Report of The (Irish) Commission To Inquire Into Child Abuse: Vol. 3

Part 1
CICA Report Vol III Confidential Committee 1

2 CICA Report Vol III Confidential Committee
Chapter 1
Introduction
1.01 The Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse (the Commission) was established in May 2000
pursuant to the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse Act, 2000 as subsequently amended by
the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse (Amendment) Act, 2005 (the Acts).1 The
Commission was initially established on a non-statutory basis following a public apology on
11th May 1999 by the Taoiseach to those abused as children in Irish institutions over previous
decades. High-profile media coverage of the experiences of children in Irish institutions was
widely broadcast at this time.
1.02 The non-statutory Commission, which comprised three members, made recommendations to the
Oireachtas, including that the Commission should be put on a statutory basis. The Commission
to Inquire into Child Abuse Act (the Act) was enacted on 26th April 2000 and the Statutory
Commission was established on 23rd May 2000, pursuant to the Act. The Act, as amended,
governs the functions, powers and procedures of the Commission. The Commission as
established under the Acts consists of a Chairperson, who is a Judge of the High Court, and
ordinary members known as Commissioners.
1.03 The remit of the Commission under the Acts was to hear evidence from witnesses about
childhood abuse in Irish institutions, as defined by the Acts, and who were less than 18 years at
the time.
Functions of the Commission

1.04 The Commission was given four distinct functions:
• To hear evidence of abuse from persons who allege they suffered abuse in childhood
in institutions during the ‘relevant period’2
• To conduct an inquiry into abuse of children in institutions during that period and to
determine the causes, nature, circumstances and extent of such abuse
• To inquire into the manner in which children were placed in, and the circumstances in
which they continued to be resident in, institutions during the relevant period
• To prepare and publish reports on the results of the inquiry and on its
recommendations in relation to dealing with the effects of such abuse and to prevent
where possible and reduce the incidence of abuse of children in institutions and to
protect children from such abuse.3
1
See Appendix 1 and 1A for copies of these Acts. All further references in the Confidential Committee’s Report to
sections of the 2000 Act shall refer solely to the section and not name the Act, e.g. section 1 of the ‘2000 Act’ shall be
referred to as ‘section 1’. All references to sections in other Acts shall contain details of the section and the Act. The
Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse (Amendment) Act, 2005 shall be referred to as the ‘2005 Act’.
2
For the Confidential Committee this ‘relevant period’ was from 1914-2000.
3
Sections 4 and 5 as amended by sections 4 and 5 of the 2005 Act.

1.05 The legislation provided for the establishment of two committees of the Commission, the
Confidential Committee and the Investigation Committee. Details of the members of the
Confidential Committee, both past and present, are set out in Appendix Two. The Commission’s
functions of hearing evidence of, and inquiring into, abuse were performed through the
Confidential Committee and the Investigation Committee. Members of the Commission were
assigned to one or other Committee; they could not be members of both. Persons who wished
to give evidence about abuse had to choose to give their evidence either to the Confidential
Committee or the Investigation Committee. The Commission and its Committees were
independent in the performance of their functions.4
Confidential Committee
1.06 This is the final Report of the work of the Confidential Committee (the Committee), provided for
in section 16 of the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse Act, 2000, as amended.5 This
Report presents the oral evidence recounted by 1,090 witnesses who attended hearings with
the Committee between 2000 and 2006. This report also includes information contained in the
3rd Interim Report dated December 2003.
1.07 The principal functions of the Confidential Committee were:

• To provide a forum for persons who have suffered abuse in institutions during their
childhood, and who did not wish to have that abuse enquired into by the
Investigation Committee to recount their experiences and make submissions in
confidence
• To receive evidence of such abuse
• To make proposals of a general nature with a view to their being considered by the
Commission in deciding what recommendations to make6
• To prepare and furnish reports.7
1.08 The mandate of the Committee was to hear the evidence of those who wished to report their
experiences in institutions in a confidential setting, as defined in the legislation. The legislation
provided that the Confidential Committee was to endeavour to ensure that meetings of the
Committee at which evidence was being given were conducted so as to afford to witnesses an
opportunity to recount in full the abuse suffered by them in an atmosphere that was sympathetic
to, and understanding of, them, and as informally as was possible in the circumstances. 8
Defined categories of abuse

1.09 The Committee was required to hear the evidence of witnesses9 who wished to report four types
of abuse as defined by the Acts. The definitions changed in the 2005 Act and the changes
made by the 2005 Act are highlighted in bold below:
Physical abuse:
The wilful, reckless or negligent infliction of physical injury on, or failure to prevent such
injury to, the child.
4
Section 3(3).
5
Section 11 of the 2005 Act.
6
Section 15(1) as amended by section 10 of the 2005 Act.
7
Section 16 as amended by section 11 of the 2005 Act.
8
Section 4(6) as substituted by section 4 of the 2005 Act.
9
In the Confidential Committee Report the evidence of witnesses is generally referred to as ‘reports’.

Sexual abuse:
The use of the child by a person for sexual arousal or sexual gratification of that person
or another person.
Neglect:
Failure to care for the child which results, or could reasonably be expected to result,
in serious impairment of the physical or mental health or development of the child or
serious adverse effects on his or her behaviour or welfare.
Emotional abuse:
Any other act or omission towards the child which results, or could reasonably be
expected to result, in serious impairment of the physical or mental health or
development of the child or serious adverse effects on his or her behaviour or welfare.10
1.10 The Committee classified all reports of abuse under one of the above types, as defined by the
Acts. Witness reports of abuse included all four types, and combinations of those types of
abuse. The definition of abuse includes acts that occurred to children, as well as acts of
omission, such as medical, social, educational or emotional neglect that ‘results, or could
reasonably be expected to result’11 in having serious adverse effects on them both at the time
and afterwards.
1.11 Individuals applied to give evidence of the abuse suffered by them in a range of Irish
institutions. The definition in the 2000 Act of ‘institutions’ includes ‘a school, an industrial school,
a reformatory school, an orphanage, a hospital, a children’s home and any other place where
children are cared for other than as members of their families’.12 Many witnesses were admitted
to more than one institution and may have reported abuse in one or more institutions. The
majority of witnesses reported more than one type of abuse.
Defined institutions
1.12 Industrial and Reformatory Schools were residential institutions that admitted boys and girls
during their time of operation. There were 60 certified Industrial or Reformatory Schools in
Ireland during the period covered by this Report. The Schools were gender segregated with the
exception of 12 industrial schools that were designated as mixed, admitting both boys and girls.
1.13 For the purposes of this Report ‘Other Institutions’ is the collective term used to refer to all
institutions apart from Industrial or Reformatory Schools that fell within the definition of
institutions. Such ‘Other Institutions’ included: general, specialist and rehabilitation hospitals,
foster homes, primary and second-level schools, Children’s Homes, laundries, Noviciates,
hostels and special needs schools (both day and residential) that provided care and education
for children with intellectual, visual, hearing or speech impairments, and others.
1.14 The evidence heard by the Confidential Committee regarding Industrial and Reformatory
Schools and ‘Other Institutions’ are presented separately in this Report.
Evidence
1.15 The Report contains information given in evidence to the Committee on the demographic and
social circumstances of witnesses before their admission to the institutions, their experiences
and reports of abuse while in the institutions and their life following discharge from the
institutions. Less detailed information was obtained in relation to the social circumstances of
10
11
12

witnesses who, while attending ‘Other Institutions’, had remained in the care of their own family,
for example witnesses who reported abuse in primary or second-level schools.
1.16 The Committee was required to hear witness accounts of abuse that occurred in the past during
a ‘relevant period’ as defined by the Acts.13 The Committee determined the relevant period as
between 1914 and 2000, being the earliest date of admission to out-of-home care and the latest
date of discharge of those applicants who sought to give evidence to the Committee14.
1.17 Witness evidence included reports of both single incidents and multiple episodes of abuse over
a length of time in institutional care for each individual. This Report is a comprehensive account
of the information provided by witnesses about incidents and details of abuse they were able to
recall and wished to report to the Committee.
1.18 The Report is structured as follows:

• Part 1
– Chapters 1–5: Introduction, methodology and overview
– Chapters 6-9: Record of abuse and experiences in Industrial and Reformatory
Schools
– Chapter 10: Positive memories
– Chapter 11: Current circumstances
• Part 2
– Chapter 12: Introduction to Part 2
– Chapters 13–18: Record of abuse and experiences in ‘Other Institutions’
– Chapter 19: Concluding comments
13
Section 1(1).
14
This includes both Industrial and Reformatory Schools and ‘Other Institutions’.

Chapter 2
Methodology
2.01 The following chapter describes the procedures and methods by which the Committee carried
out its mandate under the Acts. This includes the procedures for dealing with applications, the
arrangement of hearings, the prioritisation of elderly and infirm witnesses and the adjustments
made for witnesses in particular circumstances. It also includes details of the procedures
employed to protect the confidentiality of the evidence provided and the method by which
witness evidence was compiled. Mindful of the statutory requirements of the Committee to hear
evidence of abuse, maintain witness confidentiality, and to make proposals and prepare a final
report, a method of work was established that:1
• Ensured complete confidentiality in relation to information provided to the Committee
• Maintained confidentiality of witnesses in relation to both their identity and their
evidence
• Provided an appropriate setting for witnesses to give their evidence in confidence
• Established clear liaison and communication procedures
• Was accessible to witnesses who were unable or did not wish to travel to Dublin
• Allowed for the recording, storing, coding and retrieving of 1,090 files of evidence.
Personnel
2.02 Six (6) Commissioners served on the Committee at different times between 2000 and 2008.2 At
any one point there were two Commissioners conducting hearings and for a period there were
four Commissioners so occupied. The Committee also employed Witness Support Officers. The
role of the Witness Support Officer facilitated communication between the applicant3 and the
Committee, as direct contact between witnesses and the Commissioners was restricted to the
hearings. The Witness Support Officer made the arrangements for witnesses to travel to their
hearings, either in Ireland, the UK or elsewhere. They arranged accommodation and offered
other assistance for witnesses and their companions prior to and following the hearings. In
addition, at different times between 2000 and 2008, Administrative and Research Assistants
were employed. The Committee engaged various expert services for specific legal advice,
database construction and software security, research, data compilation and presentation. The
Committee had at all times adequate resources to undertake its work.
Undertaking of confidentiality
2.03 The Acts give a commitment of confidentiality in relation to information furnished to the
Committee. The Acts require that the Report of the Confidential Committee should not identify or
contain information that could lead to the identification of witnesses, or the persons against
1
Sections 4(6), 15(1) and 16 as amended.
2
See Appendix 2.
3
The term applicant refers to all individuals who applied to be heard by the Confidential Committee, not all of whom
proceeded to become witnesses and give evidence.
CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee 7

whom they made allegations, the institutions in which they alleged they were abused or any
other person.4 It is a criminal offence to breach the assurance of confidentiality provided by the
Acts to witnesses and to the work of the Committee.5 The Acts do not permit the Report to
contain findings in relation to particular instances of the alleged abuse of children.6
2.04 The provisions of the Acts do not allow any person about whom reports of abuse were made to
the Confidential Committee, or others connected with the institutions, to challenge the
statements made. The confidential nature of the Committee’s work also means that information,
documents or evidence provided to the Committee could not or cannot be disclosed to the
Investigation Committee of the Commission or elsewhere.7 Exceptions to this were allowed for in
only extremely limited circumstances and these are detailed below.8
2.05 Before attending their hearing witnesses were informed that the hearings of the Committee were
entirely confidential and that no information or material from their hearing would be transferred
for use in any other forum. This was emphasised before hearings with the Committee. It is
believed therefore that there could be no secondary motivation attached to a witness’s decision
to report to the Committee.
2.06 The undertaking of confidentiality was converted into a set of rules and protocols that applied to
the Commissioners and to all members of the secretarial, administrative, executive and
managerial staff of the Committee, technology and other experts, researchers and any other
persons in contact with the work of the Committee. The Commission drew up a set of
procedures in relation to electronic communications, which covered such matters as use of
emails, passwords, storage and the copying of data and restrictions on the electronic transfer of
materials. It was emphasised that the duty of confidentiality applied to the period after the
termination of employment with the Commission and after dissolution of the Commission.
All members of the Confidential Committee subscribed to a protocol on conflict of interest.
2.07 The location of the staff and materials of the Committee was within a secure office area, access
to which was strictly limited. The offices were located in a building occupied by a number of
different agencies, which provided an element of anonymity to witnesses.
Exceptions to confidentiality
2.08 Witnesses who chose to give their evidence to the Committee were, subject to the following four
exceptions, assured complete confidentiality and their allegations were not investigated. The
Committee was legally obliged to disclose information obtained by it either where disclosure was
necessary to:
• Perform its functions under the Act
• Prevent the continuance of an act or omission constituting a serious offence (by
making a report to the Garda Sı́ochana)
• Prevent, reduce or remove a substantial risk to life, or prevent the continued abuse of
a child by making a report to designated persons9 or
• Comply with an order of the High Court.10
4
Sections 4(6), 5(4), 11(2), 15(1), 16(2), 27, 32, 33, and 34 as amended.
5
Section 27(6).
6
Section 16(2).
7
Section 27(1).
8
Sections 27(2), 27(3).
9
Section 27(2).
10
Section 27(3).
8 CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee

Applicants
2.09 One thousand five hundred and forty one (1541) people applied to give evidence to the
Committee. Individuals could contact the Commission in person, by telephone, by letter or
through the Commission’s website. People who contacted the Commission were initially
provided with information about both the Investigation and Confidential Committees. Application
forms for both Committees were also provided. Individuals indicated which Committee they
wished to attend by completing in writing the appropriate application form.11
2.10 On receipt of an application form, the Confidential Committee sent more detailed information to
the applicant about that Committee and the hearing process. The information was provided in
the form of an ‘information pack’12 which explained how the Confidential Committee hearings
were arranged and conducted. The website and information pack also contained a photograph
of an informally furnished room, in which the Commissioners heard the witnesses’ evidence.
2.11 The following is a summary of the general route to a Confidential Committee hearing:
• Individual heard about the work of the Commission from media reports and notices
placed by the Commission, through contact with a social or health service in Ireland
or overseas, from meetings held by survivor-oriented organisations in Ireland or
overseas, from a friend, family member or persons previously associated with the
institutions.
• Applicant contacted the Commission to request information.
• Applicant obtained information about the Commission’s work and application forms.
• Applicant selected which of the two Committees he/she wished to attend.
• Applicant returned a completed application form to the Confidential Committee.
• The Confidential Committee ascertained whether the applicant fell within the remit of
the Acts.
• Receipt of the application was confirmed and further information about the Committee
was sent to the applicant.
• A Confidential Committee hearing was scheduled for the applicant.
2.12 Four hundred and fifty one (451) of the 1,541 applicants did not proceed to give evidence in the
following circumstances:
• One hundred and thirty six (136) applicants withdrew from the Confidential
Committee process to transfer to the Investigation Committee, as provided for under
the Acts.13
• One hundred and twenty one (121) applicants applied to give evidence but later
withdrew their application for unspecified reasons.
• Ninety two (92) applicants were deemed to have withdrawn as they did not respond
to any subsequent communication from the Committee.
• Fifty two (52) applicants withdrew when appointments were made with the
Committee, stating they were too distressed or no longer wished to attend a hearing.
• Eighteen (18) applicants were withdrawn from the process due to death or serious
physical or mental illness.
11
See Appendix 3, which includes a copy of the CICA Information Leaflet and the Application Form.
12
See Appendix 4, 4A and 4B,which includes a revised edition of the Information Pack, sample appointment letter and
a photograph of the Hearing Room.
13

• Sixteen (16) applicants indicated a wish to attend a scheduled hearing but failed to
attend on the day and did not request a rescheduled date.
• Sixteen (16) applicants were withdrawn because they fell outside the remit of the
Acts for different reasons, including not having been a child of less than 18 years at
the time of the reported abuse.
Transfers between Committees

2.13 A number of applicants who had applied to give evidence to the Confidential Committee
subsequently applied to transfer to a hearing of the Investigation Committee and vice versa.
Such transfers had been envisaged and were provided for in the 2000 Act.14 Evidence given to
the original Committee had to be disregarded by the original Committee once the transfer was
effected. Altogether 253 witnesses transferred from the Investigation Committee and 136
witnesses transferred from the Confidential Committee.15
Witnesses
2.14 The Confidential Committee heard from 1,090 witnesses who applied to give evidence of abuse
they experienced as children in Irish institutions. They had been discharged from, or left, the
institutions between 1922 and 2000, and were residing in Ireland, the UK and other parts of the
world.
2.15 A small number of third-party witnesses applied to give evidence and the Commission decided
that they could be heard by the Confidential Committee for the potential beneficial effect it may
provide. Sixteen (16) hearings were attended by third-party witnesses who came to report abuse
on behalf of their deceased family members or spoke of their own children who had been
abused in institutions and who did not seek to give direct evidence themselves. The emphasis
of the evidence given by third-party witnesses was on the impact on them of their relatives’
abuse. While the evidence of adults other than persons who suffered abuse as children in
institutions could not be included as evidence of abuse, the testimony of third-parties was
included in consideration for the overall proposals.
2.16 Additionally, it was not possible to establish prior to their hearings that the evidence of 60 of the
1,090 witnesses would fall outside the remit of the Acts, for one or more of the following
reasons:
• They were not less than 18 years at the time the alleged abuse occurred.
• The abuse described did not fall within the meaning of the Acts.
• The abuse described did not take place in an institution as described within the
meaning of the Acts.16
• They were unable to give a sufficiently coherent account of their evidence to meet
the criteria of the Acts.
2.17 The direct evidence of 1,014 of the 1,090 witnesses that fell within the remit of the Acts is
presented in the following chapters. Fifty one (51) of the 1,014 witnesses reported abuse in
more than one institution, 36 of those reported abuse in Industrial and/or Reformatory Schools
and ‘Other’ Institutions. As a result there is some unavoidable overlap in the evidence reported
in certain sections of this report.
14
15
These figures do not include all dual applicants.
16
Section 1(1).

Prioritisation of witnesses
2.18 When scheduling hearings the Committee took into account the age, state of health and any
other relevant facts brought to its attention in relation to persons wishing to give evidence.
Priority was given to elderly witnesses and those in poor health. The evidence of prioritised
witnesses was heard in the earlier period of the Committee’s hearings, between 2000 and 2003.
Where necessary the Committee scheduled hearings overseas and travelled to hear evidence
from elderly witnesses and those in poor health who were unable to travel to Dublin.
Hearings
2.19 A Witness Support Officer co-ordinated the hearing appointments and associated arrangements.
The first witnesses to the Committee were heard in September 2000. The Committee heard its
final witness in March 2006. The timing of hearings were scheduled in order to maintain witness
confidentiality and anonymity.
2.20 The majority of hearings were held in the Commission offices in Dublin. One hundred and sixty
six (166) of the 1,090 hearings were held in other locations in Ireland and in locations overseas.
Witnesses who were house-bound through illness or disability who wished to be heard in their
home or place of residence were facilitated. A number of hearings were conducted in hotels in
provincial centres to facilitate witnesses who had particular difficulty travelling to Dublin, and the
evidence of three witnesses was heard in Irish prisons. Witnesses who lived overseas and
wished to give their evidence in Ireland were facilitated by assistance with travel and
accommodation arrangements within guidelines established by the Department of Education and
Science. A number of witnesses had not been back to Ireland for a substantial length of time.
Some had never returned since their departure as young people and the Committee hearing
was the occasion of their first return visit. See Table 1 for details of hearing locations:
Table 1: Location of Hearings – Male and Female Witnesses
Location of hearing Males Females Total witnesses

CICA offices 501 423 924
USA 2 0 2
Ireland 57 30 87
UK 31 44 75
Mainland Europe 1 1 2
Total 592 498 1090
Source: Confidential Committee of CICA, 2009
Process of hearings
2.21 The hearing of witnesses’ evidence took place over a six-year period between 2000 and 2006.
Over 2,000 hours of evidence was recorded. All Confidential Committee hearings were
conducted by two Commissioners except in circumstances when only one Commissioner was
available; this occurred infrequently. The hearings were audio recorded where the witness
consented to it; where consent was not given no audio record was made and the
Commissioners present made a contemporaneous written record as required by the Acts.17 In a
small number of instances the recording was subsequently discovered to be blank or incomplete
17
Section 7.

due to either a technical fault or human error. In these circumstances contemporaneous notes
were retained. The evidence of witnesses was recorded in the following way:
• The audio recording discs were individually numbered and archived.
• The archive was managed in a secure and systematic fashion.
• Anonymous extracts from the hearings were entered into a database using a large
number of pre-formulated headings (fields) that permitted observations to be made in
general terms on matters specified in the Acts.18
• The amalgamated evidence and the conclusions are presented in this Report.
2.22 In the course of the hearings, witnesses recounted their experiences in their own way and the
majority of witnesses were able to give a clear account of their experiences. Witnesses with
communication disabilities were assisted as necessary. Some had prepared for the hearing and
brought written statements and supporting documentation to assist them. Others came to their
hearings prepared to speak unaided. A small number of witnesses requested that their written
statement be read into the record. Others requested that their companion at the hearing speak
on their behalf. The witness was required to verify the account given in these circumstances and
witnesses could add to the verbal account as they wished. In accordance with the Acts,
witnesses were not permitted to take notes during their hearing or otherwise record their
hearing. The witnesses were not provided with a copy of the mini-disk recording of their
hearing.19 The summarised report of the witnesses’ evidence with details of the abuse history
was entered into the database following the hearing. This record was confirmed and agreed by
the Commissioners who attended the hearing. Witnesses were offered the opportunity to come
back and listen to the recording of their hearing if they wished.20
2.23 Witnesses could speak as briefly or in as much detail as they wished at a hearing. Most
hearings lasted between one and two hours. The Commissioners listened to and recorded the
evidence provided. Witnesses were asked if they wished to make a self-directed statement or to
be assisted by general questions, for example ‘Can you tell us about your family?’ or ‘What was
your first memory of ...named School...?’ or ‘What do you want to tell the Commission about
what happened to you?’ Many witnesses asked for initial assistance in the form of questions
from the Commissioners. A number of witnesses reported that they had never disclosed their
experiences to anyone before, either to their parents, spouse, partner, their own children, their
siblings or others. In accordance with the Acts, the witnesses were provided with a sympathetic
forum in which to present their evidence, unchallenged.21 Witnesses who became distressed
while recounting their experiences were given time to continue their account. During the
hearings Commissioners sought clarification of certain points made by witnesses where
necessary, in order to fully understand the information provided. There was no requirement or
provision under the Acts for legal representation at hearings of the Confidential Committee.
2.24 There was no contact between Commissioners and witnesses outside the hearings. All contact
was directed through the Witness Support Officers. These contacts arose in replying to letters,
phone calls, forwarding information packs, arranging appointments for hearings, reimbursing
expenses, liaising with counsellors and arranging for witnesses to return to listen back to their
audio-recorded evidence.
18
Section 4(1)(b), as amended by section 4 of the 2005 Act.
19
Section 27(1).
20
Statement delivered at the First Public Sitting, 29th June 2000, 3rd Interim Report page 240.
21
Section 4(6)(a) and (b) as amended by section 4 of the 2005 Act. See also paragraph 2.43 below.

Companions at hearing
2.25 Witnesses could be accompanied to the hearings by a companion if they so wished. It was the
witness’s choice whether the accompanying person attended the hearing or waited in a nearby
waiting room for the duration of the hearing. Confidentiality bound the accompanying person.
Those who wished to be accompanied by a sign language interpreter or other professional
person were facilitated to do so. There was no requirement or provision under the Acts for
witnesses to have legal representation at Confidential Committee hearings. The number of
witnesses who chose to attend hearings with and without a companion is shown below:
Table 2: Companions at Hearings – Male and Female Witnesses
Companions Males % Females % Total %

witnesses
Accompanied, at hearing 205 35 194 39 399 37
Accompanied, not at hearing 179 30 215 43 394 36
Unaccompanied 208 35 89 18 297 27
Total 592 100 498 100 1,090 100
2.26 Almost three quarters of the witnesses (73%) were accompanied to the Commission. Half of
these witnesses were accompanied by their companion throughout their hearing with the
Committee and the other half requested that their companions remained in the waiting room
while they were giving their evidence to the Committee. A noticeably larger proportion of male
witnesses were unaccompanied when they attended for their hearing.
Compilation of evidence
2.27 The Committee hearings generated three types of witness information from which this Report is
compiled:
• The oral evidence of witnesses recorded at the hearings
• Points of clarification sought by Commissioners on particular matters
• Documents, statements, letters, certificates or photographs shown to and provided by
witnesses to the Commissioners.
2.28 The Committee engaged a research consultant to design a detailed database template for
archiving witness evidence. This database was used by the Commissioners to record the
accounts of witnesses in such a manner that the information obtained could be analysed and a
comprehensive report, with conclusions of a general nature, produced. Assessments were made
of some information to facilitate classification of data. Examples of this are the information on
parental occupation status22 and the classification of different forms of abuse as provided for in
the Acts.
2.29 The Committee made a decision to present the evidence reported by witnesses in a gender-
differentiated way. The rationale for this was that boys and girls were segregated in the majority
of institutions that were managed by different religious Congregations and Orders, State
agencies and voluntary sector organisations. Further, there were some differences in the
recounting of individual experiences by male and female witnesses that the Committee
considered should be treated separately.
22
This is based on Census 2002, Volume 6 Occupations, Appendix 2, Definitions – Labour Force. In two-parent
households the father’s occupation was recorded and in other instances the occupational status of the sole parent
was recorded, in so far as it was known.

2.30 In most instances information is presented in the order of frequency reported except where data
for male and female witnesses is presented conjointly. In those instances the male data is
presented first, as male witnesses formed the largest overall cohort.
2.31 Witness evidence in relation to Industrial and Reformatory Schools and ‘Other’ Institutions
covered an 86 year period, from the earliest admission date of 1914 to the latest discharge date
of 2000. Thirteen (13) witness reports referred to admissions between 1914 and 1930, and 10 of
the witness reports related to discharges after 1990. It was decided to arrange the evidence in
four time periods to facilitate sorting. The chosen time periods were: pre-1960s, 1960s, 1970s,
1980s and later. Occasionally throughout the report references are made to specific decades
within these time periods to reflect witness evidence. The year of final discharge was designated
as the determining factor for allocation to a time period. Therefore, where reference is made to
evidence pertaining to one time period the segment of evidence will include some matters that
relate to a previous decade or time period.23
2.32 Each witness provided evidence in their own way and each witness’s experience was unique,
therefore, it is not possible to present complete and comparable data for all witnesses. For
instance many witnesses reported that they had no memory of their own treatment as very
young children in institutions. Reports of abuse to babies and younger children are almost
exclusively confined to what witnesses reported they observed. The Report is largely silent on
the abuse perpetrated on children who were too young to accurately recall their own
experiences. Some witnesses also acknowledged gaps in both their specific and general recall
of events, with many clearly stating that they wished to report what they actually remembered,
even if it was incomplete.
2.33 The Report is a summarised compilation of the evidence provided. In this context, the Report
provides no further analysis beyond what was necessary to report as required by the legislation.
The evidence was recorded within a fixed database and, as a result, some elements of the data
presented are necessarily incomplete. In some instances aspects of the same information are
presented under different headings due to unavoidable overlap between categories of abuse.
2.34 It is anticipated that this Report may be read by people from a wide range of backgrounds in
terms of age, belief and ethnicity and for that reason there are footnotes throughout the text
clarifying the meaning of certain terms used.
2.35 Readers will note that some coincidences of numbers occur throughout the Report. Where the
same number appears in different contexts it should be noted that they have been checked by
the Committee and are correct.
2.36 In the interest of clarity, Industrial and Reformatory Schools, religious Brothers and Sisters and
Children’s Homes are referred to by upper case designations to distinguish them from primary
and second-level schools, children’s family homes and sibling brothers and sisters.
2.37 For the purpose of compiling this volume of the Report persons referred to by the witnesses as
being in charge in management positions are described as authority figures and may include
Resident Managers, Reverend Mothers, Brother Superiors and school Principals.
23
For example: as witness evidence is presented according to the decade of discharge, a witness who spent 12 years
in a school and was discharged in 1962 will have been included in the 1960s cohort although the majority of that
witness’s experience will relate to the 1950s.

Use of quotations
2.38 Most chapters in this Report quote extensively from witnesses’ direct evidence to the
Committee. The purpose of the use of quotations is to provide a representative account of the
witnesses’ experiences in their own words, including colloquialisms and informal terminology, for
example, many witnesses referred to Industrial Schools as orphanages.
2.39 The italicised words used in the quotations are the actual words used by the witnesses at their
hearing. All names and identifying details are deleted to preserve anonymity and are substituted
by ellipses, a set of three dots, and anonymous references, for example X or Y. Further, for the
purposes of clarification explanatory comments are included in brackets in some quotations. The
choice of quotations intends to represent the range of experiences described, including those
concerning family circumstances and subsequent effects on adult life.
2.40 In order to preserve confidentiality, no person or place can be identified in this Report or
elsewhere. 24 The source of each quotation used is anonymised and, where necessary and
appropriate, the Committee has made use of neutral characters and words, for example: X, Y
and Z or ‘named city’.
Documentation
2.41 Witnesses were invited to bring supporting documentation to their hearing, if they wished, and a
number brought copies of documents relating to their admission that they had acquired under
the Freedom of Information Acts, 1997 and 2003, and other searches. Included among the
documents provided by witnesses to the Commissioners were:
• Admission records
• Documents from institutional centres
• Medical records
• Birth certificates
• Letters from the Department of Education and Science25
• Court orders
• Correspondence between their families, the institutions and relevant authorities
• Letters from the gardaı́ and others seeking payments from parents
• General correspondence
• Newspaper cuttings relating to their admission
• Personal photographs from their time in the institution.
Emergency counselling and medical services

2.42 Some witnesses reported that they found attending their hearing with the Committee a daunting
prospect. The National Counselling Service (NCS) in Ireland provided for a counsellor to be
available on call during the time all hearings were scheduled. The Witness Support Officers
liaised with the NCS and the health service at a local medical clinic in anticipation of the
possible need for emergency assistance arising from the hearing. Counselling services were
available through the Immigrant Counselling and Psychotherapy (ICAP) service in the UK to
facilitate witnesses resident in the UK. Witnesses who had not previously availed of a
24
Section 16(2)(a).
25
Formerly the Department of Education.

counselling service were provided with the necessary information regarding either their local
NCS office or ICAP, if they so requested.
Returning to hear evidence

2.43 For a period of three months after the Committee concluded its hearings, witnesses were able, if
they so wished, to listen back to their evidence that had been audio-recorded by the Committee.
The listening did not constitute a hearing and witnesses could not alter, add in, or take away
any written record of their evidence. The opportunity to listen to the recording of their hearing
was offered for the potential beneficial effect it would provide.26 Seventy four (74) witnesses
returned to listen to some or all of their recorded evidence.
Reasons given for attending the Confidential Committee

2.44 The witnesses reported different reasons for applying to be heard by the Committee, which are
categorised in Table 3 below. The most frequently cited reasons were a wish to have the abuse
they experienced officially recorded and a desire to tell their story. The protection of children
and the prevention of future abuse were other reasons frequently given for providing evidence.
Witnesses stated their hope that, by reporting their own experiences and having them placed on
public record the need for greater vigilance and protection for children in out-of-home care
would be recognised in future.
Table 3: Witnesses’ Reason(s) for Giving Evidence to the Confidential Committee – Male
and Female Witnesses
Reasons for giving evidence Males % Females % Total %

witnesses
To record abuse 174 29 114 23 288 26
To tell their story 84 14 88 18 172 16
Prevent abuse in the future 111 19 97 19 208 19
Therapeutic benefit 98 17 85 17 183 17
Encouraged by others 61 10 67 13 128 12
Sense of obligation 23 4 11 2 34 3
Other reasons 31 5 31 6 62 6
Not stated 10 2 5 1 15 1
Total 592 100 498 (100)* 1,090 100

*Some rounding up/down was applied
2.45 One hundred and twenty eight (128) witnesses reported being encouraged by a range of
people, including family members, other survivors, counsellors and solicitors to apply to the
Committee. They expressed the hope that attending the Committee would help them put painful
memories of the past behind them and achieve ‘closure’. A small number of witnesses reported
that they had been encouraged to attend by former staff of the institutions.
2.46 Witnesses also reported that there were positive aspects to their treatment in institutions that
they wished to have acknowledged.
2.47 Those who reported attending the Committee out of a sense of obligation often commented that
they came forward to support others, especially in relation to institutions where they believed
abuse was less often acknowledged.
26
Section 4(6).

2.48 Sixty two (62) witnesses gave other reasons for attending, including some who hoped to gain a
better understanding of their admission to an institution and many who, in addition to recounting
the history of their own abuse, also came to speak for siblings and co-residents who had died in
tragic circumstances.
2.49 The following quotations illustrate the reasons stated by witnesses for giving evidence to the
Committee:
I think I wanted someone to listen to me, nobody ever listened to us, nobody ever asked
us how we were feeling. When our mother died we were never spoken to, we cried for a
reason, nobody ever asked why, nobody ever said “if you have a problem come to me”.
We did not know how to post a letter or buy a loaf of bread ...(after discharge)... I
wanted to be heard really.
•
They all said “that couldn’t have happened” but they can’t say that to 5000 of us when
we all have a similar story to tell.
•
For all the children who died in care and cannot speak for themselves. Listening to
fellows being flogged ... I just wanted to forget them but I couldn’t forget them ... fellows
were being told not to tell their parents. I’m not interested in any compensation but there
should be some official record of what happened. The most important thing is that
disabled children would be educated without abuse being done to them.
•
Lots of others would love to come to tell their story but they can’t because their lives are
destroyed with drink and drugs and everything. My story is their story too.
•
I know many of the others are not around to tell. To protect kids, give a double look at
the guy you think is such a great guy, who offers to do things with kids, who is
supposed to be a lover of kids or whatever, where you think he seems to be a sports
man ... look again, because, once a kid is sent down the wrong way it seems to live
with them for ever. There is a ... wall of silence that no one knows unless you are within
the School. You need to bring things in to protect the kids.
•
I blame the Government, they gave the religious orders the power, they should have
come and checked you, if it was monitored they wouldn’t have the power to do what
they did.... Is anyone ever going to listen? I had to prove myself, everyone is entitled to
have their say and now ... after today ... I will just burn it ...(supporting documents)... in
front of me, I’ll finish it.
•
I knew 7 people who in a space of 6 months after leaving ...named School... committed
suicide. ... I know an awful lot of people who just cannot come forward to this day, an
awful lot are dead.
•
I wanted to see if there is something good that can come from it, that what happened
will be made public in print. When I started there was nothing about money, nothing at
all about money, it’s not money. All I want is justice. ... What could you do with money?
•
I am here today because I am not a number, I am a human being.
•
Why ...(come forward)...? How come I am feeling this 50 or 60 years on? How come
someone didn’t come and ... do something about it, say “are you alright?” I grew up so
emotionally bruised and battered, psychologically I couldn’t do anything. I wanted
someone to tell me why it happened. From 0 till 18 I was a figure under section
something ...(Children Act, 1908).... Initially I wanted to confront somebody from that
bloody School and say “why did you do that to me?”
•
So that there will be a report which will advise social workers to monitor children in care
more closely.
•
To record abuse, perhaps it will go some way towards stopping the belief that children
won’t remember.
•
I want people to know it was not safe for children in those Schools.... It was a School
from hell, they were dangerous people. I will never forgive them, there were people in
charge they done nothing about it, you were under lock and key, you got the life kicked
out of you and no one does anything about it.
•
It’s a must ... you were allotted to listen to me, it’s going to close a chapter in my life
and I’m happy to release it all.
•
No one was prepared to stand-up, the government allowed the religious institutions to
care for children, it was out of their hands. The religious just did not know how to cope,
they had no background whatsoever in childcare.
•
We have been quiet long enough.
•
It’s a report for social workers, to monitor more carefully, there should have been
monitoring. If there had been more outsiders coming into the School, you know you
would have got to know them. Letting the children know that they have someone to talk
to, if they have a problem and ... someone you could trust outside, they would have to
be outside, a separate thing from the School. If I had someone to talk to, separate, that
I could trust ... it would have helped me. It has been a great help to talk about it.
•
I feel that nobody listened to us as children, and thank God someone is listening to us
now.
2.50 Chapter 3 provides information on the demographic profile of the 791 witnesses whose evidence
was included in the abuse reports in relation to Industrial and Reformatory Schools (Schools).
Evidence provided by the 259 witnesses who reported abuse in ‘Other Institutions’ is covered in
Chapters 12–18 of this Report. Thirty six (36) of the witnesses reported abuse in both Schools
and ‘Other Institutions’. Their evidence is recorded as it relates to either the Schools or the
designated ‘Other’ Institutions.

Chapter 3
Social and demographic profile of

witnesses – Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
3.01 This chapter of the Confidential Committee Report provides an overview of the personal details
of 791 witnesses, 413 male and 378 female, who gave evidence to the Committee about the
abuse they experienced in Industrial and Reformatory Schools. Industrial and Reformatory
Schools were residential institutions that in Ireland were generally owned and managed by
religious Congregations and were publicly funded. Industrial Schools admitted neglected,
orphaned or abandoned boys and girls who were either sent there by order of the courts or, in
exceptional circumstances, could be placed there on a voluntary basis by parents or guardians.
Young people were admitted to Reformatory Schools by order of the courts, having committed
an offence.
3.02 Thirty six (36) of these witnesses, 24 male and 12 female, also reported abuse in ‘Other
Institutions’. The information pertaining to witness abuse experiences in ‘Other Institutions’ is
referred to elsewhere in this Report.1
3.03 The reports of abuse refer to 55 certified Schools within the Industrial and Reformatory School
system in Ireland between the years 1914 and 1989.2 The number of abuse reports varied in
relation to different Schools and over different decades. The number of reports per School is
indicated below:
• Six (6) Schools were the subject of more than 40 reports each, totalling 395 reports
altogether.
• Five (5) Schools were the subject of 21-34 reports, totalling 135 reports.
• Thirteen (13) Schools were the subject of 11-20 reports, totalling 193 reports.
• Eleven (11) Schools were the subject of 6-10 reports, totalling 91 reports.
• Twenty (20) Schools were the subject of 1-5 reports, totalling 57 reports.
3.04 There were different points of entry into the School system for witnesses depending on their
age, gender, family circumstances and the precipitating factors for their admission. The
demographic information compiled in the following chapter was provided by witnesses from their
own memory, supplemented at times by information provided to them by relatives and others, in
addition to information available through official records. The following sections outline the pre-
admission social and family circumstances of the 791 witnesses, reported to the Committee.
1
See chapters 12-18.
2
Of note is the fact that witness reports from ‘Other Institutions’ referred to discharges up to the year 2000.

Parental marital status
3.05 Five hundred and thirty six (536) witnesses (68%), 310 male and 226 female, who gave
evidence to the Committee reported that their parents were married, separated or widowed, at
the time of their birth.3 The following table represents the information provided by witnesses as it
was known to them at the time of their hearings:
Table 4: Marital Status of Witnesses’ Parents at Time of Birth – Male and Female
Industrial and Reformatory Schools
Marital status of parents Males % Females % Total %

witnesses
Married 276 67 188 50 464 59
Single 79 19 132 35 211 27
Separated 25 6 27 7 52 7
Extra-marital relationship 9 2 9 2 18 2
Co-habiting 7 2 6 2 13 1
Widowed 9 2 11 3 20 3
Unavailable 8 2 5 1 13 1
Total 413 100 378 100 791 100
3.06 As shown, there are notable differences in the information provided by male and female
witnesses in these categories, for example: 67% of male witnesses reported that their parents
were married compared to 50% of female witnesses. Two hundred and twenty nine (229)
witnesses (29%) were either non-marital or extra-marital children, 88 of whom were male and
141 were female. One hundred and twenty six (126) of those witnesses reported they had
siblings, most, but not all of whom were in out-of-home care. In general, witnesses born of an
extra-marital relationship reported being admitted to out-of-home care as infants and had a
similar pattern of institutional care as non-marital children.
3.07 Thirteen (13) witnesses did not provide information or had no knowledge of their parent’s marital
status.
Parental occupational status

3.08 The following table indicates the occupational status or estimated skill level of the witnesses’
parents at the time of admission, as reported by the witnesses. In two-parent households the
father’s occupation was recorded and in other instances the occupational status of the sole
parent was recorded.
3
This percentage is based on a total of 791 witnesses who reported abuse in Industrial and Reformatory Schools.

