International Journal of Environmental Health Research December 2007; 17(6): 429 441

Challenges with minimising mercury pollution in the small-scale gold mining sector: Experiences from the Guianas

GAVIN HILSON1 & RICKFORD VIEIRA2

1

School of Agriculture, Policy and Development, The University of Reading, UK, and 2WWF Guianas, Paramaribo, Suriname

Abstract This paper examines the barriers to mitigating mercury pollution at small-scale gold mines in the Guianas (Guyana, French Guiana and Suriname), and prescribes recommendations for overcoming these obstacles. Whilst considerable attention has been paid to analysing the environmental impacts of operations in the region, minimal research has been undertaken to identify appropriate policy and educational initiatives for addressing the mounting mercury problem. Findings from recent eldwork and selected interviews with operators from Guyanese and Surinamese gold mining regions reveal that legislative incapacity, the regions varied industry policy stances, various technological problems, and low environmental awareness on the part of communities are impeding efforts to facilitate improved mercury management at small-scale gold mines in the Guianas. Marked improvements can be achieved, however, if legislation, particularly that pertaining to mercury, is harmonised in the region; educational seminars continue to be held in important mining districts; and additional outlets for disseminating environmental equipment and mercury-free technologies are provided.

Keywords: Small-scale gold mining, the Guianas, mercury, retorts

Introduction During the past two decades, assessment of mercury contamination in small-scale gold mining regions has become an important topic of scientic investigation, attracting millions of dollars in research funding. The majority of studies carried out to date in this area have sought to determine the extent of mercury releases from operations and/or pollution in surrounding environments, giving rise to several technical publications (Ikingura et al. 1997; Lacerda & Marins 1997; Malm 1998; Appleton et al. 1999). At the same time, however, pressing questions such as: are miners aware of the health implications of mercury; what appropriate technologies are available for reducing exposure to mercury; and what barriers prevent the dissemination of mercury-free technologies, have been seriously overlooked.

Correspondence: Gavin Hilson, School of Agriculture, Policy and Development, The University of Reading, Earley Gate, P.O. Box 237, Reading RG6 6AR, UK. E-mail: G.M.Hilson@reading.ac.uk ISSN 0960-3123 print/ISSN 1369-1619 online 2007 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/09603120701633396

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In recent years, the Guianas (Guyana, Suriname and French Guiana) has become an important area for gold miningmercury contamination research. The extensive, and often repetitive, work carried out in neighbouring Brazil, the location of many of the earliest gold miningmercury analyses (Pfeiffer et al. 1989, 1991; Lacerda et al. 1991), has made the Guianas a convenient new haven for related research. Yet, as has been the case throughout much of Brazil, the importance of complementary policy and educational analysis has been seriously ignored: the mercury research carried out hitherto in gold mining regions of the Guianas has, for the most part, been effects-based, seeking primarily to calculate contamination and emission levels. Studies have included analysis of biota (Gray et al. 2002; Coquery et al. 2003; Miller et al. 2003; Spadini & Charlet 2003), assessment of contamination of sh populations (Frery et al. 2001; Mol & Ouboter 2004), and assessments of human exposure and health (de Kom et al. 1998; Cordier et al. 2002). Although the severity of these impacts is now widely understood, parallel studies (Boudou et al. 2005; Durrieu et al. 2005) continue to be undertaken (Hilson 2006). The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to examine a much-overlooked area of the debate: namely, the policy and educational challenges with mitigating mercury pollution at smallscale gold mines in the Guianas. The paper uses ndings from recent eldwork1 in Guyana and Suriname to shed light on the main barriers preventing effective abatement of mercury at sites, and prescribes recommendations for overcoming these obstacles. Small-scale gold mining in the Guianas: An overview Throughout the Guianas, gold is found disseminated within a variety of geological media, including fertile soils and coarse-grained basalts. The scattered nature of the regions deposits, however, has made the formalisation of mining activities, and accompanying industry training and education, exceedingly challenging exercises. It also renders many of the generic centralised small-scale mining support measures prescribed by experts including ore processing and credit strategies inappropriate. The governments of the three Guianas have taken important initiatives to formalise smallscale mining. There are now legal requirements in place for, inter alia, mining titles, environmental protection, registration, taxation, and exportation of product (see Table I for an overview of the regulatory schemes in place for small-scale mining in each of the Guianas). Each country now has in place a unique classication system for mining based on claim size2, and has commissioned mining bodies to award the relevant licenses/permits (Lowe 2005). Through such regularisation activity, gold mining has become a major economic activity in the region, making valuable contributions to national coffers and mineral output (Figure 1). In French Guiana, the sector is now the second largest export earner, contributing some 4% to national GDP. In 2002, ofcial gold exports were 9000 kg, with declared gold output recorded at 2970 kg and an additional 10 000 kg produced at illegal operations (Lowe 2005). In neighbouring Suriname, recorded gold exports increased from 4300 kg in 2001 (US$35.4 million) to 11 700 kg (US$128.2 million) in 2003; the government estimated that gold production from informal operations accounted for some 15% of national GDP during the period 1997 2001 alone. Guyana is by far the most signicant gold producer of the three countries, generating on average 12 000 kg annually since 1999. The closure of Cambiors Omai operation in 2005, the countrys only large-scale gold mine, means that in the interim, all gold will be produced on a small scale. The sector is labour intensive, providing income to several thousands of people in the region. Whilst concise employment data are unavailable, estimates have been made for each country. Initially, the International Labour Organization (ILO 1999) reported that the

