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Police Studies Past and Present: A Reaction to the Articles Presented by Thomas Feltes, Larry T. Hoover, Peter K. Manning, and Kam Wong
Jean-Paul Brodeur Police Quarterly 2005 8: 44 DOI: 10.1177/1098611104267326 The online version of this article can be found at: http://pqx.sagepub.com/content/8/1/44

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Brodeur 10.1177/1098611104267326 / POLICE STUDIES POLICE P AST AND QUARTERL PRESENT Y (Vol. 8, No. 1, March 2005)

POLICE STUDIES PAST AND PRESENT: A REACTION TO THE ARTICLES PRESENTED BY THOMAS FELTES, LARRY T. HOOVER, PETER K. MANNING, AND KAM WONG
JEAN-PAUL BRODEUR
University of Montreal

Keywords:

police; training; education; international; applied research; theoretical research; obstacles; sociology of police; sociology for police

The presentations that I am to discuss bear on research (Hoover, 2005 [this issue]; Manning, 2005 [this issue]; Wong, 2003) and on training and education (Feltes, 2003). As it happens, research and education are tricky in that they exist on two levels: They exist as research findings aimed to be communicated or taught, with the assumption that they are true, and they also exist in what they refer tothat is, aspects of policing on which they make statements that can actually be tested for their validity and truth. Hence, the articles may be discussed in two ways. We might first ask ourselves questions on whether alleged trends in research are genuine, putting into brackets a reaction to the truth of what is asserted by the researchers. For example, when Hoover (2005) said that the myth that police make no difference was eliminated by the crime drop that occurred in the 1990s in the United States, we may ask ourselves whether this assertion can actually be found in research. It can, George Kelling having, among many others, said so in several publications and interviews (e.g., Kelling & Coles, 1996; Rosen, 1999). We can also ask whether it is true. This question is much more controversial as can be seen by reading the essays collected by Alfred Blumstein in The
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Crime Drop in America, which tries to explain why crime rates dropped so much (Blumstein & Wallman, 2000). Because the topic of the session where three of these articles were presented was the state of research and not its factual truth (although this distinction may in the present context appear superficial), I will try to avoid being sidetracked into secondary issues and stick to the main topic of that session: past and present trends in research. Although the four presentations had some points in common, they were also markedly different. The articles by Hoover (2005), Manning (2005), and Wong (2003) addressed issues of researchalthough in a different wayeither because of their subject or their approach. Hoover and Manning only dealt with the research undertaken in the United States, although Manning also added a detailed review of developments in the United Kingdom. Wong covered research in the whole continent of Asia with an emphasis on the obstacles to its development. However, with respect to Hoovers and Mannings articles, the restrictive clause beginning with the word only is clearly a euphemism because there is much more research on policing in the United States and the United Kingdom than anywhere else. Feltess (2003) presentation at the conference mainly discussed police training and education in Europe with case studies of Germany, the Netherlands, and Scotland. Having been asked to focus on training and education, Feltes did not attempt to review police studies in continental Europe. Consequently, I will not try to discuss such diverse presentations together because that would entail setting the level of discourse at a level that is too abstract.

POLICE EDUCATION AND TRAINING

I will begin my discussion with Feltess (2003) presentation, which, although it focused much more on police training than on police studies, raised a crucial question that is relevant to all the proceedings of the Eastern Kentucky University conference on police studies. Not far into his article, Manning (2005) framed his own discussion of police studies in relation to Bantons (1964) seminal distinction between sociology of the police and sociology for the police. This classic distinction is explained in Mannings (2005) article and I shall not repeat his explanation. Suffice it to say that a sociology of the police is knowledge pursued within a theoretical framework to validate or invalidate said framework but that can also uncover features of policing that need to be changed. Sociology for the police is generally empirical work undertaken on an ad hoc basis to solve problems of