Table 5: Occupational Status of Witnesses’ Parents – Male and Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Occupational status4 Males % Females % Total %

witnesses
Professional worker 3 1 6 2 9 1
Managerial and technical 4 1 4 1 8 1
Non-manual 14 3 15 4 29 4
Skilled manual 23 6 22 6 45 6
Semi-skilled 50 12 23 6 73 9
Unskilled 277 67 253 67 530 67
Unknown 42 10 55 15 97 12
Total 413 100 378 (100)* 791 100

3.09 Five hundred and thirty (530) witnesses (67%) reported that their parents were unskilled at the
time of their admission to out-of-home care and a further 97 reported that their parents’ skill
levels were unknown to them. There were 5% more female witnesses reporting such lack of
information than male witnesses.
Siblings
3.10 Six hundred and eighty four (684) of the 791 witnesses (86%) reported that they had brothers
and/or sisters, some or all of whom may also have been in out-of-home care. A further 38
witnesses reported not knowing whether or not they had any siblings. For the purpose of this
Report, half-brothers and sisters are included as siblings when the witness reported having lived
with them as family members. The following table indicates approximate family size reported by
witnesses:
Table 6: Number of Siblings – Male and Female Industrial and Reformatory Schools
Number of siblings Number of witnesses

0 69
1–5 405
6 – 10 209
11 – 15 64
16+ 6
Unknown 38
Total 791
3.11 Two hundred and seventy nine (279) witnesses (35%) reported having six or more brothers and
sisters with 70 of those witnesses being from families of 12 children or more. The average
family size reported by the 684 witnesses was 6 children. The other 107 witnesses were
deemed to be single children without siblings, having either stated that they knew they had no
siblings or that they have never been able to establish the facts in relation to their family of
4
The categorisation is based on Census 2002, Volume 6 Occupations, Appendix 2, Definitions – Labour Force. In two-
parent households the father’s occupation was recorded and in other instances the occupational status of the sole
parent was recorded, insofar as it was known.

origin details. Allowing for families represented by more than one witness to the Committee, the
791 witnesses represent 663 families. There were an estimated 4,139 children in those families.
Residences prior to admission

3.12 The majority of witnesses reported a relatively settled history in relation to where they resided
prior to their admission to a School, as shown in the following table:
Table 7: Number of Residences Prior to Admission to Industrial and Reformatory – Male

and Female Industrial and Reformatory Schools
Number of prior residences Males % Females % Total %

witnesses
One 312 76 261 69 573 72
Two 47 11 55 15 102 13
Three 8 2 7 2 15 2
Four 2 (0) 0 0 2 (0)
Five 0 0 2 1 2 (0)
Unavailable 44 11 53 14 97 12
Total 413 100 378 (100)* 791 (100)*

*Some rounding up/down was applied to percentages
3.13 Five hundred and seventy three (573) witnesses (72%) reported that admission to a School was
their first change of residence. Approximately half of these witnesses reported being admitted to
a School from their family home in the context of some crisis and consequent intervention. A
further 102 witnesses (13%) reported having two changes of residence before they were
admitted to the School system, many of which were placements in Children’s Homes from
mother and baby homes or foster care prior to being transferred to an Industrial School. The 97
witnesses reported as unknown in this category are a combination of witnesses who did not
have any information about their early circumstances or who did not provide information about
their residence prior to admission. As may be observed, male witnesses reported somewhat
more stability in their place of residence prior to admission to the School system, with 7% more
male witnesses reporting only one prior residence.
Place of birth
3.14 Witnesses who gave evidence to the Committee reported that they were born in 25 of the 26
counties in the Republic of Ireland and in two of the Northern Ireland counties, in addition to
England, Scotland and Wales. See the following table for details:

Table 8: Place of Birth, by County or Other Location – Male and Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
County – place of birth Males Females Total witnesses

Carlow 4 5 9
Cavan 2 3 5
Clare 7 16 23
Cork 64 37 101
Donegal 2 0 2
Dublin 188 140 328
Galway 13 20 33
Kerry 6 12 18
Kildare 3 8 11
Kilkenny 6 5 11
Laois 5 8 13
Limerick 33 22 55
Longford 3 0 3
Louth 5 13 18
Mayo 5 3 8
Meath 3 1 4
Monaghan 2 1 3
Offaly 5 9 14
Roscommon 1 7 8
Sligo 2 3 5
Tipperary 16 15 31
Waterford 10 11 21
Westmeath 5 7 12
Wexford 6 8 14
Wicklow 2 4 6
Northern Ireland: Derry 0 1 1
Northern Ireland: Tyrone 0 1 1
England/Scotland/Wales 14 18 32
Unknown 1 0 1
Total 413 378 791
3.15 Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Galway and Tipperary were the birth counties of 314 male witnesses
(76%) and 234 female witnesses (62%).
3.16 A small number of witnesses were of Irish Traveller or mixed-race backgrounds and to maintain
anonymity no further information can be provided.
Current country of residence
3.17 As previously stated and show in the following table, many witnesses who gave evidence to the
Committee were residing outside Ireland at the time of their hearing:
Table 9: Country of Residence of Witnesses at Time of Hearing – Male and Female

Country of residence Males % Females % Total %

witnesses
Ireland 279 68 182 48 461 58
UK 118 29 172 46 290 37
USA/Canada 8 2 13 3 21 3
Australia/New Zealand 5 1 7 2 12 2
Mainland Europe 3 1 4 1 7 1
Total 413 (100)* 378 100 791 (100)*

3.18 As indicated, there was a significant difference between the numbers of male and female
witnesses living in Ireland and in the UK. Sixty eight percent (68%) of male witnesses were
living in Ireland at the time of their hearing compared with 48% of female witnesses. Most of the
witnesses living in the UK reported being there since they were discharged from the Schools or
shortly thereafter. Many commented on the considerable help and assistance they received,
both at a personal and professional level, from health and welfare services in the UK.
Age at time of hearing

3.19 At the time of their hearings 656 of the 791 witnesses (83%) were over 49 years of age, with 57
of those witnesses aged over 70 years. See Table 10 for more complete details:
Table 10: Age Range of Witnesses at Time of Hearing – Male and Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Age range Males % Females % Total %

witnesses
30 – 39 years 12 3 6 2 18 2
40 – 49 years 54 13 63 17 117 15
50 – 59 years 186 45 193 51 379 48
60 – 69 years 119 29 101 27 220 28
70 + years 42 10 15 4 57 7
Total 413 100 378 (100)* 791 100

*Some rounding down was applied to percentages
3.20 As the table demonstrates, 76% of the total number of witnesses who gave evidence in relation
to Schools were aged between 50 and 70 years at the time of the hearing. There were some
differences between the ages of the male and female witnesses, with 74% of male witnesses
aged between 50 and 70 compared with 78% of female witnesses. In addition, 6% more male
witnesses were aged over 70 years.
3.21 Chapter 4 provides information on the reported circumstances that led to these witnesses being
placed in out-of-home care as children.

Chapter 4
Circumstances of admission to
4.01 This chapter describes the circumstances of admission to care of the 413 male and 378 female
witnesses who gave evidence to the Committee about their experiences of abuse in Schools.
Thirty eight (38) Schools were situated in rural and provincial Ireland and 17 were in cities.
4.02 There were 18 junior and senior boys Schools named in evidence to the Committee. The junior
Schools admitted boys up to the age of 10 years and were all managed by religious Sisters.
Boys were generally transferred to senior boys Schools when they were 10 years old. However
evidence was heard of boys being transferred to senior Schools as young as eight years of age
and of boys younger than 10 years being placed directly in senior Schools. These Schools were
managed by Brothers and/or priests and, with some variations, admitted boys between the ages
of 10 and 16 years.
4.03 There were 37 girls Schools reported in evidence to the Committee. A number of these Schools
were certified to admit girls and boys up to the age of 10 years. In the period after the mid-
1970s a number of girls’ Industrial Schools began to admit boys and girls, both individually and
in family groups. As reported, girls generally remained in the same School for the duration of
their admission. Eleven (11) Schools were the subject of reports of abuse by both male and
female witnesses.
4.04 The Reformatory Schools were all gender segregated and were certified to admit young people
from the age of 12 years who were convicted of an offence.
4.05 Seven hundred and nine (709) of the 791 witnesses (90%) were first admitted to residential
institutions between 1914 and 1965. The remaining 82 witnesses were first admitted to an
institution in 1965 or later. The earliest date of admission relating to Schools for male witnesses
covered in this section of the Report was 1919. All 413 male witnesses had been discharged
from the School system by 1989. The earliest date of admission for the 378 female witnesses
was 1914, all of whom had been discharged from the School system by 1988. The educational,
social and welfare changes introduced nationally in the 1960s and 1970s were reflected in the
evidence heard by the Committee, as noted throughout the Report.
4.06 For the purpose of analysis and reporting the Committee combined witness evidence into four
periods by the decade of the witness’s discharge. The four periods were: pre-1960s, 1960s,
1970s, and 1980s. The breakdown for each decade is shown below.

Table 11: Number of Witnesses by Decade of Discharge – Male and Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Decade of discharge Males % Females % Total %

witnesses
Pre-1960s 177 43 133 35 310 39
1960 – 1969 170 41 169 45 339 43
1970 – 1979 50 12 68 18 118 15
1980 – 1989 16 4 8 2 24 3
Total 413 100 378 100 791 100
4.07 It is important to note witnesses discharged in one decade may have been in residential care
and also reported abuse in relation to the previous decade.1
Pathways to Industrial and Reformatory Schools

4.08 Witnesses who gave evidence were admitted both directly from their parents’ home to the
Schools and also from various other residential settings, including:
• Mother and Baby Homes. These were often either the place of birth or first residence
for non-marital children. A number of witnesses reported that they remained in these
homes with their mothers, for up to 3 years.
• County Homes. These were also both places of birth and first residences. Some
witnesses reported being with their mothers in county homes until they were up to
five years old.
• Foster Care. Provided for infants and young children in some circumstances prior to
placement in an Industrial School. Before 1983 such arrangements were also known
as ‘boarding out’ or ‘at nurse’.
• Children’s Homes. These facilities admitted infants and young children. A number of
witnesses reported being placed in Children’s Homes until they were transferred to
an Industrial School.
4.09 Witnesses who were admitted to Schools from the above facilities were most often non-marital
children, frequently referred to as ‘orphans’. The term orphan was used by witnesses in relation
to their own circumstances and in reference to co-residents who had no contact with any family
outside the institution. Witnesses generally believed that these residents had been in institutions
all their lives and either had no known family or their parents had died. Many later learned that
they had lived with their mothers for the first few years of their lives and/or had been initially
reared by relatives prior to placement in out-of-home care. A number of those witnesses who
identified themselves as orphans reported that frequently their mothers had, for various reasons,
been unable to support them. The majority of these witnesses had known little or nothing about
the circumstances of their admission to out-of-home care. This lack of information included not
knowing where they had been born, who their mothers and their fathers were, whether they had
siblings, why their parents were unable to care for them and who decided they would be
admitted to the Industrial School system. In many instances information available to witnesses
through Freedom of Information legislation and other sources in later years indicated that they
were not in fact orphans. Witnesses described learning that their parents, particularly mothers,
had made representations to the authorities to have them placed close to where they lived.
1
For example: as witness evidence is presented according to the decade of discharge, a witness who spent 12 years in
a school and was discharged in 1962 will have been included in the 1960s cohort although the majority of that

Others reported that their parents had sought to have them released before the full term of their
detention and also requested information about their children from whom they had been
separated. Witnesses reported that most often these requests had not received a favourable
response at the time. However, for a number of witnesses access to such information facilitated
contact with family previously unknown to them.
4.10 Admissions to Industrial Schools were frequently by Court Order, applications for which could be
made by Inspectors from the NSPCC/ISPCC and the Gardaı́. Information provided to the
Committee indicated that Inspectors from the Society applied for Court Orders on behalf of 120
male witnesses (29%) and 208 female witnesses (60%) who were admitted to Industrial
Schools. Placements in voluntary Children’s Homes and foster care were reported to have been
generally negotiated by individual arrangement between a child’s parent, guardian, public
assistance boards, local authorities and Health Boards, and the operators of the respective
services. Some of these placements were by Order of the Court following on application by the
Health Board.
4.11 ‘Boarding out’ and foster care arrangements were other options for the care of a child in
circumstances where the parents were unable to provide the necessary care. Records provided
to the Committee by witnesses suggest that access to these placements depended on various
factors, including either the ability of the mother or her family to pay, the official involvement of
State agencies and the availability of appropriate residential services.
4.12 In addition to reports of parental payment for foster care and other placements, the Committee
heard evidence from many witnesses of the requirement for parents to contribute financially
towards their children’s maintenance in Industrial Schools. Copies of correspondence, shown to
the Committee by witnesses, between their parents and Department of Education officials,
Gardaı́ and Resident Managers indicated that such payments were assiduously pursued by their
officials.
I was illegitimate ... I went into the orphanage ...(Industrial School).... My mother was
unmarried, her mother had died in childbirth. My grandfather never saw me, my father
didn’t want to know.... She was wandering the streets and there was this man a Mr
...X... he was sort of in charge, an overseer, of unmarried mothers, to keep an eye on
them for the Government. He got her into the workhouse ... run by nuns and she
worked scrubbing and cleaning ... the nuns told her she had to be punished for
committing a mortal sin, they were the words from my mother to me. She was there
from when she was 7 months pregnant until I was born.... She was kept in the
workhouse, for 2 or 3 months. Then her sister went up one Sunday to see her, and took
me and her out. She then went to work ... it was then I was left with ...(foster mother)....
I was minded by ...(foster mother)... for the first 2 years ... and my mother paid that
woman to mind me. It ...(the cost)... became too much for her I suppose and I went to
...named School... through the Courts. It was through Mr ...X ... I went into the
orphanage ...(Industrial School).... I did not know I had gone through the Courts until I
got the records, it said my mother was incapable of minding me and so I went into the
orphanage.
4.13 The chart below is an outline of the general pathways into and through institutional care for
most witnesses who gave evidence in relation to abuse in Industrial Schools. The representation
of Court intervention on the Chart is intended to indicate that it was not a necessary prelude to
admission to the Industrial Schools. It is important to note that children were also admitted to the
Schools without recourse to the Courts.

Figure 1: Outline of Pathways to Industrial Schools

*Court involvement – see Chapter 4.3
**Girls/Mixed Industrial Schools – Small number of girls Schools also admitted boys up to the age of 8-10 years, prior to
transfer to senior boys Schools. There was no distinction between junior and senior Schools for girls as there was for
boys.
***Some boys were discharged at this stage.
4.14 The Committee heard accounts of older children being looked after by relatives while younger
siblings went into care. In other instances babies were kept at home either with parents or
relatives while the other children were admitted to care.
• Five hundred and seventy (570) witnesses (72%), 327 male and 243 female, reported
being admitted directly from parental and extended family homes to either an
Industrial or Reformatory School.
• Ninety six (96) witnesses, 29 male and 67 female, reported being admitted to an
Industrial School from mother and baby homes, county homes, hospitals and hostels
where they were born and where many had spent some time with their mothers prior
to their admission to Schools.
• Fifty three (53) witnesses, 22 male and 31 female, reported being admitted to
Industrial Schools from foster care placements, including ‘boarding out’ and ‘at nurse’
arrangements.
• Thirty seven (37) witnesses, 23 male and 14 female, reported being admitted to
Industrial Schools from Children’s Homes.
• Three (3) witnesses reported being admitted to an Industrial School from special
needs schools.
• Thirty two (32) witnesses, nine male and 23 female, have been unable to determine
where they were prior to their admission to an Industrial School.
4.15 One hundred and two (102) male witnesses (25%) were initially admitted to junior Schools as
young children and transferred to a senior School at between eight and 10 years of age.
Reasons for admission
4.16 Social circumstances, including combinations of poverty, illness, neglect, parental death, non-
marital birth and unemployment were reported as significant factors in the admission of all 791
witnesses to the School system. Two hundred and forty one (241) witnesses (30%), 119 male
and 122 female, reported parental alcohol abuse, poverty, unemployment, family violence and
lack of care and control at home as contributory factors in their admission to a School.
4.17 Two hundred and twenty nine (229) witnesses (29%), 88 male and 141 female, identified
themselves as non-marital children, who as a consequence of the circumstances of their birth
were generally in some form of institutional care for most of their childhood.
4.18 One hundred and forty (140) witnesses (18%), 75 male and 65 female, reported the death of
one or both parents as a significant factor in their admission to a School. Of those, the mother’s
death preceded admission in 82 instances and father’s death preceded admission in 49
instances. Death of both parents was reported as a reason for admission in nine instances. The
main known causes of death reported by male and female witnesses were tuberculosis,
mother’s death in childbirth, cancer and heart disease.
My father died, my mother had 8 of us. She went to the parish priest, she was friendly
with him, and he said “put them into an orphanage until you get yourself sorted out in
your new home”. So she went to the Court, she was looking for a pound, that’s all she
wanted, a pound a week. But they threw her out of Court and put us into Schools, all
except the youngest of us.
4.19 One hundred and eleven (111) witnesses (14%), 107 male and four female, reported that their
conviction for criminal offences was the major factor leading to their admission to a School.2 The
nature of the offences mainly involved theft of food, fuel, bicycles, clothing or money. There
were eight reports from male witnesses of admission as a result of charges for more serious
offences such as ‘breaking and entering’ and ‘attacks on the person’.
4.20 Sixty seven (67) witnesses, 38 male and 29 female, reported parental abandonment as a factor
in the circumstances leading to their admission. Fifty one (51) of these reports referred to
fathers leaving the family home, sometimes to seek work in the UK or USA, at other times
leaving the family home in the context of domestic violence, alcohol abuse or illness. Witnesses
reported the remaining parent, usually the child’s mother, was unable to manage alone and by a
variety of means children were placed in institutional care. Sixteen (16) witnesses reported that
their mother left the family home, in circumstances similar to those reported above and with
similar consequences.
I didn’t deserve the life they gave me, I was and am branded a criminal by the Courts
and I did nothing wrong, all because the ...X... County Council wouldn’t spend a few
lousy pounds repairing our house and because they would rather give money to the
...named religious order... to look after us than give my mother some help after he
...(father)... left so that we could stay together as a family....
4.21 Fifty six (56) witnesses were admitted to institutional care as a result of a Court Order under the
School Attendance Acts. Non-attendance at school was reported by a number of witnesses to
be the result of difficult circumstances at home, including poverty, neglect and domestic
violence. Parental alcohol abuse was a frequent feature of these reports. Eleven (11) male
2
The age of criminal responsibility under the Children Act, 1908 was seven years. The age was raised to 12 years by
section 52 of the Children Act, 2001. This was subsequently amended by section 129 of the Criminal Justice Act,
2006 which confined the power to bring criminal proceedings against children to those aged 12 and older with certain
exceptions.

witnesses reported being absent from school specifically because of learning difficulties and/or
severe treatment at school.
4.22 Fifty four (54) witnesses, 19 male and 35 female, reported chronic illness and hospitalisation of
a parent as the main contributing factor in their admission. Twenty six (26) witnesses reported
that their mothers were in psychiatric hospitals and five others reported that their fathers had
psychiatric illnesses. Ten (10) witnesses reported that one of their parents had tuberculosis and
the remaining parent was unable to cope alone, resulting in the more dependant children being
admitted to an Industrial School. Other witnesses reported that both parents had tuberculosis.
Mum had TB, my father couldn’t look after us ... he was an alcoholic. I was put in by
Court Order ...(with consent of parents).... My sisters joined me, except my eldest sister,
she stayed with my Nan.... I have no recollection because I was only 18 months
...(old)... going there. Basically from what my sister told me I know it was 3 or 4 months
after me that they came in. All my mam’s family had died of TB, she was the only one
that survived, basically she was on her own. I saw my father once, I remember him
coming up one Christmas. I didn’t know I had brothers until ...(later years)....
•
Seven of us went into institutions. The baby she ...(mother)... kept and an older sister as
well. The house was examined, it was in very poor circumstance. I have a letter from
the sergeant ...displayed copy of correspondence and garda report.... My father had a
disability. I remember it ...(admission)... distinctly. I was going in ... I was sitting on my
mother’s lap, she left me and she didn’t come back and get me. ... She didn’t visit until I
was 5, I didn’t recognise her as my mother.
•
They brought us to the Court. I remember my father screaming ...distressed... he was a
good father. I remember him playing with us, he was a good man, he’d play with me
and my sister, he did not want us to go. I remember the love my parents had for me,
they were poor and my mother was another religion.
• Thirty two (32) witnesses, 21 male and 11 female, reported being admitted to a
School following family disruption through parental separation, cohabitation or as a
result of extra marital relationships.
• Twenty seven (27) witnesses, 10 male and 17 female, reported that their parents, 20
fathers and seven mothers either were or had also been in prison.
• Five (5) witnesses, two male and three female, reported being admitted to a School
because of familial sexual abuse.
• Sixty five (65) witnesses, 57 male and eight female, stated that they have not been
able to determine the circumstances of their admission to institutional care.
Admission by Court Order

4.23 Six hundred and eighty four (684) admissions of 356 male and 314 female witnesses were
required by Order of a Court. These included 14 admissions to more than one institution under
separate Court Orders. The admissions took place as the result of a Court Order under
provisions of the Children Act, 1908, as amended, and the School Attendance Acts, 1926-1967.
4.24 The following chart summarises the provisions of the Children Act, 1908, as amended, and the
School Attendance Acts, 1926-1967 under which these witnesses were admitted to Industrial
and Reformatory Schools.
Table 12: Summary of Statutory Provisions under which Witnesses were Detained in
Industrial and Reformatory Schools – Male and Female Industrial and Reformatory
Schools
Source of jurisdiction Grounds Number of Number of

court orders court orders
males females
Children Act, 1908 section In need of Care/Protection where the child
was under 15 years old (under 14 up to
1942)
58(1)(a) Found begging or receiving alms 10 22
58(1)(b) Found not having a home or not having 141 207

parent/guardian exercising proper
guardianship.
58(1)(c) Found destitute where parent/s are in 3 7
prison.
133(17) Found destitute being an orphan. 3 3
58(1)(d) Having a parent/guardian who by reason 15 31
of reputed criminal or drunken habits is
therefore unfit to have care of the child.
58(1)(h) Found destitute and parent/s unable to 30 38
support child.
Children Act, 1908 Uncontrollable
58(4) Parent unable to control the child and 4 1
desires child be sent to Industrial School.
Children Act, 1908 Offender – Committal to Industrial School
58(2) Child under 12 charged with offence, 25 0
where Court decides to send him or her to
Industrial rather than Reformatory School.
58(3) Child aged between 12 and 14,(13 before 40 1
1942), charged with an offence, and not
previously convicted, where Court decides
to send him or her to Industrial rather than
Reformatory School, and he or she will
not exercise an evil influence over other
children there.
Children Act, 1908 Offender – Committal to Reformatory
School
57(1) Offender from age 12 up, but less than 42 2
17, (16 before 1942), could be sent to
Reformatory School.
School Attendance Acts, Non-Attendance at School
1926-1967
Section 17(4) Where parent has used all reasonable 55 1
efforts to cause child to attend school or is
convicted for second time (of failing or
neglecting to send a child to school).
Others3 1 2
Total admissions by 369 315
Court Order
3
For reasons of confidentiality details regarding the provisions governing these admissions cannot be specified.

4.25 The section of legislation under which witnesses were most frequently admitted to the School
system was section 58(1)(b) of the Children Act, 1908, under which 141 male admissions (38%)
and 207 female admissions (66%) were effected. Section 58(1)(b) of the Act provides for
situations where a child is found not having a home or having a parent or guardian not
exercising proper guardianship.
4.26 There were six witnesses admitted under section 133(17) of the 1908 Act, which specifically
provided for the detention of children ‘found destitute, being an orphan’.4
4.27 One hundred and eleven (111) admissions (16%) of 107 male and four female witnesses were
under sections of the Children Act, 1908 that refer to offenders.Twenty five (25) of these
admissions were of witnesses who were charged with offences when they were less than 12
years old and a further 41 were of witnesses who were aged between 12 and 14 years.
4.28 Fifty six (56) witnesses, all except one of whom were male, were admitted to the School system
under section 17(4) of the School Attendance Act, 1926. This Act and its amendments were
applied to children who failed to attend school and were younger than the official school leaving
age of 14 years. School Attendance Officers and gardaı́ generally initiated Court proceedings in
these circumstances.
4.29 Many witnesses who gave evidence to the Committee reported being angry that the wording of
their Court Order appeared to ‘criminalise’ them for reasons such as ‘found not having any
home or settled place of abode, or visible means of subsistence, or having a parent or guardian
who does not exercise proper guardianship’.5 The absurdity of an infant being charged with
‘receiving alms’ was remarked upon. 6
Age on first admission

4.30 The following information refers to what was known regarding witnesses’ age when they were
first admitted to any form of care outside their own family. Many witnesses were admitted to
Schools from other institutions where they may have resided from birth or early childhood. The
age of first admission to out-of-home care for both male and female witnesses is shown in Table
13:
Table 13: Age on First Admission to Out-of-home Care – Male and Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Age at first Males % Females % Total %

admission witnesses
0–5 years 133 32 244 65 377 48
6–10 years 119 29 99 26 218 28
11–15 years 144 35 35 9 179 23
16–17 years 17 4 0 0 17 2
Total 413 100 378 100 791 (100)*

4.31 The marked difference in the age profile of witnesses’ admission to out-of-home care is
demonstrated in this table. One hundred and thirty three (133) male witnesses (32%) compared
4
Section 133(17) of the Children Act, 1908.
5
Section 58(1)(b) of the Children Act, 1908.
6
Section 58(1)(a) of the Children Act, 1908.

with 244 female witnesses (65%) were admitted to out-of-home care in their first five years of
life and 61% of male witnesses compared to 91% of female witnesses reported being placed in
out-of-home care by the age of 10 years. Finally, 161 male witnesses (35%) were first admitted
to care at age 11 years or older, compared with 35 female witnesses (9%).
Length of stay
4.32 It can be observed from information provided by witnesses that the length of stay in out-of-home
care varied depending on a number of factors including their age at the time of admission and
the particular reasons for their admission. As shown in Table 13, most female witnesses were
admitted at a young age and spent longer periods of time in institutions. By contrast, a higher
percentage of male witnesses (39%) than female (9%) were admitted over the age of 10 years
and were discharged within six years.
4.33 The majority of witnesses were in care for more than six years. The average length of stay for
male witnesses was seven and a half years and the average length of stay for female witnesses
was 11 years. Table 14 below shows the length of stay in out-of-home care for both male and
female witnesses:
Table 14: Length of Stay in Out-of-home Care – Male and Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Length of Males % Females % Total %

stay in care witnesses
0–5 years 181 44 53 14 234 30

6–10 years 109 26 103 27 212 27
11–15 years 99 24 181 48 280 35
16+ years 24 6 41 11 65 8
Total 413 100 378 100 791 100
4.34 As the table shows, 345 witnesses (44%), 123 male (30%) and 222 female (59%), were in out-
of-home care for more than 10 years. Two hundred and thirty four (234) witnesses (30%), 181
male and 53 female, were in out-of-home care for five years or less.
4.35 Witnesses admitted to Schools for committing an offence under sections 57(1) and 58(3) of the
Children Act, 1908 were generally admitted at a later age and for a briefer and defined period of
time than those admitted under section 58(1)(b). For the female witnesses brief admissions to
Schools were an unusual experience and in most instances reflected admissions at a later age
in the context of a family crisis or an offence.
Age when discharged

4.36 Four hundred and eleven (411) of the 791 witnesses (52%), 198 male and 213 female, were
discharged from the Schools when they were 16 years of age or older. With the exception of
admission to Reformatory Schools, it was most often reported that court-ordered admissions
were until the witness was 16 years rather than for a specified number of years. Seventy five
(75) witnesses were discharged before their 14th birthday, 30 of whom were male and 45
female. Table 15 shows the age of discharge for both male and female witnesses.

Table 15: Age when Discharged from Out-of-home Care – Male and Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Age when Males % Females % Total %

discharged witnesses
<10 years 3 1 11 3 14 2
10–13 years 27 7 34 9 61 8
14–16 years 315 76 243 64 558 71
17+ years 68 16 90 24 158 20
Total 413 100 378 100 791 (100)*

4.37 Five hundred and fifty eight (558) witnesses (71%) left the School system between the ages of
14 and 16 years. Of those, 319 witnesses (40%), 130 male (31%) and 189 female (50%),
reported being discharged when they were 16 years old. A further 158 witnesses (20%) were
discharged up to 10 years later. Forty eight (48) of those witnesses, six male and 42 female,
reported being kept on to work either within the School or for an individual or a service
associated with the School.
4.38 Sixty nine (69) witnesses, 19 male and 50 female, who remained in the School system after
their 16th birthday, had been in institutional care since they were aged three years or younger
and were regarded as orphans, having no known family contact. Thirty eight (38) male
witnesses who were discharged over the age of 16 years were admitted under Court Orders
that permitted their detention until they were 18 years old. Sixteen (16) witnesses, eight male
and eight female, remained residents in the School after their 16th birthday to continue
secondary education.7
4.39 The next five chapters of the Report summarise the evidence provided by witnesses regarding
family contact, everyday experiences and abuse while in the Schools.
7
With permission from the Department of Education and the consent of the parent(s) or guardian, detention could be
extended beyond the residents’ sixteenth birthday (but not beyond their seventeenth birthday) for the purpose of
further education or training. See section 12 of the Children Act, 1941.

Chapter 5
Family contact
5.01 This chapter presents a range of information provided in relation to witnesses’ families, including
witnesses designated as ‘orphans’ who in fact had living parents. The extent of information
provided by witnesses to the Committee about family contact was determined by numerous
factors, particularly the availability of family information to the witnesses themselves. In most
instances where family information was available, witnesses generally reported having siblings
or relatives and that they lived at home or with extended family for some time prior to their
admission to out-of-home care.1
Prior to admission
5.02 Witnesses who had been in care since birth were too young at the time to recall what happened
to them. ‘I don’t know why I was there, where I was before, who sent me there ... no idea what
happened.’ Others were unclear about the detail of their family circumstances but remembered
being admitted to out-of-home care with their brothers and sisters and at times being visited by
relatives. A number of these witnesses learned subsequently that they had lived with their
parents and/or relatives for some time before being admitted to care, but had no sense of being
part of a family network while they were in the School system. Many other witnesses had clear
memories of living with their parents or with their relatives before their admission and
maintained contact with their family throughout their time in institutional care.
Siblings in care
5.03 Six hundred and eighty four (684) witnesses (86%) reported having siblings, of whom 256 male
(62%) and 270 female (71%), reported having brothers and/or sisters who were also in out-of-
home care. A further 59 witnesses reported they did not know enough about their family
circumstances to know whether or not they had siblings in care. The Committee heard evidence
that 2,275 children were placed in out-of-home care from the families of these witnesses. Most,
but not all, of those children were placed in Industrial Schools. A number were also placed in
Children’s Homes, foster homes and other institutions.
5.04 Two hundred and fourteen (214) witnesses who attended the Committee had at least one other
sibling who also attended hearings with the Committee. In total these witnesses represented 86
families.2
5.05 The most common pattern reported by witnesses admitted as part of a family group was of
being taken to Court along with their siblings and from there being transferred to one or more
Schools. Admissions of family groups generally occurred in the context of a family crisis or
intervention in circumstances of illness, poverty or neglect. Most often siblings were reported to
1
See chapter 4: Chart 1 Pathways to Industrial and Reformatory Schools.
2
For the purpose of compiling demographic information on the witnesses’ family background, it was necessary to
include each witness’s details in the overall numbers resulting in unavoidable overlap in some categories.

be separated, younger boys being sent to junior or mixed Industrial Schools and the girls were
admitted to girls Schools. Boys over the age of 10 years were admitted to senior boys Schools.
My first memory ... I was taken to ...named School... with my sisters in the car. ...(I
was)... 4 years. ... I did observe the garda car turning into the ...named girls School...
and I knew then that was where my sisters were going. My youngest brother stayed
with my grandmother, we lived within a stones throw of the School. I started crying for
my sisters and got a slap across the face, that was my first experience of ...named
School....
•
I didn’t know I had sisters until I was over 10 or so ... I wasn’t even told they ...(X and
Y)... were my sisters, I thought they were just other girls that were in there like me. I
didn’t know I had a brother. I was 2 when I went in there, he was in ...named boys
School... When he was 16 he came to see us. ... I couldn’t believe I had a brother, there
was no bond there....
Parental contact
5.06 Six hundred and twenty eight (628) of the 791 witnesses (79%), 349 male (85%) and 279
female (74%), reported having resided with parents or relatives prior to their admission to out-of-
home care. Although many of these witnesses reported having no memory of family contact
they became aware of their family identity in more recent years through records they obtained
under the Freedom of Information Acts, 1997 and 2003 and through subsequently re-
established relationships.
5.07 A further 110 witnesses (14%), 46 male and 64 female, reported being in out-of-home care,
including mother and baby homes, foster care, hostels or county homes, since birth. On the
basis of what subsequently became known to them about their admission many of the witnesses
surmised that they were with their mothers for various periods of time from their birth before
they were placed in the School system. Other witnesses reported that they learned in recent
years that the possibility of their placement with members of their extended family was not
explored at the time.
There was a space on the form... (admission documents)...(which stated)... “Was the
guardian informed?”...It just said “Nil”.There was no effort to place me with...named
relative...She was quite clear she would have had me, had she known.
5.08 Fifty three (53) witnesses (7%), 17 male and 36 female, reported having been in out-of-home
care since birth. At the time of their hearing no contact had ever been made by relatives or
through family tracing services and they described their past as a mystery.
Role of extended family

5.09 The important role played by relatives, particularly maternal grandparents, in the lives of
witnesses both before and during admission was repeatedly emphasised. Witnesses whose
parents died or who were ill, hospitalised, or had abandoned their families were often cared for
by grandparents, aunts, uncles and occasionally older siblings for periods of time. There were
accounts heard of older children being looked after by relatives while younger siblings went into
out-of-home care and of babies being kept at home either with the remaining parent or relatives
while older children were admitted to an institution.
5.10 One hundred and fifty six (156) witnesses (20%), 81 male and 75 female, reported that
members of their extended family, i.e. grandparents, aunts and uncles, were their primary care-
givers before their admission. Sixty three (63) of those witnesses, 32 male and 31 female,
reported being reared by their grandparents prior to their admission to institutional care. In most
instances these subsequent admissions occurred in the context of the grandparent dying,
becoming ill or too frail to provide ongoing care.
5.11 Fifty three (53) of the 156 witnesses, 18 male and 35 female, reported that they initially lived
with a parent in the same house as members of their extended family. Many of these witnesses
were extra-marital children whose mothers were supported by their parents and siblings until
prevailing circumstances forced the child’s admission into out-of-home care.
5.12 Another 58 witnesses, 24 male and 34 female, reported that relatives lived near the family home
but were unable to assist with care-giving, for reasons including poverty, lack of adequate
accommodation or having families of their own to look after. A small number of witnesses
reported that relatives had been prepared to provide care when a remaining or bereaved parent
was no longer able to do so but such arrangements were not put in place. A small number of
witnesses reported hearing that parents had not wanted their children to be separated and sent
to different relatives or that proposed placements with relatives were not acceptable to the
remaining parent. Several witnesses commented on the irony of being then separated for the
duration of their time in institutional care.
During admission
5.13 Six hundred and eighty four (684) witnesses (86%) reported having siblings and 374 of those
witnesses (47%) reported having little or no contact with any family members during their time in
the Schools. As non-marital children many of those witnesses would, effectively, have had no
known extended family communicating with them.
I’d just like to say that the worst thing you can do to any family is separate them. The
State robbed me of my childhood and my brothers and sisters. It was bad enough to be
taken away from my mother and father but terrible to be taken away from my brothers
and sisters.
Contact with siblings

5.14 One hundred and ninety two (192) witnesses (28%) who had siblings, 102 male and 90 female,
reported losing contact with their brothers and sisters following placement in the Schools.
Additionally, a number of witnesses who were non-marital children were totally unaware that
they also had siblings in care. Forty three (43) witnesses, 29 male and 14 female, reported
being unaware that siblings were placed with them in the same School at the time. This
information was only revealed to them in later years when contact was re-established. Other
witnesses reported knowing they had brothers or sisters in the same School but had little
contact with them due to the regimented nature of everyday life. With few exceptions, witnesses
reported that no perceivable attempt was made by the authorities to promote family contact
between siblings in the gender-segregated School system in the period prior to 1970. ‘If the
nuns had a Feast Day then we were all allowed sit together, all my sisters. That was the only
time.’
When my father died, my mother ... looked after us, but she worked. ... We were taken
to ...named School... we were separated, my brother clung to me, I didn’t know where
he went. Suddenly after all the years I met my sister ... we were in the same School,
they would not let us see her. About four years after I left I got to meet her. My brother
was there ...(in the same School)... but we didn’t interact ever as brother and sister, we
weren’t together.
•
I was shocked ... that was the first time I knew I had an elder brother. ... I had an
inclination that I had sisters because of the situation on the beach. We wouldn’t be
allowed to cross to see them....Our orphanages was brought to ...named... beach and
...residents from girls School... would have been brought down the same day, but they
were kept over there ...(indicating a line in the sand).... They were there and the next
thing you hear “that’s my brother ...X... over there”. I remember ...named sibling...
saying it. But you weren’t allowed have the conversation, you could look across the
beach and that was it, there was a line you know ... “thou shall not pass”. That line is
still there, by the way, we ...(siblings)... find it hard ...(to communicate)... from lack of ...
contact as children.
•
The only way I knew I had a brother was they used to serve Mass on a Sunday morning
and that was our only chance of getting to see them. We would all see them, but they
were not allowed speak to us. We were proud of them, one was very handsome.... Later
when they were older they were allowed over on a Sunday but they were not allowed in,
they had to stand at the door, we could talk to them there. Usually visitors were allowed
into the parlour, they weren’t.
5.15 The separation of brothers and sisters from each other in the Schools was reported by
witnesses to be compounded by the practice of placing siblings with different ‘foster’ or ‘holiday’
families, where contact between them could not be maintained. However, it was more often
reported by witnesses discharged since the 1970s that siblings were placed together in smaller
group homes or with the same ‘holiday’ families.
5.16 One hundred and forty (140) witnesses (20%) reported that they were admitted to out-of-home
care because of parental death and the subsequent separation of siblings was reported to have
had a devastating impact on familial bonds.
5.17 An exception to the frequently reported separation of siblings was the experience of brothers
and sisters being admitted to mixed gender Schools where it was expected in a small number of
Schools that the oldest sister would look after her younger siblings. This convention was
reported by a number of witnesses to have contributed to maintaining a bond between siblings
that endured into later life. However, some witnesses reported that these expectations had a
negative impact on sibling attachment through placing unreasonable demands on children to
assume a parental role. The Committee also heard accounts of older brothers and sisters
returning to visit siblings after their discharge. ‘My brother ... visited me once, he was not
encouraged and was told by staff not to be in touch, but I held his address in my head and
found him ...(following discharge)... and we are now close.’
Parents and relatives

5.18 Three hundred and seventy six (376) witnesses (48%), 173 male (42%) and 203 female (54%),
reported that contact had been maintained with and by their family for the duration of their stay
in the School. Witnesses reported that the most typical opportunities for contact with their
siblings, parents and relatives existed through informal visiting arrangements, on monthly visiting
Sundays, visits home and to relatives during school holidays, letters and parcels sent by parents
and relatives and occasional phone calls. Witnesses from some Schools were allowed to go
home for weekends if they lived nearby. Visits and other forms of contact were treated as
privileges and could be withheld for a variety of reasons.
I got sent away for mitching from school. ... I did not get harmed there, but I never got
home for the 5 years ...(of admission).... I was due to go home once but I broke a
window with a football and the Brothers would not let me home.
•
My mother came down to visit me and she was not allowed in because I was all
bruised, she had to wait outside while all the others ...(visitors)... were in.
5.19 Witnesses also reported that visits home depended on their parents’ ability to pay the necessary
transport fare, which in the case of residents at some Schools was a considerable and often
unmanageable expense. Many witnesses were placed too far from home to allow for visits and
that poverty and distance contributed to loss of family contact. ‘We had no visits from anyone,
they were too poor, we were too far away’, ‘You could have a visit once a month, if your mother
had the fare, it would be a week’s wages.’
My mother didn’t want me to go to ...named School.... She wanted me to go to ...named
School in local town.... She lived near there, but no, I had to go to ...named School....
5.20 The continuity of family contact either in the form of visits home or visits from parents and other
family members was reported by 71 witnesses as the only good memory they had of their time
in the School. Some witnesses described their parents putting considerable effort into
maintaining contact with them during their admission. A small number of Schools were reported
to have provided assistance and support for parents who had to travel long distances to visit
their children.
I was one of a large family. I had both brothers and sisters in separate institutions, our
mother visited regularly before going to work in the UK. She spent 2 weeks of holidays
in Ireland every year, week one with the boys, week 2 with the girls, nuns in ...named
School... (helped her).
5.21 Female witnesses recalled sitting in parlours with parents and relatives who came to visit. In
some Schools nuns were reported to supervise the visits directly by controlling the conversation
and determining when the visit was over or by their presence in the same room while parents or
others were visiting. Other witnesses reported an awareness of contact with their parents being
monitored by external authorities.
My mother, she came in ... to see me down the years and took me out twice, she had to
get permission from the ...local authorities... this is on the records ...displayed copy of
records.... She got permission, it was written down, that I was to be taken out on such a
day, at such a time and brought back on such a day at such a time.
5.22 The Committee heard reports of parents in poor circumstances being turned away or treated
discourteously when they came to visit. Female witnesses reported that some girls’ Schools had
a ‘poor parlour’ where impoverished parents or visitors were directed. In particular, witnesses
whose parents were members of the Travelling community reported this to be a common
occurrence. In a number of boys Schools witnesses were warned prior to family visits they were
not to discuss what happened in the School or to talk about being beaten or otherwise abused.
The visits in the boys’ Schools were not generally reported to have been overseen in the
manner reported by female witnesses.
5.23 The involvement of grandparents, aunts and uncles in maintaining family contact was reported
by many witnesses to have provided continuing contact in the absence of parents through
death, illness or emigration: ‘My mother ...(who had gone to the UK)... visited once, my aunt
visited every month even though she had a large family of her own’.
5.24 A number of witnesses reported having no contact with their parents apart from occasional visits
in the early years of admission, particularly those who reported that their families had
disintegrated in circumstances of poverty, illness and death. Others reported feeling abandoned
when their parents went to the UK in search of work and an alternative life. Anger was
expressed by a number of witnesses towards parents who did not visit or maintain contact with
them while they were in the Schools and who in their view demonstrated a lack of care and
concern for them in this and other ways in the process of their admission and thereafter. Some
witnesses acknowledged that their parents were also victims in circumstances of poverty, illness
and both rural and social isolation.
My ma came down every month. You had one visit a month, and if she couldn’t come
she would send my eldest sister. She ...(mother)... was very religious and if you said
anything of beatings she would not believe you.
•
I had 3 visits in 5 years in ...named School... my mother came to collect a borrowed
coat I had worn in Court ...(on the day of admission).... A cousin came to tell me my
mother had died; and my sister came to tell me the whole family were moving to
England and would send for me when they could. I was allowed out to attend my
brother’s funeral.
5.25 Many male and female witnesses reported an acute awareness of the protective factor
associated with having either family contact while they were resident in the Schools or external
contact with concerned adults such as ‘holiday’ families or ‘godparents’. Witnesses believed that
residents who had family or other visitors were less likely to be physically or sexually abused.
Visitors were seen as people to whom abuse could be disclosed abuse and/or who may act
independently to complain about evidence of abuse in the form of bruises or other injuries.
Following discharge
5.26 Five hundred and seven (507) witnesses (64%), 247 male (60%) and 260 female (69%),
reported some form of contact with parents, siblings and relatives following their discharge from
the Schools as follows:
• One hundred and eighty nine (189) witnesses (24%), 125 male and 64 female,
reported that they were discharged from the School to their family home.
• One hundred and ninety three (193) witnesses (24%), 77 male and 116 female,
reported that they were subsequently cared for by extended family, grandparents,
aunts, uncles and older siblings.
• One hundred and twenty five (125) witnesses (16%), 45 male and 80 female,
reported having no contact with their parents or siblings until recent years when,
through their own efforts, and at times with the assistance of family tracing services,
contact was re-established.
5.27 Witnesses reported that contact with parents or relatives after their discharge from the Schools
was influenced by many factors, in particular their age when they were first admitted and the
extent of family contact throughout their admission.
The family was supportive and kept in contact, visits, parcels, summer holidays home. I
went back home.
5.28 The nature of family bonds and the strength of extended family relationships prior to admission
were reported by witnesses to have influenced their connection with family when they returned
home. Contact of any kind with family members while in the Schools was positively connected
to ongoing relationships following their discharge. However while almost three quarters of all
witnesses were admitted from the care of either their parents or relatives, fewer than one in four
witnesses were discharged to the family home.
5.29 Two hundred (200) witnesses (25%), 87 male and 113 female, reported that they lost contact
with their extended family one way or another through the process of their institutionalisation.
They stated that that being separated from parents, siblings and others with whom they had
affectionate bonds was traumatic and had a devastating impact on their emotional development.
They were giving a man’s salary to the religious to keep us, me and my sister and
brothers, but would not give it to my dad to keep us together. After my mother died, we
were very poor. My father would be dressed so poorly when he visited us. The local TD
did try to help my father and spoke to ...Ministers of Government... to help my father get
us, but he did not succeed.... Once we were split the link was broken, it’s hard to link
back up again. We think we can be together, my sisters, but we can’t.
•
My mother tried to get me out when I was 15. She tried, she wrote to ...the Government
Minister.... Br ...X...he wrote to her and said “no he is better off here”.... My mother she
wrote every week, she had it hard too. We were branded as criminals when we came
out just because we were poor.
•
My father, he tried so many times to get us back and they would not let him have us. I
did not know where he was ...(when discharged)... he tried really hard. I think he gave
up in the end, I remember him crying from the time he came in ...(to visit)... ’til the time
he left ...(contact had been lost).... I didn’t even know he was dead ...crying.... He
always came to see us.
5.30 Admission arrangements were also described as having an impact on the subsequent contact
between siblings following discharge. When sibling groups were admitted to out-of-home care,
sisters who were placed together in the same School were more likely to maintain contact
following discharge. In circumstances where their brothers were placed in separate Schools
subsequent contact was more often minimal, and frequently lost, following discharge.
We are all strangers, we don’t know each other, we were all destroyed in our heads, the
family is split up, but in touch, the years of separation did too much damage.
5.31 Thirty three (33) witnesses reported that they were given inaccurate information about their
parents, including being told that they had no parents or that they were dead and discovering in
recent years, following search and tracing, that this was not the case.
I was told about 15 years ago my mother was dead, they told me all my records were
destroyed. ...Then... after 47 years I had contact with my mother, I picked up the phone
and she said “it’s your mum”.
5.32 A number of witnesses also learned in later years that their parents had visited or written to
them but that the contact was denied and letters were not passed on. Such discoveries were
particularly distressing for witnesses who learned they had unknowingly lived near their parents
and/or other relatives for much of their adult lives. Other witnesses reported learning about the
existence of parents and relatives after their mother or father had died and experienced a
double loss as a result.
The nuns told me my mother was dead, they said “do you see that star up there, well
she is up there”. Then a few years ago, I got a phone call to say my mother was dead
...(had just died).... ... I’m in such shock, I can’t believe it. I asked some questions and
then said “it’s got to be my mother”, if only I had been given a chance to see her, to say
goodbye and to say “look mum I understand and I forgive”.
5.33 The upset and associated loss of secure relationships that followed separation from parents and
siblings was reported by almost all witnesses, including those who had no known family. In
different ways this experience of loss of family left a mark on each witness’s memory and was a
background to their reports on life in the Schools. The following chapters outline the everyday
routine of institutional life reported by the witnesses and the types of abuse they experienced
and wished to report.

