Arms and the Men; 14th Century Japanese Swordsmanship Illustrated by Skeletons from Zaimokuza, near Kamakura, Japan

Author(s): Myra Shackley Reviewed work(s): Source: World Archaeology, Vol. 18, No. 2, Weaponry and Warfare (Oct., 1986), pp. 247-254 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/124618 . Accessed: 05/03/2012 08:41
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14th century Arms and the Men; swordsmanship illustrated Japanese from Zaimokuza, skeletons near Japan Kamakura,

by

Myra Shackley

Historical background In July 1333 troops of the Emperor Go-Daigo won a famous victory after a five day battle against the armies of the Hojo regents defending their headquarters in Kamakura (Fig. 1). The battle cemetery at Zaimokuza (Suzuki 1956) dates from one phase of the attack on Kamakura, the defence of Midare-bashi bridge where, after stubborn and heroic resistance lasting several days, the defenders began to waver against the Imperial troops and eventually retired in confusion (Lu 1974). Their defeat ended the Kamakura (Minamoto) period of Japanese history (1185-1333) and the government was transferred back to Kyoto during the Kemmu Restoratiorn(1333-1336). During late Kamakura times the Hojo family had technically been only regents acting as advisors to a young and ineffective Minamoto military commander (the Shogun), himself nominally ruling on behalf of the Emperor. In practice they controlled all real power, the Emperor in Kyoto being merely a figurehead. The success of the Emperor Go-Daigo was, however, shortlived and in 1336 one of his own generals rebelled and the subsequent power shuffle led to the two rival courts of the Nambokucho era (1336-1392) and eventually to the rule of the Ashikaga Shoguns in the succeeding Muromachi or Ashikaga period (1392-1568).

Weapons, armour and swordsmanship Against this background of civil disturbance it is not surprising that during the Kamakura period Japanese swordsmiths achieved their highest level of technical expertise. The character of battlefield combat changed during the 14th century, with the mounted warriors equipped with long tachi being gradually replaced by infantrymen (Fig. 2). This change in emphasis was largely a result of the Mongol invasions of 1274 and 1281, when the 'classic' ideal of formal heroic single combat proved ineffective against opponents with less elevated chivalric principles. One result was the eventual development of a new type of sword called a katana, carried edge upwards thrust through a sash (obi), to
World Archaeology ( Volume 18 No. 2 Weaponry and warfare

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supplement and ultimately replace the tachi, slung edge downwards from the belt (Joly and Hogitaro 1913). A warrior of this period may often have carried more than one sword in addition to the bow which was his principal weapon, one tachi at his side with a shorter sword thrust through his obi, and occasionally with a long sword (no-tachi) carried across his back (Fig. 2). A typical mid 14th century tachi would have been about 2ft. 6ins. long (Harris, pers. comm.) although the length of a sword varied with the height of the wearer, and its

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Figure 2 14th century Japanese armour. The figure on the left is wearing light d6-maru armour includingcuirass and tassets, and has three swords,a nm-tachi on his back, a shorter tachi slung from his belt and a thirdshortsword, but he has no helmet. The bushion the righthas a simplehelmet(kabuto) completewith neckguard(shikoro) and is wielding a naginata.He, too, has a shorttachi and wears light armour complete with greaves. (adapted from contemporaryscroll paintings).