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performance or image. It is important to consider that the difference between sociology of and for the police is not simply that the first pursues knowledge for its own sake whereas the second is more pragmatically oriented, although there is some truth to this claim. In the French tradition, sociology makes a distinction between obligation de moyen (constraint on a process) and obligation de rsultat (an emphasis on outcomes). Being under the former obligation implies that an organization is bound to respect certain norms on the acceptability of means to fulfill its mandate and thus rejects that the end justifies the means. Satisfying the latter obligation implies that output is more important than process and that constraint on the process can be relaxed to increase efficiency. Sociology of the police is more mindful of the constraints that define due process whereas sociology for the police is more sensitive to maximizing output. Feltes (2003) compared police training and education in three countries: Germany, Scotland, and the Netherlands. On the basis of his descriptions, we can conclude that police training and education are more elaborate in Germany, with police universities stressing theoretical formation and generally more time being devoted to police training and education than in either Scotland or the Netherlands. Police training and education appear to be the least developed in Scotland where the basic course only lasts 15 weeks, with the rest of the education being on-the-job training. Police training and education stand in between these two models in the Netherlands, which is, nevertheless, closer to Germany than Scotland. There is some paradox in these findings when they are profiled against the background of research. Not only can Scotland tap the considerable amount of police studies undertaken in the Anglo-Saxon world, but it has its own productive research centers in criminology (e.g., at the university of Edinburgh, where Banton himself taught). By comparison, police sociology as a whole, in either variant distinguished by Banton (1964), is a very small field in Germany and the Netherlands. One could further pursue this subject by noting that countries that devoted the most effort to police training and educationFrance, Spain, Italy, and the Canadian province of Quebec (each of these having the equivalent of a police university)have not developed their own field of sociological police studies. Before asking where these institutions get their textbooks from, I want to stress that Bantons (1964) distinction is rather narrow, only referring, as it were, to the work undertaken in sociology (or social sciences studies such as anthropology or political science).1 The field of sociology for the police is but a small part of the research undertaken for the police. For instance, the

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greatest amount of money spent in the United States on policing programs by the National Institute of Justice is devoted to DNA research and forensics. In light of these remarks, I would like to raise the following questions:
1. What is the relative proportion of sociological studies of and for the police in police education and training? Bear in mind that textbooks on criminal investigations do not generally even mention sociology and focus on psychology and forensics (scientific policing). 2. What importance should the sociology of police be given in educational programs where students enroll for the purpose of pursuing a career in policing or security? 3. What is and should be the relationship between police education and the agenda of research on policing? 4. What is the relationship between police studies and nonsociological research of and for policing (police psychology, economics, legal research, data mining, intelligence analysis, forensics, and so forth)?

I shall come back to these questions in my comments on Mannings (2005) article.

POLICE STUDIES IN ASIA

Focusing mainly on the Peoples Republic of China (PRC), Hong Kong, India, and Bangladesh, Wong (2003) tried to explain why police studies in Asia were neither as abundant nor as elaborate as one would wish them to be and made a crucial distinction between the local context and the comparative study approach. Although Wong appeared for good reasons to favor the local context approach with its indigenous, theoretical framework and empirical data sets, there are features that seem to transcend geographical and cultural differences. The main obstacles to the development of research in policing in Asia are political censure; the divorce between police theory and practice (fostered by the view that policing is a vocation that can only be realized in the field); the conservative nature of Asian police organizations; Asian police organizations desire, in certain instances, to protect the police mystique; and Asian police organizations need to control information. I submit that these obstacles are cross-cultural, the only real difference being the extent to which any particular research tradition has managed to overcome them. When Richard V. Ericson (1981), the noted Canadian police researcher, published his first book presenting the findings of his fieldwork on criminal investigation in Ontario (Making Crime), the police force harboring the unit where he conducted his research threatened to use legal action to prevent the publication of his book. The police force was

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only deterred from doing so when Edward Greenspan, one of the foremost Canadian criminal lawyers at the time, announced that he would represent Ericson pro bono. More recently, Canadas most well-known expert in criminal profiling (of serial killers) was fired (or pressured to resign) from the Vancouver Police Department. Although he was a member of the department for several years, he was not granted access to the departments officer mess because he did not begin his career as an officer on the beat. The obstacles to research on policing are alternatively much higher or much smaller in countries such as France, Italy, and Spain where police organizations are strongly centralized (there are only two police agencies in France). When these organizations have a policy of fending off outside researchers, which is often the case, there is nowhere else to go to undertake field research on policing. But when they open up to research, then the researchers access becomes much more comprehensive. There is more field research on policing in the United States than elsewhere because, I believe, U.S. police forces are municipally based and, hence, much more numerous. A researcher has many doors to knock on. Wong (2003) noted that two obstacles to field research in Hong Kong are operational secrecy and the need to protect the privacy of the citizens. Both obstacles tend to merge, with the protection of privacy often acting as a pretext to bar the access of researchers to police files. Police are not so uptight about the protection of privacy when leaking information to the press as the Royal Canadian Mounted Police did in respect to ex-Prime Minister Mulroney in a notorious case of allegations of political corruption (Brodeur, 2000).