Chapter 6
Everyday life experiences of male

witnesses in Schools
6.01 This chapter of the Report refers to the information provided by the 413 male witnesses in
relation to their everyday life experiences in Schools over a period of 67 years between 1922
and 1989. Witnesses reported improvements in the physical structure and the facilities in the
majority of Schools during the relevant period.
6.02 There were many consistencies in the reports heard from male witnesses in relation to all the
Schools over almost seven decades. Witnesses reported that staff in junior boys’ Schools were
almost exclusively female, both religious and lay, with the exception of workmen in the gardens
and farms attached to some Schools and convents. Senior boys’ Schools employed few female
staff in the period prior to the 1970s with the exception of a small number of Schools where lay
nurses and ancillary staff worked in the infirmaries, laundries, kitchens and religious staff
houses.
6.03 The daily routine was described as commencing with an early morning call by bell for Mass,
followed by breakfast in a communal refectory. Witnesses referred to a regimented day where
activities were controlled by bell ringing and whistle blowing. The main meal was in the middle
of the day with evening meal provided at approximately 5:30pm. Witnesses reported going to
bed at various times between 7:30pm and 9pm. Bedtimes changed with other aspects of care
provision in the post-1960s period. Witnesses from different Schools gave varying accounts of
how their day was structured and what they did in the afternoons, early evenings and at
weekends. A mixture of work and recreation was uniformly reported with different emphasis on
each in different Schools and over different decades.
6.04 Clothing was made on site in many boys’ Schools prior to the 1960s, and in some instances
including the 1960s. Witnesses described being allocated a set of clothes when they were
admitted: knee-length tweed trousers and jacket, woollen jumper and knee socks, nightshirt and
boots. The clothes were identified as theirs by number. Underwear was confined to underpants
and was not provided in all Schools. Most Schools provided ‘Sunday suits’ for Sundays and
special occasions. Winter coats and wet weather clothing were rarely reported as were caps,
gloves or scarves. Witnesses reported that the material used for the trousers and jackets was
rough tweed, made in the weaving shops, and was uncomfortable, especially when wet. Boots
were described as heavy, with steel caps or hob nails to minimise wear and tear. The
Committee heard evidence of improvements in the standard of clothing provided and of more
appropriate clothing for winter being provided from the mid-1970s. Some witnesses from that
period had new clothes bought for them which were for their own use and not shared with other
residents.
6.05 Personal hygiene was reported as attended to in a regimented manner using shared facilities
with little or no toiletries provided before 1970. Increased provision of soap, toothbrushes,
towels, toilet paper, combs and hot water were reported during the 1970s and 1980s. Witnesses
consistently described sleeping in large dormitories without any privacy or space for personal
possessions until individual cubicles and smaller shared bedrooms were introduced from the late
1960s in many Schools.
6.06 Silence was commonly enforced in the dormitories, during mealtimes and while working. As
described, silence was expected among the residents throughout most of the working day,
including at times during recreation periods.
Work
6.07 Work was presented by the majority of witnesses as a central feature of daily life in the Schools
from a young age. Witnesses from junior Schools reported having daily domestic chores, while
those from senior Schools described manual work as an integral part of their day, particularly
from early adolescence. The types of work described included both indoor and outdoor work in
the weaving, shoemaking, tailoring, and carpentry workshops, kitchens, staff residences,
farmyards, fields and bogs, as well as day labouring for local farmers and businesses. The
Committee heard reports from most witnesses about their experience of being engaged in often
heavy, manual work as children for or on behalf of the Schools.
6.08 There were 245 reports of farm work that involved herding and milking cows, cleaning sheds,
tending cattle, pigs and poultry, saving hay, picking potatoes, collecting and spreading seaweed
as fertiliser, felling trees, cutting wood, cutting and saving turf on the bog and picking stones.
Use of machinery on the farms was minimal and long hours were worked in all weather.
From arrival at 12 I was assigned to the farm, I was afraid of animals. It was a big farm,
only one lay worker and an elderly Brother. Boys did everything, milked morning and
evening, herded animals, dropped potatoes, sowed sugar beet, turnips, hay making and
harvesting. On a rote basis, we had to stay up all night with pigs who were due a litter,
it was hard work, particularly in winter when no extra clothing was provided.
6.09 The trade workshops were a feature of the School system in the period prior to the 1970s.
There were 206 specific accounts of time spent in one or more different trade areas, referred to
as ‘shops’. The most commonly reported trades were tailoring and shoemaking. The work in
these settings was believed to be predominantly related to meeting the institutions’ needs for
clothing, boots and leather straps.
In the shoe shop you started off as a polisher, you polished the boots for everyone.
Then you became a repairer, there was top, a piece of a tyre cut to save it ...(the
boot)... when you were playing football. There was ...number... lads doing them. Then
there was the “generals” who made the shoes and then there was the head shoe boy.
•
Everyone worked from day one. I was assigned to tailoring at 13 ...(years of age)...
instead of school. I was not able to read and write. The tailoring was initially confined to
making and mending boys’ clothing.
6.10 Associated trade activities were darning, mending, knitting and weaving, although accounts of
these tasks were less often heard. While 27 witnesses reported developing skills in a trade that
subsequently led to gainful employment most reported that the skills they learned were
redundant when they were discharged as the weaving, tailoring and shoemaking trades had
been largely mechanised. Other witnesses reported being so badly affected by the abuse they
experienced in the context of work in the trade shops that they avoided similar work when they
were discharged.
6.11 The kitchens were another area where residents worked, both within the School and in the
adjacent religious congregation houses. There were 78 separate reports of working in the
kitchens. This work was more generally favoured as it provided access to extra food and
warmth. The work described included washing and peeling potatoes, carrying heavy pots,
scrubbing pots, pans and floors. Kitchen work was described as undertaken by one or two
residents at a time and as more isolated than other work areas. The less attractive component
of kitchen work for male witnesses was that the kitchens were frequently the domain of a single
Brother, several of whom were reported as particularly harsh and abusive.
6.12 Witnesses generally reported that they had little choice about the type of work they were
appointed to do:
Eventually I got a job in the shoe repair shop where I was not welcomed as I was left
handed, I hated working there.
•
I was told after 2 months “it is time to start earning your keep”. I was put to work in the
Brothers’ kitchen where I remained during my stay in School. This meant I missed Mass
as I had to prepare for breakfast for the Brothers and missed school as I was needed in
their kitchen.
6.13 There were 21 witness reports relating to discharges prior to 1970 of being directly involved in
commercial enterprises for the School, e.g. making Rosary beads for sale, chopping and selling
firewood, tailoring, making furniture and working for local farmers and businesses.
6.14 Changes were reported to have been introduced in the 1970s and 1980s that facilitated more
choice, including paid work outside the institution, e.g. the local creamery, factory or hotel during
the summer holidays and less work on farms attached to the Schools.
6.15 There were few accounts of domestic staff being employed in the institutions; witnesses
reported that the residents generally did all the housekeeping work, with the exception of the
laundry. Local women were reported to be employed by some institutions, mainly in this area,
but had little contact with the residents. Witnesses discharged in the late 1970s and 1980s
reported the main type of work undertaken to be routine household chores that some Schools
used as an opportunity for residents to earn points that could be exchanged for privileges such
as home leave and outings.
Food
6.16 Food was generally served in large refectories designated for residents with members of
religious and lay staff taking their meals in a separate area. Most witnesses commented on the
provision of food, which was generally regarded as inadequate. The standard breakfast diet
described was salted porridge with or without bread and tea or cocoa. The main meal was
consistently described as boiled potatoes with vegetables and some meat. The evening meal
was often bread and dripping, or jam and tea or cocoa.
I worked for a time in the kitchen and used to see ...(what was provided)... vegetables
came from packets, once a week mince, fish once a week. All meat was boiled and
streaky. We were constantly hungry and we robbed each others food, you just grabbed.
Youngsters who were weak suffered.
6.17 Witnesses reported that there was little or no access to extra food except what might have been
obtained opportunistically by residents working in kitchens or the farmyards. Witnesses reported
that cake and biscuits, jelly, ice cream and lemonade were at times provided on special
occasions. Fruit was reported as an exceptional treat, most often at Christmas when witnesses
reported receiving an orange. Many witnesses reported that the only eggs provided were boiled
eggs on Easter Sunday.
6.18 In more recent years witnesses commented that sausages, chips, eggs, cheese, fish fingers,
cornflakes and milk puddings became part of the regular diet. Varying accounts were given of
both the quantity and quality of the food provided with improvements noted in both areas in the
reports relating to the 1970s and later.
Play and recreation

6.19 The principal recreational pursuits reported by 226 witnesses in the decades prior to the 1970s
were Gaelic sports, particularly hurling and football. A small number of Schools were reported to
have been actively involved in competitions and games often involved travelling to outside
venues. This was an attraction in itself as the games provided an opportunity to interact with
‘outsiders’, and on occasion provided access to better food. The external competitions were
believed by witnesses to provide some protection and relief from physical abuse.
6.20 Apart from participation in organised Gaelic team sports the most frequent reports regarding
recreation were of witnesses playing in the yard and making their own entertainment. In
addition, handball and boxing were reported as recreational activities by 131 witnesses and a
small number competed nationally. Many witnesses discharged before the mid-1960s reported
that performing drill movements and gymnastics for long periods was a common activity and
was feared by those who were not well co-ordinated, due to the harsh nature of some ‘drill
masters’.
6.21 Indoor recreation facilities and activities were less frequently reported but included table tennis,
card and board games, reading and listening to the radio in recreation halls. Witnesses
described the limited availability of recreational equipment and resources. One hundred and
eleven (111) witnesses reported they enjoyed attending films both within the Schools and in
later years at local cinemas. Sixty-four (64) witnesses reported that long regimented walks on
Sundays in silence ‘in line like a crocodile’ were less than enjoyable. Routes described by
witnesses were up to 10 miles long.
6.22 Six (6) senior Schools were reported to have had bands and the Committee heard 40 witness
accounts of playing in the band as a recreational activity. As with some competitive sports being
a band member provided opportunities to travel around the country, including trips to race
meetings, regattas and other local sporting events and, in some instances, overseas. Band
membership and associated activities were regarded as a privilege and provided welcome
respite from the institution. As with other activities that had a public component, band
performances also provided opportunities for extra food. It was reported that these privileges
were counter-balanced by exceptional demands on their performance, appearance and general
behaviour.
6.23 In a small number of Schools summer holidays and trips to the seaside were a popular break
from the everyday routine of life. Thirty three (33) witnesses from Schools situated near the sea,
lakes or rivers described being taken swimming and also for holidays at the seaside.
Recreation all depended on the Brother, if he had an interest. There was one Brother
who loved swimming. He brought us all the time, you could go down and dive in.
6.24 Witnesses reported improvements in recreational facilities and equipment after the 1960s.
These changes included the development of external links to local communities, involvement in
local clubs, outings to the cinema, new playground equipment, increased availability of library
facilities and more access to television and radio. A further change reported in the 1980s was of
residents being divided into small groups with individual facilities for play and recreation in each
group.
Education
6.25 Classroom education at primary level was described as mainly provided on-site in the Schools
prior to the 1970s with classrooms either located within the same buildings or on the grounds of
the Schools. In the majority of boys Schools reported to the Committee primary level classrooms
were segregated and not attended by children from the local area. Teaching staff were
described as both religious and lay and predominantly male. Witnesses discharged up to and
during the 1960s reported that generally their classroom education finished when they were 14
years old with a few accounts heard of witnesses attending either technical or secondary school
during that period.
6.26 All 413 male witnesses reported attending primary school for some time during their admission
to the Schools. Eighty five (85) witnesses reported passing their Primary Certificate
examinations. An additional 65 witnesses reported attending technical or secondary schools in
the local area, mainly since the 1970s. Twenty five (25) of these witnesses received their Group,
Intermediate or Leaving Certificates. Twenty (20) witnesses described the positive value of the
education and training they received.
6.27 Prior to the 1970s, classroom attendance in a number of Schools was described as generally
confined to the morning period followed by afternoons spent working in the trade workshops or
on the farms. A number of witnesses reported being removed from the classroom to work full-
time. Many witnesses stated that the main emphasis in the School was on manual work for the
institution with minimal emphasis on academic education apart from Irish and religion:
Education was not important. You were moved from class to class; the main aim was to
get you working at 14. The teachers ran a strict regime rather than provide knowledge.
6.28 Many witnesses described their time in the classroom as dominated by fear, the anticipation of
being abused and that the classrooms were frightening places.
6.29 Witnesses reported that there was little assistance for residents who found school work difficult.
There were a small number of exceptions where accounts were heard of special arrangements
being made to meet the residents’ particular educational needs. In a small number of Schools
remedial help was provided for residents who had learning difficulties.
6.30 Witnesses discharged during and since the 1970s more often reported that their education
continued beyond the primary school level. Those who attended secondary and technical
schools in the local area appreciated the benefit this opportunity allowed to have contact with
the outside world. They also reported a consequent reduction of abuse and bullying from both
staff and residents in the Schools. A small number of witnesses reported being sent out of the
institution to mainstream boarding schools and were encouraged to do the Leaving Certificate
examinations and to enrol in higher education colleges.
6.31 The majority of witnesses reported finishing their classroom education by the time they were 14
years old. The following table shows the reported school leaving age of male witnesses:

Table 16: Reported School Leaving Age – Male Industrial and Reformatory Schools
Reported school leaving age Number of witnesses

Under 10 years 2
10–12 years 29
13–14 years 260
15–16 years 100
Over 16 years 17
Not available 5
Total Witnesses 413
6.32 Three hundred and thirty seven (337) witnesses (82%) reported that they left school when they
were aged 14 years or over. There were 71 witnesses who reported that their classroom
education finished before the official school leaving age and five for whom there was no
information available.
Religion
6.33 The practice of religious observance was reported to have brought comfort and sanctuary to
some witnesses and hurt to others. There were 381 accounts of regular attendance at Mass in
the 26 Schools that were reported to the Committee, with daily Mass more commonly reported
by witnesses discharged before the mid-1970s. Daily Rosary, evening benediction and prayers
were described as part of the regular timetable by 187 witnesses. Attendance at Mass was
either within the institution or at the local parish church where witnesses generally reported
being segregated from local people: ‘We sat in our own corner’; ‘We had to attend side chapel
in the local parish church’.
6.34 Catechism was reported by many witnesses to have been taught ‘vigorously’ in the classroom to
the detriment of other lessons.
6.35 Clergy from local parishes and elsewhere were reported to undertake a chaplaincy role in some
Schools. Witnesses reported that these members of the clergy said Mass, heard Confessions
and officiated at various religious ceremonies during the year. It was generally believed that they
did not otherwise have a formal role in the operation of the Schools.
Health and medical care

6.36 Provision for the assessment and treatment of residents’ health needs was inconsistent as
reported among the Schools. Routine medical inspections were reported in most of the Schools
and varied from cursory to regular and comprehensive. There were 327 witness reports of some
attention and treatment from health professionals being available to residents. Ninety seven (97)
witnesses reported having no recollection of receiving any medical or other attention regarding
their health.
6.37 Witnesses reported being assessed and treated for normal childhood accidental injuries and
illnesses as well as physical injuries resulting from assault while resident in the Schools. Medical
inspections, on-site infirmaries, immunisation and dental treatment were reported by many
witnesses, as indicated in the following table:
Table 17: Types of Healthcare Reported – Male Industrial and Reformatory Schools
Healthcare Number of reports

Infirmary available 228
Nurse available 185
Doctor attendance 115
Hospital attendance 106
Dental care 65
Immunisation 53
Medical inspection 29
6.38 Two hundred and twenty eight (228) witnesses reported that there was an on-site infirmary in
the School for the provision of medical care and attention. The infirmaries were described as
varying in size from a designated 10-bed unit to a space under the stairs. Infirmaries were
generally described as the domain of either male or female religious staff and, in a few
instances, lay female nurses. In some Schools the infirmary was reported to be a room where
the nurse kept supplies of medicines, including: iodine, bandages and cod liver oil. Residents
were sent there for attention and returned to bed in their dormitory.
6.39 There were 185 witness reports of availability of nursing care by religious and lay staff in the
Schools’ infirmaries. Witnesses reported being sent to the nurse for treatment of ailments
including: cuts, bruises, scabies, lice, ringworm, impetigo, boils and abscesses, colds, flu, and
rectal prolapse. Childhood injuries, both accidental and non-accidental, were reportedly treated
by the nurse and included broken bones, lacerations, and eye, ear and head injuries. Witnesses
stated that there was a limited range of non-prescribed medication available and described cod
liver oil, castor oil, ‘Black Jack’ and iodine being regularly used.
6.40 One hundred and fifteen (115) witnesses reported being seen by local doctors while in the
School and 53 witnesses reported being immunised by either a doctor or a School nurse.
6.41 The Committee heard 106 witness accounts of hospital attendance while in the Schools for the
treatment of accidental and non-accidental injuries in addition to normal childhood conditions
such as tonsillitis, appendicitis, tuberculosis, and eye and ear infections.
6.42 Nursing staff were reported to be employed in some Schools at different times and the presence
of staff described as ‘nurses’ was recalled by witnesses in other Schools. Witnesses reported
that unqualified staff carried out many treatments such as lancing boils, treating ringworm and
other infections, lacerations and injuries without medical advice.
6.43 There were 65 reports of dental treatment, which were reported by witnesses to be mainly
extractions. Dentists were reported to have made routine visits to some Schools and in other
instances witnesses reported attending local dentists. Among those discharged before the
1970s a number recalled having their teeth extracted without anaesthesia.
Inspections
6.44 The Committee heard 145 reports of inspectors visiting the Schools. Witnesses were not always
clear which government department the inspectors represented. There were 82 reports of
government inspectors visiting the Schools who, it was believed, were primarily concerned with
the condition of the physical surroundings. There were 29 reports of classroom inspectors, often
referred to as the Cigire. Witnesses believed that these inspectors were concerned with aspects
of their education and did not specifically address the individual care and welfare needs of the
residents. Witnesses also reported that doctors visited for routine medical inspections.
6.45 Ninety seven (97) witnesses reported that the general conditions for their care and welfare were
temporarily improved for inspections, with extra food, toothbrushes, schoolbooks, better clothes
and bedding reported as available for the duration of the inspector’s visits. Fifty four (54)
witnesses reported that the Schools were thoroughly cleaned in preparation and 32 witnesses
described being dressed in their ‘Sunday best’ or ‘going-out’ clothes when inspectors came.
Twenty eight (28) witnesses reported that bedspreads were put on each bed prior to visits from
a Department of Education or other inspector and were removed when the inspector left.
Witnesses recalled that the leather straps were put away and residents were warned
beforehand to be on their best behaviour and told that the inspector was ‘the teacher’s boss’.
Forty one (41) witnesses stated that they were coached in advance about what they could and
could not say when the inspectors came. Sixty four (64) witnesses stated that residents were
not spoken to directly and that staff were always present.
I have no memory of anything really being inspected, we were never spoken to, we
wore our Sunday clothes and had extra food. We saw them at a distance, you would
see them for a moment standing and looking, they were always accompanied, you
would be asked to recite a poem for them in class.
•
We always knew when inspectors were coming as white quilts and pillows were put on
the beds. The inspectors walked around with the Brothers, they didn’t speak to the
boys.
•
The food was always very good with chops or other recognisable meat, vegetable and
dessert for the inspection. Boys were coached by Br ...X (Resident Manager)... to say it
was like this all the time, the inspector spoke to boys, who followed the instruction with
Br ...X... present and did not complain.
Official visitors and others

6.46 In addition to routine inspections there were 34 witness accounts of official visitors, including a
President, Taoisigh, government ministers, bishops, judges, foreign dignitaries and officials from
the Gaelic Athletic Association, politicians, celebrities and superiors of religious orders. There
were a further 19 witness reports of visits by priests to examine catechism in the classroom and
to conduct retreats. Other visitors included parish priests, professionals and local personalities.
Preparations were reported to have been undertaken prior to all visits. A number of Schools
were reported to have had official visiting Sundays, usually on a monthly basis, for residents’
parents and relatives.
6.47 A small number of witnesses reported being specially dressed up and shown to visiting couples
understood to be prospective adoptive and foster parents, some of whom selected witnesses
and/or their siblings to adopt or foster.
Once a month on visiting Sunday the place was cleaned, we all wore our best clothes,
the parents were conducted around, by the priests and Brothers who monitored the
visits, we were all warned to say nothing.
Volunteer workers and visitors

6.48 Witnesses reported that volunteer workers and visitors were involved with many Schools in what
they believed to be an informal capacity to assist with the residents’ care and recreation
activities. Witnesses reported that these volunteers were generally described as members of the
public, mostly male, both lay and religious. They assisted with regular activities such as
homework and sport. Some befriended particular residents and took them out of the School
either for day outings or overnight trips and holidays. Witnesses also reported regular visits to
the Schools by clergy and Brothers who were not part of the day-to-day School staff or did not
appear to have any specific role or function within the School. In addition there were reports
from a small number of Schools where visiting Brothers and novices relieved care staff during
summer holidays.
Arrangements for discharge

6.49 Many witnesses reported that they experienced considerable adjustment difficulties when they
were discharged, including feeling abandoned and unable to cope with the transition from
institutional care. Their isolation from the outside world while residents of the Schools, the rural
location of a number of Schools and the loss of family contact during admission was described
repeatedly by witnesses. Many witnesses stated that the only preparation for their discharge
was being told of their discharge date. As 232 male witnesses had been in residential care for
between six and 18 years, many without any family contact, the experience of leaving the
Schools was particularly traumatic. These witnesses reported that they had almost no
experience of everyday life outside an institution and no experience of being on their own prior
to being discharged.
6.50 Male witnesses discharged before 1970 gave accounts of being given a new suit of clothes for
their departure, sometimes referred to as ‘the liberty suit’. Witnesses who worked in the tailoring
shops reported making their own discharge suit and in so doing were alerted to the fact of their
imminent release.
6.51 Witnesses reported a variety of arrangements made for their discharge from the Schools. One
hundred and ten (110) male witnesses reported that they were discharged home to their
families. Where parental contact had been maintained with witnesses while they were in the
School the transition home was more often reported to have been positive. Having a supportive
family network generally contributed to subsequent stability.
(Brothers)... they more or less told you before you left ...named School... that if you
talked about any of the crap that was going on there ... I would be brought back for
another 2 years. That I could be kept there until I was 18, for 2 more years. So when I
was out I was straight on the B and I boat ...(to England).... My mother gave me the
money. I went to the brother ...(witness’s sibling).... I couldn’t read and write, I couldn’t
fill out a form to try for a job. I worked on the buildings.
6.52 One hundred and six (106) witnesses reported that some arrangements were made for their
aftercare in the form of placement in employment, with lodgings provided in many instances.
The majority of the witnesses who reported being discharged to employers as live-in labourers
had spent most of their lives in an institution and/or reported that they had no known family
contacts. A small number of witnesses noted that the intervention of the Agricultural Inspectors
was helpful in obtaining ‘back’ wages and having social welfare contributions credited where
they had been denied.
6.53 There were 12 witness accounts of being visited following discharge by lay or religious staff
from the School and of receiving valued assistance from the religious staff when they got into
difficulties. In some situations where work placements broke down alternative positions were
found, mostly in better circumstances.
6.54 There were a number of witness reports of employment placements that provided enduring
support. Several witnesses spoke with feeling about the families they worked for who, in the
words of one witness, ‘showed me the only kindness I had ever known’. Another witness stated:
I didn’t get much preparation leaving the School at 16. The family I went to helped me,
they stood me in great stead and I am still in touch with them.
6.55 Thirty two (32) witnesses from a small number of Schools reported receiving some post-
discharge support during the 1970s and 1980s. For example, 10 witnesses reported that
accommodation in a hostel was arranged for them when they were discharged and was
described as ‘a halfway house for institutionalised boys trying to find their way. Conditions there
were excellent’. Another hostel was reported as being helpful through its policy of not charging
residents from Schools for their accommodation until they found employment. However, while
witness reports of being discharged from Schools since the 1970s indicated improvements in
discharge planning, and that some preparation for independent living and follow-up were
provided, such improvements were inconsistent.
6.56 A number of witnesses presented the Committee with copies of correspondence between their
parents, Resident Managers, gardaı́ and Department of Education officials relating to their early
release. Eight (8) witnesses reported being granted early release to their parents following such
parental intervention.
6.57 The aspects of everyday life described in this chapter provided the context in which witnesses
experienced the abuse reported in the following chapter.

Chapter 7
Record of abuse (male witnesses)
7.01 This chapter describes the nature and extent of abuse reported in evidence to the Committee by
413 male witnesses in relation to 26 Industrial and Reformatory Schools in Ireland. The 413
witnesses made 482 reports of abuse regarding the four types of abuse defined by the Acts.1
Those four types are physical and sexual abuse, neglect and emotional abuse. Not all 26
Schools were reported for each of the four types of abuse.
7.02 The report of abuse by a witness may either refer to descriptions of single episodes or to
multiple experiences of being abused in a School. In most instances reports of abuse refer to
more than one episode of abuse and more than one type of abuse. One hundred and sixty six
(166) witness reports (34%) were of all four types of abuse. Sixty eight (68) witnesses reported
abuse in more than one School.
7.03 The chapter is divided into five parts, addressing each of the four abuse types and describing
what was known about the abuse at the time it occurred. The reports of abuse compiled in this
chapter refer to admissions and discharges to Schools between 1922 and 1989. Twenty four
(24) of these reports refer to abuse in both Schools and ‘Other Institutions’. All the reports of
abuse in relation to ‘Other Institutions’ are referred to elsewhere in the Report. 2 3
7.04 For the purpose of compiling this Report, witness evidence is presented by period of discharge
as follows: pre-1960s, 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Witnesses, who were discharged in one period,
may have spent time in out-of-home care in the previous decade(s). 4
7.05 As previously stated a number of witnesses were admitted to more than one School and
reported abuse in more than one School. Three hundred and twenty five (325) witnesses made
reports about abuse in one School, the other 68 witnesses reported as follows:
• Sixty three (63) witnesses reported abuse in two Schools.
• One witness reported abuse in three different Schools.
• Three (3) witnesses reported abuse in two Schools and one ‘Other Institution’.
• One witness reported abuse in two Schools and two ‘Other Institutions’.
• Twenty (20) witnesses reported abuse in one School and one ‘Other Institution’.
1
A number of witnesses were admitted to more than one School, and made reports of abuse in more than one School,
therefore the number of reports are greater than the number of witnesses.
2
‘Other Institutions’ – includes: general, specialist and rehabilitation hospitals, foster homes, national and secondary
schools, children’s homes, laundries, Noviciates, hostels and special needs schools (both day and residential) that
provided care and education for children with intellectual, visual, hearing or speech impairments and others.
3
See chapters 12-18.
4

7.06 Four hundred and sixteen (416) or 86% of male abuse reports refer to senior Schools for boys.
Physical abuse
injury to, the child.5
7.07 This section describes reports of actual incidents of physical abuse, non-accidental injury and
lack of protection from such abuse given in evidence by witnesses to the Committee. The types
of physical abuse reported included hitting, punching, kicking, flogging, and bodily assault with
implements. The Committee heard disturbing accounts of severe assaults causing injuries that
required medical intervention. Witnesses also reported being abused by being immersed in
water, being burned, and subjected to what they believed to be deliberate and persistent
physical cruelty.
Nature and extent of physical abuse reported

7.08 There were 474 reports of physical abuse involving 26 Schools given in evidence by 403 male
witnesses (98%), some of whom were admitted to more than one School. While many witnesses
reported that the abuse was pervasive, they particularly wished to report extraordinary incidents
from their experience. Other witnesses reported multiple episodes of physical abuse. Witnesses
reported being physically abused by religious and lay staff and others including: visiting clergy,
members of the general public and men in work and holiday placements. Witnesses also
reported being physically abused by co-residents.
7.09 The number of witness reports heard in relation to physical abuse in different Schools varied, as
follows:
• Four (4) Schools were collectively the subject of 230 reports.6
• Four (4) Schools were the subject of 20-34 reports, totalling 111 reports.
• Eight (8) Schools were the subject of 6-19 reports, totalling 86 reports.
• Ten (10) Schools were the subject of 1-5 reports, totalling 18 reports.
7.10 The Schools that were the subject of 230 reports accounted for 49% of all physical abuse
reports by male witnesses.
7.11 Physical abuse was reported in combination with the other three types of abuse. There were
166 reports of combinations of all four abuse types reported by the male witnesses. See Table
18:
5
Section 1(1)(a).
6
In order to maintain confidentiality further details regarding the numbers of abuse reports in these Schools cannot be
specified.

Table 18: Physical Abuse Combined with Other Abuse Types – Male Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Abuse types Number of reports %

Physical, emotional, neglect and sexual 166 35
Physical, emotional and neglect 120 25
Physical and neglect 66 14
Physical, neglect and sexual 49 10
Physical 24 5
Physical, emotional and sexual 20 4
Physical and emotional 15 3
Physical and sexual 14 3
Total reports 474 (100)*

7.12 In total 249 witness reports of physical abuse (53%) were combined with reports of sexual
abuse and 24 reports refer to physical abuse alone.
7.13 The following table shows the distribution of witness accounts of physical abuse across the
decades covered by this Report.
Table 19: Number of Physical Abuse Reports by Decade of Witnesses’ Discharge – Male
Decade of discharge Number of physical abuse %

reports
Pre-1960s 197 42
1960-69 202 43
1970-79 58 12
1980-89 17 4
Total 474 (100)*

7.14 While the largest number of physical abuse reports (202) related to the period of discharge
1960-1969, 77 of those witnesses spent the greatest proportion of their time in the Schools
during the preceding decade.
Description of physical abuse

7.15 Witnesses described a daily existence that involved the possibility of being hit by a staff member
at any time, for any reason or for no reason. Witnesses also reported being physically abused
by co-residents. It is notable that witnesses at times described daily, casual and random
physical abuse as normal and wished to report only the times when the frequency and severity
of the abuse was such that they were injured or in fear for their lives. Three hundred and forty
six (346) of the 403 witnesses reported that they were subjected to frequent physical violence;
they described a climate of pervasive fear in the Schools and provided consistent reports of
generally not knowing why they were being beaten.
7.16 The forms of physical abuse reported by witnesses to the Committee included punching,
flogging, assault and bodily attacks, hitting with the hand, kicking, ear pulling, hair pulling, head
shaving, beating on the soles of the feet, burning, scalding, stabbing, severe beatings with or
without clothes, being made to kneel and stand in fixed positions for lengthy periods, made to
sleep outside overnight, being forced into cold or excessively hot baths and showers, hosed
down with cold water before being beaten, beaten while hanging from hooks on the wall, being
set upon by dogs, being restrained in order to be beaten, physical assaults by more than one
person, and having objects thrown at them.
7.17 The locations where physical abuse was reported to have taken place included: classrooms,
offices, cloakrooms, dormitories, showers, infirmaries, refectories, the bedrooms of staff
members, churches, work areas and trade shops, fields, farmyards, play/sports areas and
outdoor sheds.
I had a hiding in the boot room, you had to take your shirt off, you were completely
naked and he ...(Br X)... beat me with a strap and a hurley stick on the behind and the
legs and that.
•
I was beaten up quite a few times for not making the bed right, I had to go to the boot
room. We used have long night shirts then you know, he ...(Br X)... dragged it off me,
naked and whop, he knocked hell out of me, he knocked the shit out of me ... he hit
with a leather strap with coins in it. One Brother ... he used a tyre he did, a bicycle tyre,
it used to wrap around your arm. That was for wiping my nose in my sleeve, he didn’t
like that, it “wasn’t a nice thing” he said.
7.18 A small number of witnesses stated that Brothers were trained to beat residents and reports
were heard of religious Brothers demonstrating the exercise of discipline to trainee Brothers.
One day it was ...visitor’s day... they used to pick about half a dozen lads. You would be
called to the hall. I was picked once and they would actually show the ...visiting student
Brothers... how to do the hiding. The Brother who was in charge of the playground,
mostly Br ...X... or Br ...Y... would show them how it’s done, they would give you a
hiding to show them and then they would have a go, with the black jack ...(leather)...
with loops of lead in it or steel.
7.19 Witnesses reported being introduced to a strict regime from the moment of their arrival in the
School.
We were met by Br ...X... he ruled the roost, he told us about the rules, said if we ran
away there was severe punishment, the second time our head would be shaved and the
third time we would be sent to ...named School.... He then stripped us off, told us to
bend over the desk; he hit the desk with a leather strap and said, “Say the Our Father”.
I could not say it. He hit me across the legs and warned me not to step out of line. He
told us to get in the shower, cold water, “to scrub away your sins”, with carbolic soap.
He then left and came back with clothes, comb ... he hit me with the strap when I had
the clothes on because I should be in pyjamas. We went to the dormitory, the boys
were asleep, he said, “This will always be your bed unless you wet the bed, then you
will end up with the smellies with Mr ...Y...”. It was dark, there was no food. I was very
upset and frightened. Then that night Mr ...Y... came walking down with his walking
stick, he touched my penis with the stick and said, “Don’t ever let me catch you”. Later I
could hear kids crying as he lashed kids with a stick, getting them up for the toilet. That
was my first night in ...named School....
•
The day I arrived there, I was in the yard and there was all these boys, they all seemed
like giants. I remember running up to this man and saying “hello Father” he laid into me,
he was a very cruel man, I thought he was a priest, he said “don’t call me Father”. He
laid me on the ground, he gave me a few terrible clatters and I was terrified from that
moment. He was Br ...X... I was terrified of him, oh Lord! ...distressed... he was just
cruel.
Implements of physical abuse

7.20 In addition to physical abuse as the result of bodily assault by punching, hitting and kicking,
witnesses reported a variety of implements were used to beat and physically abuse residents.
The ‘leather’ was the most commonly reported implement with 381 witness accounts heard of its
use in all 26 Schools. Witnesses described the leather strap as strips of leather sewn together,
measuring about two inches wide, half an inch thick and about 18 inches long. One end was
described by a number of witnesses as shaped for a handgrip. A number of witnesses reported
that some of these leather straps contained metal or coins to add weight. Five (5) witnesses
provided accounts of either making or seeing these embellished leather straps being made in
the bootmaking workshops.
They used the leather for the least excuse. It was heavy, stitched and with waxed ends.
It was very painful, you would scream in pain. As convent boys we didn’t have a
chance. The other boys, the city kids who were tough, and the Brothers, all picked on
us. We stuck together which wasn’t a good idea.
•
Some of the Brothers had different leathers, I know because I made them when I was
14, in the boot room, some of them had little tiny leads in them, some had coins, some
were straight. They weren’t soft, they were hard.
7.21 A witness reported that while he was being beaten the leather split apart and coins fell out. Two
(2) others reported being marked by the key sewn into the end of the leather strap. Another
witness reported being sent with a new strap from the workshop to a classroom, where the
Brother told him to hold out his hand to test it for him. He was struck a number of times on each
hand before being told it was satisfactory and that he could return to the workshop.
7.22 Witnesses described other leather straps of varying dimensions: some were described as
leather belts, others as longer, thinner straps referred to as whips. Two (2) witnesses from two
different Schools described being beaten with leather straps with leather thongs attached to the
ends, one witness discharged in 1950 referred to the strap as a cat-o’-nine-tails.
I’ll never forget the cat-o’-nine-tails, 10 tongs ...(thongs)... it used to have knots across
the bottom. Observing other boys stripped and the blood running down as they were
being flogged across the body, it was terrible. There must have been a new rule by the
Government at some stage because it happened no more.
7.23 There were 232 accounts of being hit or beaten with a variety of sticks, including canes, ash
plants, blackthorn sticks, hurleys, broom handles, hand brushes, wooden spoons, pointers,
batons, chair rungs, yard brushes, hoes, hay forks, pikes and pieces of wood with leather
thongs attached. One hundred and eighteen (118) witnesses reported being beaten with canes
and 37 with hurleys. Other implements described included bunches of keys, belt buckles, drain
rods, rubber pram tyres, golf clubs, tyre rims, electric flexes, fan belts, horse tackle, hammers,
metal rulers, butts of rifles, t-squares, gun pellets and hay ropes. Witnesses also reported
having objects thrown at them, such as blocks of wood or sliotars.
I was crying, I wouldn’t stop crying. He ...(Br X)... caught me by the hair. I was down in
the ground and the first thing he could lay his hand on was a hammer and he hit me
and damaged me ... (described and displayed mark to hand)... if you moved out of turn
or something you got hit.
•
Br ...X... flogged me on the bog. We, another fella, were messing laughing and grinning.
He ...(Br X)... hadn’t got his leather and he walked over to a tree and got a branch and
he peeled it and said “take off your trousers”. I thought he was only joking, he got
...named co-resident... to hold me and he ...(Br X)... lashed me. He should be in hell
now, he lashed me. I was bleeding, I was sent to the nurse.
7.24 Thirty four (34) witnesses described being forced into scalding or freezing showers or baths as
deliberate punishments, including a number who reported being hosed with cold water before or
after a severe beating. One witness reported that his head was held under water in a sink while
working in the kitchen, another reported having his head held under water while bathing.
7.25 Twenty two (22) witnesses described various means by which they were physically abused by
burning and scalding; all the incidents reported were isolated and included being burned with
matches and cigarettes, having fingers put into electric sockets and having scalding water
thrown at them while working in the kitchen. One witness who reported being scalded was so
badly burned that he was hidden from sight during a subsequent inspector’s visit.
7.26 There were reports from three Schools of dogs being used by staff members to assault and
frighten residents, the dogs were described in some instances as pets. In other instances
witnesses reported staff ‘patrolling’ with large dogs including Alsatians that were believed to be
used as a threat against misbehaviour.
There was this man there he had ... 3 dogs, he was an outsider ...(lay ancillary
worker)... I was sent over to the hay barn to stack hay as punishment, the 3 dogs were
set on me and the scar is there now where they bit me, you can see the mark on that
finger ...(displayed scar to Commissioners)... I asked to go down to the nurse and he
said “no”. Anyway, the next morning it was gone all septic and I had to go down to
...named hospital... where they put all stitches in it.
There were also four references by witnesses of being threatened and intimidated by Brothers
who had dogs and carried guns for hunting.
7.27 Witnesses described various styles of physical punishments that were perpetrated by priests,
Brothers and lay staff in different Schools over the decades. ‘You got to know every Brother’s
punishment, they all had their different style of hitting.’ Witnesses from two Schools reported
that particular Brothers put their leather straps into the fridge or outside overnight to freeze
them. ‘They’d leave the leathers out on the window sill for the night, you know in the frost, to get
it hard.’ Witnesses also reported a Brother’s practice of rubbing salt on the leather strap that he
used. Methods of physical punishment were also reported to vary both between staff and
Schools. For example, witnesses discharged from three Schools in the 1970s and 1980s
described being locked out overnight as a punishment, referred to as ‘freezing time’. Being
locked out in cold weather and left to sleep outside were reported as alternative punishments to
being beaten. Another witness described the following:
One new lad came and he was covering himself getting dressed. This Brother decided
he was going to make a man out of him, so he pulled off his clothes. The young fella
started crying and Br ...X... hung him out the window ...(from a height)... by the 2 legs,
we all saw it. You were always in fear of that sort of thing. Different Brothers did
different things.
Circumstances of physical abuse
7.28 In addition to reports of what appeared to be indiscriminate violence, witnesses reported being
beaten for other reasons, including: bed-wetting and soiling, inattention in the classroom, left-
handedness, stammering, not knowing lessons, disclosing physical and/or sexual abuse,
absconding, ‘stealing’ food, talking in line, delay in obeying an instruction, ‘looking the wrong
way’ at a staff member, attending the infirmary, complaining of feeling unwell, general wear and
tear on clothing and footwear, talking at meals or in bed, talking to girls, playing soccer, losing a
game against an outside team, perceived sexual thoughts or actions and not being able to carry
out work tasks quickly and properly.
If you turned up late ... he ...(Br X)... used to do an inspection, if there was a speck of
dirt, that would trigger it off. He used a leather, hand, cane on the legs, hand, arse or
wherever ...(he)... had a temper, you would be black and blue, you would be on the
floor. He used to make you take your trousers down and he would give it to you on the
behind or wherever, he did it to me a few times. You wouldn’t do anything because he
had a whistle and he would call other Brothers and they would weigh in, when these
guys got going you would do nothing, if they couldn’t get you one way they would get
you the other, kick, hit, you were knackered.
•
He ...(Br X)... flogged me one time, I was working in the piggery. I used to be starving,
the pigs used to get the Brothers’ leftovers and one day there was lovely potatoes and I
took some and I took a turnip. Br ...X... caught me and he brought me up to the
dormitory, he let down my trousers and he lashed me. He always wore a leather,
around 18 inches ...(long)... and it was all stitched with wax, his leather was very thin. It
was about an inch and a half, others had leathers about 2 inches. He lashed me, he
flogged me.
7.29 The Committee heard repeated reports from the 403 witnesses of specific forms of physical
punishment, which were described as routinely meted out for particular behaviours. The most
commonly reported of these targeted behaviours were bed-wetting, soiling, absconding and
schoolwork.
Bed-wetting and soiling

