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4uX, /X'9&.

World Bank DiscussionPapers

Household Food
Security and the
Role of Women

J. Price Gittinger
with the collaboration of
Sidney Chernick
Nadine R. Horenstein
Katrine Saito

Recent
No.

37

World

Bank

Discussion

Papers

Income Distribution and EconomicDevelopment in Madagascar:Some Historical Perspectives.Frederic L. Pryor

No. 38

QualityControlsof TradedCommoditiesand Servicesin DevelopingCountries.Simon Rottenberg and Bruce Yandle

No. 39

LivestockProduction
in North Africaand the MiddleEast: Problemsand Perspectives.
John C. Glenn [Alsoavailablein
French (39F)]

No. 40

Nongovernmental
Organizations
and LocalDevelopment.Michael M. Cemea [Alsoavailablein Spanish (40S)]

No. 41

Patternsof Development:1950 to 1983. Moises Syrquin and Hollis Chenery

No. 42

Voluntary Debt-Reduction Operations: Bolivia, Mexico, and Beyond... Ruben Lamdany

No. 43

Fertilityin Sub-SaharanAfrica:Analysisand Explanation.Susan Cochrane and S.M. Farid

No. 44

AdjustmentPrograms
and Social Welfare. Elaine Zuckerman

No. 45

Primary School Teachers'Salaries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Manuel Zymelman andJoseph DeStefano

No. 46

Education and Its Relation to Economic Growth, Poverty, and Income Distribution: Past Evidence and Further Analysis.

Jandhyala B.G. Tilak


No.

47

International MacroeconomicAdjustment, 1987-1992.

Robert E. King and Helena Tang

No.

48

Contract Plans and Public EnterprisePeffonnance.John Nellis [Also available in French (48F)]

No.

49

Improving Nutrition in India: Policiesand Programsand Their Impact. K. Subbarao

No.

50

Lessons of Financial Liberalization in Asia: A Comparative Study. Yoon-Je Cho and Deena Khatkhate

No.

51

VocationalEducation and Training: A Review of World Bank Investment. John Middleton and Terry Dcmsky

No

52

The Market-Based Menu Approach in Action: The 1988 Brazil Financing Package. Ruben Lamdany

No.

53

Pathways to Change: Improving the Quality of Education in Developing Countries. Adriaan Verspoor

No. 54

EducationManagersforBusinessand Govemment.Samuel Paul, Jacob Levitsky,and John C. Ickis

No. 55

Subsidiesand Countervailing
Measures:CriticalIssuesforthe UruguayRound. Bela Balassa,editor

No.

Managing Public Expenditure: An Evolving World Bank Perspective.Robert M. Lacey

56

No. 57

The Managementof CommonPropertyNaturalResources.Daniel W. Bromley and Michael M. Cernea

No.

Making the Poor Creditworthy: A Case Study of the Integrated Rural Development Programin India. Robert Pulley

58

No. 59

ImprovingFamilyPlanning,Health,and NutritionOutreachin India:ExperiencefromSome WorldBank-AssistedPrograms.


Richard Heaver

No. 60

FightingMalnutrition:Evaluationof BrazilianFoodand NutritionPrograms.Philip Musgrove

No. 61

Stayingin theLoop: International


AlliancesforSharingTechnology.Ashoka Mody

No. 62

Do Caribbean
ExportersPayHigherFreightCosts?AlexanderJ. Yeats

No. 63

DevelopingEconomiesin Transition.VolumeI: GeneralTopics.F. Desmond McCarthy, editor

No.

64

Developing Economiesin Transition. Volume II: Country Studies. F. Desmond McCarthy, editor

No.

65

Developing Economies in Transition. Volume III: Country Studies. F. Desmond McCarthy, editor

No. 66

IllustrativeEffectsof VoluntaryDebt and Debt ServiceReductionOperations.Ruben Lamdany andJohn M. Underwood

(Continued on the inside back cover.)

96 1z1
~

World Bank DiscussionPapers

Household Food
Security and the
Role of Women

J. Price Gittinger
with the collaboration of
Sidney Chernick
Nadine R. Horenstein
Katrine Saito
The World Bank
Washington, D.C.

Copyright 1990
The International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development/THE WORLD BANK
1818 H Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A.
All rights reserved
Manufactured in the United States of America
First printing August 1990
Discussion Papers present results of country analysisor research that is circulated to encourage discussion
and commnentwithin the development community. To present these results with the least possibledelay, the
typescript of this paper has not been prepared in accordance with the procedures appropriate to formal
printed texts, and the World Bank accepts no responsibilityfor errors.
The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressedin this paper are entirely those of the author(s) and
should not be attributed in any manner to the World Bank, to its affiliatedorganizations, or to members of
its Board of Executive Directors or the countries they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the
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consequence of their use. Any maps that accompany the text have been prepared solelyfor the convenience
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The material in this publication is copyrighted. Requests for permission to reproduce portions of it should
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The complete backlist of publications from the World Bank is shown in the annual Index of Publications,
which contains an alphabetical title list (with filll ordering infornation) and indexes of subjects,authors, and
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ISSN: 0259-210X
J. Price Gittinger, Sidney Chernick, and Nadine R. Horenstein are consultants to, and Katrine Saito is
senior economist in, the Women in Development Division of the World Bank's Population, Human
Resources Department.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

Gittinger,J. Price (JamesPrice), 1928Household food security and the role of women /J. Price
Gittenger, with the collaboration of Sidney Chemick, Nadine R.
Horenstein, Katrine Saito.
p. cm. - (World Bank discussionpapers ; 96)
Report of the Symposium on Household Food Security and the Role of
Women, held Jan. 21-24, 1990, in Kadoma, Zimbabwe, organized by the
Women in Development Division of the World Bank, and others.
ISBN 0-8213-1627-3
1. Women in agriculture-Africa-Congresses.
2. Food supply-Africa-Congresses. 3. Household supplies-Africa-Congresses.
4. Women-Africa-Economic
conditions-Congresses. I. Symposium on
Household Food Security and the Role of Women (1990: Kadoma,
Zimbabwe) 11.Title. III. Series.
HD6073.A292A354 1990
338.1'96-dc2O
90-12849
CIP

This pamphletreports on the Symposiumon HouseholdFood Securityand the


Role of Women in Kadoma, Zimbabwe, January 21 through 24, 1990. The
Symposiumwas organized by the Women in DevelopmentDivision of the World
Bankand the TrainingUnit of the African DevelopmentBankin collaborationwith the
Governmentof NetherlandsMinistryof ForeignAffairsandDevelopmentCooperation.
Funding and guidance were also provided by the Canadian International
DevelopmentAgency and the EconomicDevelopmentInstituteof the World bank.
The host was the HonorableHerbert Ushewokunze,Ministerof State for Political
Affairs,Governmentof Zimbabwe. The SymposiumCo-Directorswere KatrineSaito,
Senior Economist,Womenin DevelopmentDivision,World Bank; and KwekuAndah,
Director,TrainingUnit,African DevelopmentBank. Amon Nikoi,formerly Ministerof
Finance, Government of Ghana, was the moderator. Sidney Chernick was
SymposiumAdvisorand NadineR. Horensteinhelpedin the designand organization
of the Symposium.
Members of the Symposiumparticipatedin plenarydiscussions,heard major
paper presentations,listenedto panels,took part in a case study, and worked in
small groups to formulate policy and program recommendations. The two major
papers presentedto the Symposiumwere HouseholdFood Securityand the Roleof
Women: The EconomicPolicy Setting by Paul Collier, Unit for the Study of African
Economies,Oxford University;and HouseholdFoodSecurityandthe Roleof Women
by Misrak Elias, RegionalAdvisor, Women's Economic Activitiesand Integration,
UNICEF. This pamphlet draws liberallyfrom the members' deliberationsand the
papers presentedwithoutfurther attribution. It is an interpretationof the discussions
and presentations,not a proceedings.
This reportdoes not necessarilyreflectthe viewsof the sponsoringorganizations
but those of the Symposium.The report benefittedfrom commentsof BarbaraHerz,
Josette Murphy and MauriziaTovo. Virginiade Haven Hitchcockedited the report,
and Maria Abundo preparedthe text for publication.
A collection of papershas been publishedseparately. See List of Documents.
The photographs are courtesy of Curt Carnemark,Nicola de Palma, and the
World Bank photo library.

Hi

CONTENTS
Prologue

........................

Work Women Do .......................................


Women's Agricultural Contribution ............................
Women's Nonagricultural Activities ...........................
Women's Household Tasks .................................
Constraints Women Face .......................................
The Burden of Reproduction ................................
Asymmetric Rights and Obligations within the Household .....
Different Role Models .....................................
Women's Limited Access to Resources and Information .....
Access to land .....................................
Access to credit ....................................
Access to education and agricultural
extension services .................................
Availability of appropriate
agricultural technology ..............................
Household Strategies to Improve Food Security ......................
Raising the Level of Income ...............................
Varying Assets to Smooth Consumption ......................
Changing the Structure of Income ...........................
Diversification .....................................
Skewing .......................................
Matching .......................................
Input parsimony ...................................
The Cost of Strategies to Vulnerable Groups ...................
Public Policies to Increase Household Food Security ..................
Macro Policies to Enhance Women's Economic Activities ....
Policies that Directly Increase Household
Security .......................................
Enabling households to adopt risk-reducing
strategies ......................................
Reducing risks outside the household ...................
Gathering Information for Policymaking and
Program Design ......................................
Programs to Increase Women's Access to Services
and Resources .......................................
Credit and Finance for Rural Women .........................
Expanding lending to women in Uganda .................
Learning to use credit through group
projects in Zimbabwe .............................

1
3
3
4
4
7
7
...... 7
8
....... 8

8
9
9
10
13
14
14
14
14
15
15
15
15
19
...... 19
20
21
21
22
25
25
25
26

EnablingAfrican womento use commercialcredit ....


...... 27
OrientingExtensiontowards Women'sNeeds ..................
28
ImprovingWomen'sAccess to Technology....................
31
Appropriatenessof technology ........
................
31
Food technology ...................................
32
Transport ........................................
32
Economicsize . ...................................
33
Access to credit .
..................................
33
Developingtechnologyfor-rural women ..................
33
34
Nutrition Programsfor Low-IncomeHouseholds.................
Epilogue

.......................................

