that correlated positively
with dependent variables are music induction Iactors. In this survey, it was important Ior
respondents upon listening to the anti-war song to Ieel the emotions themselves rather
than just perceive the hip-hop group`s emotions in aIIecting their openness to anti-war
arguments, their understanding oI anti-war perspectives and their willingness to embrace
or espouse anti-war sentiment.
Table 10 displays how the emotion Iactor SpiritualYouAW aIIected respondents`
wanting to take a more vocal position against the war, the 4
th
dependent variable.
(TABLE 10 ABOUT HERE)
As we see here, those students who scored higher on the SpiritualYouAW emotion
Iactor, were more likely to agree that they desired to take a more vocal position against
the war. In total, the majority oI the 59 respondents who agreed that they wanted to take a
more vocal position against the war, 50 or 85 oI those students had scored on the
12
IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
SpiritualYouAw Iactor. This means that those students had marked one or more oI the
Iollowing eleven emotions: calm, curious, desiring, empathetic, hopeIul, interested,
longing, moved, proud, relieved, and spiritual. And oI those 50 students, 40 or 80 had
marked two or more oI these emotions.
CONCLUSION
This paper has empirically demonstrated the impact oI anti-war music on
individual and collective mobilization by Iocusing on the Iindings oI 201 classroom
surveys. The surveys demonstrated that anti-war music is statistically associated with
students` 1) openness to the points or arguments presented in anti-war music; 2) openness
towards and anti-war perspective; 3) personal identiIication with an anti-war view; and 4)
willingness to take a more vocal position against the war. The main Iindings Ior each oI
these points will be brieIly summarized.
First, most students (59) who did not selI identiIy as liberal, could still agree
that the anti-war song made valid points. Second, most students (59) who did not selI
identiIy as liberal also agreed that the song made them more understanding oI an anti-war
perspective. Both oI these Iindings demonstrate that people may not be as ideologically
rigid as we think and that music may help to increase their ideological Ilexibility.
Third, almost halI oI the students (46) agreed that the song made them Ieel
more against the war, compared to the 33 who neither disagreed or agreed, and 21
who disagreed. Race, however, mitigated these results and demonstrated that 63 oI
minorities agreed that the song made them Ieel more against the war compared to the
33 oI whites.
Fourth, the Iindings demonstrate that when students are asked whether they Ieel
13
IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
more inspired to take a vocal position on the war, most respond that they are on the Ience.
However, oI those 59 students who did want to espouse anti-war sentiment, the Iindings
demonstrated that 85 oI them had scored high on the emotions Iactor, SpiritualYouAW.
The results oI the survey particularly highlight the commonality oI emotional
responses to anti-war music given that 12 emotional Iactors could be statistically
clustered in a Iactor analysis. This Iinding is particularly signiIicant given the Iact that
respondents were presented with many more choices in answering emotion questions, but
still answered similarly. Also, the survey showed that emotional induction (Ieeling the
emotions themselves) was more important than musical perception (perceiving the
emotions that the respondent thinks the artist wants to convey) in aIIecting students`
openness to anti-war arguments and an anti-war perspective and in making them want to
personally identiIy with or espouse an anti-war view.
In conclusion, this study has emphasized the overall importance oI protest music
by demonstrating that it can be associated with eliciting strong emotional and ideological
resonances even in non-activists. This makes it a particularly eIIective tool in the
repertoires oI contention and a worthy object oI empirical and theoretical inquiry.
14
IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
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IDEOLOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL RESONANCE OF ANTI-WAR HIP-HOP
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