7.30 Bed-wetting was reported to have been targeted for punishment in all 26 Schools. One hundred
and twenty four (124) witnesses reported that they were harshly punished for bed-wetting, 99 of
those accounts related to witnesses discharged before 1970. The punishments described
ranged from being hit on the hands to being flogged naked in front of others. The persistance of
bed-wetting led to physical punishment becoming a daily ritual for many witnesses. With few
exceptions, the arrangements for handling bed-wetting were described as inducing fear and
terror on a constant basis and, with some variations, followed a similar pattern up to the 1970s.
7.31 It was frequently reported that residents who wet their bed were made to sleep in either a
separate dormitory or in a separate section of the main dormitory. It was also reported that nine
of the 26 Schools for boys employed a night watchman who woke habitual bed-wetters during
the night to use the toilet. The Committee heard consistent reports of particular practices in
relation to the management of bed-wetting, including all bed-wetters being woken, being
checked for wet beds, being beaten with a stick while in bed and being forced to wait for lengthy
periods in cold bathrooms to use the toilet. Witnesses also reported being hit as they stood
waiting; others reported that beds were inspected each morning, followed in some Schools by
an immediate beating if the bed was wet.
I was beaten stark naked for wetting the bed, 2 or 3 different people would beat me.
You would be called up after breakfast by Br ...X.... He was evil. He liked beating kids
naked, he would put your head between his legs ...(while he beat you)... for wetting the
bed, and more bed-wetting boys would be there as well ...(watching)... The night
watchman would get you up at night with a stick, every night. He would beat you out of
the bed. You’d have to bring the sheets up to be washed to the laundry and a bigger
boy would beat you with a stick there, he was the senior in the laundry.
7.32 One witness who was transferred from a junior to a senior School when he was eight years old
described how he had wet his bed for a long time and was used to it being managed fairly
sympathetically. On the first and subsequent morning’s inspection in the senior School when his
bed was found to be wet, the person in charge recorded his number. He was told to bring his
wet sheet to the drying room for use the following night. After breakfast he was sent to join a
line of boys outside the office and when his number was called he was sent into the office and
given ‘6 or 12 slaps with the leather on the hands, wrist or backside’. He reported that he did
not know why he was being beaten, he had never been punished for bed-wetting before and
could not understand what he had done wrong. Nobody explained anything to him. Another
witness explained his experience:
Every night I was beaten for wetting the bed, the first night I said “the nuns didn’t beat
me for bed-wetting”, he ...(Br X)... said “you’re here now”. Br ...X... would make you
kneel down at the bed to pray, he would call out the boys every night ...(who had wet
their bed)... he would beat you with the leather, if you pulled away he would get hold of
you and hit harder, if you fell to the floor he would pull you up by the chin, twist your
ear, pull you by the hair. After the beatings he would play the guitar and sing
...(popular)... songs.
7.33 In other Schools the punishment for bed-wetting was reported to have been reserved for
bedtime when those who had wet their beds the previous night were lined up to await a beating
either on their hands or bare buttocks. Many of the 124 witness reported that they were beaten
in the morning and again at night. Other witnesses reported being sent to ‘the office’ where
punishment was meted out, usually in the form of strokes of the leather on the hands or
buttocks, described by one witness as follows:
You had to fold your bed every morning. Anyone who wet the bed had to stand out. It
was the fear. You were told to go to the office. Usually it was after school when they
bate ...(beat)... us. They never did it before school ’cos you’d be going to school crying.
There’d be 20 or 30 lads all waiting to be beaten, lined up outside the office ... it would
only be that size ... (indicated small space)... That’s where we would get our beatings.
You were just so scared; you didn’t know who was doing the beatings.... You were
better off not looking at the strap, it would frighten you more. It would depend who was
on and the form of the Brother how many slaps you’d get. You’d be told to drop your
pants and tip your toes. ... The lads, my friends, would try and get me out of bed at
night-time to go to the toilet.
7.34 Witnesses described trying to stay awake so as not to wet their bed. The rules in some
dormitories were said to preclude getting out of bed at night. In other Schools witnesses
reported being reluctant to go to the toilet during the night for fear of being followed and abused
by the night watchman or older co-residents. There were 43 witness reports of being beaten and
sexually abused by night watchmen and older co-residents in this context.
7.35 Cold showers and baths were described as a punishment for bed-wetting in the latter decades,
with six such witness accounts from three Schools in the 1970s and 1980s.
7.36 Witnesses also reported going to considerable lengths to swap or hide their wet sheets,
acknowledging that sometimes others were punished as a result. Other residents jeered those
who wet their bed and some witnesses spoke with regret about their actions as children in this
regard.
7.37 Soiling was reported less frequently and most often in the context of severe beatings. Fifteen
(15) witnesses reported they were either beaten because they soiled themselves or soiled
themselves as they were being severely beaten. Witnesses reported being publicly beaten with
leather straps and hurleys and humiliated by having their faces pushed into their soiled
bedclothes. Seven (7) witnesses specifically described soiling themselves as a response to
extreme fear.
I soiled myself a lot there, it was after a battering in the yard, it started after that, I never
done it before that. After I got a hiding in the yard, this Brother came over and caught
me by the back of the neck and swung me around.
•
In the classroom Br ...X... threw me out the window one day because I soiled myself. He
was a bully, he hit me with the leather on the hands and he’d fist you as well ...indicated
being hit on face....
Absconding – running away

7.38 Running away was a feature of life in the Schools and the majority of witnesses made some
reference to either running away, thinking about doing so, or observing what happened to
returned absconders. Witnesses consistently reported that residents who absconded or ran
away were severely beaten and flogged upon their return to the School. The public nature and
severity of the beatings were described as traumatic, and made a lasting impression on those
who witnessed them in addition to serving as a caution against absconding. Reports of running
away were frequently accompanied by accounts of persistent physical and sexual abuse.
I ran away a few times. He ...(Br X)... was trying always to put his hand down my leg....
(On return to the School)... I was put up on rafters. There was an old shed there, it was
a barn, I was tied to the rafters, he ...(Br X)... had the rope over the top, I was like that
...demonstrated spread out facing down... he lashed me with the leather, over the back
and down the arms, that happened on 4 or 5 occasions, I ran away again after that.
7.39 There were 95 witness reports from 13 Schools of severe beatings as punishment for
absconding throughout the entire period covered by the Report. The most frequent and most
severe beatings pertained to the discharge period prior to 1970. The forms of physical abuse
reported for absconding included: public beatings partly or fully naked, hair being shaved,
deprivation of food and transfers to more distant and what were believed to be more restrictive
institutions. In one School there were several reports of returned absconders being forced to
wear oversized clogs as a deterrent. ‘They used to give me clogs so that I wouldn’t run away, or
boots that were too big you couldn’t get far in them.’ Beatings of returned absconders were not
always conducted in view of the other residents but were reported to be regularly within earshot,
in the Resident Manager’s office, on the stairwell or in another room routinely used for such
purpose.
7.40 Thirty (30) witnesses reported that they had their heads shaved as part of the punishment for
absconding, six of whom reported having it done more than once. Witnesses reported that head
shaving marked them as a returned absconder and therefore subject to further random beatings
from both staff and co-residents.
7.41 There were 18 witness reports of absconders from three different Schools being beaten and
otherwise punished by co-residents following public beatings by religious staff members. It was
the reported practice in one School that the returned absconders were placed in the yard and
the other residents were encouraged to kick and punch them while staff watched:
I ran away when I was 12, I was caught and 2 of them ...(Br X and Br Y)... would lay
into you and not only the Brothers but the lads as well, especially the monitors. They
were told they could not see their film because of me, I got the head shaved, a scissors
and the hand clip.
•
One day a gang of us went for a walk into a field, we were told we could. They had farm
workers out with dogs looking for us. We were caught and brought back. We were taken
onto the yard, they let the dogs go ...(attacking)... and the boys would line up and hit
you with whatever they had in their hand, kick you, you had to run through the line. This
was a punishment to let the boys know that if it ever happened again this is what would
happen. That night you were beaten again, you were thrown over the bed ...crying....
7.42 A small number of witnesses described being forced to search for boys who ran away. One
witness describes: ‘(Br X)... forced me to catch lads who were absconding, if you didn’t find
them you’d get their hidings as well ’.
7.43 Four (4) witnesses from two different Schools reported that they were beaten on the soles of
their feet with a cane and leather strap as a punishment for running away. Witnesses from three
other Schools reported being made to stand or kneel in the recreation yards following their
beatings and were ostracised by their peers. Two (2) witnesses from the latter Schools reported
being made to kneel in the yard for several hours in their underpants in winter and were
incontinent while kneeling there. The punishment for absconding in a number of Schools was
reported to include being put on reduced food and being forbidden to associate with others.
Witnesses described being made to walk around the yard alone for several weeks. Others
reported being made to kneel in the refectory while they ate bread and water. This punishment
was described as continuing for days and up to three weeks in one instance. One witness
reported that when he was brought back after running away his head was shaved and he was
later taken from his bed, stripped and beaten, punched and kicked by a group of six Brothers in
front of other residents.
Anyway, 3 of us decided that we could not stick it ...(being beaten)... anymore, every
time you looked he ...(Br X)... was after you. We could not take it, we ran away. We
were out for about a fortnight and we were caught. I did not get flogged at the time but
...named 2 co-residents ...(were told)... “take off your pants” and they got 25 stripes.
Now, I didn’t because I was 2 years younger and only had been there a while. The 3 of
us were put into the refectory, they got 3 mugs and 3 chairs and said “kneel down” and
we were like that for a week.... We had to kneel on anthracite coal in the kitchen, my
knees were all bleeding.
7.44 A further punishment associated with absconding was depriving the other residents of watching
the weekly film. This particular punishment was reported to prompt residents to abuse those
who had run away in retaliation for missing out on this popular treat, as one witness described:
I was put outside ...(yard punishment)... for about 3 months. Then after about 3 months
they would let you go to the film but they would not let you watch it. You would have to
sit with your back to the film and everybody would be watching you. It was just sheer
terror really, sheer fear. Fear was the most cruellest part of it.
7.45 Five (5) witnesses reported that they were transferred directly to other Schools with harsher
regimes as punishment for absconding.

Classroom education
7.46 One hundred and fifty seven (157) witnesses reported being physically assaulted in the
classroom. Witnesses described the liberal use of the leather, cane and wooden ruler or stick on
the face, palms, wrists, tips of the fingers, forearms, legs, backs of the hands, across the
shoulders, back and the bottom. Learning was reported to have been dominated by the fear of
punishment for various reasons including for not knowing the correct answer, being left handed,
being unable to read when called upon and being unable to speak clearly, as described by a
witness discharged in the 1960s:
If he ...(Br X)... asked a question and you put the hand up, you got a beating if you
could not ...(give the right answer).... If you were too slow with the answer you got
beaten. ... I got to the stage that I didn’t answer because I would get a beating.
Everything operated on fear. There was one Br ...X... if you done it too slow he hit you,
he had 2 leathers, if he appeared on the scene there was fear. No matter what you
done, you would always get it wrong. If you frowned or a flinch ... he would hit you.
7.47 Witnesses who have struggled with poor literacy all their lives described years of humiliation and
abuse in the classroom. In four Schools, witnesses described being bent over desks, forced to
remove their trousers and being beaten in front of the entire class. Witnesses described being
restrained in different ways including having their heads wedged in a window and in a drawer
while they were beaten on the bare bottom. The following is an additional account of abuse in
the classroom:
Br ...X... was a very, very hard man. In each classroom they had a special stool that you
stood up on and you got it across the legs or the arse. Everything was done in public. It
depended on what was going on, if there was laughing or if you threw something.
7.48 Other classroom punishments reported were: ear pulling, being lifted up by the hair or cheeks,
beaten on the soles of the feet, having objects thrown at the head or body and being made to
stand facing the wall with arms elevated until fatigued, when a beating would ensue. Several
witnesses reported having their face slapped or boxed repeatedly while their head was held
steady by a tuft of hair. This practice was referred to by witnesses as a ‘jaw warmer’ or ‘rabbit
punch’.
One time in the class, my arms would be black and blue, both arms, because I couldn’t
read a couple of lines in Irish, he ...(Br X)... beat me.... He’d put you in the corner, your
hands would be up like that ...(displayed arms raised)... if you dropped them you’d get
the leather. He put me in the back of the class and he’d tell you to run to him, he’d put
his fist out like that ...(indicated fist and outstretched arm)... and you’d run into it.... It
would be the kick in the shins you would get off him. As soon as you hit the deck he
would pull you up by the ears for what we used to call the rabbit punch, you know, like
that ...indicated hand movement... with the side of his hand on the neck, he’d chop you,
you’d go down on the deck. I was out ...(unconscious)... that day, you’d be reeling ... an
11 year old child.
7.49 In addition to the consistently severe forms of physical abuse reported in the context of bed-
wetting, running away and the classroom, male witnesses also reported being routinely
physically abused in the process of various other everyday activities. Examples of these
activities were personal care, recreation and work.
Personal care
7.50 Witnesses discharged before 1970 reported the widespread practice of residents being beaten
in the dormitories, washrooms and cloakrooms. One hundred and thirty two (132) witnesses
described such beatings as punishment for not having washed properly or quickly enough, being
last out of the bathroom, having torn or worn clothing or footwear or a missing item of clothing.
Holes in socks, jumpers or footwear and tears in trousers or jackets were also described as a
common cause of punishment. Witnesses also reported being beaten when they took their worn
or torn clothes to be repaired and hit if they did not have them mended or clean before an
inspection.
In the morning time there would be an inspection, if there was a button missing you’d
get whacked. You’d get a smack in the ear with the hand.
•
I got such a hiding because my pants were soiled. One day I put up my hand, I wanted
to go to the toilet but the Brother he wouldn’t let me go. I had to wash my underpants
and then at the inspection they were dirty, I got a hiding for that.
•
You’d be hit if your lace was open, if your clothes weren’t clean, if your hair wasn’t
combed. They’d come up at you from behind or from the side and hit you at full force –
you wouldn’t see it coming.
7.51 Random beatings in bed at night were also described. Night watchmen were reported to have
patrolled the dormitories during the night in nine Schools. Both the night watchmen and religious
staff are reported to have checked that residents lay in a particular way in their beds, reports of
this experience vary over the years and between the different institutions. Witnesses from some
Schools consistently reported being beaten if they were found lying with their hands under the
bedclothes, others were beaten if they did not have their arms and hands crossed over their
chest in a particular way. Witnesses believed the reason for this enforced practice was to avoid
what religious staff referred to as the ‘sin’ of masturbation.
You couldn’t sleep on your back, your ass would be so sore ...(after a beating)... you’d
want to sleep on your belly, but they wouldn’t let you sleep, you had to sleep in a
particular way, on your back.
7.52 Showers were reported as locations of abuse in six institutions. The most commonly reported
reasons for being beaten in the showers were not washing properly, ducking out of unbearably
hot or cold water or attempting to avoid sexual assault. Religious and some lay staff were
reported to supervise the showers, usually alone. Some residents described being checked as
they left the shower area and were pulled aside for punishment if not considered to be properly
washed, at other times it was reported that they were randomly struck with either a leather strap
or a stick as they were showering or as they filed past the supervising staff member. A specific
complaint about these beatings was the pain of being beaten on wet skin and the humiliation of
being beaten while naked.
Showers were too cold or scalding.... All the time you had to steel yourself, some of my
worst nightmares are of the dormitory and the showers, they were a nightmare.
Someone, Br ...X... would turn it ...(water)... on, it was too hot or too cold, you jumped
out and suddenly you would see this black figure, and you would see a strap coming at
you and you would be leathered, you would hear this series of screams all along the
cubicles as another ...(co-resident)... got it. The worst for me was you were trapped, you
could not hide in the cubicle. They were the danger times, you couldn’t disappear in the
shower.
7.53 Witnesses also reported being physically abused when they were sent to the infirmary for
treatment of an injury or ailment. Four (4) Brothers who were in charge of the infirmaries in
different Schools were identified as beating residents who were sent to the infirmary. One
Brother was named by seven witnesses as abusive in this manner. It was reported that some
lay nurses were also harsh, including one who was reported by seven witnesses: ‘she was
cruel, vicious, would pour a bottle ...(of iodine)... all over you if she was in a bad mood, in your
eyes, burn your scabs’.
7.54 Eight (8) witnesses reported being beaten in the context of religious practice, including the
performance of their duties as altar boys, being late, falling asleep or being inattentive at Mass,
and forgetting to say prayers in the refectory.
Recreation
7.55 One hundred and sixty five (165) witnesses reported being physically abused while involved in
recreational activities. Recreation areas including yards, playing fields, gyms, recreation halls
and music rooms were described as places where it was necessary to be alert and to avoid staff
who took advantage of opportunities to abuse residents. There were reports from a number of
Schools of drill in the yard being routine, under the supervision of lay drill masters.
7.56 Witnesses from all Schools described being physically abused by religious staff in the course of
playing football and hurling. Among the methods of abuse described was a practice of excessive
use of force in play by certain priests and Brothers and putting less able residents or those
selected for punishment between the goal posts as target practice for hurling and football.
7.57 In six Schools witnesses described being beaten for winning a game or a point against a
Brother and/or being punished if the team lost a match against an outside team. This threat of
punishment was described by one witness as making them ‘ferocious opponents with a
reputation for being hard’.
In the sports Br ...X... was involved in hurling and football, if you weren’t up to scratch,
particularly hurling, a fist would come out of nowhere and he would hit you. You’d be
walloped ...(by Br X)... on the field.
•
Br ...X... and Br ...Y... were like 2 bruisers going around, you wouldn’t mind the regular
punches and belts as they were passing any day, but Br ...X... beat the shit out of me
like I was a punch bag in front of all the others at a football match. ... He picked me up,
head butted me, kicked me and left me in a terrible state to show me and all of us who
was boss. I got the worst hiding ever ... beaten with the leather and stick. I had cracked
ribs, my face was bruised and swollen, I was kicked in the head and stomach.
7.58 Playing soccer was reported as forbidden in a large number of Schools, with 10 witness
accounts of being beaten when caught.
Another time I was caught heading the ball, you were not allowed play soccer you
know, by Br ...X.... He said “I warned you”. He caught me and brought me around to the
toilets. He had this tyre like you’d have at home, off a pram you know ...(witness
described being beaten with a rubber tyre)... . He left me ...crying.... God, the fucking
swelling that came up ...crying... you’d try and pull away and he’d hit you on top of the
head and hit you with his fists.
7.59 Music practice rooms and gymnasiums were also reported as locations for physical abuse in
many of the Schools reported to the Committee. These discrete locations were reported to also
allow opportunities for boys to be isolated. Twenty five (25) witnesses from a small number of
Schools reported severe physical abuse in the context of band activities. These reports were
most often connected to the specific staff member in charge of the activity. In general, reports of
physical abuse in these locations were routine and frequently associated with sexual abuse.
It was 7 nights a week practice ...(band)... until you were 16, 7 to 10 at night. The other
lads would be playing soccer or watching TV. He Br ...X... he would know straight away
who was playing a false note. The first one who played a false note he would clatter
with his hand he would just lift you up, catch you by the hair like that and lift you off the
chair and clatter you as you were going down.
7.60 A small number of Schools were reported to have had boxing clubs. Nine (9) witnesses reported
being abused in the context of boxing activities, including being pitted against older, stronger
residents as a punishment. One witness reported that he was ordered by a Brother to join the
boxing club, but he refused as he had no interest in boxing. The witness reported that for a
week afterwards he was taken from his bed each night and beaten with a strap by the same
Brother. He eventually agreed to join the club and was forced to spar with other residents who
were more experienced, he was repeatedly beaten in the ring. The witness believed these
beatings in the boxing ring stopped when a lay staff member threatened to go to the gardaı́.
Witnesses also reported being made to box in the ring as a punishment for fighting amongst
themselves:
If you were caught fighting you were made ...(by Br X)... to put on gloves and fight the
other boy involved. It could be you were picked on by a bigger boy in the first place,
who then got permission to beat you properly.
7.61 Other witness reports regarding boxing included being made to fight regardless of fear, being
forced to participate in a boxing competition for the entertainment of visiting Brothers and being
forced to fight naked.
Work
7.62 One hundred and forty eight (148) witnesses made 197 reports of being physically abused in
the context of work, including being hit, kicked, punched and beaten. Farm work, trade shops
and kitchens were the most frequently reported areas of work associated with physical abuse,
particularly among those discharged before 1980. Witnesses reported that particularly harsh
religious and lay staff were in charge of work in these areas in a number of Schools. The
conditions under which residents were at times required to work were also reported as abusive
in certain Schools. Witnesses stated that the relative seclusion of work areas from the main
thoroughfare of activity in the Schools further increased the risk of abuse – for example kitchens
and farm sheds where residents were often reported to have worked in isolation with a single
staff member.
7.63 There were 97 reports of being physically abused while working on the farms, in the farmyards,
tending farm animals and in the fields attached to the Schools. There were a further 19 reports
of being abused while working on the bogs. Witnesses described physically punishing work such
as picking and breaking stones, cutting turf, pulling beet by hand from the ground, turning hay
by hand, pulling trees from the ground, cutting timber and manually compacting silage. In
addition to being abused while they worked, witnesses also described physically punishing work:
They used to get the tractor to cut the grass, to save the hay. They used to get a line of
us along one end of the field and bend over and physically scrape all the grass with our
hands.... Named lay ancillary worker... used to be there with a big stick and if you stood
up you got a smack of it across the back of the head or the back. We used to have to
pull the trees and the stumps up out of the ground with chains and move big rocks with
a chain. Your hands would be blue....
•
Br ...X... I learned to hate, he was the most evil .... Any dirty job I would get it, he took a
dislike to me. I always got the job of staying up when the little piglets would be born, up
all night. One day the sow had lain on top of the piglets and some of them were dead.
That man he was evil, you’d think I had shot somebody the hiding he gave me. ... I was
horse whipped with the leather, beaten to a pulp ... crying and screaming and wet
myself ... when he stopped he said “now pull up your trousers and go and feed those
pigs”.
•
I couldn’t lift the buckets ...(working on the farm).... He, Br ...X... had a big long stick, he
was whipping you across the legs, across the arse like he would a cow. I couldn’t lift the
buckets.
•
One time when I was learning how to milk, the cow put her hoof in the bucket and Br
...X... lifted me by the ears, the skin come off under his nails, and threw me on the
ground,. He gave me a few digs and boxed me in the ribs, just hit you anywhere he
liked. The next morning I fell off the stool and the same thing happened again, my ears
were bleeding.
7.64 There were 41 reports of being physically abused while working in the kitchens, mainly those
attached to the Schools where food for the residents was prepared and served. Eleven (11)
reports were from one School and almost all referred to one particular Brother. There were nine
reports from a second School where the kitchen was also the domain of a Brother reported to
be particularly harsh. Witnesses reported being abused in many ways, including being beaten,
having their heads plunged into sinks of water, locked into fridges, and deliberately scalded as
punishments for dropping crockery, saucepans of food, taking food, not working quickly enough,
and burning food.
He Br ...X... used to run the kitchen, he had this habit of waving his big leather strap ...
and any time he felt like it he would just hit you. You would get a couple of clatters for
no particular reason. ... He was wired to the moon.
7.65 There were 26 witness reports of physical abuse in the weaving, tailoring, shoemaking, darning
and painting workshops. They reported that these areas were under the charge of staff, most of
whom were lay ancillary workers, who in some instances punched, kicked and beat and threw
objects at residents. Physical abuse in this context was mainly reported to occur in relation to
specific work tasks.
7.66 Many other reports of physical abuse in work contexts included: working in the laundries,
infirmaries, making Rosary beads and other religious objects, chopping sticks, carrying turf and
coal, emptying latrines, cleaning boots and shoes, scrubbing and polishing floors, building,
cleaning toilets and pulling grass.
My job at one time was to hand out clean laundry to other boys. One day I remember
one boy did not get clean underwear for some reason and Br ...X... got 2 boys to hold
me across the bed. He pulled down my pants and beat me across the bare backside
with his leather strap. I got 10 to 15 lashes from him for this incident.
7.67 Three (3) witnesses reported being physically abused when sent out to work for local farmers
and others while resident in the Schools.
Specific practices used in physical abuse

7.68 In addition to the forms of abuse described above, witnesses reported that staff at times
employed certain practices that intensified the experience of being abused. The most frequently
reported were flogging, delayed punishment and being beaten by more than one person.

Severe beatings and flogging
7.69 The Committee heard evidence from 78 witnesses in relation to 13 Schools that they were
stripped, and severely beaten. Forty seven (47) of those witnesses from nine Schools reported
being beaten in public. These beatings were most commonly reported to have been with a
leather strap, sometimes a cane, and administered by more than one staff member on the
naked back and buttocks. The beatings were described as ‘fiercely brutal’ and ‘unmerciful’ and
were frequently referred to as floggings, and were associated with particular staff members.
Eleven (11) witnesses from one School reported being beaten naked. In another School, 14
witnesses reported being flogged, 12 of whom were naked or partially clothed. Twelve (12)
witnesses from two other Schools gave accounts of being beaten naked themselves or
witnessing co-residents being severely beaten while naked.
7.70 These beatings and floggings were reported to have taken place most often in the recreation
yards, the boot rooms, the refectories and the stairwells. Witnesses described at times being
made to bend over desks, stairs, benches, vaulting horses or to bend over with their fingers
under their toes to be beaten on their bare back and buttocks. Forty eight (48) witnesses
reported that they were beaten or kicked to the ground and that the beating frequently continued
while they were on the ground. Witnesses commenting on the public floggings said that some
residents ‘couldn’t stand at the end’ and recalled, ‘the beating went on until they ... (Brothers)...
were exhausted’.
They had what they called the public floggings, where you would be brought out in the
middle of the ...(yard).... If they wanted to make a real example of you they would have
all the other lads there and you would have to kneel down. I was flogged by 4 of them
...(Brothers)... one time. ... I was lashed.... They used to flog you at night time, you
would be bruised all over, you would be sore at night, you wet the bed.
7.71 Witnesses reported being flogged and severely beaten for many reasons, including: disclosing
or reporting abuse, absconding, speaking to visiting girls, riding a visitor’s bike, refusing to clear
blocked toilets, taking food, fighting, delay in lining up, not washing properly or having torn
clothes.
When I was there 3 blokes ...named co-residents... they ran away and when they were
brought back, they were flogged, on one of these vaulting horses. We were all there. Br
...X... said “I’m going to make an example of these boys”, and one by one they came
out, no trousers on them ... naked from their waist down, each one individually over the
vaulting horse, he flogged them. Well you could see their backsides going red blue, red
blue, the whole School watching.
7.72 Twenty three (23) witnesses described injuries to their genitalia as a result of being kicked or
flogged. Eighteen (18) witnesses described being hosed with cold water or having cold water
thrown on them prior to, or in the course of a severe beating. A witness gave the following
account of a severe beating when he was found in the company of co-residents who had been
talking to some girls visiting their brothers in the School:
Br ...X... met the boys coming up from talking to the girls, he sent them down to the
washroom, he told me to go too, but I wasn’t with them. He told the 3 of us to get into
bathing togs. He went out and got the leather strap, like the cut-throat razor, he came
in, took off his coat and his collar and I never in all my life seen anything like what he
done. He started beating us, saying we were talking to the girls ... he took off his shirt ...
he didn’t beat me so much as the others. One of the lads started soiling themselves, he
beat them so much, grabbing himself saying, “I’ll give ye girls”, rubbing himself. One of
the lads was in bits, they were in a terrible state.
7.73 Witnesses reported being filled with terror as religious staff appeared to lose control when they
were administering physical beatings or floggings. It was reported that such beatings frequently
resulted in injury or, in 22 reported instances, rendered the resident unconscious. Eight (8) of
the 22 witnesses reported that they passed out while being beaten and woke up in bed unable
to move. There were 36 accounts of witnesses being unable to sit or lie on their back for some
days after being beaten, and a further 28 accounts of being unable to walk following a beating
or flogging.
I remember another boy who would not cry. I remember one day he got 50 slaps on one
hand and then 50 on the other and then another 50. This Brother got so mad that he
...(co-resident)... would not cry. He, Br ...X... kicked the legs from under him and kicked
him to the ground and kicked him until he went unconscious. He was just lying there
with his eyes staring up to the sky.
7.74 Eleven (11) witnesses reported that the flogging or beating they received was so severe that
they thought they were going to be killed. Five (5) witnesses from two Schools reported that
named co-residents were never seen again following a severe beating.
I remember this one Brother. The boys would be crying in the morning going into class.
He’d start with sums, always an awkward division. I remember one boy in the class
...named co-resident.... He was asked a question this time, he made the awful mistake
of saying he knew the answer but couldn’t get the answer out, and with that this Br
...X... went absolutely berserk.... The brutality of that man, he hit him everywhere, with
the leather. He ...(co-resident)... was trying to avoid being hit. I never saw him ...(co-
resident)... again. I often did think about him, whether he went blind or not, I don’t know.
I never saw him again.
7.75 Five (5) witnesses reported being locked in a dark room in solitary confinement for a number of
days after a severe beating. Witnesses from a number of Schools reported that there were
rooms where residents were left for days after severe beatings. A witness reported that he and
others dropped bread through the window bars to a co-resident who was locked in that room.
Other witnesses reported spending days or weeks in the infirmary following a severe beating or
flogging.
Delayed punishment
7.76 Witnesses from six Schools reported an extensive practice of the delayed administration of
physical punishment, which was described as ‘a double punishment, waiting to be beaten and
the beating itself’. Experiences of delayed punishments described by witnesses were: kneeling
on the floor in the classrooms, refectories or in the yards and standing in their nightshirts at
night for long periods in the dormitories, waiting to be taken to the boot rooms, washrooms or
stairwells to be flogged. Witnesses who wet their beds described the misery of waiting to be
beaten each morning or evening in a routine fashion, in dormitories, offices or elsewhere.
Returned absconders and others who had infringed a rule reported a component of the
punishment was waiting to be beaten. They described being unable to sleep at night in
anticipation of being taken out of bed for physical punishment. Witnesses also described being
taken out of bed unexpectedly to be beaten for unknown reasons, making the possibility of
being beaten a constant threat.
You did not know when it was going to happen, they ...(Brothers)... would leave you
until you were nice and snug, you’d think you were safe. I don’t remember their names.
One of their favourite habits was to wait until you nearly fall asleep, and then they would
bring you down the marble stairs. You would be in ... like a grandfather’s nightshirt, with
nothing else underneath, and they would lift that up, and have you bent over the stairs.
They would whip you then with this strap.
7.77 Witnesses described the psychological distress and physical pain of being made to stand facing
a wall for lengthy periods, with arms raised waiting for a beating. They stated that they were hit
if they moved or dropped their arms and were terrified as they waited, not knowing what form
the physical punishment would take or when it would happen:
The worst abuse was being put ...(standing)... and you would be there for about 3 hours
and you would be waiting. Then they would send you to the boot room and give you a
hiding. Sometimes they wouldn’t give you a hiding that evening but the next day and
you would have all that day to think about it and stuff, it would do your head in. ...The
wall was the length of the dormitory and your toes would have to toe the wall, tight to
the wall, and if you moved there were monitors, they used to watch you and they would
report you to the Brother. ... You stood with your hands behind your back, your nose,
your head on to the wall. ...You’d have to stay there until the lights were dimmed and
then you would be taken to the boot room for the hiding. I think that was the worst thing
of all.
7.78 The practice of lining residents up to await punishment was described as a punishment in itself
as witnesses believed it was intended that they hear the cries of their co-residents in advance of
their own punishment.
Br ...X... was an awful man, he was in charge of ...(recreation)... I got a lot of hidings off
him. He had a strap about 2 inches thick and he would take down your pants and
sometimes he’d say “come down to my office after” and there would be about 6 or 7
fellows there queuing up. You could hear the fellow inside. There would be crying and
they would be shouting and you would be terrified outside. You’d be next in then, you’d
be frightened, very, very frightened, the screaming, it was awful. The hidings was for
everyday carrying on, you know kids like. We were all afraid.
Abuse by more than one person

7.79 Fifty nine (59) witnesses reported episodes of being physically abused by more than one person
simultaneously. Of those reports there were 42 witness accounts of two or more religious staff
coming to the dormitories at night and removing residents from their beds. Witnesses reported
being brought to either cloakrooms, boot rooms, showers and bathrooms or the rooms of
religious staff members where they were stripped and placed across a table, bed or chair and
beaten by more than one priest or Brother. The Committee also heard reports of residents being
held down by co-residents under the instruction of a Brother. A small number of witnesses
reported being held with their head between the thighs of one of the priests or Brothers while
another priest or Brother beat them on the bare bottom with a leather strap. Witnesses also
reported being severely beaten as part of a group for various reasons, for example when no one
admitted to talking during silent periods or when a staff member wanted a resident to admit to a
misdemeanour. Many witnesses described the involvement of more than one religious staff in
the episodes of severe beating or flogging, and the assault being so severe that they sustained
an injury.
You would get it ...(the leather)... on the back of the leg, on the arms, on the back on
the head, anywhere. This guy ...(Br X)... had a temper he had a severe temper, like a
horse. You could end up down ...(on the ground)... kicked, hit, leathered, you’d be black
and blue I was hit to the floor, you would be black and blue, bleeding. I got quite a few
with my trousers down and leather. ... He had a whistle and there were religious staff
near by, they would weigh in, 3 or 4 of them, you daren’t react to these people. If they
were physically abusing someone else you daren’t do anything or you would be for the
high jump yourself.
•
One fella ...(co-resident)... called my mother a bastard. I hit him a box. ... They
...(Brothers)... told me to get into my togs and go up to the shower. After the cold
shower the 2 of them ...(Brothers)... got 2 sally rods and they beat me, God did they
beat me. You would feel the welts on your legs, I mean real dents on your skin.
•
Named School... ruined my life. Night-times were the worst; if you weren’t taken out of
bed and beaten you were listening to it happening to someone else. You could hear the
screams all over the whole building at night it was so quiet. Up to 4 Brothers would
come and take a boy out of bed on some pretext and give him a hammering, make you
take off your nightshirt, they would do what they wanted. They were like a pack of
hunting animals.
•
At night-time you’d be in your nightshirt, 2 of them would hold you down, you could be
asleep or on the mark of going asleep, it was always at night time. Three of them would
come in. Two of them and the third one would do the beating. The strap ... (standing up
demonstrating hitting)... it was done in frenzy, like they did not want to be caught....
7.80 There were five accounts of boys being tied down before being beaten; in one circumstance a
witness described being tied to a bench and beaten. Another witness reported that a Brother
sent him to the office, where he was told to take his clothes off, two Brothers took turns beating
him on his body and hands until ‘I thought I was going to be killed’. The witness further reported
his legs were swollen with open lacerations.
7.81 A witness, who reported he was wrongly accused of stealing from another resident, described
being told by the Resident Manager ‘to take your punishment like a man’. He was then taken to
the office and beaten by two Brothers, on the face, buttocks, hands, wrist and arm until the
witness confessed to something he had not done. In a number of Schools the Resident
Manager was reported by witnesses to be involved directly in the physical punishment of
residents along with other religious staff and in other Schools there were reports of the Resident
Manager being called on to agree a punishment.
Injuries
7.82 Witnesses reported a catalogue of injuries to themselves and co-residents as a result of
physical abuse by religious and lay staff members in the 26 Schools reported to the Committee.
Two hundred and twenty four (224) reports were heard of injuries including: breaks to ribs,
noses, wrists, arms and legs, injuries to head, genitalia, back, mouth, eye, ear, hand, jaw, face
and kidney. Sixty four (64) witnesses reported being left unable to walk, sit, stand or lie down as
a result of those injuries. Other injuries included burns, dog bites, lacerations, broken teeth,
dislocated shoulders, injuries to the soles of feet, and burst chilblains. Chilblains were a
common ailment in the pre-1970s period and male witnesses reported experiencing severe pain
after being struck on hands and legs with chilblains. Witnesses reported that at times they were
beaten until their chilblains burst and bled.
I suffered from chilblains. I had poor circulation, really festering sores, your fingers as
white as sheets, I had to dress my own. I couldn’t get my feet into shoes. One morning
after very heavy rain the ground was water-logged, I didn’t want to go over and get my
feet wet and aggravate the condition ...(chilblains).... He ...(Fr X)... caught me up in his
arm and took me across the yard, walked me across ... on sore feet on the wet ground
... and dropped me in the hall. ... He took his revenge out on me, he walloped me with
his stick, he walloped me for a full quarter of an hour or more.
•
He ...(Br X)... went around all the beds, you had the clothes, blankets and stuff rolled
back and if you made one mistake, whack right across the legs. If you couldn’t get the
right answer or recite the Our Father or Hail Mary, all in Irish, he would whack you
across the soles of the feet with a bamboo cane. I saw boys there who couldn’t walk the
next day. You were supposed to learn while you were in bed and recite it for him.
7.83 Many witnesses reported more than one injury, which included the following:
• One hundred and eighty six (186) witnesses reported being marked, bruised or
swollen with welts.
• Seventy one (71) witnesses reported blood being drawn.
• Sixty (60) witnesses reported eye and/or ear injuries.
• Forty four (44) witnesses reported head lacerations.
• Thirty two (32) witnesses reported injuries to their hand, three of whom reported
permanent damage.
• Twenty eight (28) witness reported broken ribs, arms or legs.
• Twenty three (23) witnesses reported injury to their genitalia.
• Twenty two (22) witnesses reported receiving injuries that left them unconscious.
• Twenty two (22) witnesses reported being scalded or burned.
• Twenty (20) witnesses reported broken noses.
• Twenty (20) witnesses reported split lips or broken teeth.
• Seventeen (17) witnesses reported injuries to their face or jaw.
• Thirteen (13) witnesses reported injuries to their feet.
• Eight (8) witnesses reported injuries to their back.
• Four (4) witnesses reported suffering kidney damage.
• Three (3) witnesses reported being stabbed with farm and kitchen implements.
7.84 There were multiple injuries reported in relation to particular Schools and staff members, for
instance 126 witnesses from three Schools reported injuries including broken bones, fractured
limbs, head injuries, broken teeth and being left bleeding and bruised. Six (6) witnesses from
one School named a particular Brother as the perpetrator of severe injuries, including broken
noses and facial injuries:
I lost my 2 front teeth because of a whack like that ...demonstrated strike of the hand...
out in the yard. If you got too near him...(Br X)... he would just whack you, he’d flatten
you. ... A few days later I was sent to the doctor because my mouth was all up. ... He
sent me on to the dentist in ...named town....
7.85 Twenty five (25) witnesses reported being hospitalised for different non-accidental injuries, as
described above. Six (6) of these reports referred to one particular School. Others described co-
residents being hospitalised for treatment of their injuries following physical assault by a
religious or lay staff member.
Fr ...X... laid me out cold for talking; he walloped me so fast I couldn’t see it coming. He
broke my nose, I had to go to hospital. He knocked me clean out. I had 2 big black eyes
and the nurse sent me to the hospital.
•
The 2 years I had there I did not get over it for many, many years. I was shattered. ... I
suffered fierce violence there. I saw one boy ...named co-resident... battered on the bog,
he got such a beating from Br ...X... that his back was broken and he was shifted off to
hospital in ...named town....
7.86 Witnesses reported that in a number of Schools a member of the religious staff or an older
resident accompanied them to the hospital and in most cases spoke to the hospital staff on their
behalf. Witnesses reported being warned by the person who had beaten them and by other staff
to tell the doctor the injuries were caused accidentally.
One day I was on the farm and we were messing, me and ...named co-resident...
squirting milk at each other. There was a Mr ...X (named lay ancillary worker)... there
and he told Br ...Y.... He ...(Br Y)... came over and dug his nails into the back of my
ears and then he hit me with his clenched fists on the jaw and of course I went down. I
was in the infirmary myself for 6 or 7 weeks after that because they smashed my jaw,
my gum was all gone, inside of my face was all ripped. Br ...Y... took me to ...named
hospital... he done all the talking and he said “if anyone asks you, you have an abscess
on your gum”. I was back in the infirmary, the treatment I was getting was hot salty
water. It started getting a bit easier for me after that.
7.87 Nineteen (19) witnesses reported being treated by a nurse in the School for injuries, including
broken bones and lacerations following physical abuse. There were 12 further reports of non-
accidental injuries being treated by a visiting doctor and another 10 reports of witnesses
spending lengthy periods of time in the infirmary while they recovered. Witnesses at times
reported such treatments were abusive in themselves.
My bed was near the medicine cabinet, there was this thing called horse iodine that
they put on cuts the pain of it was unbelievable. ... I saw these 3 boys lining up and Br
...X... he painted their backside and legs with this stuff. I will never forget them jumping
around and screaming in pain, it was just terrifying.
•
Mr ...X..., lay worker, he was staying there ...(in the School).... He’d stay for a few days
and then he’d come back. He hit with something like half a board and a cane, beaten all
over. He used a board on the soles of my feet and I couldn’t walk after it. I had to drag
my feet and try to walk, it was that sore.
Reported abusers
7.88 The 474 reports of physical abuse heard by the Committee identified 556 individuals by name
as physically abusive, 110 of whom were also reported as sexually abusive.7 Witnesses
reported being physically abused by a variety of personnel including religious and lay staff who
were in positions including Resident Managers, teachers, and care and ancillary staff. It should
be noted that Resident Managers or their designated deputies were authorised as
Disciplinarians, as regulated. Witnesses also reported being physically abused by older co-
residents. Seven (7) witnesses reported being physically abused by members of the public
including visitors to the Schools and the employers on work placements.
7.89 In addition to those named by witnesses there were 30 reports of physical abuse by religious
and lay staff and co-residents who were not identified by name. A number of witnesses who
made reports of physical abuse to the Committee stated that they either did not wish to name
the person who abused them or had no memory of the name of that person.
He ...(Brother)... gave me a hiding. I don’t remember who that was, I didn’t know his
name. It’s only the ones that really hurt you are the ones that stuck in your memory.
7
A number of witnesses reported being abused by more than one abuser, therefore, the number of reported abusers is
greater than either the number of witnesses or the reports of abuse.