37

List of Participants ........................................

39

Documents .......................................

45

-vi -

"Women produce nearlythree-quartersof all food grown in Africa."


"Africa'sfood situationis precarious. One-quarterof Africa's population- 100 million people-donot have accessto sufficientfood at all times to
ensure an active, healthy life."

The HonorableHerbertUshewokunze
Ministerof Statefor PoliticalAffairs,Governmentof Zimbabwe
in opening remarksto the Symposium

-vii-

Womencarrying goods to market in WestAfrica (C. Carnemark)

-viii

Prologue
Improvinghouseholdfood securityin Africa meansfocusing on the role of women
because they play a critical role as food producers and as income earners for their
families. Unlessthe productionand productivityof these women is increased,effortsto
improve householdfood securityin Africa will not succeed.
In turn, increasing production and productivity of women farmers and
entrepreneursmeansremovingthe obstaclesthey face in doing theirwork, and improving
their access to resources and informationso that they can help themselves. In short,
women must not be marginalized,but must be brought into the mainstreamof economic
and social life so that they can use fullytheir productivecapacityand contributemore to
the welfareof their familiesand nation.
To come to grips with this problem, 47 senior African policymakers,program
administrators,academicspecialists,and staff of internationalagenciesgatheredtogether
for the Symposiumon Household Food Security and the Role of Women in Kadoma,
Zimbabwe,in January 1990. The Symposium'sobjectiveswere:
To help promotea better understandingof the key issuespertainingto the
issue of householdfood securityand the role of women.
To exchangepracticalexperiencesin dealingwith these issues amongthe
various participants.
To identifyappropriatepoliciesand programsthat could be implementedin
specific countriesand supported by the internationalcommunity.
In overviewpresentations,panel discussionsand structuredworking groups, the
symposium participantsfocused on the constraintsthat women face and the practical
measuresto reducethem. Among the issuesaddressedwere nutritionprogramsfor lowincome households,and women's access to credit, extensionadvice and technology.
The symposiumparticipantsweredrawnfrom sevencountriesin Eastand Southern
Africa--Bostwana,Ethiopia, Kenya, Malawi,Tanzania,Uganda and Zimbabwe--butthe
issues discussedand recommendationsmade could apply to any African country. The
key is to recognize that women are an integral part of the solution to increasing
agriculturalproductivityand householdfood security.

-1-

Plantinggroundnutsat a seed multiplicationfarm in Nigeria(WorldBank)

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Work Women Do
It is now well-knownthat the African farmer is usuallya woman; women produce
nearly three-quartersof all food grown in Africa. Unfortunately,this recognitionhas yet
to be translatedinto concretepoliciesand programsthatwould promotea more equitable
distributionof resources,enhancewomen'sproductivityin agriculture,increasetheir ability
to earnincomefrom nonagriculturalsources,and guaranteethat each householdmember
has an adequatesupply of food throughoutthe year.
In many African societieswomen do all of the food processing,fetch most of the
water and fuelwood,produce 70 percentof the food, handle60 percentof the marketing,
and do at least half of the tasks involvedin storing food and raisinganimals. In addition
they work extensivelyon cash crop production,laboring on other peoples'crops to earn
much-neededcash for their families. They also do nonagricultura!work to earn extra
money and still find time to take an activerole in communityself-helpactivities.
Somepoliciesof governmentsand developmentassistanceagencieshave actually
increasedthe socialand economicgap betweenwomenand men. By failingto recognize
the centralrole of womenas producersaswell as householdmanagersand thus ignoring
their special needs becauseof these roles, developmentefforts have often misdirected
resourcesto men.
As a result of cultural factors and bad policies, among the poor---who are the
majority in all Africancountries---womentend to own the least propertyand goods, have
the poorest nutritionalstatus, and be the most overworked. The situationis evenworse
in householdsheaded by women, becauseaccess to resources,including the labor of
others, is even more limited.
With the increasing recognition of women's central role in the provision of
householdfood security,manygovernmentsanddevelopmentagenciesareimplementing
programs that focus on women. This is a welcome development,but more effort is
neededto incorporatewomen's special needs and concernsinto ongoing programs.
Women's Agricultural Contribution
Women play a pivotal role in African agriculture. This is true not only of food
production---long recognized as a women's activity---but also of other agricultural
activities, such as cash cropping and livestock production. The InternationalLabour
Organizationestimatesthat 78 percent of the women in Africa are active in agriculture
compared with only 64 percent of the men. Since officialgovernmentdata have often
seriously underestimatedthe number of women active in agriculture,the importanceof
increasingtheir productionand productivityhas not beenfully recognized. For example,
in Malawi officialfigures in 1972 reported that only 12 percent of women were active in
agriculture. In 1977,after more carefulexaminationof the data, that figure was raisedto
52 percent---morethan four times the numberonlyfive years before. The true proportion
is likelyto be even higher.
-3 -

Alongwith a growing recognitionof the importanceof womenin Africanagriculture,


and thus their critical role in improvinghouseholdfood security, has come a realization
that households headed by women are increasingthroughout Africa. The number of
farms managedby womenis, in fact, growing rapidly. Womenheadone-thirdof the rural
households in Malawi. In Kenya,the World Bankestimatesat least 40 percent of small
holdings are managedby women. Morethan halfthe rural householdsin the communal
areas of Zimbabweare headed by women.
Women's Nonagricultural Activities
Since the agricultural crops produced by households rarely provide all the
requirementsof the family, cash income is necessaryto meet the other basic needs. If
a household produces more food crops than it can use, this surplus can be sold to
provide cash. More often, however,African rural women must supplementhousehold
agricultural production with income earned through nonagriculturalactivities, such as
keepingsmall animalsor bees, makinghandicrafts,and brewing. For manyhouseholds,
and especiallythose headedby a woman,theseare the main sourcesof incomefor food,
shelter,clothing, schoolfees, and medicalexpenses. Becausethey operate at the lowest
strata of the informalsector, however,most womenare trapped in a vicious cycle of low
income and low productivitydespitelong hours of toil.
Womenface manyproblems in trying to earn extra income: lack of direct access
to resources such as land, other capital, and credit; lack of opportunitiesto learn new
skills and to acquire affordabletechnology; and limited access to markets for inputs,
production, and sales. In addition, their daily schedule is so overloaded with all the
traditional female chores---preparingfood, fetching water and wood, and caring for
children and elders---thatit is often a struggle to find the time for other activitiesthat
provideextra income.
Governments, nongovernmental organizations, and development assistance
agencies have undertakenmany initiativesin Africa to support women's efforts to earn
more income. In most cases, however,these are small projects that are outside the
mainstreamof economicactivities. What is reallyneeded is to bring women's economic
activitieson a par with other (men's)economicactivities. This is why effortsshould focus
on removingthe obstaclesfaced by women ratherthan on setting up special programs
for women.
Women's Household Tasks
In addition to agriculturaland nonagriculturalactivities,women traditionallyhave
the central role in managing households and do most of the work needed for the
householdto function.
Womenprocess and prepareall the food for the household. They grind or pound
grain, fetch water and firewood,and cook the meals---allarduous and time-consuming
activities. To save time and energyfor activitiesthat produce cash, women often reduce
the frequency of cooking and increasethe amount of food cooked each time. This, in
-4 -

turn, has an adverseeffect on the nutritionalstatusof the family,especiallysmallchildren


who need more frequentfeeding. It also increasesthe chance of spoilage.
Difficultiesin preservingand storing food make things worse. This is particularly
true of vegetablesand fruits, which rural women have little opportunityto store for use
in the dry seasons because they lack informationand technology on how to store as
well as the time during the harvestseasonto do so. Thus, for manyweeks during the
year, women are unableto providethe food neededto adequatelyfeed themselvesand
their households.
RuralAfricanwomengenerallycollectfirewoodfor cooking. This task is becoming
evenmoredifficultbecauseof deforestationandenvironmentaldegradation.Womenhave
to walk increasinglylong distancesto find wood, and it is not uncommon for them to
spend up to two hours a day collectingfirewood. The scarcity of firewood and lack of
alternativesourcesof energycompelwomento reducefurthertheir frequencyof cooking,
which directly reducesthe levelof householdnutrition.
Many women spend anothertwo hours a day fetching water for household use.
In additionto the fact that this adds to women'swork load, the lack of cleanwateraffects
the health of household members. Many development programs involving water
approachit as a healthissue and ignorethe fact that women must carry most of the water
themselves.
Women are the principal providers of care for household members, particularly
children and elders. They are also responsible for caring for ill members of the
household;most medicalcare in Africa is done in the home, principallyby women.

-5 -

Woegrndn maz inMlw

NePla

Ats

I~~~-6

Constraints Women Face


Womenface differentconstraintson their economicactivitiesthan do men. Four
distinct underlyingmechanismsaccount for this:

The burden of reproduction


Asymmetricrights and obligationswithin the household
Differentrole models
Women's limited accessto resourcesand information.

