THE CASE OF JYLLANDS-POSTEN (2006) AND ITS IMPACT TO DENMARK-SAUDI ARABIA TRADE RELATIONS

THESIS PROPOSAL WRITTEN FOR FINAL EXAMINATION

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SEMINAR VICTOR SILAEN

MATTHEW HANZEL 04320090015 DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

UNIVERSITAS PELITA HARAPAN BULEVAR M.H. THAMRIN, LIPPO VILLAGE INDONESIA

2013

THE CASE OF JYLLANDS-POSTEN (2006) AND ITS IMPACT TO DENMARK-SAUDI ARABIA TRADE RELATIONS

This work is written to understand how the clash of civilizations phenomenon may directly affect trade relations between two states. In 2006, one of Denmarks largest newspapers, Jyllands-Posten published a series of controversial cartoons depicting the artists impressions of the Prophet Muhammad of the religion of Islam. The cartoons were not accepted gladly by many Muslims, especially those living in the Middle East. Demonstrators demanded boycotts and some went as far to demand death to the artists. This case represented what Samuel P. Huntington described as clash of civilizations, in which the two countries were parts of two major confrontative civilizations, namely the West and Islam. Proponents said that the cartoons are part of freedom of speech, while Muslims found it derogatory and blasphemous.

This work will examine how the Jyllands-Posten controversy contributed to the interstate trade relations between Denmark and Saudi Arabia immediately after the controversy outbreak. It will also attempt to analyze the causes of any dynamics in trade relations between the two countries, especially how the issue of civilizations may ultimately affect how states conduct international trade.

I. BACKGROUND

In late 2005 and early 2006, one of Denmarks biggest newspapers, Jyllands-Posten, gave an assignment to thirty-five caricaturists to draw their impressions on Islams Prophet Muhammad. Fifteen of the thirty-five responded, with twelve signified their approval, three rejected. The assignment resulted in various images, which initially published on late 2005. The images, however, resulted in widespread controversy, especially after several Danish imams traveled to the Middle East to raise awareness on the problem. The cartoon, published with the title Muhammeds Ansigt (the Face of Muhammad) received complaints and anger from all around the world, especially those with notable Muslim population. The complaints, especially of being blasphemous, racist, and Islamophobic; were merely one side of the problem. The other side, notably came from the Western world, noted that this was a form of freedom of speech, while some also admitted that the cartoons were creating a tension between religions. The problem that started as a problem of one newspaper then escalated to be an international crisis. Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen of Denmark noted famously that this was the greatest crisis Denmark has ever faced since the culmination of World War II. Various Muslim and Muslim-majority countries sent their envoys to have an audience with the prime minister of Denmark to directly address the issue. One of the most significant impacts, however, was the economic boycott. Various countries around the world decided to boycott Danish products imported to their countries, both through the government or refusal to buy such products.

The boycotts of imported Danish products resulted in huge losses to various Danish companies and to Danish trade balance in general. The incident even required one exceptional entry in the countrys annual report as a significant modifier of the countrys export and import values. Companies even suffered losses of millions of dollars daily after the wake of the incident.

II. RESEARCH QUESTIONS

After reviewing the above background, there are problems to be discussed in this research thesis: 1. What are the impacts of the Jyllands-Posten case to the Denmark-Saudi Arabia trade relations? 2. How can factors such as religion and culture have an impact on international trade relations?

III. RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

The objectives of this research, therefore, is to answer the above problems, namely: 1. To understand the impacts of the Jyllands-Posten case to the Denmark-Saudi Arabia trade relations. 2. To elaborate how factors such as religion and culture have an impact on international trade relations.