7.90 For the purpose of this Report the term ‘care staff’ is used to describe religious and lay staff
whose main contact with the witnesses was in the context of their everyday care. Those
described in the table below as care staff were reported to have been in charge of the
dormitories and most activities of daily living such as personal hygiene, bathing, dressing, meals
and recreation. Witnesses reported the increasing presence of trained childcare workers from
the 1970s onwards in a number of Schools. The main distinction made between care and
ancillary staff was that those described as care staff had a supervisory function while the
ancillary workers were reported to have had designated tasks such as night watchman, working
in the laundry, kitchen or on the farm. The following table shows the positions reported to be
held by named physical abusers in, or associated with, the Schools:
Table 20: Position and Number of Reported and Named Physical Abusers – Male
Reported position held by named abusers Males Females

Religious
- Authority figure including Resident Manager 65 9
- Care staff 227 21
- Teacher 49 7
- Ancillary worker 53 2
- External priest 5 0
Lay
- Care staff 6 7
- Teacher 27 8
Work placement provider 3 0
General public 4 0
Co-resident 15 1
Total 496 60
7.91 As may be seen in the above table, 394 of those named by witnesses as physically abusive
(71%)
were male religious staff within the Schools, a further 39 named abusers were religious Sisters.
Ninety five (95) lay staff, 75 male and 20 female, were named by witnesses as perpetrators of
physical abuse.
Religious (staff and others)

7.92 Witnesses identified 399 male religious, 378 Brothers and 21 priests by name as physically
abusive. As well as staff of the School, these included five priests who provided a pastoral
service to the residents, members of a religious order on holiday and visiting religious staff who
assisted with sport, recreation and other activities. The number of reports of physical abuse in
relation to particular religious staff varied considerably, as follows:
• Two hundred and eight (208) male religious were named once each by single
witnesses.
• One hundred and thirty four (134) male religious were each reported as physically
abusive by between two and nine witnesses.
7.93 Sixteen (16) Brothers in four particular schools were identified by name as physically abusive in
244 witness reports and a further 53 male religious were identified in multiple reports by
witnesses from those Schools.
7.94 The religious staff identified as physically abusive were reported to have been engaged in all
areas of the Schools, including the classrooms, dormitories, kitchens, workshops, farms and
recreation areas.
Br ...X... he went over and got an ordinary leather ... and he started beating me. I was
so frightened, he had the door locked, it was inside in the refectory. He beat me for a
long, long time. ... I had marks on my legs, marks on my back. I was terrified with the
beating I got. ... Another young fellow ...named co-resident... I seen the same Brother
one day in the kitchen picking up a big iron poker and giving him a ferocious belt across
the head.
7.95 Sixty-five (65) of the named male religious staff reported as physically abusive were identified by
witnesses as being in positions of authority, including Resident Managers within the Schools.
The remaining 329 Brothers and priests named by witnesses were reported to be care, teaching
and ancillary staff within the Schools. Witnesses described some of the religious staff having
different roles within the School and at times were not clear whether the ascribed role was in
fact the individual’s dominant function within the institution. For example, witnesses referred to
religious staff in authority as the Superior, Reverend Mother, School Master, Officer in Charge,
Head Brother or Sister, and Brother or Priest in Charge.
He ...(Br X)... reported me to Br ...Y (Resident Manager).... He used deal out the
punishment for the running away or any trouble in the yard. Br ...Y... he told me to get
into ...named location in School... that was where all the punishment was dished out. I
was made face the wall in there for maybe half an hour or that. He made me sit down,
there was a school bench.... Br ...X... came in and the other one ...(Br Y)... got the other
side and he grabbed me arms, made me put me arms over the bench so you couldn’t
get your legs out. They pulled me trousers down, he had ... they used to call it a black
jack, it was like the rim of a pram that was broke, the rubber rim, they used get that
behind on you, they used hit you with that. The pain off that was unbelievable that day
...distressed.... I got about 10 of them that day. Then I was put back on the wall, they
came back after about an hour and they done it again, no Br ...X... did it, but the 2 of
them was there.
7.96 There were 39 religious Sisters named as physically abusive by witnesses. The reports of abuse
by Sisters refer to five junior and mixed gender Schools. Nine (9) Sisters were identified as
Resident Managers, one of whom was named by five witnesses.
I was messing around ... and this nun Sr ...X... was her name she got a hurley, a plastic
hurley, she lashed me out of it with this hurley. There was another Sr ...Y... she was
teaching me the clock and she used to hit me on the face when I didn’t understand it.
7.97 Ninety four (94) Brothers and five priests were named as both physically and sexually abusive
by witnesses.
Lay care and ancillary staff

7.98 There were 95 lay staff, 75 male and 20 female, identified by name as physically abusive by
male witnesses. A further 34 lay staff were identified by their position, but not by name, by male
witnesses.
7.99 Forty two (42) of the lay staff who were reported as physically abusive were ancillary staff
employed as night watchmen, drill masters, farm workers, maintenance and trade workers.
Witnesses reported that contact with lay ancillary staff was mainly in the dormitories, showers or
in the context of work activity on the farm, in the kitchens or in trade shops where they were in
constant contact with the staff who abused them.
They had a large shower area. We had one shower per week. The showers were back
to back. The person in charge of the baths, he was a lay person, if he wasn’t happy he
used to examine boys. To his reckoning if the boys weren’t clean enough, he’d examine
you, he would poke and hit you with a stick. I was walloped ... quite a few times, you’d
cower in the shower, he would wallop you, in the genital area and on the posterior.
7.100 Three (3) particular lay staff were identified by name in the evidence of 35 witnesses and a
further 13 lay staff were identified by name by between five and nine witnesses who gave
evidence to the Committee.
He was cruel ...named lay ancillary worker.... He was an animal, he was a giant of a
man. We were only kids. If you done something out of line you would get a toe in the
arse, or a whack of a stick, whatever he had in his hand. You’d be out in the field, you
would think you would be running around playing, no such thing, you were there to
work.
7.101 Twelve (12) watchmen were identified by 30 witnesses as physically abusive. The night
watchmen were employed to supervise the dormitories during the night and were reported to
attend to residents who wet their bed. The main reports of physical abuse by night watchmen
occurred in that context.
This man had the job of walking up and down the dormitory all night. One night I woke
up and this torch was shining in my face. ... He told me to get up and he took the
walking stick and he gave me 10 whacks on one hand and then he gave me 10 more.
He left me standing there while he did his rounds and then he came back and he gave
me 10 more, I was shaking. I wet myself ...distressed.... He went around again and he
came back again, at this time I don’t know what to do, I am shaking. I wet the floor, he
gave me 10 more on each hand. I got 60 whacks of a cane, a little boy for waking up
when a torch was shone on his face. Then he said “go back to bed”. I didn’t know what
to do, I cried, totally bemused at this savagery. That was the start of 4 years, night after
night after night he would walk around, I would pray “don’t stop, O God please don’t
stop. If I’m seen to be awake what will I get?” I saw him hit many boys. One time when
he was walking around the dormitory, I could hear him and I ...(soiled)... myself, now
how frightened can you get?
7.102 Twenty seven (27) male lay staff reported as physically abusive were classroom and other
teachers employed in the Schools. They were generally described as harsh disciplinarians who
dispensed punishments for schoolwork and perceived misbehaviour.
The PE teacher beat us with his fists and boots for coming last in the race, for smiling at
the wrong time.
•
There were lay teachers, I don’t know about qualification or anything like that. One of
them was alright, he tried to help us. Mr ...X... was sadistic, he took his belt off to me
once and took my trousers down, oh it makes my heart run faster when I talk about him.
It was terrible, terrible ...distressed.... He was the one who would use whatever he got
hold of and he used put you over a chair and he also would cane the soles of your feet.
•
One of the school masters ...(lay teacher)... during the first year I was there, the first
year, was a very sick man. ... One winter’s morning we were all lined up and told “say
the Our Father”, not in English but in Irish. We started off and said ... we just knew the
opening and the first 2 words. We couldn’t get any farther, how could we? We were not
taught it and because we could not get any farther we got ...demonstrated being hit... on
our hands with a strap. A strap with rivets in it because it was held together with little
nails.
7.103 The 20 female lay staff who were reported as abusers included teachers, care and ancillary
workers. Five (5) infirmary nurses were among the female lay staff reported by witnesses as
abusive. Witness reported being abused by beatings and by the harsh treatments they applied.
Named lay ancillary worker... she was a lay care worker, when she was away on
holidays I never wet the bed, but when she was there I got hammered for wetting the
bed. If she spotted you ... taking bit of bread from another lad ... she would tell you you
were going to get hammered the following morning. You didn’t get it there and then, you
would be worried about it and you would get it the next morning. ... But she ...named lay
ancillary worker... was unreal.... You got up at half 6 or 7 o’clock and you would have to
hold on to the iron bed with one hand and holding up the nightshirt with the other, and
she would get one of the prefects to hold you ... she would hit you with a hurley or
whatever she could lay her hands on, a broom handle, it could be 10 to 20 strikes. You
would be polishing floors after that on your knees and you could get it again, you would
not be able to sit down.
•
Nurse ...X... enjoyed hurting kids, she had no sympathy. You would rather put up with
pain than go to her. All the boys were afraid of her; she was very brutal.
7.104 Eleven (11) male lay staff who were reported as physical abusers were also the subject of
sexual abuse reports.
Co-residents
7.105 Thirty eight (38) witnesses reported that pervasive bullying was associated with physical abuse
by older co-residents in the Schools. There were 16 reports of co-residents identified by name
as physically abusing witnesses and 22 other accounts that referred to groups of unnamed older
residents as physically abusive. Witnesses reported that in some Schools older residents were
appointed by religious staff as monitors and it was said that they used the opportunity to exert
their authority in various ways, including beating younger co-residents.
I will never forget the brutality that went on in that place. ... I have got to tell someone
before I depart this earth. We were constantly beaten with ash wood sticks by the senior
boys left in charge of the playground. This amounted to extreme cruelty as little boys,
only 6 or 7 years old.... They were allowed to carry sticks and they could do what they
liked. ... In the yard they would be in charge, no one ever supervised that and they
could do what they liked. I could never understand that. They were in charge of the
dormitories, and the way they got you up with the stick, like, it was unbelievable.
7.106 Evidence was also heard of residents being directed by religious staff to attack, kick and beat
their co-residents. Witnesses reported it was their belief that certain older residents were known
to be favoured by those in charge and therefore had the freedom to behave as they wished
without fear of reproach.
I answered back in a sort of a cheeky way, and he ...(Br X)... said “wait a few minutes”
and went out. I didn’t know what he had in mind, he came back with a couple of older
boys and he said something like “teach him a lesson”. You see you have to remember
in ...named School... at the time each of the Brothers had their own little flock, he had
his own little pets. In later time I learned these boys used to work on the farm. Anyway
Br ...X... he urged these lads on, they started punching and kicking me, I was in ... a
corner trying to hide my face from the kicks. Well I was left with blood coming from my
eye, from my lip and from my eyebrow.
7.107 Physical assaults by older residents were sometimes reported to have occurred in the context of
sexual abuse and witnesses reported being physically intimidated by older boys in this way as a
warning against reporting sexual abuse.
Other reported abusers

7.108 Witnesses reported being physically abused by named individuals who were neither staff nor
residents in the School. Three (3) witnesses reported being physically abused when they were
in external placements for work or holidays that had been arranged by the School. Two (2) other
witnesses reported being physically abused by male lay members of the public and an
additional two witnesses reported being abused by ex-residents who they remarked had the
freedom to return to the School and associate with residents unsupervised.
Sexual abuse
or another person.8
7.109 This section summarises the evidence provided by witnesses of sexual abuse ranging from
contact sexual abuse including rape and associated physical violence to non-contact abuse
such as enforced nakedness and voyeurism. Witnesses were generally distressed when
describing their experiences of sexual abuse. They spoke in as much or as little detail as they
wished. Some witnesses provided detailed and disturbing accounts of sexual abuse, other
accounts were sufficient to clarify the acute or chronic nature of both contact and non-contact
sexual abuse.
A priest sexually abused me. ... It’s not very easy to talk about it.... There is things there
but I don’t know how to get them out. I’d love to be able to come out with them, but I
just can’t.... There’s no easy way of saying things like that.
Nature and extent of sexual abuse reported

7.110 Two hundred and forty two (242) male witnesses (59%) made 253 reports of sexual abuse in
relation to 20 Schools.9 Eleven (11) witnesses reported sexual abuse in relation to two separate
Schools. Witnesses described their experience of sexual abuse as either acute incidents or
multiple episodes that, for some, occurred throughout their entire admission in the School.
Witnesses reported being sexually abused by religious and lay staff in addition to other adults,
most of whom had some association with the Schools. Witnesses also reported being sexually
abused by co-residents.
7.111 The frequency of sexual abuse reports varied widely between Schools:
• Four (4) Schools were collectively the subject 156 reports.10
• Five (5) Schools were the subject 10-17 reports, totalling 67 reports.
• Eleven (11) Schools were the subject of 1-6, totalling 30 reports.
7.112 One School was the subject of 29% of all sexual abuse reports heard by the Committee.
8
Section 1(1)(b).
9
10
specified.

7.113 Sexual abuse was reported to occur in combination with other types of abuse as shown in the
following table:
Table 21: Sexual Abuse Combined with Other Abuse Types – Male Industrial and
Reformatory Schools

Sexual, emotional, neglect and physical 166 66
Sexual, neglect and physical 49 19
Sexual, emotional and physical 20 8
Sexual and physical 14 6
Sexual, emotional and neglect 2 1
Sexual and neglect 1 (0)
Sexual 1 (0)
Total reports 253 100
7.114 One hundred and sixty six (166) reports were of all four types of abuse and constituted 66% of
the sexual abuse reports. In 249 instances (98%) witnesses reported both sexual abuse and
physical abuse.
7.115 As with the other abuse types, sexual abuse was most often reported by witnesses who were
discharged during the 1960s. The following table shows the distribution of witness accounts of
sexual abuse across the decades covered by this Report: 11
Table 22: Number of Sexual Abuse Reports by Decade of Witnesses’ Discharge – Male
Decade of discharge Number of sexual abuse %

reports
Pre-1960s 88 35
1960-69 119 47
1970-79 37 15
1980-89 9 4
Total 253 (100)*

7.116 There are some proportional differences between the sexual abuse reports and the combined
abuse reports for each discharge period. For example, there were 203 reports of abuse from
177 witnesses discharged prior to 1960, and 43% of those reports were of sexual abuse. By
contrast, there were 60 reports of abuse from 50 witnesses discharged in the 1970s of which
62% were reports of sexual abuse.
11

Description of sexual abuse
7.117 Witnesses described contact sexual abuse including: inspection of genitalia, kissing, fondling of
genitalia, forced masturbation of, and by, an abuser, digital penetration, penetration by objects,
oral and anal rape and attempted rape, by individuals and groups. Witnesses also reported
several forms of non-contact sexual abuse including detailed interrogation about sexual activity,
indecent exposure, inappropriate sexual talk, voyeurism, and forced public nudity. Some
witnesses gave accounts of isolated incidents of sexual abuse and others reported being
sexually abused on many occasions, over a period of months or years. The Committee
developed a classification of the different forms of sexual abuse described by witnesses, which
are shown in the following table:
Table 23: Forms and Frequency of Sexual Abuse Reported – Male Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Forms of sexual abuse Frequency reported %

Inappropriate fondling and contact 183 32
Forced masturbation of abuser by child 89 16
Use of violence 88 16
Anal rape 68 12
Masturbation of child by abuser 50 9
Oral/genital contact 30 5
Non-contact abuse including voyeurism 25 4
Attempted rape 14 2
Kissing 12 2
Digital penetration 6 1
Total 565* (100)**

*Witnesses reported more than one form of sexual abuse
**Some rounding up/down was applied
7.118 The most frequently described form of sexual abuse was inappropriate fondling of which there
were 183 reports. In 50 instances inappropriate fondling was combined with reports of
masturbation of the witness by the abuser. Forced masturbation of the abuser by the witness
was reported by 89 witnesses, 30 of whom reported being coerced and physically assaulted
while being subjected to masturbation and oral/genital contact.
7.119 Sixty eight (68) witnesses reported being anally raped. There were a further 14 reports of
attempted rape and six reports of digital penetration. Many of these reports were associated
with violence, of which there were 88 reports in total, including 23 reports of injuries to genitalia
by beating with a leather and kicking.
7.120 Reports of non-contact sexual abuse included 15 accounts of witnesses being questioned and
interrogated about their sexual activity and knowledge and 10 reports of voyeurism and indecent
exposure.
7.121 The secretive and isolated nature of sexual abuse was frequently described. Many witnesses
reported that the fear of severe punishment and the threat of either them or their siblings being
sent to a more restrictive institution inhibited them in both resisting and disclosing sexual abuse.
Witnesses further reported that the culture of obeying orders without question, the authority of
the abuser and the experience of not being believed and being severely beaten after they
reported abuse, rendered them powerless to stop the abuse.
Circumstances of sexual abuse

7.122 Sexual abuse was reported to have occurred mainly in private and occasionally in the company
of other residents and staff members. Witnesses reported being sexually abused in many
locations, including: dormitories, sleeping quarters and offices of staff members, cloakrooms,
churches, sacristies, classrooms, workshops, kitchens, infirmaries, showers, toilets, outside
sheds and farm buildings, fields, recreation areas, motor vehicles, private homes, commercial
premises, and other off-site locations. Witnesses stated that particular areas of activity such as
kitchens, farmyards, infirmaries and music rooms provided opportunities for staff members to
isolate residents without fear of disturbance.
7.123 Sexual abuse was also reported to occur off-site when residents were taken out of the institution
for holidays, outings or work placements, by individuals who sexually abused them. Witnesses
reported that sexual abuse was often preceded by physical violence that they believed was
intended as an intimidating threat. Others described receiving special attention and experiencing
friendly encounters over periods of time that they welcomed, as many of them experienced no
other kindness or affection, an example of which is described below:
One night I was lying in bed and I was woke up by ...(Br X)... he said “I’m not going to
harm you or anything, don’t be afraid”. At that time I thought he just wanted to chat, I
thought it was a normal thing. The next thing he sat on my bed, he said “don’t be afraid,
I’m not going to hit you”. The next thing he took hold of my hand, put my hand on his
privates, I took my hand away and with that he slapped me, he slapped me quite a few
times and I was crying and he left. He came back later, he opened his trousers and took
my hand and put it on his privates, out of total fear I obeyed. He instructed me in what
to do and that amounted to masturbation and that continued over the time I was there.
7.124 Witnesses repeatedly stated that co-residents who had no family contact were the most
common victims of sexual abuse. They referred to these co-residents as orphans and
‘conventers’ and many witnesses remarked that they considered themselves lucky not to be
selected for sexual abuse.
There were 2 different types of boys, the outsiders who had parents and the orphans.
The orphans were always on the lookout for danger, learning to survive. They had no
one to look out for them. It was a constant struggle to survive, you would make no eye
contact, you would keep your eyes down in order to avoid punishment. You were
thinking “there’s no way out”. You blamed yourself.
•
Anytime he got the opportunity he got access, he ...(Br X)... used to masturbate himself
over me and make me do the same to him. It stared when I was 10 and a half or 11
and it went on ’til I was 14. He used to swamp me with gifts, sweets, money. He said it
was our secret. He stopped me going to my godparents, he was afraid I would tell. It
was mainly the orphans who were abused bad, they had no one to turn to. I had no
one. I was 2 years there before I ever went out. There was no one to tell.
Violence
7.125 There were 88 witness reports of sexual abuse and associated physical violence, 15 of these
reports related to one School. Many of the reports heard were of witnesses being beaten while
their abusers masturbated, or of the witnesses being beaten on their bare buttocks while they
were held against the abusers’ genitals. Witnesses described physical abuse perpetrated in the
context of sexual abuse as serving to both enforce compliance with the sexual assault and as a
means of securing the silence of the witness concerned. Witnesses who reported being sexually
abused, including being anally raped, named Brothers about whom the Committee heard a
number of reports of sexual abuse:
He was a very bad man, a very dirty man, he used to keep me back after school and do
things to me, not very nice things. He used to lock the doors and put books up against
the window, tell me to take off my clothes. He touched me, made me touch him, then
beat me so that I wouldn’t tell anyone. He made me clean up after him. He hurt me very
badly, forced himself on me. Then, when you’d go to school next day you’d wonder who
is it going to be today? ... Other boys were kept back too.
•
Br ...X... came and pulled me from my bed into his bedroom, he turned his wireless up
to full volume and said “take that nightshirt off, you can scream now as much as you
like, you little bastard”. He masturbated himself with his left hand while he was hitting
me with his strap.... He just brought the strap down on me and kicked me with his boots
on, that is all he was wearing.... He threatened that if I told anyone the same would
happen again.
•
One particular morning he ...(Br X)... put me up against the wall because I was left
handed, he put me hands up against the wall like that ...indicated arms stretched above
head... he started flogging me with the leather strap. This particular session I lost all
control and soiled myself, he took me by the ear straight out, around to the showers. He
wanted me to strip off and get into the shower, the water was freezing. ... It’s very hard
for me to tell this ... but I want to tell it anyway ... I was crouched down in the corner, he
grabbed me by the hair into the cubicle, dragged me up off the floor, on the lats you
know, lats for the seats and he buggered me again, and told me to shut up, I was
screaming, I was in sheer pain you know. He had done it before in my bed and he
made me bleed, he tore the skin you know. It could be once a week and then he
mightn’t come near you for a month. It lasted for all the years I was there.
7.126 Sexual abuse associated with violence was also reported to be accompanied at times by
serious threats of physical harm, including risk to life, for the perceived purpose of instilling fear
and enforcing compliance. For example, witnesses reported being threatened that if they ever
told anyone what happened to them they would be ‘drowned in the slurry pit’, ‘sent to a worse
place’, ‘killed’ or in one instance, ‘cut up and buried in a bag in the bog’. This latter threat was
issued by a lay ancillary worker who the witness reported challenged him with a knife.
7.127 Witnesses reported being beaten or exposed to harsh treatment by co-residents in advance of
sexual abuse episodes and made frequent reports of severe beatings culminating in a violent
sexual assault.
The damage that they, boys, done to boys was unbelievable, what was going on. They
...(co-residents)... were after beating them so much ... they were beaten and beaten
until they done it ...(sexual abuse).... They were beaten into submission.

7.128 There were 16 witness accounts of sexual abuse being perpetrated by more than one religious
staff simultaneously, generally in association with physical assault. Witnesses described being
sexually abused over a period of time by a number of Brothers who also severely physically
abused. Some witnesses believed that they were subsequently abused by other Brothers who
became aware that they were the victims of ongoing abuse. The reports refer to six separate
Schools, with 11 witness reports made in relation to two of those Schools. Sexual abuse
associated with severe physical violence involving more than one staff member was generally
reported as having occurred at night. Witnesses reported being taken from their beds and
brought to staff members’ bedrooms, bathrooms or other areas, where they were abused by two
or more Brothers and/or priests.
7.129 In relation to one School, four witnesses gave detailed accounts of sexual abuse, including rape
in all instances, by two or more Brothers and on one occasion along with an older resident. A
witness from the second School, from which there were several reports, described being raped
by three Brothers: ‘I was brought to the infirmary...they held me over the bed, they were
animals....They penetrated me, I was bleeding’. Another witness reported he was abused twice
weekly on particular days by two Brothers in the toilets off the dormitory:
One Brother kept watch while the other abused me ...(sexually)... then they changed
over. Every time it ended with a severe beating. When I told the priest in Confession, he
called me a liar. I never spoke about it again.
•
I would have to go into his ...(Br X’s)... room every time he wanted. You’d get a hiding if
you didn’t, and he’d make me do it ...(masturbate)... to him. One night I didn’t
...(masturbate him)... and there was another Brother there who held me down and they
hit me with a hurley and they burst my fingers ...displayed scar....
Grooming and inducements

7.130 Witnesses reported that sexual abuse was frequently preceded by the abuser’s attempts to win
their trust by expressing concern for their welfare or giving them small treats such as comic
books, extra blankets, chocolates or fruit. ‘On your birthday you got a bottle of orange but you
would have to ... you had to go up to the Brother and sit on their lap....’ Witnesses also reported
being taken away from the School for outings and being sexually abused while they were out.
This Brother used to follow the band around, Br ...X... introduced me to him. He wasn’t
from our School, he was a fully fledged Brother from another School. He got friendly
with me, over friendly you know, he used to take me out. He took me to ...named town...
he told them ...(Brothers)... he was going to stay with his sister. He booked us into a
hotel, and he touched me and things, rubbing and kissing me, he assaulted me, he did
not have anal sex. I did not know anything about sex. I felt I had done something wrong.
... I went to Confession about it and the priest said “don’t worry about it” and he gave
me a prayer to say as penance. I thought he would do something about it, you know,
that he would put a stop to it, but nothing happened.
•
Br ...X... he had a kind way with him and you would be kinda looked after, if other
Brothers were at you he would have a go at them. ... One day he called me into this
little room ... he was saying to me “you are doing very well here, you are really coming
along very well”. After a while he said “you are such a good looking boy you know, I
have plans for you, we are going on a trip...”.. I thought “Well, he was just being nice”.
... Well after a while he took my hand and he placed it on his private parts you know, so
he said to me “don’t be afraid”, things like that and at the same time I was shaking, and
as he was talking he kept on rubbing my hand up and down his privates. The next thing
was, he was opening his buttons, his trousers, you know ... and he told me to ...crying...
take down my trousers ...crying...witness described anal rape....
7.131 A number of witnesses reported being sexually abused while working in the kitchens where
access to extra food served as an inducement, prior to being sexually abused. The kitchen was
identified as a location for sexual abuse due to its relative isolation from the rest of the School.
As previously reported the kitchens in some Schools were described as the domain of a
particular Brother with few intrusions by either staff or residents.
I was sexually abused by a Brother, he used to fondle me, he used to masturbate
himself over me, it happened mainly when I was helping in the kitchen, in a room at the
back. The sexual abuse always happened outside the sight of everybody.
7.132 Staff whose sleeping quarters were adjacent to the dormitories were reported to employ various
excuses for having residents in their rooms. Witnesses reported being sent to the priests’ or
Brothers’ rooms to light fires, make beds, tidy up or clean the rooms. At times witnesses
reported being invited to listen to the radio or music in a Brother or priest’s bedroom as a
special treat. At other times, witnesses remarked that their expressed interest in some topic or
sport provided the Brother or priest with the opportunity to engage them on an individual basis,
as a prelude to inappropriate sexual contact.
I was playing basketball one day and Br ...X... came over to me and said to me, says he
“I have some sweets for you upstairs...”. ...(He told me)... to come up to his room. I
genuinely thought I was going to get some sweets. He went into his room and came out
naked, he told me take off my clothes, he rubbed some oil on me and he buggered me,
I was in a bad way after that. He took me into his room and locked the door, and it was
oral sex and all of that. ... I don’t like talking about it.
7.133 Witnesses reported that in some Schools residents who were selected for sexual abuse by
religious staff at times received special treatment. A number of witnesses who were sexually
abused described being known as ‘specials’ of a staff member and reported that being selected
as ‘special’ protected them from physical abuse, to some extent. They described the associated
disadvantages attached to this position, particularly being isolated from their peer group whom
they believed did not understand the price they were paying for perceived privileges. A small
number of witnesses in such circumstances acknowledged having conflicted feelings about
being sexually abused, especially in situations where the sexual abuse was not associated with
violence.
Br ...X... he was brutal, he was a pig. ... They would call him a paedophile nowadays,
he had his favourites, we called them “oh that’s so and so’s ...(pet)...”. He ...(Br X)...
would be holding this little fella’s hand and that kinda thing. I was not sexually abused,
I’d be telling a lie if I said I was, but I saw them.
Voyeurism and other non-contact abuse

7.134 Witnesses described as sexually abusive the manner in which certain staff members supervised
the areas of personal care. The practice of communal showering and bathing was reported as
commonplace and not in itself abusive. However witnesses reported lone male staff staring at
residents as they showered and subjecting them to intrusive examinations of their genitalia and
other body parts. Reports of such violations of personal privacy were frequently accompanied by
reports of physical abuse and subsequent sexual assault, including rape, in the shower areas.
7.135 Three (3) witnesses reported being watched by a Brother as he masturbated while they
showered. Other witnesses described Brothers examining their bodies with particular attention to
their genital area on the pretext of inspecting if they had washed thoroughly in the shower. A
further form of voyeurism was reported by three witnesses who were forced to spar naked in the
boxing ring while being watched by a number of Brothers and visiting clergy.
7.136 Fifteen (15) witnesses reported being questioned and interrogated in different ways about their
sexual activity and awareness of sexual matters. Witnesses from two Schools reported that
these interrogations were conducted in a methodical manner and focused on sexual activity
between residents. Residents and witnesses were subsequently punished as a result of what
was told. Witnesses from two Schools also described being required to keep a diary of their
sexual thoughts that they had to give one of the Brothers to read and that they were then
questioned about. Witnesses described being distressed by the interventions and that ‘you
never knew what they wanted’. Other witnesses reported being questioned about their contact
with girls or boys prior to admission or during holidays that they believed was, at times, a means
of determining how susceptible they may be to allowing sexually inappropriate behaviour. Such
interrogations were also described as opportunities for inappropriate sexual talk.
He ...(Br X)... came into the recreation hall one night and said “come here a minute” and
brought me up to his room. He started talking about something and then he started on
sex, he started talking about sex. He asked me “have you ever had sex with a girl?” I
said “no”, he kept at me and at me saying “you did, you did, come on tell me the
truth...”. He threatened and he said “I’ll bring up Br ...Y...”. He was real evil ...
sometimes you couldn’t sit down you, would be so sore after a beating. So I said to
myself I’ll have to say yes. So I said “yes”, and he said “how do you do it?” and I
haven’t a clue....
Reported abusers
7.137 Two hundred and forty six (246) lay and religious staff and others were reported as sexual
abusers by male witnesses. One or more reports of sexual abuse were made against each of
those identified as sexual abusers. Witnesses identified 186 perpetrators of sexual abuse by
name, 110 of whom were also named by witnesses as physically abusive. A further 60
unnamed perpetrators were identified by their position or occupation. It is possible that there is
some overlap between those identified by name and those who were not named. The abusers’
identity was often protected by the reported practice of abusing residents at night when ‘you
only saw the cloak’. Witnesses gave accounts of being warned not to turn around as they were
being raped, which they believed was to preclude them from identifying the abuser.
He told me to lean over the desk and pull my pants down. I didn’t know what he was
going to do ...crying.... I felt something rubbing up and down against my backside. I tried
to look around but the way he had me pinned down on the desk I couldn’t move, and
the next thing I felt this sharp pain ... it was so severe. I never felt anything like it....
After he finished he told me “you be a good boy now go out and play with the other
boys” and after that I decide that I had to get out of here, and I absconded and I was
brought back and I got another beating.
7.138 Those reported to the Committee as sexual abusers included male and, to a much lesser
extent, female religious staff who were in positions of care and authority including Resident
Managers, teachers and ancillary workers. Lay care and ancillary workers, teachers, visiting
professionals, volunteer care givers providing holiday and work placements, adult friends and
relatives of staff and volunteers, ex-residents and co-residents were all identified as perpetrators
of sexual abuse. The Committee heard evidence of sexual abuse by religious staff from 15 of
the 20 Schools where witnesses reported being sexually abused. Evidence was heard of sexual
abuse by lay staff and others from all 20 Schools. The following table shows the positions
understood by witnesses to be those held in or in association with the institutions by reported
sexual abusers:

Table 24: Position and Number of Reported Sexual Abusers – Male Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Position of reported sexual abusers Males Females

Religious
- Care staff 87 3
- Teacher 24 0
- External priest, Brother or other clergy 8 0
- Clerical student 1 0
Lay
- Care staff 6 6
- Teacher 2 0
Weekend or holiday placement carer 1 0
Visitor and volunteer workers 9 0
Local workmen, general public or others 6 0
Ex-resident 1 0
Co-resident 37 2
Total 234 12
7.139 As indicated, the majority of sexual abuse reported was perpetrated within the Schools by
religious staff with 151 (65%) of all those identified as sexually abusive being male religious
staff, 139 Brothers and 12 priests. Altogether 180 religious and lay staff within the Schools were
identified as sexually abusive.

7.140 Witnesses reported being sexually abused by 151 male and four female religious staff in 15
Schools where sexual abuse was reported. Five (5) witnesses also reported that they were
sexually abused by external clergy and Brothers who were visiting the Schools or others to
whom witnesses were sent to work. As previously stated external clergy included priests and
others of higher rank. These visiting religious were described as either friendly with religious
staff or visiting the School in a pastoral role. There were also four reports of sexual abuse by
either a clerical student or visiting members of the congregation in relation to four other Schools.
In all but one instance sexual abuse by external clergy and Brothers were described as isolated
occurrences. The forms of sexual abuse reported included anal rape, oral/genital contact,
masturbation, kissing, inappropriate fondling, indecent exposure and voyeurism.
I always thought there was someone coming for me. It’s only when I think back now
they ...(Brothers)... were so clever. I don’t know if you get what I’m saying to you, with
regards paedophilia if you know what I mean, they had a knack of it. ...The sexual
abuse or the physical abuse wouldn’t start straight away, but don’t forget you’re 11
years of age, you’re lonely, you have nobody. The next thing the Brother would put his
arms around you or he would be nice to you. It was somebody to hold on to, then after
a while the sexual abuse would start. ... To this day it kills me, I tried to please them. I
tried to please them for a hug, somebody to put their arms around you. You were
constantly told "nobody wants you, you’re not wanted”.... He’d bring you into a room and
put the arm around you and giving you a sweet and then hands would drop down and
eventually he would bugger you. I thought I was a bad boy and that ...(sexual abuse)...
was your punishment. When they’d get fed up with you they would start hitting you.
After the sexual act you would get a box in the mouth off him.... It started after 2 weeks
there, new comers were like new meat.
7.141 Six (6) Brothers were each reported by between 10 and 21 witnesses as having sexually
abused them. These six Brothers were identified by a total of 89 witnesses and came from two
particular Schools. These Schools had both the largest number of staff reported as sexually
abusive and the most reports of sexual abuse made about particular staff members.
Br ...X... sent for me, I had to go to his room and he said “kneel down and close your
eyes”. ... He put his penis in my mouth ...crying and distressed... and I opened my eyes
and he boxed me in the eyes. You couldn’t do anything if they came to abuse you, they
would hit you a box or anything like that.
7.142 Among the religious Sisters, Brothers and priests who were reported as sexual abusers 24 were
believed by witnesses to be Resident Managers or officers in charge of the Schools. Ninety (90)
religious staff, including three religious Sisters and three priests, identified as abusers were in
care roles and 24 were in teaching roles. Seventeen (17) religious staff identified as sexual
abusers were occupied in an ancillary capacity on farms, in kitchens, laundries and infirmaries.
Religious ancillary staff were described as having control over their area of work, particularly
kitchens, farmyards, and infirmaries, where they were identified as sexually abusing many
witnesses.
The first job I had was in the laundry, after a few weeks he ...(Br X)... called me in to the
office and said “if you ever have any problems don’t hesitate to come to me”. He had
his arm around me at this stage, he put his other hand down inside my trousers.... I
pulled away and wouldn’t allow him to do it, he hit me a box in my face with his fist and
told me to get out of his office. ... Twice I had to masturbate him ...(Br X)... in the
hospital ...(infirmary).... The hospital was the place where they would give the boys
medication. ... He’d bring you in and he’d pull across the curtains. ... He’d ...(Br X)...
have his Cassock up underneath the band, the belt, and he’d get me to rub him.
•
While working in the kitchen I was kissed by Br ...X... regularly and the boys who
witnessed it ridiculed me. ... Br ...Y... made me fondle him and rubbed himself up
against me.
7.143 The four religious Sisters identified as sexually abusing male witnesses were attached to
different Schools and were each the subject of single witness reports. In three instances they
were described as inappropriately fondling and exposing themselves to the witnesses in the
context of personal care activities. In the other instance a witness reported that a religious Sister
sexually abused him by fondling and masturbation in the company of both male and female lay
care staff.
7.144 As previously reported, 94 Brothers and five priests were named as both physically and sexually
abusive by witnesses.

