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Work Employment Society 2011 25: 375 DOI: 10.1177/0950017011403846a The online version of this article can be found at: http://wes.sagepub.com/content/25/2/375.citation

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Book reviews

Book reviews

Work, employment and society 25(2) 364375 The Author(s) 2011 Reprints and permission: sagepub. co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0950017011398899 wes.sagepub.com

John Kelly Ethical Socialism and the Trade Unions: Allan Flanders and British Industrial Relations Reform Oxford: Routledge, 2010, 70.00 hbk, (ISBN: 9780415878487), 246 pp. Reviewed by Horen Voskeritsian, Business College of Athens, Greece

In this long awaited biography, John Kelly attempts to shed some light on the life of one of the most important figures in British industrial relations who, with a handful of others, shaped both its intellectual and political direction. A note of caution, however: this is not a classical biography, and the reader who expects to learn about the personal life of Allan Flanders, about his childhood, his relationship with his parents and partners, or about his social life in general, will be disappointed. The sole focus of this biographic sketch is the intellectual life of the man himself, his development from a Leninist revolutionary in the 1920s to a centre-right social democrat reformist in the 1950s and 1960s and the influence he exerted on British industrial relations thinking and practice. It is, therefore, understandable that the narration begins from 1928, 18 years after Flanderss birth, when he first came in contact with the Internationaler Sozialistischer Kampfbund (ISK or Militant Socialist International, MSI), a small revolutionary socialist organization that would leave an indelible mark on his thought. In the course of nine chapters, Kelly describes in much detail the forces that shaped Flanderss thought and work, with due reference to the political and social background of his era. The narration is chronological, starting from the late 1920s and the years Flanders spent in the MSI training school, to the 1970s and his involvement in the reform of British industrial relations institutions. His years in Germany, and his acquaintance with the MSI leader Leonard Nelsons ethical socialist philosophy, would prove fundamental for his later development. Although on his return to Britain he gradually abandoned the groups Leninist orientation and adopted a strict anti-Marxist and anti-USSR stance, the moral bases of Nelsons teachings would accompany him forever. Evidence of this early training, for instance, could be found in his industrial relations work and in his general conceptualization of social reality. Although not explicitly described as such by Kelly, one is left with the impression that Flanders was a passionate person, with firm beliefs on some matters and an equally firm dismissal towards people and ideas that did not conform to his worldview. A dreamer, naive in some ways especially in his interpretations of the political situation sensitive, and driven by a morality that balanced on the fringes between ethics and metaphysics, he did not seem to have been able to penetrate the harsh realities of political life. His almost
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metaphysical interpretation of society and human nature, his simple (and, at points, simplistic) interpretation of reality, which was a result of his deep-rooted hostility to Marxism (primarily as a political but also, inevitably, as a scientific programme), led him many times in his life to support one injustice over another as in, for example, his stance towards the Guiana affair (pp. 9697). His famous phrase that managements ... can only regain control by sharing it (p. 121), an empirical realization of his 1964 Fawley studies, was actually more of an ethical rather than a scientific declaration, since it failed to take into account all the corrosive social forces that enter the industrial relations picture and eventually influence the strategies of both labour and capital. The experience of the 1980s revealed in the cruellest way the falsity of this belief and the role of power in industrial relations. Flanders, of course, was not able to fully perceive the embedded contradictions in the employment relationship (although he did recognize them) due to his anti-Marxism and the utter rejection of any theoretical work coming from that direction (as was Richard Hymans, for example, who had placed the study of power and conflict in its proper place in the industrial relations literature since the early 1970s). Despite these deficiencies in his thought and political development, it is unquestionable that Flanderss work in industrial relations greatly influenced his contemporaries. His ideas on planned capitalism in the 1940s, on wage restraint, on the need to consider the public interest during collective bargaining, on the importance and benefits of productivity bargaining and of joint consultation in the 1950s and 1960s and his recommendations for the reform of the existing industrial relations institutions in the 1970s, have left their mark on the British industrial relations scene. If, to the above list, one adds his role in the development of the Oxford school of industrial relations and his educational work, then one can realise the magnitude of his influence on the future generations of industrial relations scholars. Throughout the book, Kelly keeps a safe distance from his subject, avoiding being either critical or sympathetic towards Flanderss politics. Only in the conclusion does Kelly attempt to explain Flanderss choices and reactions (or the lack thereof) towards his critics; and although this narration strategy objectifies Flanders and presents his life free of any sentiment, it also has the inevitable downside of making the discussion linear and descriptive on some occasions. At points the analysis could have been deeper, to penetrate some obscure instances in Flanderss intellectual development, especially his extreme (and, in some cases, almost psychotic) anti-Marxism and his readiness to unquestionably support the Cold War policies of Britain and the USA against the Soviet Union. Notwithstanding this, however, the book is a magnificent achievement and an excellent contribution to the intellectual and political history of British industrial relations, and should not be absent from the bookshelf of anyone interested in the above subjects.
Kathleen Christensen and Barbara Schneider (eds) Workplace Flexibility: Realigning 20th-Century Jobs for a 21st-Century Workforce New York, NY: Cornell University Press, 2010, $24.95 pbk, (ISBN: 9780801475856), 424 pp. Reviewed by Jillian Yeow, The University of Manchester, UK