These four factors largely account for the different allocation of labor between
women and men. They also explainwhy women'stime tends to be confinedto activities
that produce lower returns and that cannot be easily shifted in responseto changes in
incentives. As a result, women are usually concentratedin food production and smallscale marketingand aresubstantiallyunderrepresentedin the publicsector,privateformal
employment,and formal export agriculture.
The Burden of Reproduction
The physicaldemandsof childbearingand breast-feedingstrain health,and recent
studiesclearlyshowthat women'shealthgoesthrough a trough in the child-rearingyears.
This deteriorationcan be reversed,however,if womenbecomeinvolvedin incomeearning opportunities. Because child-rearingresponsibilitieslimit the ability to continue
formal employment, women become confined to economic activities in which the
uncertaintyof being able to work is relativelyunimportant,such as microenterprises.
In addition, in the absence of birth control it is difficultfor a householdto plan for
long-terminvestments,andthereforesomeof them may be postponed. Thereis evidence
that certain investmentsmay be discouraged if the mother is young, because of the
possibilityof an increasein family size. For example,in rural Kenyathe most significant
factor in explainingthe decisionto investin privatesecondaryeducationfor childrenis the
number of fertileyears remainingto their mother. If the mother has severalfertileyears
remaining, parents will be less likely to pay for their children's secondary education,
because of the need to keep money aside in case other children are born. Thus the
probability of a child being sent to a private secondaryschool rises with the age of the
mother at the time the decisionis made; but when the mother reachesage 44, there is
no further increasein probability. This suggeststhat the adoption of birth control would
have a rapid and powerfuleffecton the capacityof householdsto undertakelonger-term
investmentsin education,and, hence,to raise their incomes in the long run.
Asymmetric Rights and Obligations within the Household
In rural Africa,women are expectedto grow subsistencefood crops, to weed all
crops, to gather fuel and water, to cook, and to rear children. In return, men provide
cash for the householdand usuallyare responsiblefor the allocationof land. This pattern
of reciprocalobligationsoften is unequalin the sensethat women'sobligationsare more
- 7-

time-consumingthan men's. As a result, women generallyhave to work considerably


more hours than men. Part of this work is on men's crops, that is, crops for which men
controlthe profits. Thus women must work without knowingfor certainwhetherthey will
get somethingout of it for themselvesor their children.
One of the consequencesof this arrangementis that women have less time for
other activities,includingthose that could provideincome. Another is that they havelittle
incentiveto do a good job. For example,in Kenyawomen are responsiblefor weeding
maize. There are two weedingsa season, and each weeding significantlyraisesyields.
However,one study showedthat whilein householdsheadedby women theseweedings
raised yields by 56 percent, in householdsheaded by men the yield increased only 15
percent. The most likely explanationis that in householdsheaded by men, women had
little incentiveto do a thorough job, becausethey would gain nothing for their time and
effort. On a nationalscale this disincentiveeffectis about equalto the gain in yield from
applying phosphateand nitrogenfertilizers.
Different Role Models
Another mechanismis the differentdirectionsin which the tendencyto imitaterole
modelsattracts men and women. To be influencedby what other people do, especially
those we admire, is a universalfeature of human behavior. It is a key way in which
innovationsspread through the population, but it is also a reason for the lasting of
traditions. Role models tend to be gender specific: girls copy women and boys copy
men. For example,in urban Cote d'lvoire, peoplewere much more likelyto enterformal
wage employmentif their parents had done so. However,girls were not influencedby
their father's occupation nor boys by their mother's; each copied only the parent of the
same gender. This impliesthat if some new economicopportunityis initiallytaken up by
men, it may be automaticallydiffused to other men but not to women.
Women's Limited Access to Resources and Information
Women often encounter discriminationoutside the household,which limits their
access to resources and information. Unlike the other constraints faced by women,
which may be deeply embedded in socialcustom, discriminationoutside the household
is somethingthat policiesand programscan help change.
Accessto land
In most African countriesthe legalsystemand traditionalpracticesgive ownership
and control of land to men. Women's accessto land is mostly through their husbands,
sons, or male relatives. Both householdsand governmentsgive priority to cash crops
such as coffee,tea, or cotton. The best land is usedto producethesecrops, leavingonly
the poorest land to women for subsistencefood crops. Thus mechanizationand cash
crop production have increasinglymarginalizedfood crops and, in turn, the status of
women.
Women's traditional role in food production has been further undermined by
- 8-

policies that keep food prices low for urban dwellers. In many countrieswomen have
tumed their attention to household gardens where they raise vegetables and small
animals---thatis, to activitiesand incomesources that they can control.
Access to credit
To expandtheir economicactivitiesand earn moremoneyto supporttheir families,
women need access to more resources. If there is a well-functioningcredit market, an
investmentcan be financedthrough borrowing. Whenfinancialmarketsare rudimentary,
however,there will be less intermediation,and a person will have to save the money
needed for investment. Becausewomen usually have less income than men, it will be
harder for them to save enough for a particularinvestment.
Even where credit is available, access requires collateral---eitherassets or
reputation. Women's limited autonomy implies that they control far fewer marketable
assets and thus may lack the opportunity to build independent reputations for
creditworthiness. Even public credit programs depend to a large extent on physical
collateraland so are heavily biased toward male heads of households. A symptom of
women's difficultiesin obtainingprivatesavings and credit is that informalsavingsclubs
seem to be predominantlymade up of women. Such clubs are likely to be formed in
responseto women's lack of access to formal credit.
Public limitationof interestratesin the privatesector tends to reducethe incentive
to investin savingsaccountsand thus reducesthe mobilizationof savingsby the banking
system. This, in turn, reducesthe availabilityof credit, and thus those with relativelypoor
creditworthiness---disproportionately
women---tendto be squeezed out of the credit
market.
Finally, governments have typically imposed high implicit taxation on savings,
because deficit financing usually results in an inflation tax. This tax, in turn, falls
disproportionatelyon those who must rely on cash savingsratherthan the credit market
to financetheir investments,and women are preciselyin that position.
Accessto education and agriculturalextensionservices
Entry into activities that provide higher returns depends on dissemination of
informationabout such opportunitiesand on well-functioninglabor and capital markets.
One of the main sources of informationis formal education. Thereis evidencethat better
educated farmers are more likely to enter into export agriculture because education
appearsto increasethe ability and willingnessto reallocateresources efficientlywhen
prices or technology change. In rural Africa, because women have significantlyless
educationthan men and constitutethe majorityof agriculturallabor, this educationalbias
seriouslyinhibitsthe pace of development.
Within the agriculturalsector, informationabout newtechniquesis spreadthough
both public extension services and private imitation. Recentwork indicates that the
imitation process is very powerful. For example, among contiguous groups of 200
-9-

households in Kenya, on average every two households that began to grow coffee
induced a third householdto follow suit. Moreover, as discussed earlier,in the formal
labor marketthere is evidencethat this imitation process is gender specific: men copy
men and women copy women. It is logical, but not certain, that this also applies to
agriculture; if it does, then households headed by women have a lower likelihood of
entering sectors in which they were initiallyunderrepresented.
Agriculturalextensionservicesin manyAfricancountriesstilldesigntheir programs
as if all farmers were men. This is becauseof the erroneousbeliefthat men are the main
decision-makersin agriculture. It also reflects the fact that the extension service is
overwhelminglystaffed by men. As a result male agriculturalextensionagents tend to
provideproductioninformationto malefarmers,whilefemalehome economicsextension
agents,who target women, concentratemore on subjectssuch as food processingand
crafts. Women extensionagents also generallyhave lower status, less influencein the
extensionservicehierarchy,andlesslogisticalsupport---particularlytransport---to
perform
their services.
The design, timing, and locationof training programs do not consider women's
agriculturalroles or their multipleresponsibilitiesfor food processingand storage and
caretakingwithin the family. Frequently,farmer trainingcentersdo not have facilitiesfor
women and their children and do not address the needfor childcare. Overall,the timing
and location of programs must take account of women's multiple roles and
responsibilities,particularlythe severeconstraintson their time and mobility.
Availabilityof appropriateagriculturaltechnology
Evenif the agriculturalextensionserviceputs more emphasison reachingwomen
farmers, it may lack the appropriate technology to recommend. The technological
improvements in agricultural production are mostly intended to improve cash crop
production, which traditionallyprovides no benefits for women, even though they may
providesome of the labor. Furthermore,most of the technicalimprovementsare geared
to tasks largely performed by men, such as plowing rather than weeding. When
technologicalinnovationsdo addresswomens'tasks andmakethem moreprofitable,men
often take them over. This was exactly what happened when pump irrigation was
introducedfor rice productionin West Africa.

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DAQIdWIoz SG!6a1leS PILIoaSfOH