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
In various parts of his article, Wong (2003) noted that in the PRC, police studies are undertaken as a subcategory of jurisprudence. He also mentioned a number of well-crafted Law Reform Commission Reports on police abuse of powers. Having studied the development of police studies in North America (which also includes Canada and Mexico) and elsewhere, I came up with the following sequence in time. In most Western countries, one initially finds various historical monographs based (in the best cases) on declassified archives. After that, the research sequence really begins. First, police studies are often undertaken by the legal community as part of research on due process (e.g., La Fave, 1965). Second, there are commissions of inquiry into various policing topicspolice wrongdoing being just

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one of them. This is a crucial step. Because of the legal powers granted to them, these commissions have access to police files and conduct interviews with police administrators who must answer questions. In this respect, I was struck by how many U.S. police scholars, such as Albert Reiss, conducted early research for the Katzenbach Commission. Third, police officers enroll in university programs and undertake research within the framework of their masters thesis or Ph.D. dissertation, which is afterwards published. Lastly, empirical research conducted by university-trained researchers progressively develops outside the normative framework of legal studies. This sequence is, of course, a relatively artificial construct, but it emphasizes the role played by important bodies such as royal, presidential, and local commissions of inquiry in generating research on policing. Some of these commissions transcend the divide between research on and for the police.

THE IMPORT-EXPORT BUSINESS IN REFORMING POLICE ORGANIZATIONS

Wong (2003) contrasted professor Brogden (2005 [this issue]) and Krishnamurthys respective positions on community policing: the first being critical of the marketing of community policing and the second seeing merit in the import-export business (the relationship sometimes plays in both directions as seen in David Bayleys (1979) descriptions of Japanese kobans having been influential in generating the concept of neighborhood police ministations). Wong advocated more methodological rigorousness before taking sides (although one suspects that his stress on the importance of local context would move him closer to Brogdens criticism). What are the reasons for the rather astonishing international spread of community policing? Showcase problem-oriented policing, communityoriented policing Disneylands have sprouted or are being planted in the most unlikely of places: the Congo-Kinshasa, the Ivory Coast, Morocco, and South American countries known for the extreme violence of their police forcesin a bad year there are some 1,300 police homicides in Sao Paulo, Brazil (1,470 in 1995 according to Chevigny, 1999). It may be that the spread of community policing is but one more example of the decoupling of discourse and practice in policing, with the international spread of community policing reflecting more a political rhetoric of police legitimization rather than actual police procedure. More crucially, Western governments strive to promote their progressive international image through the

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funding of policing experiments artificially conducted in emerging countries said to be in transition toward democracy.

POLICE STUDIES: ON THE POLICE OR FOR THE POLICE

There is one element that Feltes (2003) and Hoovers (2005) approach to research on policing share: They view research from the standpoint of the academic establishment. However, what they are referring to by academic establishment needs to be spelled out explicitly. Feltes proposed to make a distinction between police training and police education. This distinction is illuminating because it broadens the meaning of police education and stresses links between police education and research on policing or, to borrow from Hoover, between police education and police studies. If distinguishing police education from police training allows us to think of police education in a more encompassing way, Hoovers (2005) use of the words academic establishment narrows considerably the meaning of police education. In accounting for police studies in the 1970s, Hoover stressed that
The contributions to our knowledge base about policing were not being made by the university-based academic establishment. Certainly, the staff of the Police Foundation included individuals with sound academic credentials, but established programs in law enforcement and criminal justice were not playing a role. (p. 12)