width, thickness and other dimensions were related by a complex arithmetic system. A fixed relationship existed between the width of the boshi (point) of the sword and its length, but this varied with the style of the boshi and thus with the smith who created it. Any collection of 14th century swords illustrates this great variability, which makes it impossible to distinguish katana from tachi injuries but does enable cuts made by the same weapon to be identified (see below). During tamashigiri (sword testing), which ensured that a blade was at least capable of removing a man's head with a single stroke, the blade could be tested on the body of a criminal, an old iron helmet or a thick bundle of straw, these last being tricky; although the blade was very sharp it could be deflected sideways by the straw, or by the metal of a helmet. Long blades were notoriously unable to make well-directioned cuts. In the book Kantei Tokugawa Rippo the 16th century swordtester Yamada Asayemon notes that, in edged weapon trials involving cutting the head of a corpse across the temple, blades may be difficult to extract after the stroke (Joly and Hogitaro 1913), a problem met with by Zaimokuza swordsmen, and evidenced by injuries sustained during blade removal (see below). Contemporary illustrations are rare, but scroll paintings of the Heike Monogatori (Takada 1964), accounts of battles of the early Kamakura period, show infantry and mounted warriors equipped with a bow, tachi and formidable gleave or halberd (Fig. 2) called a naginata. Similar weapons can be seen on the scroll painting Moko-ShuraiEkotoba-Emaki, painted around 1300 and dealing with the Mongol invasions. Previously, 13th century classic combat tradition relied on single combat, with individual horsed and armoured warriors charging each other, aiming to kill with a single sword stroke, a tradition which seems to have been only slightly modified by the late Kamakura warriors at Zaimokuza. During the early Kamakura wars it is known that warriors wore lamellar armour of two different types; either a 'great harness' (6-yoroi), for high ranking mounted nobles, complete with helmet and large shoulder and arm protectors, or lighter d5-maru armour

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which was initially used by infantry and consisted mainly of cuirass and tassets. However, the changing military tactics of the 14th century were also reflected in armour; nobles who would previously have been mounted now fought on foot, exchanging their heavy wide-skirted 6-yaroi armour for lighter d6-maru style but often retaining the large shoulder guards and helmets of the former (Anderson 1968)D It therefore seems likely that the armour worn at Zaimokuza would have been quite varied (Fig. 2); the MokoShurai-Ekotoba-Emaki scroll painting referred to above shows warriors in a variety of different assemblages, including some in full 6-yaroi armour but with the helmet replaced by a light cloth cap or scarf (hachimaki). In the 13th century strict battle rules applied; no supporters were to aid the combatants and no retreat was permitted. However, some writers have claimed that the image of the classical warriors of the Minamoto bafuku (military government) declined drastically in the subsequent wars until the resuscitation of classical traditions under Tokugawa Ieyasu (1542-1616). Warner and Draeger (1982) claim that the wars of the Hojo regency were notorious for their martial incompetence and neglect of military ethics, partly as a result of the degradation of the morals of the classical warrior (bushi) under the nepotic civilian Hojo regents. This opinion is not universally supported (Harris, pers. comm.). Tactical changes undoubtedly included the gradual replacement of formalised single combat by different sized tactical units employed in battle formation and at a later date the bafuku became 'morally polluted' (Warner and Draeger) by the appearance of ashigaru ('lightfoot soldiers') who were mercenary adventurers not bushi, wearing lightweight armour and armed with naginata rather than sword or bow (Fig. 2). The Zaimokuza injuries, however, would suggest that classic equestrian combat was still to be found.

The injuries Suzuki et al. (1956) comprehensively reported on the physical anthropology of the Zaimokuza material, currently located in the University of Tokyo Museum. A total of 275 skulls were examined by the writer in 1985, specifically for weapon injuries. Of these skulls, 26 (9%) showed a total of 65 measurable injuries; 95% of these were cuts from sharp edged weapons, averaging 2.5 cuts/skull; 69% of injured skulls had received more than 1 cut, but only 3.6% had healed injuries. Full metrical analysis of these injuries was undertaken, the general outlines being presented below, supplemented by observations derived from the writer's experimental replication of ancient sword techniques. The vast majority of injuries (85%) occurred on frontal or parietal bones, the largest group being sword cuts across the frontal bones (48%), with left parietal cuts also common (36%) but right parietal cuts rare (16%), presumably because most swordsmen were right-handed. No injuries to the occipital bones were observed. Cuts could also occur either singly (Plate 1) or in groups (27% skulls) but these latter did not denote multiple injuries but were the result of a single blow which 'skidded' over the cranium, resulting in a small linked group of 2-4 cuts, generally on the forehead (Plate 2). Within such groups the first blow struck was the highest on the skull, nearest to the hairline if the injury was a frontal cut, and always slightly deeper than the others to which it was connected by grooves and furrows in the bone. Such cuts were inflicted by the triangular