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This edited book addresses the issue of how work can be organized more flexibly to align with the changing demographics and needs of an increasingly diverse and varied workforce. The first section portrays the impact of work in the 21st century on family life. Chapter 1 looks at how time in two-parent dual-earner families with children is spent between paid work, family life and leisure time, especially the impact longer working hours is having on home life. The second chapter examines the phenomenon of multitasking by working parents, which is increasingly undertaken to alleviate increasing pressures on finite time. In particular, the gendered nature of multitasking at home by mothers was evident. This issue of time is further explored in Chapter 3, which looks at the lost tradition of eating together at dinnertime. The worrying aspect of the findings was that some or all family members ate at different times and/or in different rooms even while in the house together. While 21st century lives demand increasing flexibility, 20th century jobs have not been as responsive. Chapter 4 tackles the issue of informal career customization by dualearners to deal with work-family and job security mismatch. Such a strategy appears to reinforce gender divisions, as women were more likely to exit the workforce when faced with an inflexible job situation. Chapter 5 reveals the harsh reality that many women face by having to compromise and sacrifice their professional lives, sometimes for family reasons. However, the various narratives of companies that are developing policies specifically to prevent women from opting out offers hope. In Chapter 6 attention is paid to elderly workers, an often ignored segment of the workforce. The authors explore why elderly workers work or do not work, and found that it was the healthiest, wealthiest and most educated that stayed in the workforce in their old age. However, these workers earned comparatively low wages, which suggests that the elderly were willing to trade wage for flexibility. This provides an interesting perspective when compared with other groups, e.g. working mothers, who may not have as much choice in this wage-flexibility dichotomy. Part 3 examines the extent of voluntary employer adoption of workplace flexibility in the USA from the employers perspective and discusses various practices provided to enhance workplace flexibility. Chapter 7 looks at the extent of five forms of workplace flexibility; this survey is then complemented by an examination of the culture of flexibility as experienced by employees, and the profiles of employers to illustrate the practice of flexibility. It provides a positive indication that workplace flexibility is possible and does exist. Chapter 8 examines the types of employers that allow employees to take reduced hours for childcare and to what extent more formal family-friendly policies are also offered. The findings point to differences between large and small organizations, which are determined by different influencing forces. Chapter 9 provides a profile of the US Federal Government which is a pioneer of workplace flexibility and one of the largest employers in the USA. The last chapter in this section tackles the problem of workfamily conflict, examining how workplace flexibility has been (mis-)portrayed in the media, particularly for women, and how reliance on the courts to create public policy is misleading. The final part of the book addresses the global issue of workplace flexibility. Chapter 11 draws attention to the regulation of work time, a key feature in many European countries. However, Chapter 12 draws caution by highlighting some of the conflicts that arise