There is no problem in equating an academic establishment with a particular institution proposing courses in law enforcement and criminal justice. There is, however, a significant difficulty in reducing the academic establishment to police academies and research centers with programs in law enforcement and criminal justice. There was and still is a considerable amount of research on policing that is undertaken in academic establishments, albeit not ones specializing in offering programs in law enforcement and criminal justice. In respect to the 1970s, Mannings Police Work was published in 1977 and Bayleys Forces of Order in 1979. Both of these books, although very different, are still influential contributions to the field, and neither fit under the heading of police science. There are many other contributions that could be quoted as momentous, particularly if we refer to research published in the United Kingdom such as Reiners The Blue-Coated Worker published in 1978. Mannings (2005) article presents an encompassing list of meaningful contributions. It must be stressed that almost

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none of these came out of academic establishments, as Hoover (2005) used the phrase. Near the end of his article, Hoover (2005) mentioned three ways in which an academic establishment might contribute to the improvement of policing at multiple levels (p. 14): attempting to improve the educational standards in the field, assisting and training law enforcement personnel, and doing better at a research contribution. Here I would like to make three points:
1. What Hoover (2005) seems to mean by research is applied research. Without resurrecting the old debate on whether knowledge should be pursued for its own sake, I will stress that there are researchers involved in police studies who would not be comfortable with the claim that all research on policing is applied research. It is debatable, for instance, whether Bittner (1990) believed that he was doing applied research or was even connected with the improvement of policing when he wrote his decisive articles defining police through their use of nonnegotiable force. 2. Second, although human rights and freedoms may not be as fashionable as they once were, there is a growing body of research being undertaken in the field of police ethics and, more generally, within a nonlegalistic, normative framework. There are many people in Europe and Canada who date the birth of police studies to William Westleys 1950 Ph.D. dissertation titled Violence and the Police: A Sociological Study of Law, Custom and Morality (Brodeur & Monjardet, 2003). The MIT Press subsequently published it as a book in 1970. Because police cannot operate efficiently without being trusted by communities, it was progressively discovered that police intervention and police ethics are not to be divorced, efficiency being dependent on legitimacy and vice versa. This link between police efficiency and police fairness has been strongly reasserted in a recent report released by a panel of experts in policing (Skogan & Frydl, 2004). 3. Finally, it should also be emphasized that policing encompasses both public policing and private security. Groundbreaking research contributions to the field of private policing studies were made at the very beginning of the 1980s (e.g., various articles by Shearing & Stenning, 1981, 1985). Reisss 1988 study of the private employment of public police is essential reading for any student of policing. In our times of proliferating security technology, it would be unduly reductiveindeed, it would be severely cripplingto reduce police studies to research on the public police.

Most of the points made above are made in a more thorough manner in Mannings (2005) article, which, as we previously saw, built on Bantons (1964) early distinction between research for the police and research on the police. In this regard, Hoover (2005) and Mannings (2005) articles appear to be at the opposite ends of the spectrum. Hoover can be viewed as calling for more research for the police, whereas Manning made a strong case for research on the police. According to Manning (2005), the dominant method, at least in the United States, is rampant empiricism based on observations, interviews,

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questionnaires, or official records with little effort to connect actual practices with the theory and beliefs of police organizations (p. 36). Furthermore, an inadequate rendition of the problematic notion of occupational culture (p. 29) wrongly supersedes the organizational context as the main determinant of policing in the few theories that strive for explanatory power. Manning (2005) stressed that links must be established between education and job requirements if police studies are to have some substance. What, then, of the possibility of integrating research on the police into the educational curriculum within the organizational context of teaching students who want to embark on a career as practitioners in the field of security? A brief discussion of the programs offered by the School of Criminology (SC) at the University of Montreal will illustrate the difficulties of such integration. The SC offers courses in criminology and related subjects at all levels of the curriculum (undergraduate, masters, and Ph.D.), and the various programs are neither more nor less demanding for the students than similar programs at other universities. The courses on policing are clearly oriented toward research on the police. The SC selects less than 10% of all applicants, according to their marks in college. As a result, between 80% and 90% of the students in criminology are women, who perform much better than men in college (the figure is closer to 90%). Since 1999, the SC has created a new undergraduate programpolicing and securitythat is explicitly addressed to persons aiming to become security professionals (police, private security managers, and so forth). This program is less selective (more than one applicant in four being admitted), with the result that most of the students are male. The teaching personnel are composed of tenured professors of the SC and lecturers who are often ex-police, recruited according to need. Most of the courses originally had the same content as those offered to criminology students, with additional courses chosen from teachings given to law students and other social science departments. It was soon found that the students in the new policing and security program had more difficulty succeeding in their curriculum than the criminology students, their marks being noticeably lower. Furthermore, professors who taught classes in the new program realized that students considered teachings that had no practical connection to their job as police or security personnel as philosophy, which is not, needless to say, a term of praise. At the SC, teacher performance is systematically assessed by the students: One