AlunOGSPOOZI

Raising the Level of Income


For a given variabilityof income, the higher the income is on average,the lower
the risk that income will fall below the level necessaryto ensure an adequate level of
food consumption. This is obvious but importantbecause it impliesthat in many cases
the problem of food insecuritydoes not need to be separatelyaddressed but can be
solved in the process of raising incomes. As developmentraises incomes, the core
problem of food insecuritygradually changesfrom being one of overcoming long-term
povertyto one of riding out short-termadverseeconomicshocks.
Varying Assets to Smooth Consumption
For given fluctuations in income, food consumption can be stabilizedthrough
changesin assets and debts. Hence,the more liquid assets the household has and the
better its access to credit, the safer it is.
Changing the Structure of Income
The typical household can generate income many differentways. One factor is
how much the householdparticipatesin markets. At one extremethe householdmight
function purely at the subsistencelevel; at the other it may sell all its production and
purchase all its food. Another factor is the range of activitiesin which the householdis
engaged. At one extremeit might be completelyspecializedand get its incomeall from
one source; at the other it may have many different agricultural activities as well as
nonagriculturalsources of income, including household members who work at other
locations. The economic structure that provides the least risk is the outcome of four
distinct considerations: diversification,skewing, matching,and limiting input parsimony.
Diversification
For a given expected income, diversifiedincome sources will reducefluctuations
as long as the incomes from the differentactivitiesdo not all vary in the same direction
at the same time.
~~~~~~~~~~~......
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More
ActiitTes
ProuceMore..
Income::::::;

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doubledh.""',"'ho
d
1td

14

-~~~~~~P-OU4

oshlsta
o-n

Evenif allthe activitiesaresomewhatrisky, as long as the risks are at least partially


independent of each other, the household increasesits safety by undertaking more
activities. Thus growing maize on one plot may be viewed as a distinct activityfrom
growing maizeon another plot some distanceaway if, becauseof this distance,disease
or bird damagewill b-esubstantiallydifferenton the two plots.
Skewing
Not all activitiesare equally risky, however. Hence a household may reduce the
fluctuation in its income by skewing its resourcesaway from high-risk activities. But it
usuallywill be best to limit skewingso that the householdretainsat least a few high-risk
activities,althoughat a diminishedlevel. Someexposureto high-riskactivitieswill actually
reduce overall risk as long as the incomesfrom high-risk activitiesdo not all vary in the
same directionat the sametime.
Matching
If a householddoes not produce any of the food it consumes,it is subjectto price
risks arisingfrom a sudden increasein the price of food it buys or a sudden fall in price
of the output it sells. Thus the household can reduce its exposure to price risks by
matching its production structure more closelyto its consumptionstructure, that is, by
producing more of the food it consumes. A second reasonfor matchingis that it avoids
transactioncosts. Oftenin Africa the spreadsbetweenthe farmgateand export prices of
crops and between urban and rural prices of consumergoods are very wide. This is
partlybecausetransportcosts arefrequentlyhigh,reflectingpoor infrastructure,and partly
becausemarketingchannelsare frequentlyuncompetitive,resultingfrom the fact that in
any village or small locality only a very few will buy export crops or sell food. A third
reason for matching is that food is stored by the household instead of by centralized
agencies,and there is probablymore scope for the governmentto reduce storagecosts
at the householdlevelthan through promotingcentralizedpest-resistantfacilities. When
food-crop marketingagenciesare given privilegedaccessto bank borrowingat negative
real interestrates,they can store food for later sale (evento producers)at a relativelylow
cost so that matchingis discouraged,and the result is sociallycostly.
Input parsimony
Generally,for a given expectednet income,the more inputsthe householduses,
the more it is exposedto risk. This might happenwhen fertilizeris applied, but the rains
fail. Hence the householdcan reducefluctuationsin net income by restrictingthe use of
inputs. There is an important exception, however, because some inputs reduce the
variation in output. For example, spraying for coffee berry disease does not raise
maximumoutput, but it does raisethe minimumoutput.
The Cost of Strategies to Vulnerable Groups
Generally,these strategieshave some cost. Holding assets in a liquid form will
- 15 -

usuallyinvolvea lower return. Input parsimonyand skewingwill reduceexpectedincome.


Diversification,skewing, matching, and input parsimony will generally conflict. For
example,the householdthat aims to be self-sufficientin food, thus avoiding price risk,
may be so heavily orientedto food productionthat it is excessivelyexposedto quantity
risk. Therewill be some ideal balanceamong the various strategies,which will differfor
each household.
A household may be especiallyvulnerableto food insecurityif it has an unusually
high incidenceof the various kinds of risk or if it has an unusuallyhigh cost of achieving
security. On the whole, price risksdo not differ, and all householdsface the same prices.
However,the quantity risksvary substantiallybetweenhouseholdsand betweenpersons.
For example,in both KenyaandTanzaniawomen betweenthe ages of 16 and 49 are too
ill to work for twice as many days as men, whereasthere is no such differencefor other
age groups. Governm3ntpolicyshouldthus aimto improvethe healthof women because
this contributes significantlyto increasinghouseholdfood security.
The most important difference between households is the ability to use these
strategies to cope with food insecurity. Vulnerable groups will have the same three
characteristicsthat the strategiesare meantto overcome: low income,few liquid assets,
and few options to adopt a risk-minimizingstructure of income.
There is a strong relationbetweenhouseholdincomeand the range of activitiesin
which the householdparticipates. To a considerableextent,a rural householdincreases
its incomeby graduallyaccumulatingmore remunerativeactivities. Householdsthat stay
poor are the ones unableto overcomethe barriersto enteringthese activities---whether
they be financial,informational,or institutional.Householdsheadedby womentend to be
especiallydisadvantagedin their capacityto overcome such barriers and so are more
likelyto be poor.
The lower the value of liquid assets a householdpossesses,the less able it is to
smooth consumptionby selling assets in bad times or by borrowing against them as
collateral. Householdswith few liquid assetstypically have no livestockor securetitle to
land. Both these characteristicstend to describefemale-headedhouseholds.
Vulnerablehouseholdsalso tend to be insufficientlydiversified. This is illustrated
by survey data from Zimbabwe. During 1983 there was an incipient problem of food
insecurityin Zimbabwe,and the governmentvery effectivelyavoided severehardshipby
distributingfamine reliefto householdsperceivedto be in hardship. Among households
with roughlycomparableincomes,threecharacteristicswere found significantlyto reduce
the likelihood a household would need famine relief; two of these illustrate the importance of asset-based3trategies. First, access to credit, either because of collateralor
reputation, reduced th.elikelihood of needing food aid by three-quarters. Second, in
otherwiseidenticalhouseholds,ownershipof livestockreducedthe likelihoodof needing
food aid by nearly a third. The third significantinfluenceon reducing the need for food
aid was the degree o diversificationof activities,with the most vulnerablehouseholds
heavilyreliant on subsistencefor their income.
-

16 -

Furthermore,householdsthat.are unableto diversify,and thereby reduce risk and


raise income at the sametime, must resort to strategiesthat reducerisk but also r'educe
income. The most extremeexampleof this is the householdthat is confinedto a single
low-returnactivity---usuallysubsistencefood production---andcan do nothingelsebut limit
inputs. Usingfewer inputs reducesrisk, but it also lowers yield. The householdreduces
its insecurity, but it locks itself into a low income and continues to be excessively
vulnerable.

- 17 -

(N.de Palma)
Weavingforthemarketin Madagascar
-

18-

Public Policies to Increase Household Food Security


Becauseall effortsto increasehouseholdfood securityandto reduceinequitable
burdenson womentakeplacein the contextof macroeconomic
policies,therearepolicy
measuresthat governmentscan adoptto improvethe situation.
Macro Policiesto EnhanceWomen's EconomicActivities
Manygovernments
inAfricaareundertaking
structuraladjustment
programs,which
put substantialemphasison cashcroppingfor exportor for importsubstitution.Thusthe
resultsof researchinto the effectof cashcroppingon householdfood securityand on
womenare extremelyimportant.
In the early1980sthe International
FoodPolicyResearchInstitutedid a seriesof
studieson the effectsof the commercialization
of agriculture---or
cash cropping---on
householdincome,householdexpenditure,and agriculturalproduction,as well as on
the individuals
withinthe households.Fivesimilarstudieswereconductedin TheGambia,
Guatemala,
Kenya,Philippines,
and Rwanda.
Resultsfromeachof the casestudiesshowedthat the incomesof the households
participating
inthe cashcroppingschemesincreasedsignificantly
comparedwiththe noncash-croppinghouseholds.A part of this incrementalincomewas spenton additional
food for the household,but the improvement
was lessthan proportionalto the increase
in income.Thisoccurreddespitethe factthatalmostallthe households
wereconsuming
fewercaloriesthanthe numberneededto provideadequatenutrition.
The data from Kenyawereusedto studythe effectof sugarcaneproductionon
women'sincome,on howthey allocatedtheirtime (includingtime spent on sugarcane
production),and on their health and nutritionalstatus. The results showed that
householdsthat producedsugarcanehad higherincomesthan similarhouseholdsthat
didnot producesugarcane.Absoluteincomesof womenwerehigherinsugar-producing
householdsregardlessof whetherthe householdwas headedby a man or a woman
becausewomenwereableto diversifytheirincomesources.However,the proportionof
that wereheadedbywomenbut
incomecontrolledby womenwashigherin households
thatdid not producesugar. Interestingly,
households
headedby womenearneda higher
incomefrom sugarcaneproductionthan didhouseholdsheadedby men. Bothabsolute
householdincomeandthe proportionof that incomecontrolledby womenare important
for ensuringhouseholdfood security.
In addition,the cashcroppingstudiesshowthatthe incomecontrolledby women
is morelikelyto be spentfor food than the incomecontrolledby men. This conclusion
is supportedby the data from Kenya,which indicatedthat childrenfrom households
headedby womenwere less likely to be moderatelyor severelymalnourishedthan
childrenfrom householdsheadedby men becausea greaterproportionof incremental
householdcalorieswas allocatedto preschoolchildren.
Thesurveysindicatedthatwomenspendvirtuallyno timein sugarcaneproduction
- 19

because sugarcaneis perceivedto be a men's crop, and women are not compensated
for time spent working on sugarcane. However, women in sugarcane-producing
householdsand those in householdsthat did not produce cane spent the same amount
of time on other agriculturalactivities.
Contrary to what might have been expected,the health and nutritional status of
women in Kenyadid not improveas householdincome increased. Increasedhousehold