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when the state regulates workplace flexibility. Chapter 13 compares working hours in Australia and the USA while Chapter 14 provides a historical understanding of the Australian work-family agenda today. Finally the last two chapters focus on Japan, first with a take on part-time work (Chapter 15) followed by an illustration of how the Japanese government supports working families through the formulation of national goals and policies (Chapter 16). It is important to note that this book was written before the current economic crisis. Nonetheless, the issues raised will be ever more important in increasingly harsh conditions of frugality and the increasing importance (but perhaps limiting possibility) of workplace flexibility for individuals, families, employers and society. Overall, I found this book to be interesting and to tackle a good range of current and relevant issues. While common issues relating to gender and families were covered, other groups, e.g. the older workforce, were also considered, which is important as workplace flexibility has the potential to offer opportunities to workers at all stages of their life course. This is a hopeful collection of compelling evidence on how workplace flexibility issues that come with a changing composition of the workforce are being addressed positively in a way that can help people achieve a more balanced life.
Mark Erickson, Harriet Bradley, Carol Stephenson and Steve Williams Business in Society: People, Work and Organizations Cambridge: Polity Press, 2009, 19.99 pbk, (ISBN: 9780745642338), x + 310 pp. Reviewed by Ian Glover, University of Abertay Dundee, UK

This sociology textbook for business and management students succeeds by demonstrating the power of society in business and vice versa. However, timidity towards influential concepts like globalization, post-industrialism and the knowledge-based economy weakens its arguments. Chapter 1 explains why business should understand society, covering important perspectives Marxism, Durkheim, Weber, feminism, postmodernism and methodologies. Chapter 2 discusses ways of classifying societies using concepts introduced in Chapter 1, and others, including reflexive modernity and consumer society. Marx, Weber and Durkheim are updated, using Giddens, Beck, du Gay and especially Bell, Ritzer and Bauman. Chapter 3 discusses change, emphasizing globalisation ... [neo-liberalism] and the knowledge-based economy, changes to workforces and the environment. The fourth chapter examines the nature of work, covering segmented labour markets with emphasis on gender and ethnicity, but little on age and disability, contrasting the medical and social models. Taylorism, Fordism and post-Fordism should have been contextualized better as regards scale, time and space. Chapter 5 considers the meaning of work, with foci including motivation, identity, time commitment, flexibility, work-life balance, emotion, danger and stress and alienation. The sixth chapter discusses organization, bureaucracy and post-bureaucracy, but does not venture far beyond the arguments of Burns and Stalker made in 1961. The authors might have queried why post-1960s organizational behaviour (OB) courses long

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reinvented a misinterpretation of their argument, encouraging business graduates to foster neo-medieval chaos. Chapter 7 concerns OB, discussing how human relations thinking influenced human resource management (HRM) and considers HRMs fortunes, organizational misbehaviour, trade unions as more formal employee responses to controlling and co-operative management and theoretical accounts of trade unionism. Chapter 8 considers how social divisions influence employment. Class is asserted as the most fundamental division, more than ethnicity, gender, age and disability. The multidimensional fluidity of social divisions needed more emphasis. Chapter 9 argues, Durkheim-like, for belonging and community in a fragmented world, reflecting Arndt Sorges work on global-local dialectics. Different kinds of community, community unionism and corporate social responsibility are explored. Chapter 10 summarizes previous thoughts and looks ahead. Concerns include climate change, population, incomes, international differences and relations and the new knowledge-based economy. Education and training are regarded as repositories of hope. Overall, the authors are slightly defensive about sociology, but too unquestioning about economic and management concepts. They apparently lack direct and/or researchbased knowledge of business and industry, clear understanding of their socio-political importance and power and understanding of technical versus scientific knowledge. Capitalism is conceptualized with little differentiation in terms of scale or private and state versions. Globalization is treated as the present master trend, its longevity unquestioned. Globalizations come and go with empires and new world orders and are challenged and often defeated by rival power centres and localization. The real master trend of perhaps 600 years from around 1750 is industrialization. It has four cumulative phases: mechanization, electrochemicalization, infotechnologization (currently) and biotechnologization (in its early stages). Its pace has begun slowing, as environmental, material and human retardants strengthen. This big history interpretation, based on output and employment data, vitiates the post-industrial society concept, showing what such a society might be: serfs, weeding. The new knowledge-based economy notion is also largely unquestioned. Human action is always partly knowledge-based; researchers have long demonstrated how inventions hardly ever stem from new scientific knowledge, and that technical knowledge (accumulated know-how) is more fruitful; and most knowledge-in-use is situationspecific information. Manufacturing is also neglected. In the half-century after 1945 when the world population merely doubled, its output grew sevenfold. Most non-manufacturing employment depends on it. Most manufacturing jobs are increasingly services ones, and manufacturing is increasingly the steel in the technical core of human sustenance and development. The likely future of its foes is shabby-genteel. Age and employment, and trends in the nature of managerial and political elites, needed more attention. Age is the most universal, influential and ignored social division. Its influence in society has been growing since medieval times and currently policy makers need to factor juvenation and greater longevity into their decisions. It relates to managerial and political elite formation and to whether this formation continues to be infected with the conceits of business and management education. The book favours a subtle kind of soft communitarianism. Some of the softness is guided by managerialist rhetoric. Nevertheless, it should be placed high on relevant reading lists, as an informative, persuasive, practical vaccine against banality and bias in OB and HRM.