7.145 Witnesses identified 19 male and six female lay staff as sexually abusive. The main
occupational group identified were lay ancillary staff of whom 11 were named by 21 witnesses.
These staff were mainly night watchmen and farm workers employed by the Schools. The most
frequently reported form of sexual abuse perpetrated by male ancillary staff was anal rape and
masturbation. Two (2) lay teachers and trade instructors were reported by a small number of
witnesses as sexually abusive. The other lay staff who were identified as sexually abusive were
both male and female care staff. Reports of sexual abuse in relation to these staff refer mostly
to those discharged in the 1970s and 1980s and the forms of abuse generally reported were
inappropriate fondling and masturbation.
There was a number of lads in the dormitory ...who wet the bed. ... I was one of those. I
never wet the bed before going to ...named School.... ...Named lay ancillary worker...
knew exactly who to take out ...(to the toilet).... There was this night watchman who got
the boys out of the bed.... One particular night I was told to stay back when the other
boys went back in. The first instance I had I was in the cubicle and I was told to take my
pyjamas down and he fondled my privates and he told me to do the same to him. This
went on for a couple of nights, then one particular night.... Same again, I was the last
one back in and the same again, and then it got worse. ... The next time it was totally
different ...witness described anal rape.... I screamed but he put his hand over my
mouth, I don’t know how long it went on for and was told to go back to the bed and say
nothing. I got back in to bed, wrapped myself up in a ball as small as could be. It was
different, I was crying. The next thing I woke up and the sheets were destroyed with
blood.
7.146 One witness, discharged in the 1970s, reported that he was repeatedly sexually abused by a
male lay care staff member under the pretence of being physically abused or punished, which
the witness believed a female religious staff member condoned. The witness described the
abuser warning him that he could avoid further beatings if he co-operated with the abuser’s
sexual demands. The witness reported that he saw other residents beaten in public for
complaining about sexual abuse by this particular lay care worker.
7.147 As reported elsewhere, 11 male lay staff who were reported as sexual abusers were also the
subject of physical abuse reports.
Co-residents
7.148 There were 39 reports from witnesses of being sexually abused by co-residents in all the
Schools referred to by witnesses and across all decades about which reports were made. ‘It
was the older boys. Basically they would drag your trousers down and masturbate you.’ Seven
(7) co-residents were identified by name. The largest number of reports of sexual abuse by co-
residents related to four of the Schools identified. Included in the 39 reports were two reports of
sexual abuse by fondling and inappropriate contact by female co-residents in two different
Schools during the 1980s. Reports of sexual abuse by older co-residents were most often
associated with physical abuse and reports of bullying.
There was an older boy there he was the teacher’s pet, his name was ...X.... He
sexually abused me and most of the boys in the School. He was a right bully.
•
(On admission)... I was taken into the washroom ...(by)... the Brother and a young fella,
he was about 16 years old. First they got me the clothes, the School clothes. They were
taking me to be washed. I had to strip off in front of the young fella, the Brother went
off. The young fella washed me and then when he was drying me he started to interfere
with me, I knew what he was doing. I started to scream. The Brother came back in and
said “what’s happening?” ...(The)... young fella said “he won’t let me wash him”. ...(I
said)...”he gave me a slap on the face”. ...(Brother said)... “I’m not asking you.” I was
only in the School for an hour.
7.149 The Committee heard 19 witness reports of sexual abuse by older residents in a number of
Schools. In most instances the reports of sexual abuse by co-residents were of aggressive
assaults by more than one co-resident resulting in masturbation or anal rape. Witnesses
reported being waylaid by older co-residents in the toilets, yards and corridors where there was
little supervision. Some witnesses stated that being sexually abused by older co-residents
offered them a measure of protection from physical abuse by other residents and that at times
the experience of such sexual activity was consensual. Seven (7) witnesses reported that they
sexually abused younger residents or engaged in consensual sexual activity with a co-resident.
There was things ...(sexual abuse)... going on, between the lads, and I was absorbed
into it. The way we behaved with one another, it was all based on fear. The physical
violence ... it was the way the whole thing was held together. ... You had the strongest
to the weakest boys, the strongest can pick on anybody, the strongest do it to the
weakest boys and the darkness is handed out back along.
7.150 In a small number of Schools, witnesses reported being sexually abused by older residents who
had a disciplinary role and were known as monitors. There were six reports from four different
Schools of sexual abuse by co-residents being observed by religious staff and another 19
reports from witnesses who believed that such behaviour was either condoned or actively
encouraged by the religious staff.
Some of the senior boys were rapists themselves. My way of looking at it now was they
were institutionalised themselves because the School was mixed, you had juvenile
offenders, you had kids from broken homes, you had orphan kids, they never saw a
woman around the place. All you seen was guys. I was ...(sexually)... abused by a lot of
these older boys. Within the first 3 months I was there, the older boy who was on my
table, he was in charge ... he seemed to get on very well with the Brothers. He was
always well treated by the Brothers. He abused me in a garden shed with another boy
and a Brother. ... They subjected me to being raped, and I was threatened that I would
be thrown in the slurry pit. The Brother, Br ...X... raped me in front of the boy.... That
was the only time where there was a boy and a Brother together.
Visitors and volunteer workers

7.151 There were 11 reports of sexual abuse perpetrated by nine male individuals who were described
as visitors and volunteer workers visiting the Schools. These reports referred to five Schools. In
most instances the individuals were identified by name and were described as having some link
with the School through individual members of the religious staff. The sexual abuse reported in
relation to these male visitors and volunteer helpers included fondling, masturbation, kissing,
and anal rape.
7.152 The Committee heard reports of sexual abuse by visitors and volunteer workers from seven
witnesses in relation to one specific School. These men were members of the general public,
each of whom was believed to be known to religious staff. The witnesses described being
collected by car and taken to men’s homes, the cinema or on trips to the seaside or country.
Four (4)) witnesses reported being taken with co-residents on a regular basis, one by a group of
men overnight and the other three witnesses by a man in a van who bought them sweets and
ice-cream and sexually abused them by fondling or masturbation, either in the van or in his
home. Four of the 11 witnesses reported being taken alone for overnight excursions where they
shared rooms and beds with identified abusers in their homes, guesthouses or other
accommodation. Witnesses described these outings as apparently spontaneous.
The man who took you out on your own, I don’t know how it happened, I don’t know
how you were chosen, the Brother came out in the yard and would say “who wants to
go?” If I had been street wise I could have avoided this, I didn’t know “bent” or “gay”.
The School band had been up and down the country for engagements, one Sunday we
were in ...named town... this guy arrives up ... I was called to the office, the next I know
is, “Mr ...X... is going to take you out for the day”. The next thing I knew was this guy
was getting me into the car ... and I knew this was different because we were driving
out to the country, I knew by the signs. I knew ... we would not get back for 9 o’clock....
We drove to a country town, it was a quiet town. ... There was no stopping for tea or
chips or anything like that. The next thing we were in his house, and it was straight into
the bedroom. I see this framed photograph of myself on the mantelpiece. He shows me
the bedroom and says “this is where we are going to sleep”. ... But I had no pyjamas,
no overnight things or anything, and he says “we are going to bed” and I thinks to
myself, “where is my bed?” and the next thing he takes off his clothes and is naked. I
had never seen a man completely naked before. I think to myself “well, I’ll keep my
jocks on, I’ll keep my socks on”. ... My mind is completely racing, I don’t know what to
think, I think “what will I keep on?” ... I have a memory of him trying to muster some
words “it’s a bit of fun” or something ... “I’m not going to hurt you”. He was physically
trying to touch me, the rest is a blank, I don’t remember anymore.
7.153 One witness reported that having told the priest in Confession that he had been sexually abused
by a male visitor, he believed the priest informed a Brother who subsequently beat him for
‘...taking the good name of a decent man who is sacrificing his home for the sake of a
guttersnipe like you’.
7.154 A small number of witnesses from two Schools reported having extended contact with visitors
and volunteer workers who they remarked were friendly with the female religious Resident
Managers and appeared to have free access to the Schools. These visitors helped residents in
various ways, including with their homework and took them on outings and for holidays. A
witness reported that he was sexually abused over a three-year period by one such visitor.
Another witness gave the following account of being sexually abused and raped by a male
visitor:
She ...(Sr X)... introduced a personal friend of hers called ...named male visitor.... He
was not employed by the Sisters or the Health Board. He started to come once a week,
maybe twice a week, and then it was building up. He was there a lot of the days in the
evenings after work ... and most of the weekend. Now ...named male visitor... was the
person who sexually abused me while I was in ...named School.... He was very close to
Sr ...X.... He took an interest in me. I thought it was brilliant because for the first time
someone was taking an interest in me. ... He came in to say good night to us. He went
around to everybody and said goodnight ... and then he came and sat on my bed and
told me he loved me and I was a great boy and he started tiddling ...(tickling)... me. This
was all very gradually. He started putting his hands in my pyjamas, very touchy, now I
didn’t mind and it was our secret and that sort of thing. Then he got permission to bring
me to his house ... and he would abuse me there and he brought me away for a
weekend sometimes and he abused me.
Work, weekend and holiday placement providers and others

7.155 Five (5) witnesses gave evidence to the Committee that they were sexually abused in external
placements while still a resident of the Schools. The witnesses were abused while placed with
families either for holidays, weekends or to work. Two (2) witnesses reported being sexually
abused by male members of the general public while they were on leave from the School. One
of those witness stated that he was sexually harassed and raped over a period of months by
three local men who he stated knew he was from an Industrial School and took advantage of his
circumstances to intimidate and abuse him. The witness reported being afraid of the
repercussions of telling anyone what was happening to him. The second witness was raped by
two men he encountered in the vicinity of the School as he was returning from a visit. Another
witness reported that he was sexually abused by the male relative of a family he went to for
holidays. One witness reported being sexually abused during admission to a local hospital from
the School and another witness reported being molested by the man he was sent to on licence
for work.12
Neglect
Failure to care for the child which results, or could reasonably be expected to result, in
serious impairment of the physical or mental health or development of the child or
serious adverse effects on his or her behaviour or welfare.13
7.156 This section summarises witness accounts of general neglect. Descriptions of neglect refer to all
aspects of the physical, social and emotional care and welfare of the witnesses, impacting on
their health and development. Neglect refers to both actions and inactions by religious and lay
staff and others who had responsibility and a duty of care for the residents in their charge. It
also describes other forms of neglect that are regarded as having a negative impact on the
individuals’ emotional health and development, for example a failure to protect from harm and
failure to educate. As the reports of neglect refer to systemic practices, this section of the
Report does not identify individual abusers.
Nature and extent of neglect reported

7.157 Three hundred and sixty seven (367) male witnesses (89%) made 408 reports concerning the
neglect of their care and welfare in 22 Schools.14 The frequency of neglect reports by witnesses
in relation to individual Schools varied, as with the other types of abuse.
• Five (5) Schools were collectively the subject of 260 reports.15
• Six (6) Schools were the subject of 10-26 reports respectively, totalling 106 reports.
• Eleven (11) Schools were the subject of 1-9 reports, totalling 42.
7.158 Five (5) Schools were the subject of 64% of all neglect reports to the Committee.
7.159 As with the other types of abuse neglect was reported in combination with all four types of
abuse in 166 instances.
12
See sections 67 and 70 of the 1908 Act which allowed for residents to be placed for employment outside the School,
under an extension of their court order.
13
Section 1(1)(c), as amended by section 3 of the 2005 Act.
14
Note – a number of witnesses were admitted to more than one School, and made reports of abuse in more than one
School, therefore the number of reports are greater than the number of witnesses.
15
specified.

Table 25: Neglect Combined with Other Abuse Types – Male Industrial and Reformatory
Schools
Neglect, emotional, physical and sexual 166 41
Neglect, emotional and physical 120 29
Neglect and physical 66 16
Neglect, physical and sexual 49 12
Neglect and emotional 3 1
Neglect, emotional and sexual 2 (0)
Neglect and sexual 1 (0)
Neglect 1 (0)
Total 408 (100)*

7.160 As shown, 401 reports of neglect were combined with physical abuse.
7.161 As with the other types of abuse the extent of neglect reports varied according to the relevant
discharge period. Table 26 shows the distribution of witness accounts of neglect across the
decades covered by this Report: 16
Table 26: Number of Neglect Reports by Decade of Witnesses’ Discharge – Male

Decade of discharge Number of neglect reports %
Pre-1960s 178 44
1960-69 172 42
1970-79 47 12
1980-89 10 2
Total 407 100
Areas of neglect
7.162 This Report categorises neglect of care under the headings of food, clothing, heat, hygiene,
bedding, healthcare, education, supervision and preparation for discharge that were referred to
by witnesses with varying levels of detail. There was inevitable overlap between the different
categories of neglect and other types of abuse, as outlined in other sections of the Report.
Witnesses described the impact that the neglect they endured had on their social and emotional
welfare, including effects on later life.
16

Food
7.163 There were 379 witness reports of food provided to residents being inadequate in both quality
and sufficiency. The reports referred to 21 Schools. Three hundred and forty nine (349) reports
of poor and inadequate food were made by witnesses who were discharged before 1970. Some
witnesses reported having so little to eat that at times they were starving. The Committee heard
many reports from witnesses of attempts to satisfy their hunger by ‘raiding’ the garden, orchard
and kitchens for extra food, eating grasses, dandelion, hawthorn, sorrel leaves and wild berries
found while out on walks and while working in the fields. Witnesses also reported taking food
from slop buckets, potatoes and other feed prepared for pigs, skimmed milk for calves and dried
animal feed in the farmyards. Bread dipped in dripping and shell cocoa described by one
witness as ‘unsweetened sludge’ was a standard part of the diet recounted by witnesses
discharged in the years before the 1960s.
In the morning you got 2 cuts of bread and dripping, the dripping was put on the night
before. The food was terrible there, you were hungry, it was rationed even though the
place was self-sufficient. They had their own tomatoes and orchard too, but we never
got them.
•
Hunger was extreme, we stole cattle nuts and mangels and the hosts from the altar
because we were so hungry.
•
You were hungry all the time, all the bloody time. We got bread and dripping, it would
be rock hard by the time you got it. ... I was always hungry, there was never enough. ...
I worked in the kitchen and you stole for your friends, if you were caught, you were
terrified.
7.164 Throughout all decades reported to the Committee witnesses noted differences between the
quality and quantity of food available to them and that which was provided for the religious staff,
as observed by witnesses who worked in kitchens preparing and serving food for both residents
and staff.
I had to serve breakfast for the Brothers, as you got older you used to serve breakfast. I
couldn’t believe the breakfast they had.... I can’t believe what we get and what they get.
One day I nicked an orange, they get a whole orange! There was a woman there. She
cooked breakfast for them.
7.165 Many witnesses said that although there were large farms attached to their Schools the produce
from the farms was generally not provided for the residents. Witnesses from six Schools
described preparing potatoes and other vegetables for sale and being involved in the distribution
of various types of farm produce for sale outside the School. Witnesses who were prescribed
special diets or extra milk and eggs reported that the recommended food was not always
provided for them although they stated that in some Schools it was available for sale.
The food was poor and scarce, I was always hungry, the boys harvested the produce
from the farm but it was not provided to them, the Brothers’ kitchen was separate and
their food was much better.
•
We used go to the farm and rob spuds, they used to cultivate the farm in fields out the
back ... the veg they grew they used to make money, string beans and all ... used be
sold, I used to see them.
7.166 In addition to reports about the inadequate amounts of food provided to residents, witnesses
also reported that the lack of supervision in the refectories meant that in several Schools the
youngest or most recently arrived residents were dependant on older residents leaving enough
food for them to eat in the rush for what was provided. Witnesses reported being frequently left
without any food:
I was always cold and hungry, smaller and weaker boys missed out in the general grab
for food which was not supervised or was supervised and condoned by the Brothers ...
and in the refectory it meant older boys ate most of the food.
•
You had a loaf of bread between 4, and you would have a tin saucer, you would put a
cross on it and you’d spin the knife ...(to see who got the largest share)... it was never
even.
7.167 Witnesses said that extra food was at times provided for favoured residents or for those who did
labouring work for the School:
The food was very poor. We were always hungry but when we were working building ...
(new buildings) ... the work crew got a fry up breakfast, for extra strength.
7.168 Witnesses reported improvements in both the quantity and variety of food provided in most
Schools during the 1970s and 1980s. There were, however, seven reports of inadequate
provision of food from witnesses who were discharged in the 1980s. These reports referred to
Schools that had consistently been the subject of reports of dietary neglect during the preceding
decades. Improvements in dietary provision during the 1970s and 1980s were often reported to
be related to the presence of certain staff members:
The food was terrible, we never had enough. Lumpy porridge, glue and lumpy potatoes,
stew sometimes, bread and cocoa. The boys traded for food. We were told to tell the
...inspector... that we got better food than we actually did. Everything improved after Br
...X ... (Resident Manager)... left.
7.169 Lack of access to drinking water was also described and deprivation of any form of liquid from
mid-afternoon was reported as a standard method of addressing bed-wetting.
Clothing
7.170 There were 275 witness reports of inadequate provision of clothing and footwear in relation to
19 Schools. Two hundred and thirty six (236) of those reports (86%) refer to witnesses
discharged from 16 Schools before 1970. The most common reports made were of poor quality
and ill-fitting clothes and shoes. Witnesses who were discharged during the 1940s and 1950s
reported that their clothing and boots were most often made in the School. Shoes and boots
were described as ill fitting, often mended and re-mended and uncomfortable.
Misfits clothes, like hand me down clothes, and the boots clattering, they were too big,
we would be like the German army.
•
We had no underwear, that changed in the 70s. You were in ...pants and ... shirt, they
were all made in the School too, shoes, boots the lot, they were all made there. Anyone
who had a hole in their sock at the inspections got a beating for that too, the boots were
too big or too small.
7.171 It was generally reported that witnesses’ own clothes were removed when they were admitted,
to be replaced with what were at times inferior quality clothing. Skin irritation and abrasions
caused by rough material rubbing on bare skin, referred to by witnesses as ‘ire’, was frequently
reported. ‘You wore this tweed, you got a red mark on your leg, it would itch, it was sore’ and
‘The clothes were very bad, particularly the trousers, very bad. Whatever the material it was
something like bulls wool, it irritated the skin...’. This problem was considerably worse for those
witnesses who wet or soiled themselves, as replacement clothes were frequently unavailable.
Many witnesses who wet their beds were not given clean or dry clothing. In addition to the
discomfort this practice caused, the resulting malodour led to witnesses being shunned by other
residents.
7.172 Witnesses also commented on the lack of warm and adequate clothing for cold and inclement
weather. The lack of an outdoor coat or jacket was commonly reported and witnesses who
worked on the farm or on the bogs had no provision made for suitable protection for either the
weather or work conditions.
7.173 The lack of underwear and the humiliation of being seen poorly dressed in public was
consistently described:
The clothes were brutal I wore short pants and no underwear until I was 14, even while
attending the local secondary school. The clothes came from a general ...(communal)...
pool and marked us out as from the orphanage ...(Industrial School)....
7.174 Witnesses reported being forced to spend periods of time out in the recreation yards in all
weathers or sheltering in sheds during wet weather, without coats or suitable clothes. Witnesses
described the ‘absolute misery’ of being routinely compelled to stay outdoors in cold weather
and being too cold to play or move around:
We were in a big shed with seats all around, it was cold, there was nothing in it, you
wouldn’t put a cow in it.
7.175 Special clothing, often described as ‘best clothes’, was available when inspectors and others
visited. In some Schools good clothes and shoes were also provided for Sunday walks and
special occasions. By contrast to the usual clothing provided, witnesses who were members of
School bands reported that the clothes provided for public performances were of a high quality
and well maintained.
7.176 A further concern for witnesses regarding their clothing was the expectation that their clothes
and footwear be maintained without defect. Weekly inspections were conducted and reported to
arouse fear in anticipation of a beating, for worn, torn or missing items of clothing.
Heating
7.177 The lack of adequate heating was reported by 265 witnesses from 11 Schools that were the
subject of neglect reports. Two hundred and thirty five (235) reports of inadequate heat and
warmth relate to witnesses discharged before 1970. The 30 reports of inadequate heating from
witnesses discharged since 1970 represented 39% of all neglect reports for that period.
7.178 The system of heating most commonly described in Schools prior to 1970 was of a solid fuel-
fired boiler that supplied hot water for washing and for radiators that were located around the
School. In a number of Schools witnesses reported that prior to the 1960s there was no heating
in the dormitories, which were generally described as large rooms with high ceilings, bare
windows and no floor covering. Chilblains were commonplace during winter months and were
reported to be a cause of constant pain and discomfort. In the earlier decades many Schools
had open fires in the classrooms, which were generally described as warmer than other parts of
the School.
Hygiene
7.179 Two hundred and seventeen (217) witnesses discharged before 1970 reported poor hygiene
practices in relation to 16 Schools, and varied throughout the years reported on. Witnesses
discharged before 1960 reported that bath and lavatory facilities were of a basic standard with
many reports of dry toilets, no toilet paper and no facility for hand washing.
We were on straw mattresses on the floor, the rats would go for you if you had any
food.... They were as hungry as we were. I got bitten on the ear, another fellow got
bitten on the mouth. ... There were dry toilets, the boys cleaned them out. I never did
myself, I avoided it. ... The clothes were very, very rarely washed. You’d have to go for
a swim to wash.
•
The toilet situation was abominable, there were old toilets with no doors and you could
not sit down on them, nobody cleaned them. You would prefer to go out to the field if
you got a chance.
7.180 Daily personal hygiene practices were not often recounted by male witnesses, but accounts
were heard of queuing up for face and hand washing and teeth-brushing at communal sinks.
The sharing of wet towels or sheets to dry off after a shower or bath was commented on by
many witnesses. Most Schools had regular baths or communal showers, with the exception of a
small number of Schools that were described as having communal baths like swimming pools.
The routine for bathing varied from School to School over the decades, witness reports ranged
from weekly to seldom.
There was a big trough, you got into that with a togs on you to wash, that was the bath.
You took off the togs then and gave it to the next guy, the water was never changed for
the whole lot of the lads.
7.181 Witnesses from Schools with shower facilities reported that the water was most often scalding
hot or freezing cold. Strict and severe discipline was imposed if residents attempted to avoid the
discomfort of extreme water temperatures. ‘In the shower if the water was too hot or too cold
and you pulled out you were hit with the leather by Br ...X.... He lined you up and leathered you
naked.’
7.182 Provision for toileting at night was reported as basic in a number of Schools for witnesses
discharged before the 1960s. Evidence was heard of chamber pots or buckets being shared
between many residents and that emptying chamber pots was regarded as a punishment.
Washing facilities were inadequate, especially in the period before 1970 and residents who wet
and soiled themselves were easily identified by their odour. Witnesses reported that mattresses
were not replaced and sheets and nightshirts were dried without being washed and witnesses
consistently described the overwhelming odour of urine in the dormitories.
7.183 Those witnesses discharged between the 1970s and 1990 reported improved hygiene practices,
with toilet blocks built in many Schools and communal showers converted into shower cubicles.
However, the inadequate provision of clean, dry sheets and bedding for witnesses who wet and
soiled their beds, and of appropriate washing facilities, was reported to the Committee by
witnesses in relation to all decades.
7.184 Despite the inadequate provision of hygiene facilities, witnesses reported that they were
expected to be clean and tidy at all times. The daily or weekly personal inspections were feared
events, leading to a beating if the required standard was not met.
Education
7.185 The neglect of education was reported by many witnesses who referred to the lack of adequate
teaching and support for learning. Witnesses consistently reported that the fear of abuse, having
to work for the institution and lack of attention to their learning difficulties contributed to the
overall neglect of their education.
7.186 Sixty nine (69) witnesses reported being illiterate when they were discharged from the Schools
and many others acknowledged that poor literacy and numeracy skills had been a serious
impediment in their subsequent lives. Two hundred and sixty three (263) witnesses (64%)
reported that they were discharged from the School system without sitting for their Primary
Certificate.
7.187 The Committee heard evidence from witnesses that their education was neglected as a result of
having to undertake work that they believed contributed to the functioning and productivity of the
particular School. Fifty three (53) witnesses were taken out of class to work on farms and in
trade workshops without any further education when they were 13 years old. Another 31
witnesses were removed from the classroom to work full-time between the ages of eight and 12
years old, two of these witnesses were placed working full-time before they were 10 years old.
Witnesses reported working both within the School and at times being sent out to work for local
farmers and others who they understood had some association with the priests and Brothers in
charge of the Schools.
7.188 Witnesses also reported being deprived of education due to a lack of protection in the
classroom; 79 witnesses described their time in the classroom being dominated by fear and the
anticipation of being either physically or sexually abused, resulting in them being unable to
learn.
7.189 Witnesses with learning difficulties and speech impediments reported being the target of
sustained abuse and criticism in the classroom. ‘In school I was picked out and made stand out
in front of class with a dunces cap on my head. “You’re a dunce” was wrote on my cap.’ The
Committee heard 17 reports of witnesses being ridiculed and constantly punished as a result of
their difficulties.
He’d say, “You’re an imbecile, an idiot, that’s what you are.... What are you? What are
you?” I’d have to say “I’m an imbecile, Brother” or he wouldn’t stop. ... I didn’t even
know what an imbecile was.
Bedding
7.190 Witnesses discharged before 1970 made 156 reports of poor bedding in relation to 16 Schools.
The main neglect reports about bedding concerned the poor quality and lack of adequate
blankets and clean bedding provided to the residents. In particular, witnesses who wet their
beds frequently reported that their mattresses and bedclothes were neglected and constantly
smelled of urine.
7.191 Witnesses from one School, where all aspects of care were reported as neglected, described
the beds as ‘filthy’. Mattresses were described as rotten from urine, sheets were rarely changed,
blankets were thin and lice infested and bedding was changed infrequently, in advance of
inspections. Witnesses discharged from three other Schools before 1960 reported that the
mattresses were lice and flea infested and that checking blankets for fleas was a regular task.
Witnesses from these Schools had to make their own mattresses, filled with straw, cocoa fibre
or dried husks.
7.192 Witnesses from three Schools who wet their beds reported having to sleep directly on rubber
sheets. Witnesses from two Schools reported that co-residents who soiled their beds were
forced to sleep on straw mattresses that were placed directly on the floor. Others described
mattresses that were made of hessian sacks filled with straw. Canvas ‘stretcher beds’ were
reported from another School in the 1950s and 1960s, and iron beds with metal springs in most
Schools for all periods. Improvements were reported in the 1970s and 1980s.
Healthcare
7.193 Sixty six (66) witnesses gave accounts of inadequate medical attention including being ignored,
punished or ridiculed when they complained of being unwell or injured. Accidental injuries and
childhood illnesses were reported by many witnesses to have been left untreated. Witnesses in
a number of Schools reported never seeing a doctor or that the doctor was only ever called to
see someone who was ‘really ill’. One witness who reported his finger and thumb were broken
when he fell off a cart in a farm accident, had to continue working and received no subsequent
treatment, ‘it mended by itself’. The Committee heard reports from three Schools of weekly
and/or monthly visits by the local doctor. In one School a local doctor’s regular visits were
described to be like ‘troop inspections’, where he walked past rows of residents and asked if
everyone was ‘alright’.
7.194 The area of neglect in healthcare most frequently reported by witnesses was the absence of
investigation into the cause of non-accidental injury to residents. Witnesses reported being
attended by visiting doctors and nurses attached to the Schools’ infirmary, as well as attending
doctors’ surgeries and local hospitals with injuries received as a result of abuse. In the majority
of instances witnesses stated that the doctors and nurses who treated these injuries failed to
make inquiries as to the cause of the injuries and most witnesses reported being returned to
abusive environments without investigation or an assessment of risk. The Committee heard
reports of various ‘treatments’ including ‘splints’ and bandages being applied, as well as
ointment, iodine and caustic soda being administered to the residents by the infirmary nurse
following physical abuse or injury.
7.195 Most Schools were reported to have had an infirmary, some of which had a nurse in attendance.
The infirmaries in four Schools about which there were many reports of abuse to the Committee
were described by witnesses as places to be avoided due to the fear of abuse by members of
religious and nursing staff in charge. Nurses were generally remembered as non-committal
about non-accidental and other injuries. Repeated wounds from beatings were reported to have
elicited no query from most nurses as to their cause, while some were sympathetic but unable
to intervene on the residents’ behalf: ‘what could she do, they employed her’. One witness
stated that in recent years he met a School nurse who had treated his injuries following a
particularly severe beating. She remembered the incident and told him she ‘could do nothing
about it’, as she had been sworn to secrecy. In one School witnesses were attended by a nurse
who ‘did not want to know what happened when boys turned up badly beaten’.
7.196 A number of witnesses reported that their parents brought them to hospital while they were at
home on leave, two of whom had their broken arms examined and treated. Their injuries were
sustained as a result of physical assault in the School by religious staff. Both witnesses said
they had not received any treatment at the time of the initial injury in the School. Another
witness was hospitalised while on weekend leave for treatment of abscesses that had been
neglected in the School.
7.197 Three (3) witnesses reported the death of boys who they described were ignored or neglected
when they complained of being sick. One witness reported his belief that a co-resident died as a
result of eating poisonous berries. Two (2) witnesses reported being hospitalised following
suicide attempts in the context of abuse episodes. They were transferred back to the institution
without psychological assessment or treatment.
Supervision
7.198 Witness accounts of inadequate supervision and lack of appropriate care and protection were
heard in relation to all decades. Witnesses described supervision ranging from ‘patrolling’ yards
with sticks and the regimented use of a whistle, to young children being left in the care of older
residents without any supervising adult staff. ‘If the babies were crying some boys would be
designated to get up and have a look, I remember turning them around or moving them. What
were they doing letting an 8 year old boy do that?’ Large numbers of residents were routinely
under the supervision of a single staff member or other co-residents in areas including
classrooms, trade shops, farms, bogs, dormitories, refectories and yards. ‘I recall only 2
Brothers being in charge of 200 boys; the bullies were given a free rein.’
7.199 One hundred and thirty eight (138) witnesses reported that the lack of supervision of religious
and lay staff by managers facilitated opportunities for physical, sexual and emotional abuse.
I was in there for 4 years, Fr ...X (Resident Manager)... was in charge. I only saw him 5
or 6 times in the 4 years.... Lack of supervision by priests who were in charge meant
that prefects had a free hand and when I reported ...(the abuse)... to Fr ...X... he
wouldn’t hear of it.
7.200 Similarly, witnesses reported that the lack of supervision of older residents provided
opportunities for bullying and abuse among co-residents. Forty (40) witnesses from 10 Schools
stated that the absence of supervision led to bullying of younger or more vulnerable residents by
co-residents. ‘Bullying thrived in the absence of supervision ... and was condoned by religious
staff.’
7.201 Night watchmen were reported to have been employed by nine of the Schools referred to by
witnesses. There were 43 separate reports of physical and sexual abuse by these men, who
had responsibility for residents in the dormitories during the night. Three (3) night watchmen
were consistently described as drunk while on duty, patrolling with a stick that they used freely
both to waken witnesses to use the toilet during the night and to punish them if they had wet
their beds.
7.202 Staffing levels were commonly reported by witnesses to have been inadequate over substantial
periods of time. The Committee heard a small number of accounts where former residents
remained on as staff. It was believed they had no contact with their own family, were not
trained, and were engaged as live-in staff. These staff were involved in supervising residents
and were frequently described as emphasising order and discipline in a harsh and abusive
manner.
7.203 The Committee also heard reports from witnesses that changes of staff and Resident Managers
could have a noticeable impact on the atmosphere in the School, increasing or decreasing the
risk of further abuse for residents: ‘The peaceful life of the School was shattered when this
Brother came. He was brutal and went berserk. He enjoyed beating us and took every chance
to do it’.
7.204 The lack of adequate supervision and follow-up was reported by witnesses who were placed by
the Schools with ‘foster’ and ‘holiday’ families or on work placements while still under the age of
16 years. A witness who had been placed with a farming couple without follow-up or supervision
when he was 10 years old had to work hard from the day he arrived and being told by the
‘foster’ father:
We gave the nuns £10 and a box of chocolates for you, if we had bought a pair of suck
calves they would be worth more to us now.
He was never paid, but had been ‘fed well and not been beaten’. This witness also reported
being sexually abused by local men who he believed were aware he had come from an
Industrial School.

Preparation for discharge
7.205 One hundred and ninety seven (197) witnesses (48%) reported that there was no planning or
arrangements made for their discharge or aftercare. Witnesses consistently stated that they
were not adequately prepared for independent living, felt they belonged nowhere and to nobody,
and that the transition to the outside world was traumatic. These reports referred to discharges
in all decades. The areas of neglect most frequently reported in relation to preparation for
discharge by male witnesses were the following:
• Lack of acknowledgement regarding separation and loss
• Lack of preparation and training in basic life skills
• Lack of assessment, supervision and follow-up of placements
• Lack of opportunity to develop social and relationship skills.
7.206 The most common report regarding discharge was of residents being given a day’s notice that
they were leaving the School and given the fare either home or to other destinations. For many
witnesses who had been reared in institutional care since birth and who had no known family,
no knowledge of or links with the outside world, this lack of preparation and opportunity to say
goodbye to siblings, co-residents and staff was often catastrophic. In these circumstances a
number of witnesses stated that they were subsequently imprisoned, homeless or in emotional
turmoil in the immediate years after their discharge from Schools.
There was no aftercare; I got long pants for the first time and let go ... I was lost, I
wanted to go back.
•
When I left on my sixteenth birthday, I got nothing, no job, no advice, nobody said
goodbye. I walked down ... to get the bus and it was the loneliest day of my life.
•
There were some of them ...(co-residents)... who didn’t even get the correct fare for
where they were going to, it was just “welcome to the world”. They got nothing.
7.207 The institutional regime, the abrupt nature of their discharge and the lack of any training in basic
life skills such as handling money, budgeting, using public transport or of participating in any
social network left witnesses and residents unprepared for integration with the outside world.
Many witnesses reported not being given any advice or assistance to help them cope with
everyday living away from the institutional life to which they had been accustomed.
7.208 Sixty eight (68) witnesses described discharge arrangements ranging from being given a name
and address on a piece of paper and the train or bus fare, to being sent directly as live-in
workers to farmers and shop owners whom they had never met before. Witnesses reported that
in their opinion the lack of assessment of these placements and follow-up supervision of the
care provided led to a number of those witnesses being abused physically and sexually when
placed by the School. Thirteen (13) witnesses were sexually and/or physically abused by their
employers and others in work placements following discharge.
7.209 One hundred and twenty five (125) witnesses (30%) reported that they were discharged home
to their families. Many arrived at their family home to find that their parents had not been notified
of their return, or that they no longer lived there.
The day before my sixteenth birthday I was dropped in the city centre with 10 shillings
by Br ...X... I did not know where the family was – they had been re-housed.
7.210 A number reported being unable to settle at home, that they felt misunderstood and out of
place. They could not talk about what had happened to them while they were in the Schools and
many witnesses reported having no idea how to relate to others, including their own families,
without being either frightened or aggressive.
7.211 A number of witnesses reported having no experience of trusting relationships prior to their
discharge. They said that the culture and fear of abuse to which they had become accustomed
was such that following their discharge they were unable to form any attachments and had little
idea about how to cope with relationships.
7.212 Twenty one (21) witnesses discharged during the 1970s and 1980s reported that preparation for
their transition to independent living was inadequate and that they received no aftercare or
support from the Schools or other health or welfare services when they were discharged. Others
reported improved planning and aftercare arrangements during this period.
Emotional abuse
7.213 This section describes witness evidence of emotional abuse by deprivation of family contact,
personal identity, secure relationships, affection, approval and a lack of safety and protection.
These deprivations impaired the social, emotional and physical functioning and development of
witnesses and were identified by them as generally disturbing both at the time and in the
subsequent course of their lives.
7.214 Emotional abuse described by witnesses frequently referred to practices that were part of the
Schools’ routine and that failed to recognise the individual needs of children and provide
adequate care. Practices such as the separation of siblings, regimented routines and enforced
isolation were reported as part of the culture of the institutions. A further component of
emotional abuse described by witnesses referred to the constant physical and sexual abuse that
engendered an atmosphere of fear. Emotional abuse was described as pervasive and systemic
and was generally not ascribed to individual staff members. For this reason the following section
does not include a list of reported abusers as has been outlined in previous sections.
Nature and extent of emotional abuse reported

7.215 The Committee heard 327 reports of emotional abuse from 293 witnesses (71%) in relation to
23 Schools.18 Thirty four (34) witnesses reported emotional abuse in more than one School. The
frequency of reports of emotional abuse varied between Schools.
• Three (3) Schools were collectively the subject of 155 reports.19
• Five (5) Schools were collectively the subject of 101 reports.
• Fifteen (15) Schools were the subject of 1-11 reports, totalling 71 reports.
7.216 Three (3) Schools were the subject of 47% of all emotional abuse reports and, by contrast, 15
other Schools were together the subject of 22% of reports.
7.217 Emotional abuse was reported to occur in combination with other types of abuse as shown in
the following table:
17
Section 1(1)(d), as amended by the section 3 of the 2005 Act.
18
19
specified.

Table 27: Emotional Abuse Combined with Other Abuse Types –Male Industrial and
Reformatory Schools

Emotional, neglect, physical and sexual 166 51
Emotional, neglect and physical 120 37
Emotional, physical and sexual 20 6
Emotional and physical 15 5
Emotional and neglect 3 1
Emotional, neglect and sexual 2 1
Emotional 1 (0)
Total 327 (100)*

7.218 As previously shown, 166 abuse reports were of all four types combined. In all but six instances
(98%), witnesses reported emotional abuse in conjunction with physical abuse and in 291
instances (89%) witnesses reported both emotional abuse and neglect. There was some
inevitable overlap between the reports of emotional abuse and the other three abuse types
given in evidence.
7.219 The following table shows the distribution of witness accounts of emotional abuse across the
decades covered by this Report: 20
Table 28: Number of Emotional Abuse Reports by Decade of Witnesses’ Discharge – Male
Decade of discharge Number of emotional abuse %

reports
Pre-1960s 134 41
1960-69 137 42
1970-79 45 14
1980-89 11 3
Total 327 100
7.220 As noted with other abuse reports almost 45% of the reports relating to those discharged in the
1960s refer to witnesses who spent the majority of their time in the Schools during the 1950s.
Description of emotional abuse

7.221 Witnesses reported a daily existence in the Schools that was dominated by fear, humiliation,
loneliness, and the absence of affection. Fear was strongly associated with the daily threat of
being physically and otherwise abused and seeing co-residents being abused. Constant
apprehension about the next abuse to which they would be subjected was also a feature.
20

Witnesses reported being humiliated and denigrated in many ways, both deliberately in the
presence of others and, less directly, in the way they were spoken to and treated. The rejection,
hostility and criticism of staff was consistently described by witnesses as a cause of great
distress. The isolation of witnesses from their parents and other family members was traumatic.
The most frequently reported areas of emotional abuse are summarised and include: deprivation
of affection, personal ridicule, deprivation of family contact, the denial of identity, being given
false and/or inaccurate information regarding their background, and witnessing others being
abused, the associated guilt and constant apprehension.
Even when I was in the dormitory you used to hear the frock, the thing they
...(Brothers)... used wear. I’d hear them walking down and you’d be hoping they would
not stop at you. I remember in the bed praying to God they would take somebody else
instead of you, and then would say “thanks God for saving me”. You’d feel guilty about
that.... The screams of the fellas being abused, everyone could hear it.... I was actually
terrified.
Deprivation of affection
7.222 One hundred and ninety four (194) witnesses described the lack of physical and verbal affection
shown to them throughout their time in the School system. They reported receiving minimal
emotional support, encouragement or comfort in the course of their childhood in institutional
care. ‘There was a belief that you were on your own as a child or young person with no one to
talk to about worries, fears, abuse or family.’ The rigid and harsh structure of institutional life
excluded the development of affectionate attachment or any close relationships. Demonstrations
of physical affection were described as specifically discouraged by staff.
I remember the loneliness. You’d be in bed at night and you would be wondering, why
didn’t mam come or why didn’t dad come? There was no one to hug you. I was not
physically harmed there. It was emotional, nobody would come to you, it was just an
emptiness, nothing to latch onto. I don’t understand how they didn’t see it. You’re lonely,
unloved, unwanted.
7.223 As the circumstances of admission for many witnesses involved separation from their parents
and siblings, witnesses described the subsequent deprivation of affection as a particularly
serious and traumatic loss. News about their parents and family members was cherished
information that a number of witnesses reported was routinely withheld for various reasons. One
witness said that following his mother’s death a Brother whom he had beaten in a game on the
playing pitch said: ‘Well here’s one game you’re not going to win, your mother died 3 weeks
ago’.
7.224 Thirty (30) witnesses specifically reported on the unavailability of any person to confide in, which
led to the belief that there was nobody who cared for or about them: ‘the worst thing was having
no one to talk to, no one said a nice word to you. It was clear no one cared if you lived or died’.
‘Orphans’ and other witnesses who had been in care since early childhood, were particularly
affected by the deprivation of any affectionate attachment or emotional bond.
He, Br ...X... told to get my clothes on me ...(following public beating)... told to get out
and head back down to the yard. You tried to get yourself together, tried to sit down. I
was marked, I was cut.... There was this bench along by the wall.... I don’t think I ever
heard anybody ever asked ...(ask)... “were you alright?” The other kids come around
you, laughing at you, jeering, they were just saying “glad it wasn’t me”. You looked after
yourself.