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Table I. Policy/regulatory frameworks for small-scale mining in the Guianas. Guyana License type/Permit Permit is granted for an area of up to 27.5 acres for a period of one year, with the option for indenite renewal at one year intervals. Suriname Small Mining Rights are granted for a maximum of two years, with an option for renewal for two-year periods at a time. The permit applies to alluvial or shallow mining for up to 200 ha. Surinamese nationals. French Guiana

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A Mining License (AEX) is granted for a maximum of four years, with an option for renewal for one additional four-year period. Plots cannot exceed 1 km2. Citizens of French Guiana.

Nationality of ownership Details of registration process

Guyanese only (joint-venture with foreigners allowed). Licensing and monitoring are undertaken by the Guyana Geology and Mines Commission (GGMC). Miners are required to pay 5% royalties to the GGMC and 2% tax to the Inland Revenue Department.

Administration of Licenses is carried out by the Geology and Mines Department (GMD). As per Articles 65.1 and 63.2, royalties amounting to 1% of the market value of extracted product are to be paid to the government. National Environmental Law, Draft Environmental Assessment Guidelines for Mining.

Regulation is carried out by the Regional Directorate of Industry, Research and Environment (DRIRE). Mining tax amounts to 0.5% of declared production.

Taxation

Environmental obligations

Environmental Protection Act (1996), New Mining Environmental Protection Regulations (2000), EIA regulations, Codes of Practice, Environmental Management Agreement.

1984 Environment Act Decrets (Decrees), including Decree on Mercury 2004.

Figure 1. Gold production in the Guianas, 1998 2002 (Lowe 2005).

Surinamese small-scale mining population was in the range of 15 000 20 000 but a more recent analysis, which contends that no-one knows exactly how many people are mining for gold in Suriname (Heemskerk & Van der Kooye 2003), places the workforce at