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Book reviews
Patrick Baert and Filipe Carreira da Silva Social Theory in the Twentieth Century and Beyond Cambridge: Polity Press, 2nd Edition, 2010, 17.99 pbk, (ISBN: 9780745639819), ix + 319 pp. Reviewed by Doris Ruth Eikhof, University of Stirling, UK

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Revising Baerts Social Theory in the Twentieth Century (1998), this new volume now co-edited with Filipe Carreira da Silva sets out to provide a critical overview of the main contributions to social theory in the twentieth and early twenty-first century (p. viii). Eight stand-alone chapters offer description and analysis of a particular strand of theory, each followed by a commentary on further reading. Chapter 1 starts with a comprehensive overview of French social theory from Durkheim to Saussure and Lvi-Strauss to Bourdieu and French pragmatism. Chapters 2 and 3 repeat this exercise, first for functionalism and neo-functionalism and then for Mead, Goffmann and ethnomethodology. Chapter 4 assesses the explanatory power of rational choice theory, game theory and new institutionalism for social and political phenomena. Chapters 5, 6 and 7 delve in more detail into the work of one theorist each (Foucault, Giddens and Habermas) before Chapter 8 gives an overview of the more recent work of Castells, Beck, Baumann, Sassen and Sennett. Baert and Carreira da Silva conclude with an engaging review of current research activity and a call for social theory as reflected and collectively self-conscious academic practice that is engaged with its societal, non-academic context. With 3035 pages per chapter and little compromise regarding intellectual abstraction, the chapters are well, though at times densely, written. All chapters require familiarity with sociological terms and the use of examples varies from very good (e.g. symbolic interactionism) to unfortunately absent (e.g. Luhmanns systems theory), which may limit the books appeal to students at early stages of study. In the introduction, intellectual depth, originality, analytical clarity, explanatory power and internal consistency are listed as yardsticks against which theories are to be judged (p. 9), and while each theory is indeed critically questioned in this spirit, the book would have benefitted from these criteria being spelt out more explicitly initially and being applied more systematically throughout the chapters. Experts might regard the summary of their favourite theorists work as too short to do the respective theory justice, but the value of the book lies in competently outlining and contrasting different theoretical perspectives. The books key strengths are its conceptual breadth and depth, its readability and its passion for social theory that is academically rigorous, intellectual and abstract as well as empirically relevant, informed and engaged. How relevant and useful, though, is a book on social theory for scholars and students of the sociology of work and employment? The answer to this question is as much to do with the book as with the current state of the discipline. Considering the centrality of work and employment to current societies, the book makes surprisingly little reference to these phenomena. Examples come from history and policy rather than work and employment, and while (capitalist) economic activity is frequently mentioned, what that economic activity might consist of is not explained. It is therefore not without irony that it is the invasion of economic man (Chapter 4) that brings out the argumentative best in