IV. RESEARCH OUTLINE

1. LITERARY OVERVIEW 1. Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2011) This magnum opus, written first in 1996 to respond to Francis Fukuyamas The End of History and the Last Man constitutes one of the main theories of this research. Huntington, in his book, believes that in the modern world what matters is not a conflict between states, but a conflict between civilizations. Thus, Huntington groups the world into seven or eight major civilizations, ranging from the large Western civilization to the Islamic civilization. Among many problems elaborated by Huntington, one of those ideas that is still relevant today is the emergence of Islam in contrast to the Western civilization. As a matter of fact, both civilizations seemed to be destined to confront each other in the clashing world. This book also elaborates on how civilizational issues overlap with international trade and economics, which will be useful in this research. 2. Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (Cambridge: PublicAffairs, 2004) In this book, American political scientist Nye explains his major theory of soft power, that is non-traditional military forces that may influence international relations. Forces like culture, economy, or even religion have been proven to affect the way states conduct their relations. In his book, Nye Jr. tries to direct the attention of readers that traditional power issues are no longer the dominant forces of international relations. Instead,

the influence of soft power, by means of non-traditional military issues are gaining traction. Nye Jr. also promotes the idea of soft power for a countrys foreign policy, to tackle various issues including traditional security (e.g. terrorism) and to help tackle issues of multilateral cooperation. The main idea of Nye Jr. in this book that will be used in the thesis is the influence of culture (in this case, religious tensions) to international trade relations between two countries, as evident in the post-Jyllands-Posten case. 3. Amr G. E. Sabet, Islam and the Political: Theory, Governance and International Relations (London: Pluto Press, 2008) Amr G. E. Sabet of University of Helsinki wrote this book to show contentions and contestations between Islam and the Western civilization, and its impact to international relations. Among the discourses established by Sabet in this book are regarding democracy, modernity, liberalism, and human rights. This book will be useful in the writing of this thesis to elaborate points of tension between Islam and the Western civilization, especially when considering the Jyllands-Posten to be another spark of the relations between those two civilizations. 4. Andrew Shryock (ed.), Islamophobia/Islamophilia: Beyond the Politics of Enemy and Friends (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010) An anthology of writings by several experts, Islamophobia/Islamophilia presents the two lingering and interesting paradoxes: Islam is often an object of hatred, fear, but also affection and interest at the same time. This book provides not only explanations but also several case studies on the relations of Islam with its surroundings, including in contention with the Western civilization.

While noted in an introduction, written by Andrew Shryock, how recent phenomena such as terrorism instigate hatred towards Islam, the author realizes that such labeling is ultimately misleading for the general public. The ideas written in this book will be used to examine such labeling, how the portrayal of Prophet Muhammad as depicted in the cartoons of Jyllands-Posten can came into fruition and how that may come close to a form of Islamophobia.

2. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND 1. CONSTRUCTIVISM One of the recently popular streams of International Relations, especially in the late 20th century,1 constructivism is often deemed to be more of a perspective rather than an International Relations theory.2 Fundamentally, constructivism is a social theory, but has often been used to explain various international relations phenomena. Constructivism started to appear in the late 1980s, ignited by various changes in international relations. While various mainstream theories of International Relations are deemed to be inadequate, constructivism tries to provide answers to questions the other mainstream theories cannot answer. One of the main proponents of constructivism is Alexander Wendt (1958),

who in 1992 wrote a very famous article in the journal International Organization, titled, Anarchy is what States Make of it: The Social Construction of Power

Mariya Y. Omelicheva, "Constructivism," in 21st Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook, ed. John T. Ishiyama and Marijke Breuning (Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications, 2011), p. 270. 2 Ibid., p. 271. See also Joshua S. Goldstein and Jon C. Pevehouse, International Relations, 2008-2009 Update (Upper Saddle River, NY: Pearson Higher Education, 2008), p. 93.

Politics.3 In essence, Wendt laid out the principles of constructivism in respect to global politics, especially that the structure and relations of global politics are not merely natural or given, but instead contingent and dependent on how people think and perceive them.4 There is no clear consensus on the definition of constructivism,5 however there are attempts to define what is constructivism. Genest defines constructivism as, A postmodernist theory of international relations that is based on the claim that our understanding of reality is socially constructed, [] place great attention on the role of ideas and beliefs in shaping our understanding of the world.6 Omelicheva adds that, What constructivism does offer is a set of ideas about the nature of reality and the ways in which it can be grasped, and these ideas can inform peoples understanding, interpretation, and theorization about world politics.7 2. LIBERALISM Liberalism, one of the key theories of International Relations, focuses on promoting political and economic ties. In the perspective of liberalism, economic, social, and environmental issues have become priority issues of international relations.8 Liberalism has been cited to be the dominant ideological force shaping western political thought and to be the ideology of the industrialized West9 There are different definitions, albeit with the same spirit, offered by various experts regarding what is liberalism. Mansbach and Rafferty define liberalism as,
3