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20 000 25 000. Ofcers at the Guyana Geology and Mines Commission (GGMC) claim that there are approximately 10 000 small-scale gold miners operating in Guyana. Although there are reports abound chronicling the pork knocking3 issue, GGMC staff stand by this gure, insisting that there is no artisanal miner working in illegal areas, such as companies claims (Veiga 1998). The ILO estimates French Guianas artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) population to be between 5000 and 10 000 (ILO 1999) but a recent government report places the illegal artisanal gold mining contingent at 10 000 alone (Government of French Guiana 2003). Individuals originating from the impoverished north-east and Amazonian states of Brazil account for the largest share of the small-scale gold mining population in the Guianas. In Suriname, Brazilians make up more than three quarters of the mining workforce (Healy & Heemskerk 2005), and an estimated 95% of French Guianas 10 000 gold miners are illegal garimpeiros. In Guyana, where the majority of the population has a basic education and/or possesses a trade skill, mining, by contrast, is not poverty-driven: it is alleged that most participants in mining [in Guyana] do exercise a choice based on their assessment of comparative economic advantages (Lowe 2005, p. 9). It has been reported, however, that contrary to assertions made by the GGMC, a growing number of Brazilians are now working illegally in Guyanese mining regions as well. Brazilians deserve credit for making positive contributions to the technological dimension of small-scale mining in the Guianas. Notably, they have introduced valuable knowledge that has aided in the design, implementation and operation of improved equipment, which, in turn, has facilitated marked increases in regional gold production. These contributions notwithstanding, garimpeiros have also introduced, as one stakeholder put it during an interview, several of their bad habits, particularly in the area of mercury management. Brazilian miners are notorious for distributing mercury on pit oors (a process referred to as spiking), as well as spreading signicant quantities behind the rifes in sluices (Figure 2) in order to expedite the amalgamation process (Vieira 2004). Throughout the late-1980s and

Figure 2. Amalgamation plates loaded mercury, a practice imported from Brazil.

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1990s, extensive campaigning took place in Brazilian mining communities to raise awareness of the environmental and health implications of mercury, and to phase out such bad practice. Yet, it appears that these careless handling practices, which culminated in the banning of mercury use in small-scale gold mining in-country (Hays & Vieira 2005), have been transported northward to the Guianas GENCAPD4. The initiatives that have since been taken to promote awareness of mercury in mining communities in the Guianas, including GENCAPD and the ongoing efforts of the WWF Guianas5, have consequently had mixed results. This paper draws upon the experiences of these projects and recent research carried out in Suriname and Guyana to illustrate why minimising mercury emissions from gold mines continues to be a monumental challenge in the region. The paper concludes by prescribing recommendations for overcoming these barriers. Challenges with minimising mercury pollution at small-scale gold mines in the Guianas The Guianas experience with minimising mercury pollution at small-scale gold mines has been overlooked in the literature, and is a rare example of neighbouring governments potentially collaborating to tackle sector-specic problems as a collective unit. Whilst such a commitment is an essential step toward resolving the mounting mercury problem, the challenge facing the regions governments is developing a universal strategy suitable for application in three qualitatively different settings: Guyana, with its comparatively advanced small-scale mining sector and generally literate workforce; Suriname, a country with a smallscale mining population characterized by high levels of illiteracy and low mechanisation; and French Guiana, which, as an overseas department of France, is largely governed by European laws. Regulatory limitations, varied policy stances, miners lack of environmental awareness, and technological dissemination problems have impeded regional efforts aimed at addressing the mercury pollution problem at small-scale gold mines in the region. Each is examined in turn in the discussion that follows. Regulatory incapacity In order for governments to tackle the mercury problem effectively, the relevant regulatory units must be equipped with adequate resources, which is rarely the case in developing countries. Plagued with stafng, information and funding problems, the majority of mining and environmental agencies, in Africa and Latin America in particular, have struggled to enforce small-scale mining legislation. Whilst the industry-specic regulations and licensing schemes implemented often under the auspices of the World Bank and allied agencies may appear comprehensive, enforcement has often proven problematic. For example, in certain sub-Saharan African countries such as Tanzania and Ghana, promising laws and policies have long been in place for ASM but governments have struggled to eradicate illegal activity: there are simply insufcient nancial, technological and human resources at their disposal. A similar pattern now persists throughout the Guianas. Faced with nance and personnel shortages, regulatory bodies have been unable to commit the resources required for monitoring activities in the interior, the location of the regions mining activities. This is especially the case in Suriname, where the Geology and Mines Department (GMD), the agency responsible for regulating the mining sector, lacks the resources to institute effective regulatory mechanisms. The poor employment packages offered by the government have