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social theorists: Baert and Carreira da Silvas critique of rational choice theory showcases the intellectual power of social theory so convincingly that one is tempted to PDF these pages and email them to any misguided academic fan of the homo economicus. Nevertheless, the sociology of work and employment needs social theory and with it, books like this one. Whether in journal articles, research grant applications or PhD projects, sociologists of work and employment have become remarkably skilled at medium-range research: empirical phenomena are analysed with neat conceptual tools to yield findings that are preferably both significant and policy/practitioner-relevant. But we are far less convincing when asked to explain why it is important to look at, for the sake of argument, forms of managerial control, workforce participation or intrinsic work motivation. Beyond an often merely diffuse lefty-ish notion of management as baddies and workers as exploited, what exactly are the models of individual perception, interpretation and action and their organizational and societal context that underlie our analysis? And what justification for our enquiry is there beyond the fact that theory x has not been applied to industry y or culture z? Social theory can help explicate the foundations upon which sociologists of work and employment implicitly build their research and, in doing so, increase the clarity and quality of our academic argument. The relative absence of work and economic production in this volume and the fact that many scholars and students of the sociology of work might struggle to find the theories discussed immediately relevant and applicable to their own thought are emblematic for the current relationship between social theory and much of current sociology of work and employment. They co-exist, but often fail to speak to and influence one another. The books weakness in relation to the sociology of work and employment is therefore that it makes it too easy for scholars and students of our discipline to dismiss social theory as interesting, but not directly relevant to our concerns. However, there clearly are limits as to how far one can blame others for being let off the hook. It is for sociologists of work and employment to overcome the confines of an 8000-word journal article and to link their work into the bigger picture of society and global societies. Ultimately, it is this bigger picture that gives research into work and employment meaning and, dare we mention the word, impact. Books like this one are indispensable companions in such academic endeavours.

Jane Bryson (ed.) Beyond Skill: Institutions, Organisations and Human Capability Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, 60.00 hbk, (ISBN: 9780230230576), 248 pp. Reviewed by Dimitrinka Stoyanova, University of St Andrews, UK

The main idea behind this edited volume is that replacing the notion of skill by human capability may be a more fruitful way to think about work in contemporary societies. Borrowing the concept of human capability from the Nobel Prize laureate Amartya Sen and in particular, the notion of freedom to lead lives of value though work, the book attempts to re-introduce individual aspirations about life and work into an all-encompassing picture of contemporary employment.

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Current discourses about skills development, the authors assert, are narrow and instrumental in their scope and purposes, concerned either with organizational productivity or with human capital. A change of focus is needed to correct and counterpoint this. Considering work to be an aspect of leading meaningful lives is the suggested solution. By re-conceptualizing the notion of skill as human capability the authors seek to reconnect both with the factors from the wider social context and with the role of labour within human existence. This is a response to a growing tension between the need for personal fulfilment and the narrow, instrumental economic logic embedded in the debates about policies and practices for work, skills and productivity. The contributors engage with the task by i) looking beyond current notions of skill and ii) acknowledging the complex interactions of institutions, organizations and individual behaviour in shaping our societies, workplaces and ourselves. (p. 3) The authors collectively inform the discussion of the concept in relation to work by providing research insights from New Zealand and other contexts. They highlight factors which impact on people development originating from the social environment, organizational strategies and workplaces, together with employees responses to them. The volume is organized in three main parts prefaced by an introduction. The Introduction discusses the idea of human capability and presents a rationale for using it with regard to skills and employment. It also provides an accessible and comprehensive summary of the chapters ideas in relation to the overall argument of the volume. The first part comprises four contributions on institutional influences and workplace effects. The first one, Chapter 2 (Bryson and ONeil) explains how human capability can help to broaden our thinking about work as personal fulfilment enabled by external context. It also suggests social arrangements which can be conducive to the development of human capability. The subsequent three chapters in this part, by Buchanan and Jakubauskas, by Mayhew and by Spooney, offer insights from the labour markets of Australia, Europe and New Zealand highlighting respectively different institutional aspects of labour supply and demand, low paid work, skills development policy and the impact of the growth of non-standard work. There are four contributions to the second part, which shifts the focus to insights from organizational practices and individual responses. Chapter 6 (Keep) discusses the complex links between skills, workplace learning, jobs quality and economic performance. Chapter 7 (Boxall and Macky) examines the relations between high performance work systems and human capability through consideration of employees responses to performance enhancing practices. In Chapter 8 Dalziel writes about employer led links between education and employment. The following chapter (Blackwood) reflects upon unions role in developing human capability. The third part of the book presents Bryson and ONeils framework for developing human capability at work using the New Zealand context. It draws on the insights and discussions the previous two parts provide on labour market realities, organizational practices and employees responses and develops a list of influential factors such as economic setting, public policy, educational arrangements, cultural/ideological legacies, philosophy of economic and working life and key structures and practices. The framework then presents the conditions under which each of them drives or undermines human capability development.