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short questionnaire is filled by the student after some 5 weeks of teaching (to see if the course is aimed in the right direction), and a final questionnaire with more than 20 questions is filled at the end of the course. These student assessments are used for promotion and rehiring purposes (in the case of lecturers). Professors who were theory oriented were often critically assessed, the students overtly complaining to the chairman of the school about some of them. The assembly of career professors at the SC passed a resolution according to which none of them could be obliged by their chairperson to teach in the policing and security program. Few of them actually do, most courses being taught by lecturers who emphasize the job relevance of what they teach. The SC and other teaching bodies (at the level of public colleges where Techniques of Policing [Techniques Policires] is offered as an optional program) have tried to shed light on the predicament described above. The basic finding is that students aiming to pursue a career in policing and security do not view their future as that of knowledge workers (Ericson & Haggerty, 1997), to say the least, and are strongly oriented toward crisis intervention, which they view as the core of their future profession. This view is shared by police practitioners and the public. Within its policing and security program, the SC recently organized a seminar on criminal intelligence in which police officers from the main police organizations in Quebec participated. A recurrent theme was the difficulty recruiting police into intelligence units, these not being perceived as a gratifying assignment. It was actually acknowledged by some police managers that they assigned the least performing members of their force to intelligence units. To sum up, the SC teaches two programs: one in criminology, with courses on policing, and another one in policing and security that is addressed to students who want to undertake a career in security. The content of the courses taught in the two programs can now be neatly split between research on the police (criminologists do not object to being lectured on research for the police as well) and research for the police, which is addressed to students who have enrolled in the policing and security program. This situation could perhaps be remedied by attempts to show wouldbe police professionals how important it is for them to be knowledgeable in research on the police. The problems here are (a) that they have little patience for metateaching (i.e., teaching on what ought to be taught) and (b) that they can use their assessment of members of the faculty to convey their displeasure.

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TABLE 1. Principal and Auxiliary Means in Identification of Homicide Perpetrators in a Sample From Montreal Police (n = 154) % Cases Where Principal No. Cases Where Principal % Cases Where Auxiliary 11 7 5 11 0.6 3 3 0.6 6.5 0.6 0 0 5 0 41.5 No. Cases Where Auxiliary 18 11 8 17 1 5 5 1 10 1 0 0 6 0 59

Mean Eyewitness Spontaneous confession Police informant Caught in the act through 911 Dying victim/surviving covictim Denounced by parent Denounced by friend Routine investigation Police lineup Electronic surveillance (audio/video) Instigation Police intelligence Forensics Outside intervention Other

22 34 20 31 12.5 19 10 16 10 16 4 6 4.5 7 2 3 1.2 2 1.2 2 1.2 2 0.6 1 0.6 1 1.2 2 Not applicable Not applicable

Note: There are missing values in both columns (cases involving several victims or several perpetrators are counted as one case for the purpose of this table).

ARE WE STUCK IN THE FUTURE?

In the last part of his article, Hoover (2005) asked himself Whats next? and answered that the current decade will be called the technology era (p. 14). It well may be. However, I want to express some reservations in respect to this brave prognosis. It is increasingly believed that forensic sciences, police intelligence, and data mining will revolutionize criminal investigations. I have been working in the archives of the Montreal Police Department for 3 years reviewing investigation files from 1990 to the present day. I have more than 300 cases on file, especially 154 homicide cases. See Table 1 for some preliminary results on how a homicide suspect is identified. As one can see, the part played by forensics (including DNA), data banks, surveillance technology, and even investigative work is minimal, with the greater part of investigations being solved in a matter of hours by intervening patrolpersons or with the suspects surrendering almost immediately to the police. Of all cleared homicide cases that I examined, 59% were solved in 24 hr or less. These findings were first the result of a thorough examination of police files. Afterwards, I discussed them at length with

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homicide detectives during interviews. My archival findings are in line with their investigative experience. Technology is of limited help in actually solving cases (identifying and finding the perpetrator). According to the detectives whom I interviewed, forensics play their most significant role during the trial because judges and juries are much more impressed by proof backed by technology than by the account of an eyewitness (not to mention confessions, which are increasingly viewed with suspicion). Of course, I do not believe that predicting that we are entering an era of technology is wrong. With respect to what is conspicuous and imposes itself on the perception of researchers and the public, technology is certainly prominent, as forensics and scientific policing are. The real question is to find where in criminal justice and policing it generates its most portentous effects.