incomewas not associatedwith a decreasein women's illnessbecausethe incremental
incomewas spent on a mix of goods and servicesthat did not lessenwomen's morbidity.
This may be in part explainedby the fact that the increased income was controlled by
men and becausewomen may not haveaccess to or perceivethe benefitsof healthcare
which could reduce morbidity. More curious was the fact that as income controlled by
women increased,their nutritionalstatusdeclinedslightly. It was discoveredthat most of
the additional income was generated from very energy-intensiveactivities, such as
weeding,and that the increasedexpenditureof energywas not compensatedfor by the
increasein caloric intake.
Three lessonsemerge from these data:
There is a very close link betweenmacroeconomicpoliciesand their effects at the
householdlevel. For example,in the Kenyacase study,the increasedincomeassociated
with cash-croppingwas due in largepart to the government'spricing policyon sugarcane.
If this policy were to change,the micro-leveleffectswould very likelyalso be different. In
order to understand the determinants of household food security, it is crucial to
understandthe links betweenthe macro and micro levels.
Incrementsin inc,omefrom cash-croppingmadea statisticallysignificantbut modest
contributionto reducing hunger in each of the case study areas. However,increased
income by itselfwas less successfulin alleviatingmalnutrition. To have dramatic effects
on the nutritionalstatus of individuals---atleast in the short term---programsto increase
agriculturalproductionmust be linkedto programsto improve householdnutrition.
Agriculturalpoliciesand programswill not have positiveeffects on women unless
women are specificallyincorporatedinto the planningand implementationof schemesto
generateincome. Plannersneedto look at the range of policiespursuedby governments
and attemptto assess the effectsof these policies on householdsand on the women in
these households. Based on this assessment,positive effects can be enhanced and
negativeones reduced.
PoliciesThat Directly IncreaseHouseholdFood Security
Macroeconomic;policies aimed directly at improving household food security
shouldtry to improvethe abilityof vulnerablehouseholdsto adopt risk-reducingstrategies
rather than try to redu ,e price fluctuationsor to increasejob security.

- 20 -

Enablinghouseholdsto adopt risk-reducingstrategies


Governmentpolicycan help vulnerablehouseholdsreducetheir risksby increasing
their capacityto hold more liquid income,to raisetheir incomes,and to alter the structure
of their income.
The obvious liquid assets for householdsto hold are financial. Financialassets
have the enormousadvantageof being sociallycostless. Since financialassets are just
a network of offsettingclaimsand liabilities,they do not use up real resources. Of course
it takes time for poor householdsto put aside enough money out of their earnings,but
even very low savings rates of 2 or 3 percent of income would, over a decade, leave
them in a radicallymore secureposition. The governmentcan encouragesavingsby tax
policy and by institution building. In parts of Africa much governmentexpenditurehas
been financedby the inflationtax, which is a tax on savings. In turn, savingshave often
beenthe only financialassetavailableto poor peoplein ruralareas. The governmentcan
encourage development of a rural banking system that offers a range of appropriate
savings instrumentswith after-taxpositivereal rates of return.
Governments can also help vulnerable households expand into higher-return
activitiesthrough carefullydesigned policy measures. In Kenya, for example,tea is the
most important export activitywith potentialfor expansionbecause it is not subject to
those headed
internationalquotas. Yet the ability of vulnerablehouseholds---especially
by women---to add tea production to their income-generatingactivities is severely
restricted; households headed by women have only half the propensity to adopt tea
enterprisesas those headed by men. Since around 40 percent of rural households in
Kenyaare headed by women,this nationaldiminishedpropensityis substantial. Further,
the case of Kenyantea is particularlyrevealingbecausemost of the labor of tea picking
is done by women. In householdsotherwisevery similar,extra male labor has no effect
on the likelihoodof adoptingtea, whereasan additionalwoman in an otherwiseaverage
householdraisesthe propensityto adopt tea growingby around a quarter. Thus in Kenya
the tea sector is characterizedby three apparentlyincompatiblefacts: women do most
of the work on tea, householdswith morewomen are more likelyto adopt the crop, and
yet householdsheaded by women are far less likelyto do so.
Constraintsthat prevent householdsfrom restructuringtheir income also inhibit
the economyfrom restructuring. Hence, policiesto help vulnerablegroups to overcome
constraints improve the mobility of resources in the economy as a whole and thereby
contribute to structural adjustment.
Reducingrisks outsidethe household
In the past, the macroeconomicpoliciesof manyAfrican governmentsto improve
household food security have concentrated directly on reducing three kinds of risk:
variations in crop prices through stabilizationschemes,variations in consumer prices
through price controls, and job loss through legal job security (for wages employeesin
the privatesector)and subsidizedunprofitableactivities(for wageemployeesin the public
- 21 -

sector). None of these is a good use of resources.


Stabilizing crop prices has a long, unhappy history. Marketing boards were
supposed to build up surpluses when world prices were high and then use these to
subsidizedomesticprices when world priceswere low. In practice, however,two things
happened. First,to cover their administrativecosts, marketingboard marginstended to
become greater, the classic case being the cocoa board of Ghana. Second, revenue
fluctuationstended to destabilizethe governmentbudget. In Kenya, for example,for
every shillingof windfall revenuethe governmentreceived,public expenditureincreased
by KSh 1.35. Duringthe coffee boom of the late 1970s,however,Kenyancoffee growers
saved around 70 percent of their windfall income. Hence,the poor farmers seemed to
be able to handle the most common kind of large price shock rather well, whereasthe
governmentdid not.
Pricecontrols on consumergoods were used extensivelyin Tanzaniauntil 1984,
but they seemedto increaseratherthan decreaseoverallrisk. By holding prices below
the point at which supply would equaldemand, they created acute excess demandand
severelyuncertainsupply. Peoplehad to wastetime searchingor queuingfor consumer
goods---timethat could have been used to generatemore income.
Job security confers real benefits on those who have it, but this is paid for by
those who do not, either in the form of taxes to financethe subsidy of public enterprises
or the form of reduced employmentopportunitieswhen privatefirms restrict recruitment
to providejob security. Becausethose with wage employmentare the least vulnerable
group in the society, these benefitsare very poorly targeted.
Gathering Information for Policymaking and Program Design
To enable governmentsto better design macro policies to enhance women's
economic activities, a better information base is needed. This can be provided by
modifying their current survey instruments, adding more household and micro-level
studies,commissioningspecial studies,and seeking informationfrom nongovernmental
organizationsand internationalagencies. In addition, a conscious effort is needed to
ensure that this information is used to modify policies. An interministerialcommittee
could regularly examinethe effect of policies on low-incomehouseholds and women,
and a lead agency could be assignedto interpretthis informationfor policymakers.
Accurate information about the status of women and about how policies and
programs affect women plays an important role in efforts to increase householdfood
security and to raise the incomes of low-incomewomen. However, a framework is
necessaryto gather and analyzethat information. Such a framework helps identifythe
roles of women and men and the differentways policiesand programs affectthem.
A framework can be useful to policymakersand project designers for several
different reasons. First, it can help them identify factors that cause or contribute to
specific cases of food insecurity or inequitabletreatment of women and the relevant
actors or decisionmakersin each area. Second,it can help design policy and program
-

22 -

interventionsand identifythe appropriatetarget populationor participants. And, third, it


can help screen policy or program interventionsand their likelyeffect on individualsand
householdsand help monitor the effectsof changes.
One such information-gatheringframework is organized around three separate
aspects of household food security: food produced and consumed directly by the
household, household income sources and expenditures,and the consumption and
nutritionof householdmembers. Within each aspect the factors affectingfood security
and the status of women fall in to three areas of analysis: access to and control of
resources,task and time allocation,and decisionmaking. The information analyzedin
this frameworkcould come from sectoralreports or from researchat the householdlevel.
The three aspects of analysisproposed by this frameworkhighlight the elements
amenableto policy or program interventionsto improvehouseholdfood securityand the
statusof women. A strictlyeconomicanalysiswill revealfactors affectingpricesof inputs,
outputs, and consumption. By treating the household as an undifferentiatedunit,
however,it will maskthe roles of differentdecisionmakersand actors,the constraintsthey
face, or their contributionto householdand individualfood security. Agriculturestudies
tend to focus on production,whilehealth and nutritionstudiesmay focus only on women
and children. In contrast, this frameworkfocuses on the human dimension of food
securityand women'sdailylife---theactivities,resources,anddecisionsinvolvedin the use
of incomeor output and made by womenand men as producersand consumers. Based
on this, governmentscan structure more effective policies and programs to improve
householdfood security,the status of women, and, thus, their contributionto household
food security.

- 23 -

Women'sdual responsibilitiesin Madagascar(N. de Palma)

- 24 -

Programs to Increase Women's Access to Services and Resources


Governmentsshould reassesstheir programsin rural areas to make adjustments
that will increasewomen's accessto the resourcesand informationthey needto increase
their incomesand thus the food securityof their households. Programsorientedtowards
women's needs are now being implementedin severalcountriesin credit and finance; it
is important to learn from this experience,but more action is needed in agricultural
extension,technology, and nutrition.
Credit and Finance for Rural Women
Women need both fixed and working capital for agricultural production and for
their off-farmactivitiesthat produce income. For agriculturalproductionthey need fixed
capitalfor tools, such as hoes, axes,and wheelbarrows;oxen and associatedplows and
weeders; production inputs, such as seeds and fertilizer; storage facilities, including
various kinds of containersand storage buildings;capital items to process and market
their agricultural output, such as grinding mills, churns for ghee and butter, hulling
machines,peelers,and smoking and drying equipment;and transportationvehicles. For
off-farmactivitiesthey need fixed capital for market stalls and buildings as well as tools
and machineryfor cottage industries. Ruralwomenalso needfixed capitalfor household
improvements, water storage facilities, and durable appliances, such as stoves or
refrigerationequipment.
To match their fixed capital, rural women also need working capital for such