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Arguing for a holistic approach to developing human capability and incorporating debates at institutional, organizational and individual level, the book makes a case for using the new approach to think about skills and work. It is also a call for re-instituting skills and work as a product of wider social relations and as a means of achieving personal fulfilment. Broadening the debate on skills and employment to include this moral dimension is necessary. The value of the volume is also in consolidating some of the current research on labour markets, organizational practices and government policies to support the specific concept. It channels existing voices arguing for the creation of good quality jobs, enabling people to make choices and engage in meaningful productive activities they value. It can thus be an ideological tool for those wishing to transform the world of work into a space for development and self-actualization. The human capability framework could be used by organizations and policy makers in making choices about institutional structures, employment strategies or job design. Whether the concept would convince practitioners depends on the extent to which they wish go beyond the narrow economic logic of the contemporary employment context.

Paul Thompson and Chris Smith (eds) Working Life: Renewing Labour Process Analysis Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, 27.99 pbk, (ISBN: 9780230222236), 350 pp. Reviewed by Matt Vidal, Kings College London, UK

Working Life is the latest publication in the Labour Process Book Series, which has now produced 22 edited volumes since 1985. The present volume is seen by the editors as an exercise in taking stock: examining debates of the past 20 years to set out what we know (p. 3). In many respects, the volume is successful in realising this mandate. Some of the strongest chapters are ones that develop labour process theory through original empirical research or systematic engagement with secondary data. For example, based on their case study research, Sturdy, Fleming and Delbridge develop the concept of neo-normative control. In contrast to normative control, which attempts to secure consent by developing a common corporate culture through an ideology of shared interests, neo-normative control attempts to harness extra-organizational identities and values, attempting to ensure consent by cultivating a be yourself culture. Yet, as Phil Taylor shows in his chapter on a transnational call centre supply chain, labour process analysis can be developed to explain developments at the international as well as the local level of analysis. Thus, particular forms of control in Indian call centres cannot be explained in terms of the mainstream varieties of capitalism approach, which focuses on national institutional factors, but rather through an analysis of how the offshoring decisions of UK companies intersect with the characteristics of labour in its relocated place (p. 261). The volume also contains some excellent chapters that are largely theoretical. The chapter on neo-normative control is followed by a complementary chapter by Blanger