Alexander Wendt, "Anarchy is what States Make of it: The Social Construction of Power Politics," International Organization (The MIT Press) 46, no. 2 (1992). 4 Omelicheva, op. cit., p. 470. 5 Ibid., p. 471. 6 Marc A. Genest, Conflict and Cooperation: Evolving Theories of International Relations, 2nd Edition (Belmont, California: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning, 2004), p. 264. 7 Omelicheva, op. cit., p. 471. 8 Genest, op. cit., p. 124. 9 Andrew Heywood, Global Politics (New York City, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), p. 61.

An optimistic approach to global politics based on the perfectibility of humankind, free trade, and democracy; focuses on individuals rather than states.10 Liberalism first emerged between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, and the emergence was once centered in a few countries, namely France, United Kingdom, and the United States. Among many early experts of the perspective, Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) is one of the most popular. Kant was a proponent of democracy and global citizenship, and that democracies will be more powerful than autocracies.11 Liberalism uses a few assumptions. First, liberalism uses a bottom-up approach, in which states actions are defined strongly by the society, and that the society seeks to advance those goals through political means.12 In liberalists perspective, the society needs globalization, which is, [] the changing opportunities and incentives to engage in transnational economic, social, and cultural activity, [] Without globalizations, societal actors, like states, would have no rational incentive to attend to world politics.13 Second, states preferences are defined by a subset of domestic individuals and social groups to manage globalization.14 States, in this sense, is a representative institution of a coalition of social interests.15 Under this assumption, an international policy convergence will happen due to mutual gains between the states, which later will determine how states engage in relations.16 Third, interdependence shapes state behavior. According to Moravcsik, the important concept for this assumption is policy
10

Richard W. Mansbach and Kirsten L. Rafferty, Introduction to Global Politics (New York City, New York: Routledge, 2008), p. 19. 11 Ibid., p. 23. 12 Andrew Moravcsik, "The New Liberalism," in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations, ed. Christian Reus-Smit and Duncan Snidal (New York City, New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 235-236. 13 Ibid., p. 236. 14 Ibid., p. 237. 15 Ibid., p. 237. 16 Ibid., p. 238.

interdependence, which is defined as, The distribution and interaction of preferences that is, the extent to which the pursuit of state preferences necessarily imposes costs and benefits upon other states, independent of the transaction costs imposed by the specific strategic means chosen to obtain them.17 Genest, in his book Conflict and Cooperation further highlights a branch of liberalism, which is economic liberalism, noted as a branch that, [] highlights the transnational ties or linkages between states.18 This, in turn, has strong relations with interdependence liberalism, which highlights the mutual dependence within the international system.19 Genest emphasizes the presence of interdependence in liberalists case, by defining it as, [] two or more states are mutually sensitive and vulnerable to each others actions.20 This branch of liberalism will show how states interact through trade, realizing that countries need each other, thus international trade occurs. Therefore, this will provide a key point in understanding the trade relations between Denmark and Saudi Arabia. 3. CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS Samuel Huntingtons clash of civilizations theory first appeared in his writing, The Clash of Civilizations? published in 1993. He elaborated his thesis early in that article, mentioning,
It is my hypothesis that the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic. The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. Nation states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash of civilizations will dominate global politics. The fault lines between civilizations will be the battle lines of the future.21

17 18

Ibid., p. 239. Genest, op. cit., p. 126. 19 Ibid. 20 Ibid., pp. 130-131. 21 Samuel P. Huntington, "The Clash of Civilizations?," Foreign Affairs (Council on Foreign Relations) 72, no. 3 (1993), p. 22.