agricultural production inputs as hired labor, tractor or animal hire, improved seed,
fertilizer, pesticides, bags, rent for storage space, and transport services. In their offfarm activitiesruralwomenneedworking capitalfor raw materials,equipment,transportation services,and fees and licenses.
Africanwomen face many difficultiesin obtainingcredit to start or to enlargetheir
enterprises. However, initiatives are now under way in several African countries to
increasewomen's access to credit.
Expandinglendingto women in Uganda
An effort is underwayin Uganda to open credit channelsto women. Central to
this effort is the underlyingassumptionthat lending to women must be institutionalized.
Womencannot be expectedto obtain credit at reasonablerates and conditionsthrough
any other channel. The effort is not to establisha separatecredit program; ratherit is to
look at the factors inhibitingwomen's access to credit from existing institutionsand to
redressthem. If the obstaclesto women's accessto credit could be removed,no special
interestsubsidywould be needed. Womenwould then be able to competeon an equal
footing with men for credit.
Basedon field researchthat evaluatedwomen's participationin the credit market,
their constraints,and their strengths,the Central Bank is working with two commercial
banks, one cooperative bank, and one nongovernmentalorganization to increase
- 25 -

women's access to credit. To encouragelendingto prioritytargets---suchas women--the CentralBank grants favorable rediscountfacilitiesfor loans.
One goal of the effortis to increasethe qualityof lendingto women. The research
found that when banks did lend to women, they were so cautious that they tended to
underfinancethe proposed enterprise and were not willing to lend even up to the
approvedlimits. This disturbedthe borrower's plansand forcedthe womanto work more
than plannedat other activities. In turn, this reducedthe anticipatedincomefrom the new
enterpriseand led to difficultiesrepayingthe loan.
With the help of the Central Bank, the lending institutionsimprovedthe quality of
their lendingfor womenby modifyingthe conditionsthat were reducingwomen's access..
They waivedthe requirementfor collateral,usingthe reputationof the woman'scharacter
and an analysisof the proposed enterpriseinstead. Since so many women had been
denied access to institutionalizedcredit, the banks also waived the requirement that
women borrowers be previous customers. Applicationswere simplified,and women,
especially those who were illiterate, were given extra assistance in making their
applications. In some cases loans were made to women's groups, which assumed
collectiveliabilityand receivedspecialtraining in the use of credit and record keeping.
The program has met with considerablesuccess, and repaymentrecords have
been good. Not unexpectedly,there remainproblems. One, of course, is extendingthe
reachof the program. Another is trying to incorporatea strongersavingselementin what
has to date been largely a credit effort. In the view of the Central Bank, however,the
program has led to a "breakthroughin lending"---somuch so that now the most difficult
problemis the availabilityof loanablefunds.
Learningto use credit through group projects in Zimbabwe
The Food and AgricultureOrganization(FAO)is supporting a project to expand
lendingto women in Zimbabwe. The projectgrewfrom a critiquepreparedby the Ministry
of Community Development,Cooperatives, and Women's Affairs, which found that
programsfor womenwere oftensmall,marginalizedwomenin lower-incomeactivities,and
drew womenaway from higher-incomeactivities. Womenlacked access to land, inputs,
credit, and oxen and often did not control the income from their farming activities.
Usually,access to resourceswas through men, and women had little direct access to
agriculturalextensioninformation.
The FAO project addresses the problem of credit availabilityby working with
groups, drawing on traditions of labor sharing. The groups usually have between 10
and 20 people, select their own members, and include both men and women. The
program suggests that more than half the group be women to reflect the reality of
extensivemale emigration. Groups undertakecollectivefarming activities,but members
also have individualplots.
The project considerscredit to be a farming input and believesthat farmers must
understandthat borrowing money is a commercialtransaction. The group jointly plans
- 26 -

all aspectsof its production,and the connectionbetweeninputs and the use of credit is
emphasized. Simplerecords are introducedfrom the beginning,but they become more
sophisticatedduring a four-yearperiod as the group becomesmore experienced. In the
first year, a group is eligiblefor a specialsubsidizedloan,which matchesthe group's own
assets and is made on the basis of an agreed cropping plan. The loan is managed by
the group as a whole. If their first year is successful,the group is encouragedto expand
their enterprisesby borrowingfrom the AgriculturalFinanceCorporationat the goingrate
of 13 percent. No collateralis needed other than the growing crop. The group agrees
that the marketingboard for the crop will deduct the loan from the proceeds of the crop
sale and will remit it to the Agricultural Finance Corporation. Thus, the farmers
themselvesdo not have to makethe payment.
Although the scheme is in its early stages,the FAOconsidersit to be reasonably
successful. The small groups develop a group cohesion as a result of their joint
production. The individualmemberslearnfrom their group participationhowto use credit
productively in their own individual enterprises. An advantage of the group-based
approach is that to some degree the group is removedfrom the household, so women
membersretain much more control over their share of the income.
One weaknessthat remains,however,is that the programfocuseslargelyon credit
and is not concerned with savings. The Agricultural Finance Corporation is a credit
agency, not a full-servicebank. Groupsare encouragedto save through postal savings
or a building society, but it would be preferableif the lending institutionalso mobilized
savings.
EnablingAfrican women to use commercialcredit
Women'sWorld Banking(WWB)has institutedan internationaleffortto helpwomen
learneconomicallyproductiveskillsandto obtaincommercialcreditto establishor expand
enterprises. Because women tend to have few assets, normal commercial credit is
unavailable.The WWB breaksthis stalemateby guaranteeingloans made to women by
commercialbanks.
The program has affiliatesin 24 African countries. In Kenya,for example,where
severalcommercialbanks are cooperatingwith the WWB,the internationaloffice of the
WWB guarantees50 percent of a loan, the nationalaffiliateguarantees25 percent,and
the commercialbank assumesthe remaining25 percent of the risk. Loans are made at
going rates of interest with normal commercialconditions. The program has been in
operation about six years and has sufferedonly one default.
WWB affiliatesput considerableemphasison training women in economicskills
and the use of credit. For example,the Kenya Women Finance Trust (KWFT),using
fundsfrom the SwedishInternationalDevelopmentAgency (SIDA),trainedwomentraders
in the two largest markets in the country in business management,accounting, and
marketingand then guaranteedloans from a commercialbank. The bank has recently
renewedits loan guaranteeagreementwith the KWFTand is expandingits lending.
- 27 -

The KWFTis embarkingon anotherguaranteeschemewith the commercialbank


havingthe most rural branches. The program is targetedto rural women and conducts
training courses at many locationsthroughout Kenya.
The WWB has attracted considerablesupport from internationalagencies. In
Africa, for example, it has cooperated with the World Bank, the African Development
Bank, UNICEF,l'OrganisationCanadienpour la solidarite dans le developpement,and
SIDA,among others.
Orienting Extension toward Women's Needs
Many African specialistsbelievethat agricultural extensionservices in Africa do
not adequatelyaddress the needs of womenfarmers.
Extensionactivitiesare mostly addressedto men becauseof an erroneous belief
that men are the main decisionmakersin agriculture. Furthermore,extensionstaff are
mostly male. For these reasonsextensionmessagesdo not addressthe fact that women
are generallyinvolvedin a muchwider range of agriculturalactivitiesthan men and hence
requirea wider range of informationand technology. Such informationshould cover not
only agriculturalproduction,but also food processing,storage and utilization,and small
animal raising. Moreover,women have limited accessto agriculturalinputs, in part due
to their lack of credit. In terms of developingthe extensionmessage,there has been
inadequateresearch on traditional,or "minor"food crops, which often are produced by
women, such as yams, bananas,and sorghum.

Wo'T2men-Ar'Maj:r-Use'rs"-ofEtension
in frc
1 A
;~~~~~~~~~~t
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of lextension
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LasMmoreanm mn se off-farm
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ais
-n Kenyasfor example,more than 60percentofthecontact f arm..
ers reachedby the extension
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To improve their outreach to women, agriculturalextensionserviceswill needto


better identifythe informationneededby womenfarmers. They can do this through
surveysthat disaggregateinformationby gender, thorough periodic meetingswith
extensionstaff (a prominentfeatureof the trainingandvisitagriculturalextensionsystem
-

28

found in many African countries),and through consultationwith central,provincial,and


local agenciesdealingwith women's affairs. The extensionservicesin both Nigeriaand
Kenya are making considerableprogress in better diagnosingthe extensionneeds of
women farmers.
Technology and informationpackages suited to women farmerswill need to be
developedin manyAfricancountries. A much strongerlink betweenthe extensionservice
and research agencies needs to be fostered. Researchersshould be encouragedto
focus more on-farmresearch on tasks typicallyperformedby women, such as weeding,
food processing,and storage. On-farmtrials at farms operatedby womencan increase
the effectivenessof research and extensionwork. To ensure that the results are
interpretedaccurately,women should be involvedin evaluatingthe results of the trials.
To speed developmentof appropriatetechnologies,researchagencies and agricultural
extensionservicesshould consult extensivelywith their counterpartsin other countries.
As agencies increase their store of informationsuited to the needs of women
farmers,they will need to strengthentheir abilityto disseminatethat information. Existing
extensionstaff---mostlymen---shouldenhancetheir abilityto work effectivelywith women
farmers (which likelywill also increasetheir effectivenessin working with men). This will
involve organizing sessions at which the needs of women farmers are discussed and
appointingspecialistswith expertiseon the topics appropriateto women farmers (such
as food storage and processing)and the technologiessuited to their needs.
Existinghome economistsshould be providedwith additionalagriculturaltraining
and be fully integratedinto the regular extensionprogram. Care should be taken not to
createa parallelextensionsystemfor womenfarmers;the Nigerianextensionsystem has
been notably successful in this regard. More women agricultural agents need to be
recruited and trained and women promotedto managementresponsibilitiesat all levels.
Moreover,agricultureshould be added to primaryschool curriculumsso that girls have
the opportunityto study this topic and hopefullycontinueat higher levels of education.
As programs to serve women farmers are extended, more and more contact
farmers should be women. To speed this, targets should be set---atleast 30 percent of