NOTE
1. When Michael Banton (1964) wrote The Policeman in the Community he was teaching in the Department of Social Anthropology at the University of Edinburgh.

REFERENCES
Banton, M. (1964). The policeman in the community. London: Tavistock. Bayley, D. H. (1979). Forces of order: Police behaviour in Japan and the United States. Berkeley: University of California Press. Bittner, E. (1990). Aspects of police work. Boston: Northwestern University Press. Blumstein, A., & Wallman, J. (Eds.). (2000). The crime drop in America. New York: Cambridge University Press. Brodeur, J. P. (2000). Transnational policing and human rights: A case study. In J. W. E. Sheptycki (Ed.), Issues in transnational policing (pp. 43-66). New York: Routledge. Brodeur, J. P., & Monjardet, D. (Eds.). (2003). Connatre la police, les grands textes de la recherche Anglo-Saxonne [Police studies: Fundamental papers of Anglo-Saxon research]. Paris: Institut des Hautes tudes de la Scurit Intrieure. Brogden, M. (2005). Horses for courses and thin blue lines: Community policing in transitional society. Police Quarterly, 8(1), 64-98. Chevigny, P. (1999). Defining the role of the police in Latin America. In J. Mendez, G. ODonnell, & P. S. Pinheiro (Eds.), The unrule of law & the underprivileged in Latin America (pp. 51-69). Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Ericson, R. V. (1981). Making crime: A study of detective work. Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Butterworth. Ericson, R. V., & Haggerty, K. D. (1997). Policing the risk society. Toronto, Ontario, Canada: University of Toronto Press.

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Feltes, T. (2003, June). Police education and training in Europe. Paper presented at the International Police Studies Conference, Richmond, KY. Hoover, L. T. (2005). From police administration to police science: The development of a police academic establishment in the United States. Police Quarterly, 8(1), 8-22. Kelling, G. L., & Coles, C. M. (1996). Fixing broken windows: Restoring order and reducing crimes in communities. New York: Martin Kessler Books. La Fave, W. R. (1965). Arrest: The decision to take a suspect into custody (Report of the American Bar Foundations Survey of the Administration of Criminal Justice in the United States). New York: Little, Brown. Manning, P. K. (1977). Police work: The social organization of policing. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Manning, P. K. (2005). The study of policing. Police Quarterly, 8(1), 23-43. Reiner, R. (1978). The blue-coated worker. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Reiss, A. J. (1988). Private employment of public police. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice. Rosen, M. S. (1999). A LEN interview with Professor George Kelling, co-author of Fixing Broken Windows. Law Enforcement News, 25, 8-11, 14. Shearing, C. D., & Stenning, P. (1981). Modern private security: Its growth and implications. In M. Tonry and N. Morris (Eds.), Crime and justice: An annual review of research (pp. 193-245). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Shearing, C. D., & Stenning, P. (1985). From the Panopticon to Disneyworld: The development of discipline. In A. N. Doob & E. L. Greenspan (Eds.), Perspectives in criminal law: Essays in honour of John L. J. Edwards (pp. 335-348). Aurora, Ontario, Canada: Canadian Law Books. Skogan, W., & Frydl, K. (Eds.). (2004). Fairness and effectiveness in policing: The evidence. Washington, DC: National Academies Press. Westley, W. (1970). Violence and the police: A study of law, custom and morality. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Wong, K. (2003, June). Police studies in Asia. Paper presented at the International Police Studies Conference, Richmond, KY.

Jean-Paul Brodeur is a full professor at the School of Criminology of the University of Montreal. He is also director of the International Centre for Comparative Criminology at this same university. He has published several books and articles on policing in various languages (English, French, German, Portuguese, and Spanish).

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