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........ .: ...... ...N _ _

Plate1 (left)Sword cut across the left frontal the hairline. Thecutwasprobably bone,beneath fataldueto bloodlossandwasinflicted in mounted combat of a tachi (boshi), bythepointsection or katana. Zaimokuza. Plate 2 (right) cutsacross the leftfrontal 'Skid' boneabovethebrowridge. Theforcebehind the blowhascaused theblade to skidacross thesurface of theskull,leaving a complex of progressively andnarrower shallower cutsas the bladeslidesdownthe victim's forehead. Zaimokuza.

boshi (point) of a swordand varybetween 17-22mmin length. Despite the fact that they have not penetrated the brain it seems possible that they were fatal, immediately renderingthe warriorunconsciousfrom loss of blood. A further 11% of skulls had a combination of isolated and complex cuts and 8% exhibited especially deep, wide semicircularcuts that were easily distinguishable from the sharp boshi injuries. The remaining11% of skulls showed differentcombinationsof these injuries. Most (78%) of the cuts were relatively shallow (1.5mm deep) and 90% had not penetrated the internal lamella of the brain. Of the remaining 10% half were exceptionally deep cuts throughboth lamellaeinto the brainwithoutremovingany bone, but in the remaining5% large pieces of bone had been removed, exposing the brain. Suchcuts were sometimesinflictedat a shallowangle, slicingawaya piece of the victim's head. Severalinjurieswere inflictedby the extremetip (kissaki)of the sword,whichhad sometimesbeen twisted while extractingthe blade, removinga roundelof bone. Some were noted althoughthese were rare (8% of depressedfracturesfrom blunt instruments no. skull for had an 451, skulls); example, impactinjurycausedby a smalldiameterblunt instrument driveninto the left eyebrowridge, possiblya kashira(swordpommel)or the end of a staff

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In some cases the attack pattern could be reconsrructed, especially where the skull showed more than one cut: 7% of skulls produced 'paired' cuts, both done by the same weapon, where an initial cut across the victim's left temple caused him to fall forwards, carried by the momentum of his attack, a second blow then being struck across the parietal bone on the rear of his head, generally bisecting the sagittal suture. Most of the cuts are placed with extreme accuracy; nearly all neatly bisect suture lines, or are positioned across the temple, just under the hairline. It seems doubtful that such standardisation could have been achieved if the victims had been wearing a helmet. The angle and location of the majority of the injuries suggest that they were probably inflicted from horseback, a mounted warrior taking a flat but forceful swing at his opponent and cutting him across the forehead, the tremendous momentum of such an attack resulting in the 'skidding' of the blade across the skull. The large deeper cuts referred to above could have been the result of a duel between warriors on foot; they are characteristically more semicircular in form, and seem to have been made by a heavier, thicker sword, also wielded with considerable force but without the momentum which produced frontal 'skids'. These cuts may on occasion be very large (eg. no. 106/1 with length 78. lmm) which was executed nearly vertically downwards, and are generally at quite a steep angle, in contrast to the flat-angled frontal cuts. In the case of no. 106/1 the sword has been wrenched out complete with a large flake of bone, cutting into the brain. The Zaimokuza finds contrast with the pattern of cranial injuries from the only other large available 14th century war cemetery, from the battle of Wisby (1361), in Sweden. Inglemark (1939) noted marked divergences in injury patterns between crania from the three common graves at Wisby, which he concluded resulted from variations in protective armour. At Zaimokuza the cuts were the result of straightforward sword attacks culminating in the boshi cutting across the forehead; at Wisby more cuts were received on the sides of the head as a result of slash-and-parry sequences using a heavy two-handed sword and battle axe. A further important distinction occurs in the percentage of occipital cuts, none at Zaimokuza and 14% at Wisby. Inglemark (1939) suggests that these were struck when the victim had turned his back to run, or when fallen, either suggesting that the Zaimokuza bushi were strictly obeying the dictates of bushido or that the mail curtain (shikoro) at the back of the helmet provided adequate protection. However, at Wisby the armour worn at the time also involved a collar of mail protecting the neck area, but occipital cuts were still made, indicating that the difference in injury pattern must reflect battlefield ethics rather than variations in armour.