the contact farmers should be women within a reasonablyshort time. Work should be
expandedwith women'sgroups and with ruralyouth groups that includegirls. Of course,
given the staffing structure of agricultural extensionservices, much work with women
farmers will continue to be the responsibilityof men. To enable men to work more
effectivelywith women's groups, in some countries,such as Cameroon,a woman agent
introduces the men who will be working with the groups. Once the women farmers
become familiarwith the extensionsystem and with the agent, and the agent becomes
comfortableworkingwith the women,the womanagentmoveson to introduceother male
agentsto other women's groups.
Farmer training centers should be improved to include residential facilities for
women and to provide child care. Since women often find it harder than men to attend
these centers, mobile trainingunits can also be used.
- 29 -

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To ensure that their programs are moving on schedule and are effective,
agriculturalextensionserviceswill needto adapt their monitoringand evaluationactivities
to includedata disaggregatedby gender. Reportspreparedby extensionagents should
describeseparatelythe adoptionratesandother activitiesundertakenby menandwomen
farmers. Surveysundertakento assesseffectivenesswill needto disaggregatethe results
for men and women farmers. And, of course, those responsible for administering
extension services will want to review their programs regularlyto ensure that women
farmers are being effectivelyreached. Many of these changes are already being made
by the extensionsystem in Nigeria.
ImprovingWomen's Access to Technology
If Africanwomen areto be able to improvehouseholdfood securityandto enhance
their incomes by taking advantageof improved technologies,they will need improved
technicalskills,better accessto credit, and strongerextensioninformationsupport. The
issue of technology involvesfive major concerns: appropriatenessof technology, food
technology, transportation technology, the need for economic-sizedenterprises,and
accessto credit.
Appropriatenessof technology
Of course, any proposed technologicalintroductionshould be appropriateto the
social and economic setting where it is to be introduced. It should also be appropriate
for the intendedusers. Unlessproposedtechnologicalinnovationsare better than what
is already in use, they will not be acceptable. For example,"improved"fish smoking
ovens in West Africa produced a taste people did not like. There was also an effort to
introduce a red sorghum, which was highly drought resistantand little troubled by bird
pests becauseof the high tannin content. However,the tannin also made the taste bitter
for humans, and, furthermore, it tied up the protein in the sorghum and reduced its
absorptionby the body. It was a classiccase of a failureof researchersto talk with users.
Whiletechnology must be relevantto end users, in some cases users must meet
newtechnologicalinnovationshalfway. If the newtechnologyreduces cost andthus the
retailprice,but producesa somewhatless palatableproduct,then the price differencewill
induce some users to accept the less palatablesubstitute. Those who feel the more
palatableproduct is worth the extracost can continuewith the higher-pricedproduct. The
importantthing is to make a wide range of productsavailableand then to let the market
sort things out.
Policymakers,however,shouldnot focus too narrowlyon technologicalinnovation
controlled by women. Rather,they should search for any way to increase women's
efficiency. For example,mechanicalmaizemills are often controlledby men, but women
take their maizeto the millsto save hours of pounding---hoursthat can then be devoted
to economicallymore productiveactivities.

- 31 -

Food technology
Despite advances in mechanicalgrain milling and fuel-efficient stoves, much
remains to be done to reduce storage losses. FAO data show that about 15 to 20
percent of the cereals produced in Africa are lost through bad storage. For vegetables,
storage losses may run as high as 40 to 50 percent.
One widely known advancein food technologyis the success in reducing infant
mortalityby introducing better weaningfood and growth monitoringin the Iringa District
of Tanzania. "Powerflour"was introducedas a compositeweaning food. In addition to
being more energy-densethan traditionalweaningfood, an interestinginnovationwas to
introduceflour made from germinatedseed to increasenutrient density. The technique
of germinatingseedsfor processingwas alreadywell-knownto womenin the districtsince
they use it to make beer. At the same time, the technique of using a simple chart to
monitor growth was introducedfor virtuallyall children under five years of age. Those
who showed signs of being malnourishedreceivedsupplementalfood at feeding posts
establishedin 60 of the 68 villagesin the district. An innovationwas to make the village
head responsiblefor checking everychild and for being sure that parents were awareof
childrenfailing to grow normally. In 1984,when the program began,the infant mortality
rate in the regionwas 152per thousand;by 1989it had droppednearly a third to 106per
thousand.
Transport
Technologicalimprovementsin transportshould haveadditionaldimensions. Most
emphasishas been placed on road transport betweenurban centers or between urban
centers and rural areas. Recent surveys have led to an additionalfocus. They were
conductedby following selectedmen and womenin their dailywork. They revealedthat
in some areas family members spend 2,700 hours a year walking to fetch water or
fuelwood. This is the equivalentof a full-timejob in the formal sector. When walking is
broken into tasks (suchas walkingto collectfirewood,walking to the fields, and the like),
walkingfor crop marketingpurposes is surprisinglylittle---only10 percent of total walking
in Tanzania. Furthermore,85 percentof the walkingis done by women. If somethingcan
be done to releasethat time, the familywould have some 2,000 hours a year to put into
more productiveeconomic activity.
A related examplecomes from the Iringa Districtin Tanzaniaalready mentioned
in connectionwith food technology. Growthmonitoringshowedthat manychildrenwere
undernourishedbecausemothers had to spend too much time gatheringfuel and thus
conserved fuel by cooking less often. This led community leadersto ask men to help
gather firewood. At first there was seriousresistance. So the program produced a film
called"Sharethe Responsibility"and encouragedwivesto talk aboutthe fuel problemwith
their husbands. Overtime, men beganto help collectfuelwood---andevenintroducedthe
new technologyof wheelbarrowsto increasetheir efficiency.

- 32 -

Economicsize
An important issue in any discussion about technology is the need to make
enterpriseslarge enough so that they can be efficientand generatesubstantialincome.
Several agencies are now trying to bring women together into groups to establish
enterpriseswith a greater surplus value than can be achievedby the individualwomen
working alone. These larger enterprises,however,have problems of their own: women
must receivemanagementtraining,good informationmust be availablefrom extensionor
similar sources,the enterprisemust be able to maintainits equipmentproperly, and the
group must have accessto sufficientcredit. Largerfood-processingenterpriseshave run
into the problemsof meetingpublic healthhygienestandardsand of acquiringappropriate
packagingmaterials.
For larger economicenterprisesundertakenby groups of womento be successful,
they must be nurtured by national economic policiesthat support, not discourage,the
informal sector.
Access to credit
The availabilityof credit is an underlyingconcern in any discussionof technology.
If women are to have access to new technologythat involvescapital expenditure---asso
many do---then they must have access to capital. Although some agencies are
consideringschemesto enablegroups of womento leasecapital equipment,most often
new technology will require access to credit. As discussed earlier, the terms and
conditionsof bank lendingneed to be changedto enablewomento becomecommercial
borrowers.

Developingtechnologyfor rural women


There is a need for explicit national programs to develop technology for rural
women, coordinatedby a ministrywith "clout." Likely,this would have to be the prime
minister's office, since a program to increase technology suited to the needs of rural
women and to disseminateinformationabout availabletechnology would involve many
sectors and agencies.
Actual implementation of the program, however, probably would be the
responsibilityof a lead institutionin cooperationwith institutionsin varioussectors. The
first task would be to identify the needs for better technologies and the problems of
providingthem. This would be done through discussionwith womenwho would use the
technologiesin their agriculturalproductionactivities,for off-farmenterprises,or to reduce
the burden of household work. Once the technological needs were identified,
responsibilityfor developing the technology could be assigned to a national agency
working in that area. That agencywould haveto determineif the technologicalinnovation
should be based in the householdor whetherit might be better to developit at the village
level.
Once the technology was available, the coordinating ministry would need to
- 33 -

organize dissemination. A pilot program among target users would determine the
effectiveness,acceptability,and affordabilityof the newtechnology. Accessto creditfor
new userswould needto be assuredif the technologyinvolvedsignificantcapital expenditure. Facilitiesfor production---locallywhere possible---anda sales and maintenance
structurewould have to be established. If the new technologywas simple to use, then
printed instruction in local languages might be enough for new users to adopt the
technology. If it was more complicated,however,trainingwould needto be organized,
perhaps by the agricultural extension service. The extension service would also be
responsible for ensuring that rural women learned about the availabilityof the new
technology and its use.
As the technologywas disseminated,the coordinatingagencyor the lead institution
would want to monitor its use through feedbackfrom the women who had adopted it.
That informationwould be forwardedto the researchand developmentagenciesto help
them improvethe technologyor to be used to develop other relatedtechnologies.
In most African countries, establishing a national program to increase the
technologyavailableto rural women would most likely need outside support from donor
agencies. Once in place, however,the program's obvious usefulnesswould justify its
support from domesticresources.
Nutrition Programs for Low-Income Households
To improvefood security in low-incomehouseholds,national nutrition programs
should be developedthat wouldfocus on subsistencefarmers,landlessruralhouseholds,
and the urban poor.
Many factors contributeto nutritionalstatus: morbidity, low income, insufficient
food supply at the household level, insufficientknowledge about nutrition and health,
heavy labor, competing demands for women's time, accessibilityof health and other
supportingservices,and price policies.
Programstargeted to subsistencefarmers and landlessrural householdswould
focus first on helpingthem increasetheir incomes. They would receiveinformationabout
improvedtechnology, better crop varieties,diversificationinto other agriculturalactivities
such as horticulture,moreefficientimplements,intercropping,and simple irrigation. The
program would also seek to improve the markets for inputs and outputs serving lowincome rural households. The program would help women in low-income rural
householdsadopt labor-savingtechnology, organize child-carefacilities, and establish