Personal ridicule and public humiliation
7.225 One hundred and sixty nine (169) witnesses reported that they were personally ridiculed and
denigrated on a regular basis during their time in the Schools. Being verbally abused by staff
was reported as a feature of everyday life in the dormitories, classrooms, refectories and other
areas. Verbal abuse was frequently described as associated with physical abuse and part of the
daily pattern of communication: ‘we were made to feel constantly ashamed’. Ridicule in class
was described as a routine experience by 21 witnesses who had learning or associated
difficulties. Nine (9) witnesses described being ridiculed in class because they had a stammer
and of being repeatedly told there was no point in educating them.
I had a very bad stammer when I was there, didn’t have it before. Had to go to ...named
hospital... to get it remedied. ... I suffered quite a lot because of that, in the classroom
and so on. I was not able to get an answer out in the class. If I put my hand up, you’d
get a beating for that. Most of my life there operated on fear, of beatings and adults. It
got to a stage with the stammer that I just didn’t answer questions, that was quite
frightening. Some of the Brothers were quite sadistic.
7.226 As previously reported, witnesses were routinely humiliated by the methods used to punish
residents for bed-wetting. Fifty two (52) witnesses described the humiliation associated with
having to wear wet sheets on their head and in other ways endure public embarrassment.
Twenty three (23) witnesses said that they were constantly ridiculed when called offensive
names by staff, such as ‘slasher’ and ‘smelly’.
7.227 Other witnesses reported being forced to carry out certain tasks intended to punish and
humiliate both themselves and other residents. Examples of such tasks were being made to
watch steps for three hours ‘so as to be sure they were still there’, kneel in their underpants in
the yard for hours, being forced to run into a wall and injure themselves in front of co-residents
and to repeatedly shift a load of potatoes from one side of a shed to the other over an entire
day. Another witness described a co-resident’s punishment for giving him extra bread:
He ...(co-resident)... had to carry the food down to the turkeys and then he had to kneel
in with the turkeys and have his bread and water in there. That was his punishment for
3 weeks.
•
If you did a job like bring in the coal, there might be some extra food. You’d stand with
your plate at the end of the table ...(in the refectory)... and waiting to be called. There
would only be a few pieces of food and you wanted to make sure you got a bit. He’d
...(lay ancillary worker)... call you up and then when you were half way up he’d say
“false alarm” and you’d have to go back with nothing. They do that to small children. ...
These are the things that stay in you, it happened so many times.
7.228 Four (4) witnesses reported that as native Irish speakers they were ridiculed about their poor
spoken English. Others with speech impediments reported being made to read aloud in front of
others and were both ridiculed and punished for their lack of fluency. Witnesses who had a
disability described being subjected to additional ridicule; for example a witness who had a
physical deformity described being made the target of ridicule by staff during communal bath
time. Witnesses remarked that while children in day schools may have suffered similar ridicule,
those in the Schools lived with it all the time.
Exposure to fearful situations

7.229 One hundred and twenty (120) witnesses reported being constantly afraid. They described a
range of circumstances in which they were in fear for their own and others’ safety. In a number
of different Schools witnesses described their experience as a ‘living hell’, ‘pure terror’, and
‘mental torture’ referring to being beaten, the anticipation of being beaten and the sight of others
being beaten. Eleven (11) witnesses reported the fear and threat of harm being so extreme that
they feared for both their own lives and for the safety of their co-residents. Five (5) witnesses
reported co-residents were never seen again following particularly severe beatings. All five
believed that these residents, three of whom were from the same School, may have died.
There were some Brothers there who were A1. ... Then there was ...crying... ...Br ...X...,
nasty bastard. The man doesn’t deserve to be called Brother. I was only 5 feet away the
day it happened ...crying.... He had a habit, every day ... he’d walk up and down the
refectory, that was his ritual. If he walked in everyone was on edge.... I’m not sure why
but this evening he Br ...X... walked straight down the passage way and he dragged
...named co-resident... out of his chair ...crying... and he gave him an unmerciful
beating, an unmerciful beating. I’m telling ye he did not stop with that leather strap. Now
all the Brothers used to carry the leather strap, but I’m telling ye, you wouldn’t beat an
animal the way he beat ...named co-resident.... To this day it haunts me, the whole
place was full and he was left lying. Br ...X... cleared the place out, you all had to get
out of the refectory, I was even told to get out of the kitchen. That was the last time, the
very last time, I seen ...named co-resident.... I think it was 3 days afterwards I heard he
was dead.... It has haunted me. After that Br...X... quietened down for awhile. I think he
knew anyway....
•
You were in constant fear, you were terrified all the time. There would be a sudden
explosion of punishment as the poor souls were thrashed or whacked. In class I would
be so fearful I would be shaking as the Brother passed, who might hit you for no
reason. ... In the first 4 years ... I was filled with fear and terror, for yourself and for the
next one to you. I would shut myself down and make myself invisible, I must not be
seen or heard. You could be punished for anything at anytime and for nothing at
anytime.... I resented someone exploding and beating someone senseless just because
they were in a bad mood.
•
Fear is what we were ruled by and every day you lived in fear, as those so called
Brothers, lay staff and older boys, either appointed or self-appointed head boys, could
do what they liked to you for even the slightest wrong and you had no one to turn to.
You just had to try and keep your head down and get on with it.
•
Everything operated on fear, you suffered, and you suffered big time, some physical,
some mental. You could be put facing the wall for 2 hours, you would have your nose
touching the wall, and if you moved at all, you’d suffer, it was mental suffering as well.
You also had to put your fingers touching the wall, whoever ...(Br X)... was on
rec...(supervisory duty in recreation area)... would watch you and if you moved you’d
have to go to his office later and be leathered ... it was an inhuman way of treating
people.
7.230 A cause of considerable fear that was recounted by 59 witnesses from nine Schools was the
prospect of being stripped to be beaten or having to watch co-residents being beaten without
their clothes. Such beatings were frequently in front of co-residents and staff and in public areas
such as the dormitories, refectories and recreation yards.
One boy tried to abscond, it was Br ...X’s... class. There was an incident and he ...(Br
X)... got the whole class to come to the classroom, there were 2 other Brothers there
too. This Br ...X... took his tunic off, and he had a striped shirt with, not a collar but a
half collar on it and he had braces on. I will never forget, I can see it to this day. They
took this boy’s pants off and put him over a form, a type of stool, you know a long stool,
and he beat the living daylights out of him. He got the biggest hiding of his life with a
leather strap with coins in it, you could see the track of them on his skin. Br ...X... threw
water on him. A lot of the boys watching got sick, listening to the screaming like that, no
pants on, you know, it was like watching Mutiny on the Bounty. That boy was not able to
walk for a month.
7.231 Witnesses described the staff and others who abused them as creating an atmosphere of fear
to augment control that they reported was reinforced in many Schools by the use of military-like
regimentation. Examples of regimentation included: marching in formation, using whistles in
place of verbal commands, public punishments, placing boys on a ‘charge’ for misbehaving and
patrolling the yards and dormitories with sticks.
Br ...X... he was brutality personified. The moment he came out into a yard of 150 boys
playing, cheering, laughing there was silence. When you just saw him in his long
soutane, silence, he marched in, blew the whistle and you would automatically line up in
your lines of 12. If he ...(Br X)... blew the whistle, within 10 seconds you would not hear
a sound, 150 boys were in line within ten seconds or otherwise you knew you were in
for punishment. ... When he was in charge the life of every boy went into a depression,
he was that cruel. Every day at 4 o’ clock on the dot we were lined up in the yard and
the punishment names were called out, those boys would have to line up in front of the
others, roll up their sleeves and get their beating for bed-wetting.
7.232 Witnesses reported being particularly fearful at night as they listened to residents screaming in
cloakrooms, dormitories or in a staff member’s bedroom while they were being abused.
Witnesses were conscious that co-residents whom they described as orphans had a particularly
difficult time:
The orphan children, they had it bad. I knew ...(who they were)... by the size of them, I’d
ask them and they’d say they come from ...named institution.... They were there from an
early age. You’d hear the screams from the room where Br ...X... would be abusing
them.
•
There was one night, I wasn’t long there and I seen one of the Brothers on the bed with
one of the young boys ... and I heard the young lad screaming crying and Br ...X... said
to me “if you don’t mind your own business you’ll get the same”. ... I heard kids
screaming and you know they are getting abused and that’s a nightmare in anybody’s
mind. You are going to try and break out. ... So there was no way I was going to let that
happen to me.... I remember one boy and he was bleeding from the back passage and I
made up my mind, there was no way it ...(anal rape)... was going to happen to me. ...
That used to play on my mind.
7.233 In addition to the constant fear of being beaten or watching others being beaten, 15 witnesses
reported that following a severe beating they were left with the threat that the beating would
continue at a later time. Anticipating further abuse and the dread associated with the uncertainty
was described by witnesses as particularly distressing.
You are standing up against the wall for hours and then you are told to come back the
next night and the following night and you knew damn well you were going to get the
hiding of your life.
7.234 Five (5) witnesses from two Schools described the terror they experienced when threatened with
guns by staff. As previously reported, seven witnesses from three Schools reported being set
upon and injured by dogs handled by religious and lay staff, some of whom also handled or
threatened them with guns. One witness described a gun being discharged by a religious staff
member who was pursuing him across a field. Another witness who had been previously
assaulted was further terrified when his abuser carried a gun;
Once, I had been there about 3 months, it was the autumn, and Br ...X... who assaulted
me when I first arrived. He called me and he had a shot gun, he gave me an axe. He
took me off to the woods and he made me take my trousers down, he took out his penis
and he tried to rape me but I ran away and found my way back to the School. Later I
met him and he gave me a half crown.
7.235 The allocation of age-inappropriate tasks on farms, operating machinery and tending livestock
were reported at times as exposing the witnesses to frightening situations, as this work was
often performed by them on their own, unsupervised or under the direction of particularly harsh
staff.
Denigration of family of origin

7.236 Twenty eight (28) witnesses reported being subjected to ridicule about their parents and
families, most often in public in the course of being abused. The sons of lone mothers, ‘orphans’
or ‘conventers’ were reported as particular targets for such abuse, being told that their mothers
were ‘sinners’, ‘slags’ and ‘old whores’ who did not want them or could not care for them. Others
reported hearing their families described as ‘scum’, ‘tramps’ and ‘from the gutter’. Witnesses
admitted to institutions in the context of family difficulties reported being subjected to the
constant denigration of their parents. Witnesses recalled being constantly told their parents were
‘alcoholics’, ‘prostitutes’, ‘mad’ and ‘no good’. Seven (7) witnesses reported being verbally
abused and ridiculed about their Traveller and mixed race backgrounds. ‘Br ...X... called me a
knacker and said my parents didn’t want me, I felt worthless and degraded.’
It was a very tough place for me, one nun locked me in a closet, beat the hell out of me
with a leather strap. She didn’t like blacks, she called me Baluba, every time the Irish
soldiers were attacked in the Congo she attacked me.
Deprivation of contact with siblings and family

7.237 Sixty seven (67) witnesses reported being deprived of contact with their parents, brothers and
sisters while they were in the Schools. They also reported being actively denied information
about their parents and siblings. Some witnesses commented that they were too young when
they were first admitted to know who their brothers or sisters were and were never told. The
deprivation and loss of contact with parents and siblings was reported to be a matter of deep
distress, grief and anger that led to the fragmentation and loss of family networks by the time
many witnesses were discharged from the Schools:
We were all split up and we still are, 5 of us were in 4 different Schools. One brother, I
did not know of his existence until I was 13 ...(years old)....
•
I found out after 50 plus years that I had a brother, my brother was looking for me for 20
years and he couldn’t find me. He was fostered out, he had a better life. He knew he
had a brother. I was never sure but he was younger than me. It made an awful
difference to me to meet him, it is brilliant like, it’s a great thing. Why, why did they
break us all up? Why didn’t they leave the 2 of us together? They didn’t have to break
us up. They should have told us about each other.
7.238 Forty four (44) witnesses described how contact with their siblings was actively discouraged or
denied. They reported being separated from their sisters and brothers while in the Schools and
being denied contact with them. Witnesses also reported being punished if found attempting to
communicate with their siblings who were in other sections of the same School. Some
witnesses reported that their brothers were transferred or discharged from the School without
them being told or having an opportunity to say goodbye and as one witness remarked: ‘in time
I forgot I had brothers’. Twelve (12) witnesses reported learning as adults that they had spent
several years in the same place with a brother without ever knowing he existed, and others
spoke of their loss of contact with sisters who were in nearby Schools. A witness, whose sisters
were in the local girls Industrial School reported:
I was absolutely devastated, when I discovered my sisters were down the road in
...named School.... I know them now, but I don’t know them, we never were meshed, we
have occasional contact. I never met them while I was in ...named School.... At 13 years
I met my sisters, someone said “they are your sisters”. I didn’t know what a sister was.
•
I remember talking to a boy in ...named School... who asked me my name and said he
thought we were brothers, he then left. I now know it was my brother, and I have
discovered not long ago that I have 3 other brothers and sisters.
•
I didn’t find out I had 3 sisters until I was 21 years of age. ... I didn’t know if my father
was alive or not, I didn’t know my mother. I ended up in a place I didn’t know, I was 4
years ...(there).... ... I met my grandmother and she said to me “it wasn’t for the want of
trying” ...(that contact was not maintained).... She told me none of my family were
allowed to have any information about where anyone of us were. I had 2 brothers, they
were there with me. I have no family recollection. ...(When discharged)... I left for
England and never wanted to come back.
7.239 A small number of witnesses reported that personal and family information was deliberately
denied and withheld by failure to inform residents of their family details. Eighteen (18) witnesses
reported being told that their parent or parents were dead or that they had no family and learned
as adults that this was not the case.
They told me that my mother was dead and that it was no wonder as I was a bad boy,
that it was my fault. I grew up thinking I had killed her somehow. Recently I discovered
that she only died ...(a few years previously)... and that for most of our lives we lived
quite near each other.
7.240 The Committee heard reports from four witnesses of their siblings being adopted while they
were in the Schools. Witnesses from a small number of Schools described being lined up and
viewed by visiting couples who they believed selected a child for adoption. A small number of
witnesses reported that their siblings ‘disappeared’ and they discovered later they had been
adopted. Witnesses consistently reported that they got no further information and there was no
further contact once their sibling left. One witness reported he was the only member of his
family who remained in the School:
One day he ...(witness’s brother)... was there, the next day he was gone. It was like a
slave market, you were all lined up, people walking up and down, they picked him out
and left me. ... The family were separated forever on the day we went into care.
7.241 A small number of witnesses reported not being told when parents or close family members
died and of not being allowed to attend their funerals. They commented that they were often
given this information some time after the event. A witness who represented his School in
boxing competitions reported that the news of his mother’s death was withheld for three months
‘so as not to take my mind off boxing’, hesitated: ‘they tried to break your spirit there’.
7.242 Twenty three (23) witnesses reported being denied visits home for holidays and that letters were
withheld as punishment.
The morning the boys were going home it was a nightmare ...(for those deprived of
home visits as punishment).... They would get up, have their cup of tea, then they would
be down in the hall with their little suitcases or whatever. We would be up in the
dormitory looking out the window at them going up... to the bus. I never heard so many
children screaming in all my life ...distressed.... I lost my privileges once, I was caught
smoking. My mother tried to intervene with the Minister for Education, but he said no
you have to do it according to the rules or whatever. I lost my holidays over it.
7.243 Circumstances surrounding the denial of contact with parents, withholding family information and
the provision of false information about parents were reported by witnesses to be the cause of
profound and unresolved upset and anger.
What kills me to this day is why they did not give me my belongings when I left ...named
School.... My things, who my mum was and where I was born and where she was from.
I felt hurt, I had to wait 50 odd years to see an ad in ...English newspaper.... Why the
Brothers did not give me that ...information... who my mum was ...crying .... I talk to her
friend now and she ...(mother)... always tried to find me. She used to look at the kids
going up to school and she used be always talking about what age she thought I ought
to be. She always spoke about me when she seen the kids and she wondered whether I
was alive or whether I was dead. Why was I not given that information? Why was I not
told? I made inquiries, but I had nothing to go on.
Bullying
7.244 There were 99 witness reports of bullying by co-residents from 16 Schools. The practice of
bullying in this section refers mainly to the intimidating and aggressive behaviour reported by
witnesses in relation to co-residents. Threats of physical violence, intimidation and bullying by
religious and lay staff while also referred to is described in more detail in the context of physical,
sexual and emotional abuse reports. Explicit and implicit threats of physical harm were the most
frequently described demonstrations of bullying by male staff. Witnesses reported being forced
to behave as they were instructed by the threat of punishment or physical abuse.
7.245 Bullying by co-residents with the perceived permission and encouragement of the School staff
was reported to be a regular feature in eight Schools. The playgrounds and yards, in particular,
were described as frightening places by many witnesses who were exposed to bullying by older
residents. Witnesses reported a practice of staff punishing individual residents by sending them
out to the yard to be ‘charged’, kicked and otherwise assaulted by their peers or set up to fight
them in the boxing ring. ‘He ...(Br X)... would get 2 older lads to bully you, they would get
cigarettes from him.’
7.246 Physical and sexual abuse were core components of the bullying reported by witnesses. Older
residents were reported to congregate in unsupervised gangs in particular Schools where
bullying was most frequently reported. The gangs fought amongst themselves and were also
reported to target certain residents for bullying and sexual abuse. ‘Orphans’, new residents and
others who did not have visitors or older brothers to protect them were described as particularly
vulnerable to being bullied in these circumstances. Witnesses further reported that residents
who were sexually abused by religious staff were at times identified as ‘Brothers’ pets’ and
targeted by co-residents for bullying.
I wasn’t a hard man. I came from a convent, I was an orphan. It was terrible for us, we
got a terrible time, we got bullied by the kids as well. They would take your food off you,
you wouldn’t dare tell on them, they would batter you.
•
It was a very, very cruel place, there was no sense in it or need for it, it was especially
bad for the orphans, we were treated differently. ... The Brothers promoted bullying
especially of the orphans. I done a lot of crying when I was in ...named School... I
wouldn’t let anyone see me but I would curl up at night in bed and cry.
7.247 Witnesses who gave evidence to the Committee were of the opinion that bullying by older
residents was used to maintain control in some Schools with the knowledge and support of
those in charge. In other Schools witnesses described poor supervision and staffing, with
consequent bullying by older residents who were assigned the task of maintaining order.
Bullying, you would see other boys crying, you’d know what had happened. But to go to
the Brother, the bullying would only get worse and nothing was going to get done about
it. I was fearful every place, the whole environment will haunt me for evermore.
7.248 In five Schools older residents were described as monitors in positions of delegated authority.
Reports were heard from three Schools of monitors patrolling the recreation yards, sometimes
with sticks, and the apparent authority to beat co-residents at will, as described:
Supervision by Fr ...X... and his successor was non existent. ... Monitors and bullies had
a free rein with younger boys and were abusive. The ...(priests and Brothers)... knew
what was happening and turned a blind eye.
Witnessing the abuse of others

7.249 Witnessing the abuse of co-residents was reported as disturbing at the time and as contributing
to life-long distress. Fifty eight (58) witnesses from nine Schools reported they saw co-residents
beaten and flogged; some of these witnesses were forced to hold down co-residents. Those
who witnessed public beatings described the experience as distressing and traumatic and many
were distressed as they gave their evidence of such beatings. They reported that seeing others
being beaten and hearing their screams was often worse than being beaten themselves. This
experience was particularly disturbing when they had to watch their own sibling being beaten.
Witnesses reported that screaming did not lessen the beating and believed that the screams
were intended to be heard as a warning to others.
You’d hear the echo. ... You could hear the cries. ... It would sort of echo through the
building. You’d hear the boys crying when they’d be getting a beating, and then they
would come back into their bed and they would be crying. You couldn’t go near their
bed to comfort them, you’d be wanting to, but you couldn’t because you would get it
yourself.
•
You could not hear or talk of the pain ...(to other residents)... when they were beating
you. If you did you might feel it too and you couldn’t carry that extra burden, each one
had to carry his own pain alone.
7.250 A number of witnesses described being made to watch as co-residents were beaten or flogged
to the point of severe injury or unconsciousness.
We were marched up to a room ... we were put sitting around the gymnastic table, we
called it ... the horse, we were put sitting around, from the youngest to the oldest boy.
We watched 4 Brothers walk in with 3 boys ...named co-residents.... I know one of
them, within a year of leaving he had hung himself ... they were stripped naked while
the Brothers held their hands and their legs and this Br ...X... removing his soutane and
his collar dramatically began to flog these guys within an inch of their life. Observing
excrement coming out of the boys’ behind and blood flowing down their legs, I literally
trembled and I know kids all around us trembled in silence, some were crying for the
poor boys. Their screams for mercy were seared into your very brain.
7.251 A large number of witnesses reported the continuing traumatic impact for them of being
gathered together to watch co-residents being beaten:
A Brother beat this kid for a half hour. We were all crying. His brother was crying, he
was in bits. Mr ...X (lay ancillary worker)... stood there and watched that and never lifted
a finger. Them things stay on your mind ...(the memory of it).... You don’t have to think
about it, it’s there, you’d be lying in bed and it would come to you.
•
(Named co-resident)... was a lovely lad. He used to sing and we would sit around
listening, he always knew all the words. He and another boy decided to run away, we
were all punished, there were no films and we all went to bed early, we cursed them.
They were gone for a week and eventually brought back. We were all lined up and they
were battered, then 4 Brothers took them into a room, with hurling sticks and leathers,
we could hear them screaming, when they came out they were unrecognisable, purple
ears, totally closed up eyes, backside totally out of shape, I’ll never forget it. You heal,
but it takes months and you’re never the same again after it. I never heard him singing
after that.
Isolation
7.252 Thirty two (32) witnesses reported being ostracised by their peers or were otherwise isolated
while resident in the Schools. This was a practice for punishing returned absconders in a
number of Schools. Witnesses also reported being physically isolated in the infirmaries following
a severe beating while their bruises and injuries healed. They reported being confined to bed for
days or weeks without contact with their peers or co-residents. A small number of witnesses
reported being locked in animal sheds and outhouses as punishment for perceived
misdemeanours.
7.253 Isolation from the ‘outside world’ was frequently described by witnesses, especially those who
had lived at home and been part of a community, attending school, playing and having the
freedom to associate with others. Many commented on the fact that the Schools themselves
were so isolated that they rarely ever saw anyone apart from their co-residents and staff
members. A large number of witnesses emphasised the painful experience of loneliness as a
result of both the physical isolation and the regime in the Schools, which kept residents silent for
long periods, frowned on the normal rough and tumble of play and forbade or discouraged
friendships and contact between siblings.
7.254 The Committee heard evidence that residents were regularly reminded of the possibility of
further isolation by being sent away to a more restrictive institution as punishment. They
understood that there were harsher and less physically accessible Schools where boys were
sent when they got into trouble. The disappearance of co-residents who had been severely
beaten contributed to the sense of fear reported by witnesses in this regard.
One afternoon we were all sitting at our desks and about 6 Brothers came in, they
pulled out this boy and they beat him, kicked him, punched him and they used to have
big straps at him.... They carried him off somewhere.... This little boy was as hard as
nails, he couldn’t cry we knew that, he had no tears, you wouldn’t go against him, he
would flatten you. I never did know what happened to that boy, he just vanished poor
devil. I never saw him again. You see in School you don’t say nothing, you mind your
own business, you don’t even look, like that, you use your eyes, nothing else.
7.255 Eight (8) witnesses reported that they themselves were transferred to other institutions when
they were returned after running away or following altercations with staff. Six (6) of these
transfers occurred without prior notice and, in three instances reported to the Committee,
witnesses believed they occurred without the appropriate legal arrangements being made or
parents notified. One witness reported being severely beaten by a nun on a daily basis, and
was threatened that if he told anyone about being abused he would be beaten more severely
and separated from his peers, a threat that was ultimately carried out: ‘I used get so angry with
the beatings I got from her, I broke a ... bottle and she ...(Sr X)... sent me to ...(the)... psychiatric
hospital’.
As punishment for running away Br ...X... used to have me kneeling on my knees on
concrete until we went to bed at night. ... I had a hard time there, the physical abuse
was brutal. Every chance I got I ran away I would be brought back and I would get a
hiding from Br ...X.... We ...ran away.... We were brought back and I got a hiding off Br
...X.... We were brought into Court in ...named town... the next day. We were remanded
and we were brought back to ...named School.... The following week then we went into
Court and I was sent to ...another named School....
Deprivation of identity
7.256 Witnesses reported that the experience of living in the regimented School system contributed to
a sense of having no individual identity. The use of an allocated number instead of a name was
reported by 25 witnesses and many others stated that they were either not spoken to
individually or were only ever referred to by their surname. Ordinary daily activities were ordered
by bells and whistles, and for witnesses discharged prior to the 1970s most of those activities
were conducted in large groups. Witnesses who had spent most of their childhood in institutions
and/or had no family contact described an accompanying sense of being ‘nobody’. Additional
components of the deprivation of identity were a lack of recognition of witnesses’ birthdays and
the denial of sibling relationship, even when brothers or sisters were in the same School.
Witnesses reported being discharged without any information regarding their date and place of
birth and that the subsequent search for this information was not always fruitful. Two (2)
witnesses who spent their entire childhoods in institutions reported being unable to apply for
passports because they have never been able to establish a birth record or obtain a birth
certificate.
You had your number on the clothes. You were called by number or they would say
“you, you”. Some of them would call you by name.
•
We came to Ireland...(to get passport)...because we wanted to go to Spain, but my birth
was not registered so I could not get it.
•
You never remember anybody there because you never knew anybody by names, you
were just there as a number....
•
I got some bits of paper off the Department of Education that gave me some idea,
because before that I hadn’t got a clue. I just thought I was born and got put away.
Knowledge of abuse
7.257 Due to the generally public and frequent nature of the physical and emotional abuse inflicted on
residents, witnesses stated that staff and co-residents were unavoidably aware of its
occurrence. Witnesses also reported disclosing abuse to their parents, relatives and people in
authority, both within the institution and outside, including to gardaı́ and other professionals. The
Committee also heard and was presented with documentary evidence of correspondence
between parents and the Department of Education regarding complaints of abuse. Witnesses
stated that the response to their disclosures of abuse ranged from being punished and further
abused, being ignored or to being protected from harm. In a small number of instances
witnesses stated that they were aware that some investigation took place following disclosures
of abuse.
Abuse observed by others

7.258 Witnesses reported that the abuse they experienced and the injuries they sustained in the
course of being abused were observed by others within the School on a daily basis and on
occasion by the general public. The following is a list of religious and lay staff identified by
witnesses as having observed residents being abused:
• Care staff 250 reports
• Authority figures 133 reports
• Ancillary staff 93 reports
• Teaching staff 87 reports
• Resident Managers 61 reports.
7.259 Those described as care staff and ancillary workers were both lay and religious. The 133
reports that refer to authority figures relate to religious persons described as ‘in charge’ without
reference to their particular role, such as Superior, Reverend Mother, or Sister, Brother or Priest
in Charge. The experience of observing others being abused and the frequent failure of staff to
intervene in these circumstances was reported by witnesses to be a cause of distress and is
described in more detail elsewhere. ‘You’d be black and blue and the teachers would never ask
you ...(what had happened)....’
7.260 The Committee heard reports that on occasion Brothers had to physically restrain other religious
staff who were thought to be in danger of seriously harming a resident. There were occasional
accounts heard of staff intervening to terminate an incident of abuse or to rescue a resident
from assault by another staff member and move them to safety.
He started beating me. I was so frightened, he had the door locked, it was inside in the
refectory. He beat me for a long, long time. There was another Brother, an old man, and
he tried to get in. He started shouting out in the hall. I had marks on my legs, marks on
my back.
•
He ...(Br X)... caught me ... and he threw me into the piggery.... I was told to stay there,
it was locked from the outside. Another Brother came along and he got me out.
7.261 Witnesses stated that their abuse was at times evident to members of the public and external
professionals who observed them on walks and other activities in the community or who may
have tended their injuries when they were brought to local hospitals and surgeries. A number of
witnesses reported being treated sympathetically by members of the public on occasion and
believed it was in response to awareness of their abuse.
Disclosing abuse
7.262 One hundred and forty six (146) of the 413 witnesses (35%) reported that they told an adult they
were being physically or sexually abused, 42 of them reported disclosing abuse to more than
one person. The disclosures were to adults in positions of perceived trust and authority both
within and external to the Schools. The following table lists the positions witnesses understood
were held by the adults to whom they disclosed their abuse while still resident:

Table 29: To Whom Abuse Disclosed while Resident – Male Industrial and Reformatory Schools
To whom disclosed abuse while resident Number of reports

Parents or relatives 62
Religious
- Staff 32
- Resident Manager 26
- Non-staff 13
Lay
- Staff 20
External professionals
- Medical staff 19
- Garda Sı́ochaána 14
- Social workers 2
Total 188
7.263 As can be seen, the largest number of disclosures was made to parents or relatives.
Collectively, there were 78 reports of disclosure to religious and lay staff including care, teaching
and ancillary staff. Those described as religious non-staff were priests in the Confessional and
other religious Brothers, clergy and nuns who were not members of the School staff, but were
associated with the Schools either by their proximity or some visiting arrangement.
7.264 Witness accounts of disclosing abuse to external professionals refer to medical staff seen while
attending hospitals for the treatment of injuries, doctors who attended the Schools to treat
injuries and social workers. Many witnesses expressed enduring anger about the inaction of
people they perceived to have the necessary authority to intervene and protect them.
I remember Dr ...X... from the town stitched me up once when I had my lip split open by
Br ...Y.... But I was warned to tell the doctor I had fallen or he ...(Br Y)... would get me.
7.265 A number of witnesses reported being threatened that if they told anyone about the abuse they
had experienced there would be more severe repercussions. Five witnesses stated that
members of the religious staff visited them or their parents at home to reinforce their warning
not to report or disclose their abuse.
One time I had to go to hospital ...following severe beating.... Fr ...X... came down to my
mother’s house, and he begged my mother, on his knees on the floor in my mother’s
house for forgiveness for what they done. They beat me so bad they got worried. My
mother forgave them, he wouldn’t go out of the house until she did. She told me this in
later years.
•
Br ...X... followed me up to ...home town... and went up to my mother’s house, and he
brought me over to a guest house and ...described sexual abuse.... At that time he
threatened me that if I opened my mouth I would go back and do the time ...(remaining
period of Court Order)... even in years to come, and at that time we were used to being
told these things.
7.266 Disclosing abuse to Gardaı́ was reported to have occurred generally in the context of being
returned to the School after absconding or when parents accompanied witnesses who were on
leave to the Garda station to make a formal complaint. In a small number of instances witnesses
reported their own abuse to Gardaı́. In separate instances, four witnesses who absconded told
the Gardaı́ who was returning them to the School that they expected to be badly beaten by the
Brothers. The witnesses believed the Gardaı́ made some inquiries about this and as a result
they escaped the usual beating meted out to returned absconders. Another witness reported
that his mother told the Resident Manager she intended reporting the fact that he was being
abused to the Gardaı́; he stated his mother was pressurised into not contacting the Gardaı́ and
subsequently the abuse stopped.
I was marked ...(following beating)... after I ran away.... I wasn’t let out for 3 month after
that, all the black and blue marks were gone there were just orange marks left .... When
I went home I told me mother about the hidings and she took me down to ...named...
police station. When I told the police he said “what School are you in?” and I said
...named School... and he said “what are you there for?” I said “not going to school” and
he said “come on are you joking me or what?” I said “I’m there for not going to school”
and he started laughing. My mother got a bit annoyed at him laughing at us, and they
more or less kicked us out of the police station. After that I never told anyone, you
wouldn’t trust anyone after that.
Outcome of disclosure
7.267 Witnesses reported that disclosing abuse elicited varying responses including being ignored,
punished and not believed, in addition to having the reported abuse investigated and abusers
being dismissed or transferred from the School. Witnesses stated that the strict regime within
the Schools, together with the harsh enforcement of rules and the constant threat of physical
abuse left them feeling powerless and unprotected.
Two fellas went to Confession and told the priests what was happening about the
beating. The next day we were all brought up and they were beaten, severely beaten
and we were told “whatever happens in here stays here”.
•
We ran away, made it to ...named town.... The police car stopped us and asked us
where we were going, and where we had come from ... and he said “why are you
running away?” My brother told him about the beatings ... we didn’t want to say anything
about the sexual.... He ...(garda)... brought us back to ...named School... and told the
nun what we were saying. They really tortured us after that. There was a man ...named
lay care staff... and there was another woman and there was Sr ...X.... They beat us
with whatever come to hand. That time you couldn’t say anything against nuns or
priests or anything like that....
•
Afterwards I met Br ...X... going down the stairs, he beat the crap out of me. “You know
to keep your mouth shut” he’d say “you know what you’ll get if you don’t keep your
mouth shut”.... It was complete fear, I couldn’t tell anyone, the fear you know.
7.268 Fifty seven (57) witnesses reported that when they disclosed abuse or it was evident by their
injuries that they were being abused they were ignored and the abuse continued, leading them
to believe that aggression and violence was part of the culture of the School. A number of
witnesses stated that it was their belief that both religious and lay staff knew that residents were
being abused and were at times sympathetic but were powerless or unwilling to change
anything.
He ...(Br X)... tried to rape me every chance he got.... He nearly killed me in the hay
barn, he got me up this ladder sitting on top of the hay, he was mucking about with me,
at first I thought it was just horse play, he was trying to get my trousers down....I
screamed and he put his hand over my mouth. Mr ...Y (lay ancillary worker)... heard the
scream and he came in, he was only there for a few seconds, he saw that Br ...X... had
his hands over my mouth. I threw myself down the bottom, I was lucky it was 12 or 14
foot down, and I ran out and said to him “don’t you ever touch me again”. He said he
would kill me if I ever opened my mouth, he never touched me again after that.
•
He ...(Br X)... beat me up, my lip was busted, my eye was swollen and all my face was
red. Nobody asked me what happened. None of the other Brothers said anything.... No
Brother entered the domain of another without knocking and getting permission first.
•
The ...(Resident Manager)... knew what was happening. They ...(Brothers)... were
sadists, they were evil and cruel. Of course they knew what was happening ... to say
they didn’t is like saying you were standing by a motorway and saw no traffic.
7.269 Many witnesses reported that the risk of being deprived of family visits or being prevented from
going home on leave deterred them from disclosing abuse. Others reported that when they did
tell someone they were being abused they were either ignored or not believed and as a result
they learned to remain silent, believing that nobody would listen to them. A witness who told a
priest in Confession about being sexually abused reported that he was told to ‘keep your
thoughts to yourself as you could hurt so many people’. Another witness who told his parents
that he had been sexually abused reported that:
My mother and my father came up to visit me and I told them what had happened
...(sexual abuse)... they confronted Br ...X.... He had a story, told them I was sick and I
was hallucinating and they believed him.
7.270 Forty four (44) witnesses reported being severely beaten in the context of disclosing both
physical and sexual abuse and that the prospect of further beatings was generally sufficient to
maintain silence. Witnesses reported being beaten when they told others including staff
members, priests in Confession, police and visitors or their parents or relatives that they had
been beaten or otherwise abused. Witnesses described an atmosphere of fear that prevented
talking about being abused due to the risk of further abuse, as witnesses described:
Br ...X... punched a boy in front of all the staff ... to make him retract his story of sexual
abuse against Br ...Y... and to make the boy tell everyone he had engaged in sexual
activity with another resident. You learned that talking only led one way ... to a beating.
•
He ...(Br X)... asked me what had happened, and there was a rule in ...named School...
that you did not tell on another Brother because he would beat you up. So I could not
tell him and he kept me in the dormitory for a few days and the same thing happened
again ...(the sexual abuse continued)....
7.271 A witness who disclosed being sexually abused by a Brother while on an outing reported the
consequence for him:
The next morning I told ...co-resident (about physical and sexual abuse)... and he took
me to Br ...X (Resident Manager)... and he said I was talking “badness”. I told him
exactly what had happened, and he gave me a hiding, he punched and kicked me. He
used a short stick, blackjacks we used to call them. He used to bend you over the
bench, sometimes a monitor used to hold you or sometimes another Brother. But this
time he took me to the hall to give me the hiding.
7.272 Thirteen (13) witnesses who disclosed their experiences of abuse to their parents reported being
discharged home or granted early release following representations to the Department of
Education and other authorities. In some instances these representations were made directly to
the Minister, also through local politicians, and by writing to the Department. In most reported
instances the representations were made by the witnesses’ parents. There were three reports of
early release being facilitated by external professionals. There were six further reports of
representations being made to external authorities for the witnesses’ early release that were
denied. One witness reported that his mother attempted to obtain the services of a solicitor,
without success, in her effort to report abusive behaviour and obtain early release. Another
witness reported being offered early release in return for his silence:
After I was raped and got a terrible beating by 2 men, they beat the shit out of me. Their
faces were distorted. I couldn’t see who they were. I barely crawled to the door, the
nurse sent me to ...named... hospital. ... After I came out of the hospital Fr ...X... he was
director at that time, he called me in and said ... “if you say you weren’t beaten up we
will let you out of here in a few days”. I was just trying to get home, like, so I said I
wasn’t beaten. He called all the Brothers in, there was a garda there and everything. He
...(Fr X)... said “now ... tell them what you told me”. So I said I wasn’t beaten. All I
wanted to do was get home, so I got home.
7.273 A number of witnesses reported positive responses to disclosure, including 20 reports of the
abuser being removed or transferred and 17 accounts of the abuser being reprimanded in some
way. These witnesses reported being most often aware of positive outcomes of their disclosure
by a cessation of abuse and a belief that their abuser was disciplined. Such outcomes followed
eight reports to Resident Managers or others in charge, by the witnesses or their parents.
7.274 There were isolated accounts heard of positive outcomes as a result of the assertive
intervention of parents, relatives, professionals and members of the public following disclosures
of abuse by witnesses. For example a witness reported that when he absconded following a
beating he was given a lift by a member of the public to whom he disclosed details of his abuse.
This person treated him kindly and convinced him to return to the School where he spoke to the
person in charge regarding the alleged abuse. The witness reported that he was not
subsequently punished or beaten and that the person returned some time later to check on his
welfare.
7.275 The Committee heard isolated reports of lay staff members being dismissed. In one situation a
lay teacher was reported to the Resident Manager by a group of residents after an incident of
sexual abuse. Other witnesses reported being moved to a different dormitory as protection from
the negative attentions of a night watchman. Less frequent beatings from a care worker followed
an intervention by one witness’s grandfather.
7.276 Witnesses recalled that Brothers ‘disappeared’ from time to time and it was assumed there had
been complaints about them. The Committee heard a small number of accounts of Brothers
leaving in the wake of a particular incident of abuse. Most often the reports were of a Brother’s
absence noticed in the belief he had been ‘sent away’ as a witness described:
...he was evil, you would never know when he would come up behind you. He was
taken out the back way one afternoon and he was never seen again, thanks be to God.
7.277 While 25 witnesses reported that disclosing abuse to their parents resulted in a positive
outcome where the abuse ceased and they were either protected or released, 12 witnesses
reported that their parents were unable or unwilling to believe that religious staff were abusive.
Some parents were reported to regard the witnesses’ abuse as justified punishment for
misconduct, believing ‘the Brothers could do no wrong’.
I told my father what was going on ...(sexual abuse).... I told him what Br ...X... was
doing to me, and the father thumped me and said “how dare you say anything like
that?” There was nothing physical for him there to see, if I had cuts or bruises he would
have believed me.
Witnesses response to abuse

7.278 Three hundred and eight (308) witnesses reported that fear was their predominant response to
the abuse they both observed and experienced and that on occasion they feared for their own
and others’ lives. Eleven (11) witnesses reported fearing that they would be killed. Witnesses
also described harming or attempting to harm themselves in the context of being abused. They
reported wishing that the physical or sexual abuse they were subjected to would cease and
being unable to trust that anyone would help or believe them if they disclosed what was
happening.
We never told anyone what was happening. We thought they had the right to do what
they were doing, to beat us. Why would we tell anyone when they would only beat us
more? We were terrified of those men in long trousers, we were just little fellas in short
trousers. The worst part for me was the dormitory and the bed-wetting ...(and the
beatings).... I still wet the bed and hate going away anywhere because I am so
embarrassed about it. I tried to kill myself there.
7.279 Ninety five (95) witnesses reported absconding and another 28 reported that they tried to run
away in order to escape the environment of fear and repeated physical and sexual abuse,
including flogging. Resisting sexual abuse was reported to generally result in physical violence
and further sexual abuse. There were 14 witness accounts of sexual abuse ceasing following
gestures of resistance and avoidance. In a number of instances these witness reported
subsequently becoming the target of routine physical abuse.
One day in the laundry he ...(Br X)... was coming up behind me, I knew what he wanted
...(sexual abuse)... and I just freaked. I picked up the first thing that came into my hand,
I hit him and knocked his glasses off. He kicked me up the arse and that was it, I was
out of the laundry ...(where witness had been working).... He was always at me after
that, every chance he’d get he would have me down on my knees in the yard as
punishment for something.
•
He, Fr...X..., would take out 6 or 7 for walks and would sexually abuse you, you know. If
you protested well then he would not bring you the next time ...(out for walks).... I got
punished when I protested, I got punished after that for no reason.
•
The farmers ...(residents who worked on farm)... were always the last in to the showers.
It ...(sexual abuse)... only happened when you were clean. Other times you would stink
and they wouldn’t touch you, so I used let myself really stink.
7.280 Two hundred and eight (208) witnesses described not knowing what to do in response to being
abused. They reported feeling helpless and defenceless and under constant threat of further
abuse.
Very seldom, boys did fight back, they had great courage. ... God did they have courage
those who fought back. I always regret I didn’t fight back ...crying.... You knew from the
day you arrived no one was going to help you, there was no one.
7.281 One hundred and forty six (146) witnesses who had been threatened or punished following
disclosure of abuse reported that they subsequently withdrew emotionally and isolated
themselves as they felt powerless and did not trust that any protection was available. Other
responses included screaming, crying, suppressing anger, bed-wetting and soiling. Of those
who reported a history of bed-wetting while in the School a large number reported that they did
not wet their bed prior to admission. ‘I became a very bad bed-wetter I had never been a bed-
wetter before. ... Every night I was there for 5 years there was a list called out of those who had
wet the bed.’
I lived in terror and fear. I started wetting the bed, I never did it before. You would stand
at the end of the bed for the punishment ... slaps with a leather strap all over. ... I tried
not to sleep I’d try and hide the stain, so as not to be punished. It became a way of life.
Some boys could take a hundred slaps and would not cry, others would be screaming
for mercy.
•
But even when you weren’t being hit, you could hear this echo, in this big dormitory like
a hall, and you could hear the crushing sound, and the blow, and the screams, night
after night after night. I used to do this ...demonstrated rocking motion... to take me
away from it, the beatings and the screaming and the fear. I wanted to stop it, I would
dream about getting a gun and shooting them to stop it.
7.282 Eighteen (18) witnesses reported that they attempted to commit suicide and actively harmed
themselves during their time in the Schools, most frequently in the context of being sexually
abused or being consistently physically abused. Attempts at self-harm included throwing
themselves from heights, ingesting objects, overdosing on veterinary medication, self-mutilation,
attempted drowning and self-inflicted burns. Others described having suicidal thoughts or a wish
to die or hurt themselves.
I cut myself, overdosed, swallowed pins. I was ashamed and embarrassed. ... I ripped
myself apart, cut myself, legs, arms. I mean seriously, I was admitted to hospital....
•
I tried to kill myself in the time I was there. I locked myself in the bathroom and I was
running against the wall trying to injure my head on the wall. I think there was an awful
lot of fellas who did commit suicide. You had nobody, absolutely nobody. You couldn’t
turn to anybody, you never felt safe, the kitchen, the dormitories, the farmyard. I used to
go into a cupboard and cry.
•
I went down and got a piece of glass and cut my hand. I didn’t care what happened, I
just wanted to get out of the School. I just thought that by cutting my hand I’d be taken
up to the hospital and could tell someone there. The nurse saw my hand cut and asked
me what happened and I told her ...(about being severely beaten by Br X).... I was
terrified they ...(Brothers)... would know I’d told her, she created murder and told
Fr ...Y.... But he did nothing.
•
When I was in bed I used to cry and wish I’d die. I’d think “I don’t want to wake up”.
Whenever you were in the dormitory you knew there was something going to happen to
you. You’d want to be dead instead of waking up.
7.283 In addition to the witnesses who reported harming themselves, a number also reported that they
contemplated harming lay and religious staff who were abusive and in five instances described
actively doing so.
7.284 In summary, this chapter has provided an overview of abuse reported to the Committee by 413
male witnesses in relation to Industrial and Reformatory Schools. The reported abuse was
differentiated by type: physical and sexual abuse, neglect and emotional abuse presented
accordingly. Where possible, the chapter sections have been illustrated with direct quotes from
witnesses, some of whom were recounting their experiences for the first time to a third party.
While describing their experiences witnesses also gave accounts of the circumstances in which
the abuse occurred and the traumatic impact of their experiences both at the time and as they
are recalled. In addition, the information provided about the position and occupations of those
who were reported abusers is included with witness accounts of who they told, and what they
believe was known about the abuse they experienced at the time.
7.285 The following two chapters will provide similarly detailed information about the general
conditions and everyday life experiences in the girls Schools together with reported abuse
experiences of 378 female witnesses.