Conclusions It is both surprising and interesting to find that the pattern of sword cuts on the Zaimokuza bushi reflects swordsmanship along classical lines, dominated by a light sword, either tachi or katana (the two are differentiated only by their method of carrying, not by blade widths) used from horseback. Most attacks seem to have been made by a mounted warrior using a stroke aimed directly at the centre of an opponent's head, cutting him across the temple with the boshi of the sword. The concentration of these

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injuries at such a location suggests that a metal helmet (kabuto) was not being worn, perhaps indicating that the combatants were not men of high rank. An alternative explanation, that the kabuto was insufficient protection for the head, must be rejected as the nature of the cuts suggests that there had been no impediment to the stroke, which would certainly have been deflected, if not completely blocked, by the iron helmet and its attachments. Although some historians (eg. Warner and Draeger 1982) have suggested a general slovenliness of warfare at that time, individual sword training was still, apparently, being carried out in the classical tradition, a hypothesis supported by the lack of occipital cuts or blunt instrument injuries which coordinates well with the warrior code. The Zaimokuza warriors clearly included both cavalry and infantrymen, using several different types of swords, which confirms that the supposedly 'bureaucratised bushi' (Warner and Draeger 1982) of late Kamakura times still fought according to the martial traditions of the classic hero-warriors of the Minamoto bafuku, more than a century previously.

Acknowledgments I am most grateful to the following individuals and institutions who have contributed to this project; Professor Kimio Suzuki (Keio University, Japan), Mr Joe Earle (Victoria and Albert Museum), and Dr Sarah Bevan (H.M. Armouries, Tower of London); Messrs John Anderson and Victor Harris read through a draft of this paper and contributed many useful ideas and suggestions. The Zaimokuza skulls are now in the University of Tokyo Museum, and were examined by the writer with the kind permission of Emeritus Professor H. Suzuki and with the assistance of Prof. T. Azakawa (Tokyo University, Japan) during the tenure of a Royal Society Study Visit to Keio University, Tokyo. 14.xii. 1985 Department of Archaeology University of Leicester

References
Anderson, L. J. 1968. Japanese Armour. London: Arms and Armour press. Ingelmark, Bo.E. 1939. The skeletons. In Armour from the Battle of Wisby 1361 (ed. B. Thordeman). Stockholm: Vitterhets Historie Och Antikvitets Akademien, pp. 149-210. Joly, H. L. and Hogitaro, I. 1962. The Sword Book (In Honcho Gunkik6) of Arai Hakuseki, and the Book of Same (Ko Hi Sei Gi) of Inaba Tsurio. London: Holland Press. Lu, D. J. 1974. Sources of Japanese History. New York: McGraw Hill. Suzuki, H., Hayashi, T., Tanabe, G. and Sakura, H. 1956. Medieval Japanese Skeletons from the Burial Site at Zaimokuza, Kamakura City. Tokyo: Anthropological Society of Nippon, Iwanami Shoten. (in Japanese). Takada, I. 1964. Nihon Emakimono zenshu. Vol. 9. Tokyo: Kedokawa Publication.

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Warner, G. and Draeger, D. F. 1982. Japanese Swordsmanship. New York and Tokyo: Weatherill.

Abstract Shackley, Myra Arms and the Men: 14th century Japanese swordsmanship illustrated by skeletons from Zaimokuza, near Kamakura, Japan The 14thcenturyin Japanwas a time of complexand protracted feudalwarfare,accompanied by changesin swordsmanship techniquesawayfrom the 13thcenturyclassicalideal. Cranialinjuries on warriorsburied in the Zaimokuzacemetery (A.D. 1333) suggest that single-combat cavalry fighting was stillprevalent,with a lightsword(tachi)as the favouredweapon.Thereareindications that a heavier blade was also used, probably by infantry soldiers. The pattern of injuries, dominatedby cuts acrossthe forehead,impliesthatthe complexJapanesehelmet(kabuto)was not being worn and that the burialsare probablythose of mountedsoldiers,perhapsof low rank.