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prompted several qualied personnel to pursue higher-paid jobs within the local ofces of the mining companies now active in the country. The small workforce that remains at the GMD has been overwhelmed, unable to control the recent surge in small- and medium-scale mining activities; consequently, an estimated 95% of the countrys miners are classied as illegal (i.e. operating without a license). Even in Guyana, which, of the three countries, has by far the most advanced legislation in place for small-scale mining, a lack of personnel at the GGMC makes monitoring exceedingly challenging. The geographically-scattered nature of the countrys activities has compounded the problem. Regional mining bodies, therefore, face an uphill challenge in their efforts to equip local ofces. In Suriname, prior to the civil war (1986 1991), there were 15 GMD outposts situated in the interior. Most, however, were destroyed during the war, and today, only two (Brokopondo Lake, Afobaka and Loksi Hatie, Saramacca River)6 remain, neither of which is fully operational or has a dened administrative role in small-scale mining. Commendable work has been undertaken in neighbouring Guyana to increase government presence in the interior. Prospective miners are now required to sign a contract with the GMMC and disclose all details of operations. Environmentally, miners must also sign an Environmental Management Agreement with the Commission, explaining how all environmental impacts, including mercury pollution, will be minimised; but despite an increased government presence, regular policing of activities continues to be challenging. In neighbouring Suriname, the existing level of government presence has made the monitoring of mercury pollution virtually impossible. The uneven legislative landscape Governments that have legalised small-scale mining have generally pursued a series of policy and support initiatives to facilitate industry formalisation. Lowe (2005, p. 13) elaborates upon the importance of formalisation in this context in the following passage: Formalization speaks not only to the presence of legislation, but to the activation and enforcement of it by authorities and the extent of their success . . . the presence of an adequate regulatory and policy framework is the critical rst condition for formalization of this sector. Absence of formalization makes improvements in the livelihoods of miners and their dependent communities difcult to achieve, as well as making improvements in environmental performance much more problematic. How can regional formalisation be achieved, however, if neighbouring countries have not set common goals? Presently, there are marked differences in a number of (mining) policy areas in the Guianas, from royalty payments to licensing. In the context of mercury management, there are also signicant differences in fact, markedly different policy stances between all three Guianas, which, if not harmonised, could impair policymaking efforts in the region. As a point of reference, regional governments need look no further than the royalty issue. As Lowe (2005) explains, gold is currently being smuggled from Guyana into Suriname in order to avoid paying higher government royalties and levies (7% versus 1%). A parallel response to mercury regulation would be catastrophic: rather than remediate and prevent additional mercury contamination, the problem, whilst potentially being resolved within the state(s) with the most stringent regulatory environment, would likely intensify in the country with the weakest policy and enforcement. To date, French Guiana has pursued the most aggressive of stances on the mercury abatement front. As an overseas department of France, its authorities are working toward