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and Thuderoz on employee opposition. They develop a model that combines an axis of managerial control with an axis of employee behaviour, resulting in a repertoire of employee opposition suitable for mapping the range of empirical variation regarding employee behaviour in local contexts. Addressing the service sector, Bolton makes a useful distinction between emotional labour, which is directly focused on increasing surplus value in the labour process, and emotional work, which is focused on meeting human needs rather than profit. Some workers, such as doctors or nurses, may have to engage in emotional work, but this does not critically affect work output. Looking at labour mobility and migration, Smith develops a flow perspective on the labour process that offers a useful corrective to a resource-based view of the firm, which represents labour as fixed, centred and located, rather than moving and dynamic (p. 289). Smiths analysis adds nuance to the standard analysis of footloose capital and rooted labour. Despite these and a few other chapters that provide useful overviews of the past 20 years of labour process research along with some key theoretical developments, the volume is not entirely successful. The editors note in the Introduction that labour process theory has largely failed to develop from its conceptual insights and empirical observations a serious theory-building project that has elucidated testable core propositions (p. 3). Unfortunately, I dont think they have made much headway in this regard. I want to suggest a few reasons why this may be. As the editors themselves note, much of the problem has to do with the paradigm wars that took place in the 1990s between labour process scholars in the materialist-realist tradition and their post-modernist critics. Yet, despite determination that this volume would move on from paradigm wars (p. 3) they do not seem to have been able to do this. Three of the four chapters in the section on the core theory directly engage these debates as somehow essential to developing the core theory. Re-reading the paradigm wars yet another time, it is hard not to conclude that much of the stagnation of labour process theory has to do with its inability to disengage from these ontological debates and move on, on its own terms. The editors lament that the US sociology of work has largely not been informed by the labour process framework and, in the few instances that it has, it has remained largely ignorant of the rich British labour process tradition. Lamentable indeed. Now, I do not want to suggest that the onus for closer transatlantic academic discourse in the sociology of work falls entirely on the UK. With that said, however, it is arguable that the internal-looking paradigm wars that have dominated UK labour process debates have been part of the problem. If materialist UK labour process researchers are so at odds with the post-modernists, why not focus more energy on constructive engagement with the largely modernist sociologists of work in the US? Names like Randy Hodson, Vicki Smith and Steve Vallas spring immediately to mind. But perhaps even more importantly than its preoccupation with British paradigm wars and failure to engage more ontologically similar sociologists of work in the USA and, again, this is a two-way street with failures from both ends is the obsession with core theory itself. Now, it must be noted that Paul Thompson has systematically distilled a set of propositions to guide a subfield of inquiry that has been extremely fruitful. He has defended this with a remarkable consistency and tenacity over three decades. But relentless attempts to defend the core theory have, arguably, led to a certain degree of

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stagnancy rooted in an apparent weariness toward theoretical synthesis. There is nothing wrong with the core theory per se; it essentially states that capital needs to control labor in order to secure surplus value. The main problem is that defenders of the core theory appear to be more preoccupied with policing its theoretical boundaries than with systematically engaging other theoretical frameworks to help explain empirical observations regarding work organization and employment relations. Many of the other chapters in fact develop synthetic theoretical approaches, but none of the chapters that invoke the core theory actually move beyond it. Thus, chapters by Thompson and Smith, Thompson and Vincent and Jaros talk a lot about the need to connect the core theory to a broader political economy, but rather than systematically engaging a broader theory to develop a synthetic argument regarding an empirical problem, they remain content to discuss some theories that are ontologically or theoretically consistent with the core theory! To end on a substantive note, then, although labour process theory could usefully engage with any number of theoretical approaches both micro and macro and in the process generate new empirical questions it seems clear to me that Marxism is the most appropriate political economy; after all, the core theory is rooted in explicitly Marxist categories, with the sole addition of the concept of the relative autonomy of the labour process. Unfortunately, defenders of the core theory have ruled this possibility out due to their explicit rejection of a Marxian straw person the totalising tendencies of orthodox Marxism (p. 79, see also pp. 48, 49, 71) and unwillingness to systematically engage the broader Marxian research program.

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Books for review

A list of books available for review in WES is available online at http://wes.sagepub.com Please email j.tomlinson@leeds.ac.uk if you would like to write a review for the journal or if you would like to suggest a book for the list. WES welcomes reviewers at all stages of their careers. If you would like to join our database of potential book reviewers and receive the Books Received List in advance of publication, go to www.britsoc.co.uk/publications/pubsvacancies for information on how to register. If you would like to receive this list by post please write to Alison Danforth at the following address: The British Sociological Association Bailey Suite Palatine House Belmont Business Park Belmont DURHAM DH1 1TW Jennifer Tomlison Book Review Editor Attention Publishers and Authors: Please send information about books for review by email to the BSA Publications Officer: Alison Danforth publications@britsoc.org.uk

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