In essence, Huntingtons proposition highlights the importance and influence of culture in international relations, by implying that culture will be the main fault line that may cause conflict between states (and to extension, society). Huntingtons clash of civilizations theory appeared just after Francis Fukuyama elaborated his theory that after the Cold War, and after the fall of communism, liberalism will be victorious, thus signaling the end of history where conflict will subside. In Fukuyamas earlier article, The End of History?, and the follow-up book, The End of History and the Last Man, he theorizes the end of history as follows:
We may be witnessing the end of history as such: that is, the end point of mankinds ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.22

Huntington was quick to debunk Fukuyamas proposal early in his book, by saying that following Fukuyamas proposal, the end of Cold War may create, [] an illusion of harmony, which was soon revealed to be exactly that. 23 Huntington summarized Fukuyamas proposal as being a proposal of one world, with senses of euphoria and harmony, mainly signaled by the single ideology of liberalism being the dominant ideology of the world.24 In his theory, Huntington divides the world into seven or eight major civilizations: Sinic (Chinese), Japanese, Hindu, Islamic, Orthodox, Western, Latin American, and (possibly) African,25 with a possible addition of Buddhist in differentiation with other four different faiths who become member of different civilizations.26
22

As quoted by Huntington in Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York City, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2011), p. 31. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid., pp. 31-32. 25 Huntington (a), op. cit., 25. 26 Compare to Huntington (b), op. cit., 45-48. Huntington stresses that Buddhism will not constitute one single civilization, yet the differences between other faiths (i.e. Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, and

2. DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS 1. INTERNATIONAL TRADE In the modern world, countries engage in international trade more than the past, as they become interdependent one another. Supported with technological advances, transportation and communication costs get decreased, and exchanges of goods and services are made easier through various liberalization policies.27 This concept is highly supported by liberal theorists, who believe that international trade brings benefits in the end. The study of international trade is a part of the larger study of international political economy (IPE), which is, The study of the politics of trade, monetary, and other economic relations among nations, and their connection to other transnational forces.28 Meanwhile, trade is, The activity of buying and selling or of exchanging goods and services between people or countries.29 2. CIVILIZATION The concept of civilization merits further elaboration here, because of the prevalence of Huntingtons theory of clash of civilizations. As summarized by Griffiths and OCallaghan, Huntingtons definition of civilization is, The broadest grouping of people beyond the level distinguishing humans from other species, defined by common objective elements language, history, religion, customs, and institutions as well as by peoples self-identification.30
Confucianism) will make it differentiated from other civilizations. Countries with such differentiation are e.g. Thailand, Laos, Burma (Myanmar) and Cambodia. 27 Stefan Fritsch, "International Political Economy and Trade," in 21st Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook (Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications, 2011), p. 470. 28 Goldstein and Pevehouse, op. cit., p. 515. 29 A.S. Hornby, Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary, ed. Sally Wehmeir (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 1378. 30 Martin Griffiths and Terry O'Callaghan, International Relations: The Key Concepts (New York City, New York: Routledge, 2002), pp. 30-31.

Huntington pointed out a number of characteristics of civilization(s) that worth mentioning in this part. Civilizations, according to Huntington, [] have no clear-cut boundaries and no precise beginnings and endings.31 In this point, Huntington believe that it is easy for people to redefine identities, and therefore civilizations may overlap and vary, while keeping the strong meaning of the civilizational entities.32 Huntington continued by mentioning that civilization is the broadest cultural entity, that transcends villages, ethnic groups, nationalities, and religions; which especially distinguishes human from other species;33 that civilizations are in the same time mortal and long-lived, especially through their evolution and adaptation to realities, and will be able to survive most history tribulations.34 For the purpose of this thesis, Huntingtons grouping of civilizations will be used. In his book, Huntington mentioned seven or eight major civilizations: Sinic (Chinese), Japanese, Hindu, Islamic, Orthodox, Western, Latin American, and (possibly) African.35 3. ISLAMOPHOBIA A rather new concept, the word Islamophobia (noted with the Latin word phobia, indicating a fear of something) is a term used to describe a distinctive form of intolerance.36 The word first appeared in the 1997 report published by the Runnymede Trust, titled Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All, which defined Islamophobia as, An unfounded hostility towards Islam, [] the practical consequences of such hostility in unfair discrimination against Muslim individuals
31 32