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implementing a ban on mercury in the mining sector, in line with the mandate of the EU7. The move complements the countrys Operation Anaconda program, an ongoing governmentdriven initiative aimed at identifying and destroying illegal mining operations, and deporting garimpeiros to their native Brazil and other countries. There is growing consensus, however, that the selective, repressive raids carried out by the countrys military forces, which amount to the deportation of foreign workers failing to obey immigration laws, are highly ineffective, failing to target the local sleeping partners who sponsor the work. Closed sites, therefore, are able to recommence operation within days without resistance, typically by the very individuals who were deported. Whilst Lowe (2005, p. 36) argues that few of its environmental regulations for small-scale mining have been enforced or complied with in any consistent manner, there is little denying that Guyana has been the most proactive of the three countries legislatively, particularly in the context of mercury abatement. Aside from general provisions for water pollution and chemical discharges within the Mining Act of 1989 (Regulations 128, 129, 134, 137 and 138), the GGMC has enacted, under Section 248(1) of the Mining Amendment Regulations, a series of environmental codes, one of which applies to the handling of mercury within closed circuits. Suriname, on the other hand, lags far behind: at present, it has no environmental regulatory framework per se. During interviews with representatives from government, it was noted that to address this shortcoming, extra discretion is taken when evaluating the environmental impacts of projects such as mines, with World Bank guidelines (e.g. for EIA) heavily relied upon. In terms of mercury management, the WWF Guianas is working to strengthen institutional capacity at the GMD to facilitate improved handling of mercury in the interior. The varied policy stances on mercury abatement promise to compound pollution problems in Suriname, which continues to have the weakest ASM regulatory capacity of the three countries; if pressured, miners will likely migrate to areas where monitoring is weakest. Furthermore, as explained by Lowe (2005, p. 4), the impending ban on mercury use in French Guiana from January 2006 could be seriously undermined by the easy availability of the substance in Suriname and other countries in the region, which could give rise to an underground economy: the government simply does not have the means, knowledge, and presence in the interior prevent the formation of a mercury maa. Technological challenges Whilst in theory, the imposed crackdown on mercury in French Guiana may appear practical, with few alternatives to mercury amalgamation available, how can miners be expected to process gold? There are problems, however, in virtually every area of technological support. As one miner operating in northwest Guyana explained, the government has failed to extend us any technological assistance . . . on prospecting, on ore processing, on education on alternatives . . . and these [mercury] retorts8. Policymakers are often quick to point out how considerable project work has been carried out in the Guianas to date but fail to mention its appropriateness. For example, have attempts been made to establish credit assistance schemes for miners? There are reports that in Suriname and Guyana, certain operators with limited access to nance, out of sheer desperation, will resort to using their homes as collateral to secure funding from lending agencies, and in other cases, from shops in mining areas. For miners, the priority in such cases is certainly not mercury management. Moreover, have miners been equipped with knowledge about geological prospecting? Despite the GENCAPD Program in Guyana, a large number of the countrys miners continue to lack the requisite technical knowledge to change the way they operate. Even less progress has been made in this area in Surname, with the WWF

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Guianas struggling to facilitate the transfer of vital technical information. With no equipment or rational strategy used for prospecting, small-scale miners invest considerable sums to carry out hit and miss investigations; nancial losses are high, which prevents reinvestment and purchase of more efcient equipment and mercury-free technologies. Of the attempts that have been made to introduce improved equipment to miners, few have materialised into anything meaningful, largely because of the introduction of inappropriate equipment, or, more broadly, failure to solicit inputs from miners on operational challenges before the design and implementation of technologies. One notable example of poor practice that continues to be promoted as best practice is the multi-compartmental sluice box designed by the British Geological Survey (BGS). Initially eld tested in Mahdia, Guyana in 1998, the sluice has proved highly unpopular with local mining groups. Principally, miners objected to the location of the nugget trap, which is situated at the end of the sluice, expressing concern over gold migrating towards the end of the box and potentially, being lost; thus, they modied the BGS design by putting the nugget trap at the top of the sluice. The argument posed by BGS staff and their supporters was that the turbulence created would disturb the functioning of the expanded metal rifes that followed. This, however, was adequately addressed by inserting a slick-plate (an area without rifes after the nugget trap) that dampened the turbulence. Whilst BGS staff concluded, in their assessment, that the modied sluices were not designed appropriately, further investigation suggests that it is more of an operating problem9. Certain miners in Madhia and Konawaruk (Pataro mining district) were so dissatised with the BGS design that they reportedly disassembled the set-ups immediately after their demonstration. The Guianas is one of few locations where mercury retorts show considerable promise. Over the past 10 years, a series of educational seminars have been conducted under the auspices of the GENCAPD Project and, more recently, the WWF Guianas; but at present, there is a shortage of supply channels within each of the countries. More specically, miners have little choice but to commute to Crown Mining in Georgetown, as there is no direct supplier in the interior or neighbouring cities. The shortage of supply, coupled with the lack of available alternatives to amalgamation, has impeded the regional effort to minimise mercury pollution at small-scale gold mines. An encouraging sign is that several miners in Suriname and Guyana are now using a retort, motivated by the possibility of recovering mercury for reuse, which minimises purchase of additional costly supplies. Without sufcient support, however, the dissemination of information on retorts and alternatives, and the distribution of key technologies, will remain painstakingly slow. Lack of environmental awareness An interrelated problem is an overall lack of environmental awareness. Despite the efforts of the WWF Guianas and various government agencies, poor mercury management practices continue to be widespread throughout the region. In Benzdorp (Suriname), for example, miners reportedly use small amounts of mercury in mine pit channels and during the clean-up of sluices (Healy & Heemskerk 2005); notable quantities of mercury have been dispensed into surrounding soils and water bodies in the process. Similarly, Lowe (2005, p. 13) explains that in Guyana, there are reports of miners directly applying mercury on the ground during jetting operations or directly in the slurry sump or the sluice box, similar to the practices long prevalent in neighbouring Brazil. Whilst it is likely that several miners remain unconvinced of mercurys toxicity, what has not helped matters is that staff shortages, the geographical dispersion of operations, and nancial limitations have prevented implementation of an ongoing program for mercury abatement and, more signicantly, an increased government