communitycooperatives. Specialeffortswould be directedto low-incomehouseholdsto
help them improve family health through campaignsto improve health and nutrition
education,to inform householdsabout family planning,and to ensurethat children were
immunizedagainstcommondiseases. Betterwatersuppliesandimprovedenvironmental
sanitationwould also directly improvehealth and nutritionalstatus.
Programsto improve the nutritional status of the urban poor would also begin
with efforts to help them adopt strategiesto increase income. Such programs would
- 34 -

help improve markets serving urban poor households, increase access to credit for
economic activities in the informal sector, offer training in management and record
keeping, provideinformationabout potentialopportunities,establishtechnicalinfrastructure support such as worksheds and workshops,organizechild care, and work closely
with nongovernmentalorganizationsassistingthe urbanpoor. Urban poor familieswould
also receive particular attention to help them improve their shelter, environmental
sanitation,and knowledgeabout health and nutrition and family planning.
Of course, programsto improve the nutritionalstatus of low-incomehouseholds
would need careful monitoringand evaluationto assure efficientimplementation. This
would begin with baseline surveysand developmentof indexes such as those used in
growth monitoring. The program would then monitor changes in nutritionalstatus and
diseaseincidence.

- 35 -

Womancarryingwheatfrom the field in Ethiopia(WorldBank)

- 36 -

Epilogue
The presentationof the issues and the wide-rangingdiscussions in the working
groups helped identify a number of differentactions that householdsthemselvesmust
take to enhance their food security. But the deliberationsalso led participants to
formulate guidelinesfor African policymakersand donors so that they can continue to
recognizeand address the economicand social costs of the inequitabledivisionof work
and responsibilitiesbetween men and women.
In seeking to improve householdfood securityin Africa, it is also important that
considerationbe givento increasingthe benefitsthat women receiveand improvingtheir
decision-makingauthority. Care must be taken that new policies and programsdo not
add to women's alreadylarge burden of providingfood and care for their households.
Would men's rights be reduced if women gain a more important position in
economicand socialdevelopment?No, was the consensusresponseof the symposium
participants. Increasingwomen's rights would expand opportunitiesfor both men and
women. In economicjargon, increasingwomen'seconomicopportunitiesis not a "zerosum" game, becauseboth men and womengain. As one participantgracefullyput it, the
aim is "to move forward hand in hand."
In his closing remarksto the symposium,Mr. Jaycox,Vice Presidentfor Africa at
the World Bankencouragedparticipantsto follow-upwith nationallevelworkshopson this
importanttopic, and to repeat this symposiumat the sub-regionallevel in West Africa.

37 -

PARTICIPANTS
Members of the Symposium
Membersof the Symposiumparticipatedin their individualcapacities,
not as representativesof agenciesor governments.
Name

Affiliation

AdanechAddisu

Expert,Planningand
Programming
AgriculturalMarketingCorporation
Ethiopia

MaryAmajo

Head,Women's Credit Desk


Bank of Uganda

Timothy Banda

NationalFood SecurityOfficer
Ministryof Agriculture
Tanzania

SitotawBerhanu

Head,Socio-EconomicResearch
Division
Planningand Programming
Department
Ministryof Agriculture
Ethiopia

MarilynCarr

SeniorAdvisor on Technologyand
Small BusinessEnterprise
Development
United Nations DevelopmentFund for
Women
Zimbabwe

Joyce Chanetsa

Senior Nutritionist
NutritionUnit
Ministryof Health
Zimbabwe

ManasseaChihota

PrincipalPlanner
NationalPlanningAgency
Ministryof Finance,Economic
Developmentand Planning
Zimbabwe
- 39 -

Judith C. Chikore

AssistantSecretary
Departmentof Women'sAffairs
Ministryof PoliticalAffairs
Zimbabwe

Paul Collier

Unit for the Study of African


Economies
Oxford University
Great Britain

Misrak Elias

RegionalAdvisor,Women's
EconomicActivitiesand
Integration
United NationsChildrensFund
(UNICEF)
Kenya

LeopoldinaDaliaDias Fakir

Head,MarketingDepartment
Ministryof Agriculture
Mozambique

Olu A. Falusi

Head, FederalAgricultural
CoordinatingUnit
Nigeria

Hilary Sims Feldstein

Director
Gender in AgricultureProject
United States

John K. Gatheru

DeputyDirector of Agriculture
Ministryof Agriculture
Kenya

ChristineHayanga

RegionalCoordinator
Women'sWorld Banking/Africa
Kenya

FlavianM. Kalikandar

PrincipalEconomist
Ministryof Agriculture
Kenya

FrancisJoseph Kasiirye

PermanentSecretary
Ministryof Womenin Development
Uganda

EileenKennedy

InternationalFood PolicyResearch
Institute
United States
- 40 -

Peter M. Lewa

Chief Supply Management Officer


Ministry of Supplies and Marketing
Kenya

Wilbald S. M. Lorri

Director, Food Science and


Technology Department
Tanzania Food and Nutrition
Centre
Tanzania

Richard Tendai Masundire

Agricultural Economist
Southern Africa Development
Coordinating Conference Food
Security Unit
Zimbabwe

Getachaw T. Medhin

Head, Department of Agriculture


Office of National Committee on Central

Planning
Ethiopia
Joseph C. K. Mhango

Agricultural Assistant Chief


Economist
Economic Planning and
Development
Malawi

G. B. Mthindi

Senior Deputy Secretary


Ministry of Agriculture
Malawi

Festus Z. Omoro

Senior Economist/Statistician
Ministry of Planning and National
Development
Kenya

Simon Pazvakavambwa

Director, Agritex
Ministry of Agriculture
Zimbabwe

Sam B. Rutega

Permanent Secretary
Ministry of Cooperatives
and Marketing
Uganda

-41 -

P. T. K. Sangu

Senior Economist
PlanningCommission
Tanzania

Howard K. Sigwele

PrincipalAgriculturalEconomist
Ministryof Agriculture
Botswana

Anna Tibaijuka

Researcher
EconomicResearchBureau
Universityof Dar es Salaam
Tanzania

KateTruscott

Senior ProjectAdvisor
Food and Agricultural
Organization
Zimbabwe

EmmanuelTumusiime-Mutebile PermanentSecretary
Ministryof Planningand Economic
Development
Uganda
Host Country
The HonorableHerbert Ushewokunze,Ministerof State for PoliticalAffairs
The HonorableJock Kay, Deputy Ministerof Lands,Agricultureand Rural
Resettlement
Sponsoring Agencies
African DevelopmentBank
KwekuAndah, Head, MemberCountriesTraining Unit
ElizabethMary Okelo, Senior Advisor to the Presidentof the African
DevelopmentBank
George R. Onaba,PrincipalAgronomist,Zimbabwe
C. R. Spencer, PrincipalAgriculturalEconomist,Officer in Charge--Women
in DevelopmentUnit

- 42 -

World Bank
EdwardV. K. Jaycox, Vice President,Africa Region
Mahmud Burney,ResidentRepresentative,Zimbabwe
Nadine R. Horenstein,Consultant,Womenin DevelopmentDivision
KatrineA. Saito, Senior Economist,Women in DevelopmentDivision

SymposiumStaff
SidneyChernick,SymposiumAdvisor
J. PriceGittinger,Rapporteur
Amon Nikoi, Moderator

- 43 -

LISTOF DOCUMENTS
The documents listed below were distributedto participantsattendingthe
Symposium. Singlecopies and the collected papersfrom the Symposium
are availablefrom the Women in DevelopmentDivision, Population and
HumanResourcesDepartment,RoomS-9-131,WorldBank, 1818H Street,
N.W., Washington,D.C. 20433,U.S.A.
Collier, Paul 1990. "HouseholdFood Securityand the Roleof Women:The
Economic Policy Setting." Paper presented at the Symposium on
HouseholdFood Securityandthe Roleof Women,and Kadoma,Zimbabwe,
January.
Elias, Misrak 1990. "HouseholdFood Securityand the Role of Women."
Paper presentedto the Symposiumon HouseholdFood Securityand the
Roleof Women, Kadoma,Zimbabwe,January.
Falusi,A. 0. 1990. "TheStateof Supportto Womenin Nigeria'sAgricultural
DevelopmentProjects." Paperpresentedto the Symposiumon Household
Food Securityand the Roleof Women, Kadoma,Zimbabwe,January.
Kennedy, Eileen, forthcoming. 'The Effects of the Commercializationof
Agriculture on Women's Control of Income and Health and Nutritional
Status: The Case of Sugarcanein Kenya," Economic Developmentand
CulturalChange.
Saito, Katrineand others, 1990.Symposiumon HouseholdFood Security:
The Role of Women: Collected Papers. Washington, D.C.: Women in
DevelopmentDivision,PopulationandHumanResourcesDepartment,World
Bank, April.
Saito,Katrine,and RosemaryMcCarney1990. BackgroundIssuesPapers.
Paper preparedfor the Symposiumon Household Food Securityand the
Roleof Women, Kadoma,Zimbabwe,January.
Saito, Katrine,and Jean Weidemann. Agricultural Extensionfor Women
Farmers in Africa. Washington, D.C.: Discussion Paper (forthcoming),
World Bank.
Tibaijuka, Anna K., and Hilary Sims Feldstein 1990. "Gender Analysis
Framework for Food Security." Paper presentedto the Symposium on
Household Food Security and the Role of Women, Kadoma, Zimbabwe,
January.
Ushewokunze, Herbert 1990. Opening Remarks. Address to the
Symposiumon Household Food Security and Role of Women, Kadoma,
Zimbabwe,January.
WWBAfrica (Nairobi)1989. No. 13, October.
- 45 -

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World Bank Discussion

Papers (continued)

No. 67

Deregulation
of Shipping:What Is to Be LearnedfromChile.Esra BCnnathan with LuisEscobar and George Panagakos

No.

PublicSectorPayand EmploymentReform:A Reviewof WorldBank Experience.Barbara Nunberg

68

No. 69

A MultilevelModelof SchoolEffectiveness
in a DevelopingCountry.Marlaine E. Lockheed and Nicholas T. Longford

No. 70

UserGroupsasProducersin Participatory
AfforestationStrategies.Michael M. Cernea

No. 71

HowAdjustmentProgramsCan Help the Poor:The World Bank's Experience.Helena Ribe, Soniya Carvalho, Robert
Liebenthal, Peter Nicholas, and Elaine Zuckerman

No. 72

Export Catalystsin Low-IncomeCountries:A Reviewof ElevenSuccessStories.Yung Whee Rhee and Therese Belot

No. 73

InformationSystemsand BasicStatisticsin Sub-SaharanAfrica:A Reviewand StrategyforImprovement.Ramesh Chander

No. 74

Costsand Benefitsof Rent Controlin Kumasi, Ghana.Stephen Malpezzi,A. Graham Tipple, and Kenneth G. Willis

No. 75

Ecuador'sAmazon Region:DevelopmentIssuesand Options.James F. Hicks, Herman E. Daly, Shelton H. Davis, and


Maria de Lourdes de Freitas [Alsoavailablein Spanish (75S)]

No. 76

Debt Equity ConversionAnalysis:A CaseStudy of the PhilippineProgram.


John D. Shilling,Anthony Toft, and
Woonki Sung

No. 77

HigherEducationin LatinAmerica:Issuesof Efficiencyand Equity. Donald R. Winkler

No. 78

The GreenhouseEffect:Implicationsfor
EconomicDevelopment.Erik Arrhenius and Thomas W. Waltz

No. 79

Analyzing Taxeson BusinessIncomewith theMarginalEffectiveTax Rate Model. David Dunn and Anthony Pellechio

No. 80

EnvironmentalManagementin Development:The Evolutionof Paradigms.Michael E. Colby

No. 81

Latin America'sBankingSystemsin the 1980s:A CrossCountryComparison.Felipe Morris, Mark Dorfman,


Jose Pedro Ortiz, and others.

No. 82

Why EducationalPoliciesCan Fail:An Overviewof SelectedAfricanExperiences.George Psacharopoulos

No. 83

Comparative
AfricanExperiencesin ImplementingEducationalPolicies.John Craig

No. 84

ImplementingEducationalPoliciesin Ethiopia.FassilR. Kiros

No. 85

ImplementingEducationalPoliciesin Kenya.G. S. Eshiwani

No. 86

ImplementingEducationalPoliciesin Tanzania.C. J. Galabawa

No. 87

ImplementingEducationalPoliciesin Lesotho.T. Sohl Thelejani

No. 88

ImplementingEducationalPoliciesin Swaziland.Cisco Magalula

No. 89

ImplementingEducationalPoliciesin Uganda.Cooper F. Odaet

No. 90

ImplementingEducationalPoliciesin Zambia.Paul P. W. Achola

No. 91

ImplementingEducationalPoliciesin Zimbabwe.0. E. Maravanyika

No. 92

InstitutionalReformsin SectorAdjustment Operations:The WorldBank's Experience.Samuel Paul

No. 93

Assessmentof thePrivateSector:A CaseStudy and Its Methodological


Implications.Samuel Paul

No. 94

Reachingthe PoorthroughRural PublicEmployment:A Survey of Theoryand Evidence.Martin Ravallion

No. 95

Educationand Development:EvidenceforNew Priorities.


Wadi D. Haddad and others.

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