Huntington (b), op. cit., p. 43. Ibid. 33 Ibid. 34 Ibid. 35 Huntington (a), op. cit., 25. 36 Andrew Shryock, ed., Islamophobia/Islamophilia: Beyond the Politics of Enemy and Friends , ed. Andrew Shryock (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 2010), p. 4.

and communities, and [] the exclusion of Muslims from mainstream political and social affairs.37 This concept has been controversial in practice, being used in general to describe the general hostility of certain society against Islam. While it was initially intended to a particular form of discrimination, the use of this concept has faced numerous disagreements, debates, and various misuses.38 Islamophobia has then entered the realm of debate on how to use it: academically (to refer to the above specific discrimination), to enforce governmental agenda, or in contestation between the Western society and the Muslim world.39 The present use of Islamophobia concept seems to fill a negative space, especially in contrast to the so-called Western domination. Even when both Muslim and non-Muslim possess greater interaction in the West, there seem to be some conflicted processes, which involve more ideological perspective.40 For the purpose of this research, a common understanding of Islamophobia will be used to note a conflict of perspective by the publication of the controversial cartoon, in which there is some debates whether it is a form of freedom of speech or a form of Islamophobic believes, and to determine whether a point of Islamophobia may create civilizational clash and thus affect trade relations between the two countries.

V. RESEARCH METHODS

1. APPROACHES

37 38

From the Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All, as quoted by Shryock, ibid. Ibid., pp. 5-7. 39 Ibid., p. 7. 40 Ibid., p. 18.

Since this research will employ the study of International Relations, which itself a branch of Social Sciences, social research methods will be used in this research, and will therefore be apparent in the thesis. In this case, both qualitative and quantitative research methods will be highly useful in doing this research, especially to interact with various data and phenomena. During the research, data will be examined with both approaches to suggest the nature of the issue, in which there is a value of social construction (e.g. identity, which is an assumption of qualitative research method)41 and there are also values of independent research and objectivity (e.g. examining trade data, which is an assumption of quantitative research method).42 For the purpose of this research, qualitative research method is defined as, A process of inquiry that builds a complex and holistic picture of a particular phenomenon of interest by using a natural setting, [] involves the analysis of words, pictures, videos, or objects in the context in which they occur.43 This method will be useful in getting a broad impression from texts (e.g. written reports, newspaper and various media coverage, etc.) and other visuals. Meanwhile, a definition of quantitative research method is, A process of inquiry examining an identified problem that is based on testing a theory measured by numbers and analyzed with statistical techniques.44 Since an examination of both countries trade relations data within the time period is very important, statistical measurements will appeal more to quantitative research method.

41

Alicia Jencik, "Qualitative Versus Quantitative Research," in 21st Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook, ed. John T. Ishiyama and Marijke Breuning (Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications, 2011), pp. 506-507. 42 Ibid. 43 Ibid., p. 507. 44 Ibid.

To conclude, in this research, both research methods will be valuable in understanding various kinds of data. A satisfying conclusion, therefore, will only be attainable after the two methods sufficiently employed to understand various determinant factors in this case.

2. METHODS TO OBTAIN DATA A majority of the data in this research will be taken from various literatures, with various editions of the Jyllands-Posten newspaper and trade statistics (namely from the two governments) becoming the center of attention. Meanwhile, various literatures will also be used to support the theoretical foundation and analysis of the issue.

3. TIME SCOPE The choice of time scope is 2005-2006, with a few rationale. First, it is necessary for this research to get a comparison between pre-issue and post-issue. Therefore, a comparison of the trade date before the Jyllands-Posten case happened and after the case of Jyllands-Posten will be important. This will also be useful to conclude whether the Jyllands-Posten case had an impact to the trade relations between the two countries. Second, it is also important to place the trade data into a workable timeline. Since the Jyllands-Posten case was not only an isolated problem but also a chain of events relating a number of parties, it is mandatory to see whether changes during the timeline, including events that alter the gravity of the problem, had any effect to both countries trade relations.