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presence in the interior. Without a dened and recognisable educational and support facility, miners cannot be expected to take the lead on the mercury abatement front. A promising sign is that several miners do appear to exhibit some level of awareness of mercurys toxicity. As explained previously, during several site visits in Suriname, many miners were observed to be using a mercury retort, the stated reason being that it enables mercury to be recovered for reuse; but at the same time, mercury continues to be applied to the rifes of sluices as a strategy to ensure that all gold is captured, and consequently, signicant quantities escape and enter waterways. The initiatives being taken by several smallscale miners in the area of retort implementation, however, are strong indication that policymakers should pursue different approaches in their efforts to facilitate widespread adoption namely, the recycling argument. Specically, many miners currently operating in the Guianas, particularly the burgeoning garimpeiro contingent, continue to be unreceptive to the retort idea on the grounds of health impacts. A possible reason for this deance is the growing mistrust in the authorities, which was particularly evident among mining groups consulted in the Arakaka and Mahdia localities of Guyana. Whilst the issue of miners being cognisant of mercurys toxicity is an issue that has precipitated signicant debate, it is maintained here that operators will be more accommodating to the prospect of adopting retorts if convinced that they are capable of capturing mercury for reuse, which, as previously noted, would minimise the need to purchase costly fresh supplies. It is incorrect to assume that miners would adopt mercury retorts on their own following single seminars. The rapid rise in illegal mining activity in the region makes education a priority issue: whilst pork-knocking10 activity in Guyana has decreased considerably in recent years, all three countries continue to be hotspots for illegal small-scale mining, despite the contentions of certain government ofcers. The fact remains that there is an ever-increasing contingent of Brazilian, and other illegal, miners in the region, individuals who have proved to be the most resistant to the idea of improved environmental protection, and who, without the existence of training programs, will not engage in environmental best practice. In addition to low levels of technological awareness, the present discussion has argued that the absence of appropriate technology, marked variations in policy stances and regulatory incapacity have impeded efforts to address the mounting mercury pollution problem in the small-scale gold mining sector of the Guianas. The discussion that follows prescribes recommendations for overcoming these barriers. Recommendations and conclusions: Improving mercury management at small-scale gold mines in the Guianas With each of the Guianas facing near-identical illegal mining and environmental problems, there is merit in ensuring that similar regulations and standards are in place across the board. Regional authorities recognise this, and are entertaining the possibility of moving toward harmonising the legislation in place for small-scale mining in the Guianas, particularly regulations pertaining to the environment and more specically, mercury. Before doing so, however, government ofcers must be convinced that policy and legislative variations are deterring environmental management efforts in the region, and that more uniform regulations are the solution. Ofcers at the WWF Guianas are certainly convinced of the merits of such a move, and are working to initiate dialogue with each of the governments to develop regulations and policies that will make the regions regulatory environment for ASM more uniform. This could help to prevent environmental problems from mounting within areas characterised by the least stringent legislation and monitoring. It is