4. METHODS OF ANALYSIS Related to the nature of the research, this research will employ mainly content analysis as the method of analysis. Babbie defines content analysis as, The study of recorded human communications, such as books, websites, paintings, and laws.45 This method will be most appropriate when related to the various sources of data used in this research. To begin with, the edition of Jyllands-Posten that had the controversial cartoon requires an attention, in which this method of analysis will be very useful. Other forms of sources including governmental (and various entities) press releases, statements, and reports; references, etc. Therefore, content analysis method will be very useful in this research.

VI. SYSTEMATICS

Upon the completion of the research, the research will be reported and documented to be a thesis, which will be systematized into five major parts: 1. INTRODUCTION This part will briefly elaborate the case of Jyllands-Posten, along with the research problems and questions to be answered throughout the analysis of this research. 2. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND Following a literary review of a number of resources, including Samuel P. Huntingtons Clash of Civilizations, an elaboration of the theories used in this research will be provided, including theories of constructivism and liberalism as the major theories, and Huntingtons clash of civilizations will be the minor theory. 3. RESEARCH METHODS
45

Earl Babbie, The Practice of Social Research, International Edition (Belmont, California: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning, 2010), p. 333.

An elaboration of the choices of approaches, including methods to gain data, rationale of time scope, and the methods to analyze the data. 4. RESULTS AND ANALYSIS 5. CONCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS Babbie, Earl. The Practice of Social Research. International Edition. Belmont, California: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning, 2010. Fritsch, Stefan. "International Political Economy and Trade." In 21st Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications, 2011. Fukuyama, Francis. The End of History and the Last Man. New York City, New York: The Free Press, 1992. Genest, Marc A. Conflict and Cooperation: Evolving Theories of International Relations. 2nd Edition. Belmont, California: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning, 2004. Goldstein, Joshua S., and Jon C. Pevehouse. International Relations. 2008-2009 Update. Upper Saddle River, NY: Pearson Higher Education, 2008. Griffiths, Martin, and Terry O'Callaghan. International Relations: The Key Concepts. New York City, New York: Routledge, 2002. Heywood, Andrew. Global Politics. New York City, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011. Hornby, A.S. Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary. Edited by Sally Wehmeir. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Huntington, Samuel P. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New York City, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2011. Ishiyama, John T., and Marijke Breuning (eds.). 21st Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications, 2011. Ishiyama, John T., and Marijke Breuning (eds.). Ilmu Politik Dalam Paradigma Abad ke-21: Sebuah Referensi Panduan Tematis. Vol. I. II vols. Jakarta: Kencana, 2013. ---------- Ilmu Politik Dalam Paradigma Abad ke-21: Sebuah Referensi Panduan Tematis. Vol. II. II vols. Jakarta: Kencana, 2013. Jencik, Alicia. "Qualitative Versus Quantitative Research." In 21st Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook, edited by John T. Ishiyama and Marijke Breuning. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications, 2011. Lacey, Robert. Inside the Kingdom: Kings, Clerics, Modernists, Terrorists, and the Struggle for Saudi Arabia. New York City, New York: Penguin, 2009. Mansbach, Richard W., and Kirsten L. Rafferty. Introduction to Global Politics. New York City, New York: Routledge, 2008.

Moravcsik, Andrew. "The New Liberalism." In The Oxford Handbook of International Relations, edited by Christian Reus-Smit and Duncan Snidal. New York City, New York: Oxford University Press, 2008. Omelicheva, Mariya Y. "Constructivism." In 21st Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook, edited by John T. Ishiyama and Marijke Breuning. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications, 2011. Sabet, Amr G. E. Islam and the Political: Governance and International Relations. London: Pluto Press, 2008. Shryock, Andrew, ed. Islamophobia/Islamophilia: Beyond the Politics of Enemy and Friends. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 2010. ARTICLES FROM JOURNALS Huntington, Samuel P. "The Clash of Civilizations?" Foreign Affairs (Council on Foreign Relations) 72, no. 3 (1993). Wendt, Alexander. "Anarchy is what States Make of it: The Social Construction of Power Politics." International Organization (The MIT Press) 46, no. 2 (1992).