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recommended that the forceful approach adopted by the authorities in French Guiana be abandoned outright, and that similar strategies to those adopted by the GGMC in Guyana, which as explained previously, have included the enactment of codes of practice and reformation of mining legislation, be pursued. The enactment and potential harmonisation of legislation, however, will have minimal impact unless the regulatory and monitoring capacity is strengthened in the interior of the Guianas. It is recommended that whilst funding is being sourced to help equip regulatory institutions with the requisite human, informational and technological resources, governments continue to hold educational seminars in important mining regions. With inputs from the Institute of Applied Science and Technology and the GGMC in Georgetown, the WWF Guianas has spearheaded a drive to provide regional education on mercury in Guyana. The most recent seminar took place in Arakaka in August 2005, at which hair samples were collected from miners, a mercury best practice video was shown, and several presentations were given on various environmental issues. Miners were also encouraged to participate and provide feedback on their understanding of mercury. Whilst there is little denying the value of these exercises and the need to further the initiative in neighbouring Suriname and French Guiana, the geographical isolation of mining operations and a small workforce have made the dissemination of information on mercury management a slow process. Until additional funds are secured, the process will continue to be exceedingly time consuming and laborious. There is also an urgent need to improve the distribution facility for mercury management equipment specically, retorts as well as alternative technologies. As noted previously, outside of Crown Mining in Georgetown, there are few locations where environmental technologies can be purchased locally. Work initiated by the WWF Guianas in conjunction with the GMD suggests that there is considerable scope for expanded use of retorts in Suriname, particularly given the growing contingent of Brazilians many of whom are already acquainted with the technology11 who have taken up employment in mining regions. In fact, in areas such as Antino (Suriname), many miners were observed to be using retorts (Figure 3); it was explained that the logic behind their use is not health-related but rather that they enable expensive mercury to be recaptured for reuse. As already explained, it is recommended that future mercury educational efforts focus upon recycling and detract slightly from the environmental angle because it has been proven repeatedly that . . . an artisanal miner will not pay out a dollar for a piece of equipment or technique that does not return two dollars (Hinton et al. 2003, p. 102). As it is challenging to quantify the health angle in cost terms, the recycling argument could prove more useful when attempting to disseminate technology. There is even greater potential, however, for increased adoption of alternative technologies. Vieira (2004) identies several viable mercury-free mineral processing strategies which, in various capacities, have already been piloted and/or promoted in the Guianas. These include gravity separation, improved sluicing, and Gemini tables. One technique which has considerable promise is the CleangoldTM sluice, invented by David Plath and manufactured by CleangoldTM, a company based in Lincoln City, Oregon. As Vieira (2006) explains, the device is an aluminum sluice box comprised of polymeric magnetic sheets that collect magnetite, a mineral which typically occurs within placer gold deposits. Gold is trapped below the captured magnetic layer, the sluice is washed into a pan, and a magnet is used to remove the magnetite, leaving behind a high gold concentrate; no mercury is required for nal cleanup. An important development took place in May 2005, when the World Bank awarded US$150000 to the Institute for Sustainable Mining to implement CleangoldTM technology in Suriname. It is imperative that donor bodies begin building upon the momentum created by the recent series of successful pilot demonstrations in the region, and work to make the technology more widely available in each of the Guianas.

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Figure 3. Brazilian-crafted retort being used in Antino, Suriname.

It is maintained here that a mixture of technical solutions constitutes the best way forward. Certain miners consulted during the course of eldwork appeared more comfortable with using retorts, unlike a number of their colleagues, who, having recognised the dangers of mercury, were eager to pursue alternatives. In each case, it is imperative that the regions governments work to coordinate additional technological demonstrations: technical alternatives derived from formal mining, or developed specically for ASM, must be thoroughly examined, pre-tested, appropriately modied and successfully transferred . . . before ASM is likely to transform into an environmentally sound and socio-economically sustainable activity (Hinton et al. 2003, p. 100). The mercury pollution problem in the Guianas is mounting but there is reason to believe that the aforementioned recommendations could go a long way toward ameliorating existing pollution problems and preventing further contamination. Unlike African countries, where informal mining populations number in the hundreds of thousands and environmental awareness is comparatively rudimentary, the Guianas has a small-scale mining workforce of between 40 000 and 60 000. Moreover, several operators appear cognisant of the health implications of mercury, and have embraced the possibility of moving toward adopting mercury technologies as well as alternatives. Dialogue is ongoing between each of the governments over the possibility of harmonising legislation, particularly that regulating environmental issues; it is now a case of fully convincing the authorities of the merits of implementing universal regulations. The principal challenge lies in attracting the requisite

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donor aid to put these recommendations into practice, and to build upon the ongoing efforts of the WWF Guianas, local universities and government institutions. Acknowledgements The authors are grateful for nancial assistance from the Institute of Materials, Minerals and Mining (IOM3), which supported this research through a Tom Seaman Travelling Scholarship. Needless to say, any errors this article may contain are the sole responsibility of the authors. Notes
1. Episodes of eldwork took place in Guyana and Suriname in September 2004, July August 2005 and November 2005. 2. In Guyana, for example, mining legislation identies the following three scales of mining: (i) large-scale, with an allowed property size of between 500 and 12800 acres; (ii) medium-scale, with an allowed property size of between 150 and 1200 acres, and (iii) small-scale, with the size of a land claim xed at 27.5 acres and that of a river claim set at a maximum of one mile (1.6 km) of navigable river. In Suriname, the mining code only makes a distinction between investment/large-scale mining (mijnbouw) and small-scale mining (klein mijnbouw). 3. Pork knockers are miners engaged in highly informal and rudimentary activity, and who have traditionally worked shallow gold deposits. 4. Osava (2005) points out that mercury use has been banned in Brazil since 1989, by a law that is rarely heeded, an observation reinforced by Hays and Vieira (2005). If caught in possession of mercury, miners face harsh penalties, which make the Guianas a far more attractive working environment. 5. The six-year CAN$3.75 million GENCAPD project, nanced by the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), was conceived to develop environmental expertise within several of the key institutions involved with the mining sector in Guyana, and to develop a regulatory framework that will promote the sustainable development of Guyanas mineral resources. The WWF Guianas Goldmining Pollution Abatement Project is a EUR973 000 exercise, the primary aim of which is to address the mounting mercury pollution problem in the regions small-scale gold mining sector. 6. Construction has recommenced at the Loksie Hatie outpost with the aim of making it fully functional in the upcoming months. 7. The European Union, the worlds largest exporter of mercury, is working toward banning mercury exports by 2011. 8. A retort is a simple system assembled with a closed crucible connected to a condenser, designed so that mercury from gold amalgam evaporates when heated. 9. It was observed that most miners operate sluices for 7 10 days before the nal cleaning, at which point, most of the voids in the carpet would be lled with heavy minerals, and therefore, most of the gold would migrate out of the box. The miners work in such a way in order to retain most of the gold in the pit until the nal clean-up. This is necessary for security reasons, since thieves often cut the matting out of the box containing all of the gold; thus, the gold is covered in the pit with water after each days work. During the last period before the nal clean-up, the pit is swept to retrieve all of the gold, at which time the mats are already laden with heavy gangue minerals. 10. Today, the majority of pork knockers are working tailings and/or mined areas (existing works). 11. Being the location of one of the rst contemporary artisanal gold rushes, Brazil was naturally the recipient of considerable ASM donor assistance. Working in collaboration with various aid agencies, the government conducted numerous training seminars and workshops, and piloted several technologies in communities. The majority of garimpeiros who have migrated to the interior of the Guianas are therefore armed with several skills and rudimentary environmental knowledge.

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