Chapter 8
Everyday life experiences of female

witnesses in Schools
8.01 This chapter summarises the information provided by the 378 female witnesses about their
experience of education, work, health, recreation and other aspects of everyday life in Schools
over a period of 74 years between 1914 and 1988. All the Schools referred to by female
witnesses were managed by religious Sisters.
8.02 There were many consistencies in the reports heard by the Committee from female witnesses in
relation to all the Schools. Witnesses reported living in large unheated buildings with communal
dormitories and poor hygiene facilities, as part of a strictly controlled regime that allowed little
time for recreation and was largely isolated from the outside world, including their family.
Witnesses reported their time was occupied between work, school and recreation with varying
emphasis on each in different Schools and over different periods of time.
8.03 In relation to admissions prior to the 1970s, the most common features reported by witnesses
were descriptions of the daily routine, including an early morning call by bell for Mass followed
by breakfast in a communal refectory. Meals were routinely provided in large refectories at fixed
times, the main meal being in the middle of the day and a light meal provided at approximately
5.30pm. Witnesses went to bed at various times between 6pm and 9pm, with more flexibility in
recent years.
8.04 Clothing and footwear was reported by many witnesses to have been of inferior quality and
generally distributed from a stock of donated second-hand items that were kept in a central
clothing store. Reports regarding clothing and personal care varied between Schools over
different periods of time. A number of Schools employed someone to make and mend clothing.
In other Schools older residents and lay staff were reported to have made the clothes and
taught the younger residents how to do so. Many witnesses reported knitting jumpers and socks
for themselves and co-residents. Many witnesses reported that they never owned a new pair of
shoes. There were a few reports of winter coats being provided on an individual basis but more
commonly that they were shared for use as needed. Witnesses discharged during the 1970s
and 1980s reported being more often allowed to select their own clothes and no longer having
to share clothing and footwear.
8.05 Personal hygiene was attended to using shared facilities with little or no toiletries or sanitary
protection said to be provided in the majority of Schools in the period before the1970s.
Witnesses reported increased provision and availability of hot water, soap, towels, toothbrushes,
sanitary towels, toilet paper, combs and hairbrushes in later years. Since the mid-1970s,
accommodation was reported to have improved with residents moving to smaller units, either
adapted or purpose built, with modern facilities. These units catered for smaller groups of
children with trained care staff in some Schools in the late 1970s and 1980s. Other changes
reported included attending primary and second-level school and other activities outside the
institution.
8.06 A consistent feature reported in most Schools prior to the 1970s was the code of silence that
was enforced during many activities, particularly while working, in the dormitories and during
mealtimes.
Work
8.07 The Committee heard evidence from 337 female witnesses of being involved in work and
physical labour during their time as residents in the Schools. Work was described as graded
according to age and it was reported that residents from some Schools were expected to work
from the age of seven years. A small number of witnesses reported that they started working at
five years of age. Most witnesses spoke about the lack of staff available to do domestic work
and of the priority given to the completion of allocated work to the exclusion of education or
play, as one witness said: ‘We cared for them, they did not care for us’. The work described by
witnesses included domestic tasks in the Schools, kitchens, convents, local presbyteries, the
homes of local families, and on adjoining farmyards. Work of a commercial nature including
laundry, Rosary bead and rug making, embroidery, and knitting were also described. Many
witnesses reported that residents received no payment for this work.
8.08 Work in some Schools was described as beginning before breakfast and continuing until class
commenced, to be resumed after school. General cleaning chores such as sweeping, scrubbing
and polishing were reported as work tasks by 337 witnesses. Residents were responsible for
their own bed making and dormitory cleaning, in addition to cleaning and polishing corridors,
staircases, chapels, classrooms and associated convents, and other buildings. Witnesses
reported being made to clean or polish the same area a number of times until the desired
standard was reached. Witnesses reported that in nine Schools the residents were also required
to clean or work in the kitchen of an affiliated boarding school, hospital or nursing home.
8.09 One hundred and forty seven (147) witnesses reported working in laundries both for the
institutions and convents, and on a commercial basis for external institutions including hospitals,
hotels, boarding schools and people from the local town. Many gave accounts of receiving no
payment for the work. Witnesses reported having to wash, starch and iron nuns’ habits, clerical
vestments and altar linen, sheets, shirts and table linen. The work in the washrooms and
laundries was described as laborious, without the aid of washing machines or other equipment
in the period prior to the 1960s. Witnesses recalled standing on boxes as small children to reach
into laundry troughs and washing nun’s sanitary cloths in cold water with bare hands.
8.10 It was the practice in most of the girls Industrial Schools to accept admissions of female infants,
and a number of Schools also admitted male infants. The work of providing care for these
children was reported to be mainly undertaken by the residents. The ongoing care of babies and
very young children, including siblings, was reported by 123 witnesses. This work included
feeding, dressing, washing and toileting the children who were often referred to by witnesses as
their ‘charges’. Witnesses reported that in a number of Schools they shared their beds with their
young ‘charges’. Other witnesses were required to get up at night to feed babies who slept in
cots beside their beds. Many witnesses described the overwhelming nature of the childcare
task, including eight witnesses who described having to assist toddlers with rectal prolapse.
I distinctly remember the babies would be on potties for a long time and sometimes the
older children would lift them up and with a cloth push this thing ...(rectal prolapse).... I
didn’t know what was going on at the time.
8.11 Witnesses reported that there was little or no adult supervision as they performed their childcare
tasks. A number of witnesses described the difficulty they experienced caring for young children
without the benefit of being well cared for themselves. As a consequence some witnesses
acknowledged that at times they treated their young ‘charges’ harshly. A small number of
witnesses stated that they were so hungry that they helped themselves to food provided for the
babies, replacing milk with water in the babies’ bottles.
8.12 Most Schools and convents had residents assigned to answer the doorbell and do other jobs
similar to those of a parlour maid. Twenty four (24) witnesses reported being sent as
housekeepers to local clergy and families, 13 witnesses reported receiving payment for this
work and others reported that they believed payment went directly to the religious congregation.
8.13 Kitchen duties and work in the attached bakeries were reported by 121 witnesses. Descriptions
of this work in 14 Schools included: washing dishes and pots, scrubbing floors, foraging for
firewood, lighting and stoking fires, lifting large pots of boiling water and peeling large quantities
of potatoes and other vegetables. Many of the witnesses reported that this work provided
access to extra food and warmth, it also involved long hours and was arduous. Work in staff
kitchens was seen as particularly advantageous as there was access to better quality food.
Some Schools had both commercial and domestic bakeries where residents worked, and in
some instances continued on a full-time basis on completion of their education.
8.14 Commercial contract work was described as a significant activity in four Schools by 84
witnesses and included piece work in the form of making Rosary beads, scapulars and other
religious items. In one School it was reported that young residents made novenas for which it
was believed financial donations were received by the School. The majority of witnesses stated
that no payment was received for this work.
8.15 Working in the farmyard, fields, gardens and on the bogs were described as routine activities in
both urban and rural Schools. While it was reported that the female religious congregations
generally employed lay male ancillary staff to work on their farms, 97 witnesses reported being
involved in farm work including haymaking, saving turf, churning butter, sowing and picking
potatoes, milking cows and feeding animals. Weeding gravel driveways, convent graveyards
and plucking the convent lawns by hand were other outdoor tasks reported by witnesses from
several Schools.
8.16 Witnesses reported what they regarded as unsafe practices related to cleaning and fire lighting
in five different Schools. In two Schools residents had to clean high external windows with one
resident holding the ankles of another resident who was cleaning the windows. Five (5) Schools
were reported as having residents light fires and furnaces in the early hours of the morning for
the School heating, laundry and cooking systems. Carrying turf and coal and keeping the
furnaces fired was part of the work described by witnesses.
8.17 Thirty two (32) witnesses described a distinction being made in the work allocated to residents
who had families and those regarded as ‘orphans’ who described themselves as at times
allocated particularly unpleasant tasks such as clearing drains and unblocking and cleaning
toilets. Other witnesses said they observed ‘orphans’ frequently undertaking demeaning tasks.
8.18 Sewing, knitting and decorative needlework were regular semi-recreational activities; several
witnesses reported making clerical vestments, as well as socks, jumpers, dresses and school
uniforms for co-residents. Specialised needlework and knitting was also undertaken for what
witnesses understood was the commercial market and a number of witnesses reported being
regularly occupied knitting Aran sweaters, making rugs, embroidering tablecloths, vestments and
other cloths for shops and church use.
They used to have these huge tablecloths and I used to have to do embroidery on it
and do the designs, I used do the crochet. I used do the vestments, the nuns used give
them as gifts to the priests. I used to have to do all the sewing for the girls plus all the
knitting during the school’s holidays. Remember I was 14 years old at the time.
8.19 Witnesses reported that mending clothes was a regular occupation in 16 Schools, others gave
accounts of lay staff being employed in sewing rooms. In five Schools it was reported that
residents darned socks and jumpers for local boys’ Industrial Schools and fee-paying boarding
schools.
8.20 Other assigned tasks included residents both making and ‘teasing’ their own mattresses.
Mattress teasing was reported as a regular summer activity by 18 witnesses from five Schools.
This was described as hard and unpleasant work, ‘teasing and re-stuffing the mattresses was
our summer holiday’.
8.21 The following account of a typical day was given in evidence by a witness who reported she
was removed from the classroom at the age of 12 years to work full-time in the Industrial
School:
There was no electricity in the laundry and it was steam mechanised. Myself and
...named 2 co-residents... were told we had to work from Monday morning. Three of us,
we used to have to go down and light the furnace that heated the whole school part. On
Monday we got up at 6 o’clock in the morning, we lit the fire, then 3 of us took it in turn
to keep shovelling the coal in to keep the steam up in order that the machinery in the
laundry ... would keep going. On the Tuesday we had the ironing to do ... we had ...(a
large number of)... nuns in the convent and we had to do their ironing and the white
things had to be starched. I had to get up at 7 o’clock and there was a round boiler
thing. We, 3 of us had to light that and as soon as it got red hot you put the old
fashioned irons around it, between 20 and 30 irons. The older girls, there were 8 senior
girls, were given the job of ironing all the white things for the nuns. On Wednesday that
was the baking day.... On Thursday we would go out and weed the garden ... or ... in
summer if there was turf coming in, the lorry would just leave the turf there and the nun
would come in and say “you, you and you go out and throw in that turf.” On Thursday
the 3 of us used to have to go down and clean that big boiler out, clean the ashes and
set it again for Friday and the laundry. On Saturday then we would do odd jobs, go over
to the convent and did “blocks” ... polish the floors with these big block things to get up
a shine on them.
8.22 Witnesses reported changes in relation to work practices in the later years covered by this
Report. The commercial contract work and the practice of residents undertaking work external to
the School was no longer routine. However, three witnesses reported caring for babies and
young children in the 1970s and 1980s and that the practice of doing household chores
continued.
Food
8.23 The inadequate provision of food was widely reported by witnesses. The standard diet described
by witnesses for the years prior to the 1970s was porridge, bread and dripping and tea or cocoa
for breakfast. The main meal was consistently reported to be of boiled potatoes with vegetables
and on occasion some meat or fish. The evening meal was most often described as bread and
jam and tea or cocoa. Witnesses reported that there was little or no access to extra food except
what might have been obtained opportunistically by residents working in kitchens and
elsewhere.
The nuns’ bins would be lovely, you would eat the bread out of their buckets, you would
get it as you were walking along the path in the garden going down to the work in the
fields, you’d pick out the bread.

8.24 Varying accounts were given of both the quantity and quality of the food provided with
noticeable improvements reported after the 1970s. Witnesses reported that in more recent years
sausages, chips, vegetables, eggs, cheese, fish fingers, cornflakes and milk puddings became
part of the regular diet.
8.25 Special occasions such as Christmas, Easter, First Holy Communion and saint’s feast days
were reported to be at times celebrated with cake and biscuits, jelly, ice cream and lemonade.
Many of the convents had orchards, glass houses and kept poultry; however witnesses stated
that fruit and eggs were rarely provided, with the exception of Christmas and Easter when
oranges and eggs were reported as traditional treats.
Play and recreation

8.26 Witnesses reported that play and recreation were described as peripheral to everyday life for the
Schools’ residents, particularly for those discharged before the 1960s. Toys, books and play
equipment were largely non-existent in most of the Schools during that period. Witnesses
reported playing in fields and ‘making our own fun’ and described making small dolls and balls
from scraps of cloth. In a number of Schools voluntary organisations brought presents to the
residents at Christmas; it was frequently reported these were locked away and never used.
Fourteen (14) witnesses described having toys and books given as presents taken from them to
be locked away in a toy cupboard and taken out when visitors came. In a small number of
instances, witnesses believed that these toys and books were given away by the Sisters to their
own relatives. The lack of any place to keep personal possessions made it difficult for residents
to retain a doll, toy or book given as a gift or sent by their family. Witnesses reported that a
small number of Schools provided film shows for the residents.
8.27 Witnesses reported that most Schools had recreation halls that were described as places to
congregate in wet weather or in the wintertime, often in enforced silence. Recreation halls were
also used for school concerts and plays held at Christmas and for visiting dignitaries. There
were accounts from a number of Schools of residents competing in Irish dancing competitions
and playing musical instruments at the Feis Cheoil. Accounts were heard also of a number of
Schools having bands and/or choirs that performed at these competitions and various local
events.
8.28 While sport was a less common feature of life in the School system for girls than it was for boys
153 witnesses reported that they played in the yard or surrounding fields in all weathers and
were forced to spend long periods outdoors. Eighty (80) witnesses described the regular long
Sunday walk with pairs of girls walking ‘like a crocodile’ for up to 10 miles with religious staff or
older residents in charge. One witness described how they spent time at recreation:
We used to have a spinning top and put coloured things into it and we used to play
hopscotch. We had basketball. There is no use telling a lie, we had a shed and we used
to play among ourselves.
8.29 Day trips to the seaside and swimming were reported by 47 witnesses as a treat during the
summer months in particular Schools.
A couple used come and they would take us to the seaside, take us to the beach. We
used to be in this bus, we had buckets and spades, the whole lot of us went. You’d be
so excited. We had plastic cups and loads of sandwiches. I remember them buying us
all a ball and buckets.
8.30 Witnesses from 11 Schools reported on improvements in recreation facilities during the 1960s,
including the provision of swings, merry-go-rounds and slides in the play yard and board games,
skipping ropes, radios, gramophones, television and books in the recreation rooms. Further
improvements were reported in the 1970s and 1980s with increased involvement in cultural,
recreational and social activities including music and choirs in the local area. Visits to the
cinema and in some instances activities with children of local families were also reported. Other
improvements described by witnesses included the opportunity to be involved in outdoor sports,
games and competitions including basketball, volleyball and tennis.
Education
8.31 Most Schools for girls had their own primary level classrooms attended solely by the residents.
A small number of Schools were part of larger establishments that included primary and
secondary schools attended by both children from the local area and residents from the
Industrial School. Reports were also heard of local children, frequently referred to as ‘outsiders’,
attending class within the Industrial School setting.
8.32 Three hundred and seventy six (376) witnesses reported attending classes at primary level for
some period of their time in the Schools. The majority of witnesses, 220 (58%), reported having
completed their education by 14 years of age, when most reported that they commenced
working full-time in or for the institution. The following table outlines the reported school leaving
age of female witnesses:
Table 30: Reported School Leaving Age – Female Industrial and Reformatory Schools
Reported school leaving age Number of witnesses

Under 10 8
10–12 34
13–14 178
15–16 129
Over 16 22
Unavailable 5
No schooling 2
Total witnesses 378
8.33 As the table indicates, two witnesses reported that they received no schooling and never
attended class. Eight (8) witnesses stated that they were taken out of school to work full-time
before the age of 10 years and a further 34 witnesses reported not attending school after 12
years of age. The majority of these witnesses reported that they worked in the Schools or
related areas instead of attending class. One hundred and twenty nine (129) witnesses reported
that they remained in school until they were 15 or 16 years old, 105 (28%) of whom attended
secondary or vocational school in the local community or, in a small number of instances,
attended boarding schools.
8.34 Forty one (41) of the 105 witnesses who reported receiving secondary level education were
discharged from care in the 1970s and 1980s.
8.35 Some witnesses reported having done well in school and enjoyed learning but were not allowed
to continue their education as they were competent domestic workers:
During the summer holiday they said “you are not going back to school”. They had me
making vestments for the priests, for the first year I did not get paid, the second year
they put a small bit in a post office book that they gave me and I going. I was good at
maths and science I got 100 once and they said I had copied, you know they put you
down, you were no one, you were no use. I loved school, when I was taken out I cried, I
loved the science in the secondary I would have loven ...(loved)... to be a nurse, I could
have done better if I had done my Inter, I have a big gripe about that. They took me out
because I was good at sewing they wanted me for the vestments. Others who had a
mother were kept in school I had no one to say you can’t take her out. When I was 16 I
wanted to be going and they said you can stay and train someone in, so I had to stay
for a year and trained in another girl.
8.36 Many witnesses reported that their education was inadequate, particularly for those discharged
before the 1970s. Changes regarding access to education and the active encouragement of
religious staff to continue their education were noted by witnesses discharged in the 1970s and
1980s. A number of witnesses were supported to attend technical and secondary schools and
commercial colleges and an increased number reported taking part in State examinations.
The nuns were very kind they sent me to ...named... college in the evenings to study
shorthand and typing.... I still wanted to be a nurse, one nun used to encourage me and
the other would say “no she is too delicate, she would never last”.... I left at 18 and went
straight to England to be a nurse. The nuns helped me ...(with fare and application)....
Religion
8.37 Mass and Rosary were described by witnesses as standard features of daily life in the
institutions. Witnesses attended Mass early in the morning, before breakfast. Some witnesses
described a routine of saying three rosaries a day while kneeling on wooden or stone floors. The
recitation of litanies while residents were preparing for bed was also reported. In some Schools
the Rosary accompanied work tasks and witnesses reported that any slacking in responses
could lead to punishment. Catechism was reported to have constituted a large segment of the
educational activities in several Schools in the decades prior to the 1970s, with witnesses
reporting: ‘all they cared about was religion’ and ‘we ate, slept and drank religion’.
8.38 Witnesses reported that the notion of the ‘devil’ as a force of evil was emphasised by the
religious staff. A large number of witnesses stated that they were constantly told they were
sinners as a result of their parents’ behaviour. Residents reported being prevailed upon to pray
for their own and their parents’ forgiveness and be grateful for the care they were receiving.
8.39 The Committee heard witness accounts of religious feast days being strictly observed; Lent, the
months of May and November and the feast days of the Sisters’ patron saints generally
necessitated particular practices, which were both penitential and celebratory. Witnesses
reported that the clergy were accorded particular respect and were attended to diligently by the
staff and residents. Chapel choirs were a point of pride for some Schools especially when
members of the public were in attendance.

8.40 Three hundred and twenty five (325) witnesses described some form of healthcare provision
including medical attention, inspection or immunisation for themselves or other residents in the
Schools.

8.41 As with the male witnesses, female witnesses reported being assessed and treated for normal
childhood accidental injuries and illnesses as well as non-accidental physical injuries while
resident in the Schools. Table 31 describes the types of healthcare available:
Table 31: Types of Healthcare Reported – Female Industrial and Reformatory Schools
Healthcare Number of reports

GP attendance 176
Hospital attendance 152
Infirmary available 135
Dental care 85
Medical inspection 67
Immunisation 62
Nurse available 52
8.42 One hundred and seventy six (176) witnesses recalled the attendance of a doctor during their
time as residents, which included being seen by the local doctor either in their surgery or, more
commonly, in the School and the doctors’ attendance at routine medical examinations in the
School. Visits by medical inspectors were reported. Witnesses from one School reported the
local doctor conducting a bi-monthly inspection of residents. Immunisation and the testing of
residents for tuberculosis were reported as routine components of some medical inspections. In
other Schools routine examinations of weight and height were the only medical attention
reported. A number of witnesses reported changes to their diets and other aspects of their care
following inspector’s visits.
8.43 One hundred and fifty two (152) witnesses reported attending hospital for in-patient and out-
patient treatment of conditions including: tuberculosis, gastroenteritis, appendicitis, rheumatic
and other fevers, surgical treatment of ear, nose, throat and other complaints. Twenty three (23)
witnesses reported being hospitalised for treatment of accidental injuries and 33 others reported
receiving hospital treatment for non-accidental injuries. Witnesses reported attending hospitals
and clinics for investigations both in their local area and to specialist centres. Attendance at a
specialist clinic or hospital was more commonly reported after 1970, with witness reports of
attending specialist appointments for eye, ear and skin ailments as well as child and adolescent
mental health services.
8.44 One hundred and thirty five (135) witnesses described infirmaries in 18 Schools; other Schools
were reported to use the dormitories as infirmaries. In most accounts infirmaries or dormitories
were described as isolated, lonely places that were rarely supervised. Witnesses reported the
rule of silence in the infirmary and dormitories increased the sense of isolation as did the
absence of staff dedicated to the care of residents who were ill.
8.45 Nursing staff were employed in some Schools at different times and the presence of staff
described as ‘nurses’ was recalled by witnesses in other Schools. Other witnesses believed that
the nursing function was performed by untrained staff. Witnesses reported that unqualified staff
carried out many treatments such as lancing boils, treating ringworm and other infections,
lacerations and injuries without medical advice.
8.46 Witness accounts of dental care indicated that dentists attended regularly in some Schools and
in others when requested. In most instances the reported dental treatments were extractions,
with or without anaesthetic.
Inspections
8.47 The Committee heard 219 reports of inspectors visiting the Schools. Witnesses were not always
clear which government department the inspectors represented. There were reports of
government inspectors visiting the Schools who, it was believed, were primarily concerned with
the condition of the physical surroundings and reports of classroom inspectors, commonly
referred to as the Cigire. Witnesses believed that these inspectors were concerned with aspects
of their education and did not specifically address the individual care and welfare needs of the
residents. Sixty seven (67) witnesses reported the visits of medical inspectors, who conducted
routine physical inspections, including evaluating height, weight, hearing and sight.
8.48 While witnesses reported they were generally not spoken to by the visiting inspectors, in the
period prior to 1970 one inspector was mentioned by 49 witnesses, including six who specifically
reported being spoken to directly: ‘There was a nice woman Inspector, she would speak to us,
we were coached in what to say though.’
8.49 The majority of witnesses reported advanced knowledge of the forthcoming inspections and the
Committee heard 123 accounts of special preparations being made, including cleaning,
polishing and, in some instances, painting the School prior to the visit. Others reported being
hidden during the inspectors’ visits because they were bruised or injured. Witnesses from one
School reported that newly renovated bathrooms were opened for inspectors’ visits and were
immediately relocked and not used again after they left. In another School residents were
moved to a new building for the duration of the inspector’s visit. Witnesses reported that special
provisions were made available to residents for the period of the inspection including special
clothing, extra bedding, improved food and the provision of toiletries. One hundred and sixteen
(116) witnesses reported that special clothing and bedding was provided to them prior to
inspections and 109 witnesses described having better and more plentiful food while the
inspection lasted. ‘A man walked around with 2 nuns. He did not speak to the children. Table
cloths and china was put out for the visit, soap, toothbrush and toothpaste was out as well and
taken back after the visit.’
8.50 In the period prior to 1970 toilet paper and toiletries such as soap and toothbrushes were
provided for the duration of inspections in most Schools:
We were told to be on our best behaviour, we were all lined up, I’d be dying to say
something but knew I would get into trouble. The floors were polished, new towels and
bars of soap would be put out, but you couldn’t touch them. When they left everything
was put back.
8.51 In addition to the physical preparations, 62 witnesses reported being coached and warned about
how to behave and what to say to the inspectors’ and that staff were present for the duration of
the inspection. ‘We were all done up, afraid to blink an eye, we were schooled in what to say,
you knew you’d get punished.’
8.52 The Committee heard witness accounts of preparations that involved rehearsing songs, poems
and Irish dancing to perform for the inspectors who, apart from these appearances, were
described as mainly seen at a distance, accompanied by staff. The majority of witnesses who
recalled the inspections were clear that when the inspectors left all changes were reversed and
life returned to the way it had been. Exceptions to this were a small number of witness reports
of improvements in care and conditions following medical inspections.
Officials, dignitaries and other visitors
8.53 Witnesses reported that many official visitors and dignitaries visited the Schools over the years,
including: a President, ministers for education, bishops and other clergy, and local or national
figures. Other visitors recalled were members of charitable boards, commercial organisations,
voluntary groups and others whom the witnesses could not identify. Advance preparations for
such visits were reported.
8.54 Witnesses described visits to the Schools by members of the public who were reported to
provide holiday placements for residents at weekends and during school holidays and were
referred to as ‘holiday’ families, ‘godparents’ and ‘foster’ families. Witnesses from a number of
Schools who had no known family contact, many of whom described themselves as orphans,
reported being sent regularly to the homes of these families. Another category of visitor
described by a small number of witnesses was prospective foster and adoptive parents who
they stated visited the Schools to select a child to foster or adopt. Witnesses described being
dressed for the occasion and ‘paraded’ with other residents in front of these visitors hoping to
be selected.
8.55 Witnesses stated that they were usually not spoken to by visitors and were warned against
speaking to them:
Visitors came, we always thought this was our chance to tell someone what was
happening, but we never got near them, the place was lovely, food, clothes, all changed
until they left.
Arrangements for discharge

8.56 Witnesses who had spent most of their childhood in institutional care reported a sense of
displacement and bewilderment when discharged from the Schools. Many reported that the
transition from care provided an opportunity for freedom, but was also a time of disappointment
and loss. Three hundred and twenty five (325) female witnesses were in residential institutions
for between six and 18 years and many had only ever known life in an institution.
8.57 One hundred and eighty (180) witnesses reported being discharged home or to the care of older
siblings and extended family. Those witnesses who had been able to maintain contact with their
parents, siblings and relatives through visits and holidays during their admission generally
reported a more positive outcome when discharged home. Others commented on the difficulty
they experienced reintegrating with families from whom they had been separated for a number
of years.
My mother turned up the day before I was 16. I had not seen her for years. I was
handed over to her and we couldn’t relate; I found it very hard to get on with the life and
left for England.
8.58 Witness reports about their discharge ranged between Schools who provided ongoing support
and follow-up to others where witnesses reported being discharged without any discussion or
plans, as discussed elsewhere. Forty six (46) witnesses reported being placed directly in
employment by School staff when they were discharged. Many expressed ambivalence about
the arrangements made for their aftercare. While the stability of accommodation and
employment was valued, many reported that the lack of preparation for leaving, including the
opportunity to say goodbye, was traumatic.

I found a bed-sit myself, I had to leave school as I had no way to feed myself, a teacher
found a job for me in a local shop.
8.59 A number of witnesses reported that live-in work arrangements were helpful, providing a place
to stay and some security in the absence of family or the necessary skills to live independently.
Nineteen (19) witnesses described their first employer as their ‘salvation’ in that they were kind,
treated them well and encouraged them to socialise and in some instances to pursue further
education or training. A small number of witnesses reported that they remained in their original
place of employment for many years and a number have maintained ongoing contact with their
former employers.
8.60 Twenty nine (29) witnesses reported that when they found themselves in difficulty following
discharge, they received help and support from the religious staff in a number of Schools that
maintained an informal open-door policy for ex-residents. Three (3) witnesses reported being
assisted by religious staff when they became pregnant and were without other support.
8.61 Witnesses from a small numbers of Schools reported that they were allowed to live in the
School for a period when they were first working while they were getting established. Others
reported being offered temporary employment and lodgings at their former School when work
placements were not satisfactory and reported being found jobs where they were able to train
and prosper.
8.62 The Committee heard several reports from witnesses that former co-residents provided them
with a place to stay and assistance with finding work when they were discharged. The women
provided a substitute family network for witnesses who reported that they would otherwise have
been alone in the world. The witnesses also reported that for some this network of former co-
residents has remained a significant support throughout their lives.
8.63 Fourteen (14) witnesses reported that they returned to the School for annual summer holidays,
in part because they had nowhere else to go, did not know how to make alternative
arrangements for themselves and did not want their work colleagues to know they had no
family.
8.64 Nine (9) witnesses reported being discharged to their ‘holiday’ or ‘foster’ families where they
found safety, stability and, for some, life-long support. Other witnesses reported that these
families assisted with finding them work and supporting them to become independent following
their discharge.
8.65 Some changes in practice and procedures for aftercare were reported by witnesses who were
discharged during and after the 1970s, with a small number of Schools establishing group
homes on the grounds of the old institutions and others providing supported semi-independent
living in associated hostels. The Committee heard 12 witness reports of places in hostels or
transition houses being found for witnesses when they were discharged. Five (5) of these
reports related to discharges after 1970. Other Schools provided practical and financial support
for residents to continue education and training.
8.66 Four (4) witnesses reported being granted an early discharge to their parents following
representations made to various authorities. Two (2) witnesses remained at home, without
formal consent, following disclosure of abuse to their parents. Others became aware through
records they obtained under the Freedom of Information legislation1 that their parents had made
1
Freedom of Information Acts, 1997 and 2003.

written representations to various authorities seeking their early release. Witnesses who had
previously felt abandoned gave accounts of being comforted by this information.
8.67 Witness evidence of abuse experienced in the Schools is summarised in the following chapter,
much of which was reported to occur in the course of day-to-day life as described above.

Chapter 9
Record of abuse (female witnesses)
9.01 This chapter summarises the nature and extent of abuse reported to the Committee by 378
female witnesses in relation to Schools in Ireland that admitted girls. The 378 witnesses made
389 reports regarding four types of abuse specified by the Acts.1 They are physical and sexual
abuse, neglect and emotional abuse. Not all Schools were reported for each of the four types of
abuse.
9.02 The report of abuse by a witness may either refer to a single episode or multiple experiences of
being abused in a School. In most instances reports of abuse refer to more than one episode of
abuse and more than one type of abuse. One hundred and twenty three (123) witness reports
(32%) were of all four types of abuse. Eleven (11) witnesses reported abuse in more than one
School.
9.03 The chapter is divided into five parts that address each of the four abuse types and what was
known about the abuse at the time it occurred. The reports of abuse compiled in this chapter
refer to admissions to Schools between 1914 and 1988. Twelve (12) of these witness reports
refer to abuse in both Schools and ‘Other Institutions’. The reports of abuse in relation to ‘Other
Institutions’ are referred to in Chapters 12-18.2
9.04 For the purpose of compiling this Report, witness evidence is presented by period of discharge
as follows: pre-1960s, 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Witnesses who were discharged in one period
may have spent time in care in the previous decade(s).3
Physical abuse
9.05 This section describes witness evidence of actual incidents of physical abuse, non-accidental
injury and lack of protection by failing to prevent such abuse, given in evidence by witnesses to
the Committee. Witnesses described being abused by many means including being beaten,
punched, bitten, kicked, slapped and bodily assaulted by hand and by implements, being force
fed, physically restrained, burned and subjected to deliberate physical cruelty. The Committee
heard disturbing accounts of severe assaults causing injuries.
1
2
‘Other Institutions’ – includes: general, specialist and rehabilitation hospitals, foster homes, primary and second-level
schools, Children’s Homes, laundries, Noviciates, hostels and special needs schools (both day and residential) that
provided care and education for children with intellectual, visual, hearing or speech impairments and others.
3
4
Section 1(1)(a).

Nature and extent of physical abuse reported
9.06 There were 383 reports of physical abuse given in evidence to the Committee by 374 witnesses
(99%) involving 39 Schools. Witnesses reported being physically abused by religious and lay
staff and other adults who were associated with the Schools. Witnesses also reported being
physically abused by co-residents. The number of witness reports heard in relation to physical
abuse in different Schools diverged widely:
• Three (3) Schools were collectively the subject 144 reports5
• Eight (8) Schools were the subject of 12-18 reports, totalling 119 reports
• Nine (9) Schools were the subject of 6-10 reports, totalling 74 reports
• Nineteen (19) Schools were the subject of 1-5 reports, totalling 46 reports.
9.07 In most instances, reports of physical abuse were combined with reports of other types of
abuse. The following table illustrates the combinations of abuse types and the frequency with
which the different combinations were reported by witnesses:
Table 32: Physical Abuse Combined with Other Abuse Types – Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Physical, emotional and neglect 226 59
Physical, emotional, neglect and sexual 123 32
Physical and neglect 20 5
Physical and emotional 8 2
Physical 3 1
Physical, emotional and sexual 2 1
Physical and sexual 1 (0)

9.08 One hundred and twenty three (123) witness reports (32%) were of all four types of abuse. With
six exceptions every report of abuse made by witnesses included reports of physical abuse and,
as indicated, physical abuse was most often reported in conjunction with emotional abuse and
neglect (59%). In 126 instances (33%), physical abuse was also reported with sexual abuse and
the Committee heard three witness reports of physical abuse only.
9.09 As with male witnesses, the largest number of reports made to the Committee relates to
witnesses discharged during the 1960s. Table 33 shows the distribution of witness accounts of
physical abuse across the decades covered by this Report:
5
specified.

Table 33: Number of Physical Abuse Reports by Decade of Witnesses’ Discharge –
Female Industrial and Reformatory Schools
Decade of discharge Number of physical abuse %
reports
Pre-1960s 132 34
1960-69 175 46
1970-79 69 18
1980-89 7 2
Total 383 100
9.10 Physical abuse was a component of the vast majority of abuse reported in all decades and 46%
of physical abuse reports refer to witnesses who were discharged from Schools between 1960
and 1969. It is noted, however, that approximately 50% of the witnesses discharged in the
1960s were in institutional care for most, if not all, of the previous decade.

9.11 The forms of physical abuse reported by witnesses ranged from being smacked on the hand to
being beaten naked in front of others. They described being hit, slapped, beaten, kicked,
pushed, pinched, burned, bitten, shaken violently, physically restrained, and force fed. The
Committee also heard reports of witnesses having their heads knocked against walls, desks and
window ledges, being beaten on the soles of their feet, the backs of their hands, around their
heads and ears, having their hair pulled, being swung off the ground by their hair, and made to
perform tasks that they stated put them at risk of harm and danger. The locations where
physical abuse was most frequently reported to have occurred included dormitories, refectories,
landings, corridors, classrooms, churches, offices, kitchens, work areas and recreation halls.
(We were)... beaten everywhere, bang your head off the wall, pinch your cheeks, beat
you with a cane.... She ...(Sr X)... would grab you and hit you.
•
I remember once I got a big yellow blister on my hand, it was really painful.... Normally
when you got a beating from someone you had to hold your hand out for a slap like that
... (demonstrated outstretched palm)... not always of course, some of them would hit
you anywhere on the legs or anywhere. ... She ... (Sr X)... said “Why are you holding
your hand out like that? Give me the other hand”....You have to have 10 on that hand
and 10 on the other. I couldn’t part with this hand, it was yellow and throbbing it was,
and she forced it open and slapped it. The blister burst, I’ll never forget the pain.
9.12 Further forms of physical abuse described by witnesses involved being made to kneel for hours
on hard surfaces, both indoors and in outside yards, being locked in confined and dark areas
such as coal houses, furnace rooms, animal sheds, broom cupboards and fridges, made to
stand for lengthy periods and being doused and immersed in cold water.
9.13 The physical abuse described by the majority of witnesses included both detailed accounts of
particular beatings and more generalised accounts of the daily experience of being hit and
otherwise physically abused or witnessing others being abused.
Implements of physical abuse

9.14 The most commonly reported implement used to physically abuse a resident was some type of
a wooden stick. One hundred and sixty six (166) female witnesses reported being hit or beaten
with wooden sticks, blackthorn sticks, rulers, pointers, window poles, wooden spoons and other
kitchen implements, chair legs, wooden crutches, hurley sticks, cricket bats, coat hangers, towel
rollers and sally rods. A further 77 witness reports were heard of being hit or beaten with
bamboo canes. ‘They would hit you anywhere, the nuns, with a wooden spoon, a silver spoon or
a cane. I remember I had the stripe of the cane on my leg, the mark.’
I remember getting the spoon, the wooden spoon. Sr ...X... was running after me and I
was running from her, you would be all stinging and raw where she hit you. You would
be sore.
9.15 Ninety nine (99) witness accounts were heard of being beaten with leather straps, including
cinctures, some ‘with strings attached to them’ and thin straps on occasion referred to as whips.
In addition there were a further eight accounts of witnesses being hit with large Rosary beads
and crucifixes that nuns wore at their waist.
9.16 There were 37 witness reports of being beaten with brushes of various kinds, including hand
brushes, sweeping brushes, hairbrushes and yard brushes.
Once she ... (named lay care staff)... came into the dormitory and another girl and I
were talking, she went and got a wooden hairbrush and she came and pulled down my
pyjamas and she whacked me on the bottom. She whacked me so hard it was
impossible to sleep afterwards, and the next day it was still sore.
9.17 Having objects such as a wooden statue, metal tray and knives thrown at them was reported as
a physical abuse by a small number of witnesses.
9.18 In addition to being hit, witnesses reported that, at times they were burned, had water thrown
over them or were held under water, as described:
• Nineteen (19) witnesses reported being put into cold or scalding baths or
showers.
• Twelve (12) witnesses reported having water thrown over them, five of whom were
scalded with hot tea or water.
• Eight (8) witnesses reported having their heads held under water, including two
whose heads were held under a cold running tap.
• Five (5) witnesses reported being burned with hot pokers or by having their hands
held to a fire or on a hot stove.
• Two (2) witnesses reported having their fingers held to electric sockets.
One of the girls she was very sick. I let her come into my bed one morning, she was
very, very ill. They brought me down to the shoe room, they stripped me off, they threw
cold water over me ... (prior to severe beating).... It was the shoe room you know where
all the shoes were, even now if I get the smell of shoe polish, the feeling of
enclosement, it was awful.
9.19 Six (6) witnesses gave accounts of nettles being used by nuns when punishing residents. They
described being pushed into patches of nettles, hit on the legs with them, and, in one instance,
their bed being full of nettles. ‘Sr ...X... put nettles in the bed of the girls who wet the bed.’ Other
witnesses described being pinched with pliers, jabbed with a knitting needle, hit with shoes, a
shovel, wet dishcloths, bunches of keys, serving spoons, scissors, electric cord and the treadle
belt from a sewing machine.
Circumstances of physical abuse

9.20 Witnesses described being beaten and otherwise physically abused for many reasons and for
no reason at all, which created an environment of pervasive fear. They described physical
abuse in the context of being punished for some misdemeanour, real or perceived, or simply for
being in the wrong place at the wrong time. ‘No reason was needed, I was hit because I could
be hit.’ Witnesses who had little or no family contact, those who were described as orphans,
were reported to be most vulnerable to harsh physical discipline.
9.21 The most commonly reported circumstances that precipitated beatings were: bed-wetting, rule
breaking, ‘stealing’ food, perceived failure at work or educational tasks, soiled or torn clothing,
disclosing abuse to others, talking, untidiness, answering back, running away, left-handedness,
indiscipline, being cheeky, talking to boys, appearing to engage male attention, having fun and
refusing to eat. Other behaviours for which witnesses reported being physically abused included:
perceived misbehaviour of younger siblings, babies in their care crying, being sick, linking arms
with another resident and not getting up in the morning when called. As one witness said: ‘I
suppose I was bold, but how bold can a child of 9 be? ’.
9.22 There were consistent reports from witnesses of particularly harsh and humiliating methods of
physical punishment and abuse for certain behaviours, for example bed-wetting, running away,
school work and not meeting the required standard for hygiene and personal care.

9.23 One hundred and seven (107) witnesses (28%) reported being beaten and otherwise physically
punished for bed-wetting during their time in Schools. The Committee also heard a small
number of accounts of physical abuse for soiling. There were accounts heard of severe abuse
for bed-wetting and soiling by witnesses discharged in all decades up to and including the
1980s. It was reported as routine for residents to have their beds inspected in the morning and
those with wet sheets were punished. Witnesses reported being beaten for bed-wetting in the
morning and/or in some Schools again at night, either on the hands or bare buttocks, with a
cane, strap or wooden brush. Witnesses described the usual procedure for managing wet
bedclothes was to take the wet sheets from the bed and either carry them to the laundry or to a
drying room. Twenty three (23) witnesses reported standing with their wet sheet on their head or
shoulder outside the Sister’s office, often that of the Resident Manager, waiting to be beaten.
Twenty seven (27) witnesses also reported being made to wear their wet sheets during
breakfast, to the classroom or while saying the Rosary.
If you wet the bed, Sr ...X... made you stand out at the bed with the sheet over your
head, if you fell asleep she would come out with the stick. She hit you on the back and
then you would be so sore you couldn’t sleep.
•
You’d be hammered, I used to get killed for it ...(soiling the bed).... Sr ...X... with a cane
she used to call me into a small room, she’d be pacing up and down, she would lay into
me.
•
Every night you ...(bed-wetters)... would have to stand at the end of your bed, holding
on to the bed, she ...(lay care staff)... would tell you to face straight ahead, in your
nightdress, she would hit you with a steel coat hanger, other staff would hold up the
nightdress. If you got into bed and cried you would have to get out and the same would
happen again.
•
I started wetting the bed. I don’t remember wetting the bed before I was about 6 or 7.
There were about 30 of us in the dormitory, only a handful of us wet the bed. We had to
stay with the younger ones until we stopped wetting the bed and in my case that was
about 10 or 11.... We had long brown mackintoshes ... (rubber sheets)... under our
sheets, I remember pulling the sheets off so you wouldn’t wet the sheet, if you wet the
mackintosh maybe nobody would notice. We had to bring our wet sheets to the girl in
charge who would swipe you across the face with it and bring you in to the dressing
room for a flogging. I remember trying so hard not to wet the bed.... I remember sitting
on the toilet and falling asleep, going back to bed and still waking up soaking wet.
9.24 Witnesses described the distress they experienced observing their younger siblings being
physically punished for bed-wetting. Many described protecting them from beatings by any
means, including pretending that they had wet the beds themselves and taking the punishment
instead of their siblings. They also described hiding wet sheets and trying to dry sheets in
advance of an inspection. In some instances witnesses reported swapping their sibling’s wet
sheet with that of another resident who was then punished instead.
The girls who wet the bed got beaten. I never wet the bed but my sister did and my
older sister and I used to get up early and make sure her bed was dry so that she didn’t
get hit, the babies who wet the bed got beaten. We would change her bed. I know it’s a
horrible thing but we would change the bed with someone else, so that she did not get
hit and if we didn’t get time we’d change her with our own bed and we’d take the
beating. We just didn’t want her to get hit, she was only a baby. The punishment was,
beaten with a leather strap all over. The nun used to get a big girl to go around and
check what one was wet, what one was dry. You couldn’t save everyone you know.
9.25 Other methods of punishment described for bed-wetting in a small number of Schools were
being locked in a cupboard, put into cold baths, beaten with nettles, and put into clothes dryers
and other confined spaces. Six (6) witnesses from one School reported being made to spend
the night outside in the pig sty or locked under the stairs as punishment for bed-wetting.
Classroom education
9.26 The Committee heard evidence from 58 witnesses of being physically abused in the classroom.
They reported being hit on the back of the legs, knuckles, backs or palms of hands with sticks,
canes, rulers and straps. Witnesses stated that the precipitants for punishment included, not
giving the right answer, academic inability, talking, ‘being cheeky’, inability to speak Irish, left-
handedness, and making mistakes, for instance in needlework or playing a musical instrument.
Witnesses who attended ‘outside’ school in the local area frequently stated that they were
beaten for being late and not having homework done as a result of the competing demands on
them to do domestic chores in the School.
There was one nun, a teacher, who beat me black and blue, there were lumps and
bruises on the back of me hands. All this beating was over Irish lessons which I never
used since.
•
I was left handed, they used to tie my hand. You were told to pick your stick, you were
told to pick out your bamboo ...(to be beaten with).... The more you screamed the more
you got beaten.... If you pulled back your hand you got an extra beating.
9.27 A number of witnesses reported being beaten every day in class because, due to learning
difficulties, they were unable to learn.
I had an awful problem in the classroom, I had a problem reading. The more you made
mistakes ... it was terrible ... she ...(Sr X)... would humiliate you, and it stays with you.
Sr ...X... used hit me with this long belt, they used to have this long belt, they didn’t care
where they hit you it was just wallop, wallop.

Work
9.28 Forty seven (47) witnesses reported being physically abused in the context of work activities in
the Schools. They described being required to work, both inside and outside the Schools, in
many areas, in the kitchens, laundries, bakeries, workrooms, gardens, farms, bogs, convents
and residences of clergy, from as young as five years of age. Witnesses reported being beaten
as they worked scrubbing and polishing the floors of corridors, dormitories, refectories and
staircases, and being beaten for not working fast enough or to the satisfaction of whoever was
overseeing the work.
There was the scrubbing, the drying, the polishing and if there was one speck you
would have to do it all over again, she ... (lay care staff) ... would then hit you. She had
total control, the nun just passed through, they were in the convent, they had nothing to
do with us. I hated 3 o’clock in the afternoon because I had to go back to the work and
they ... (town children) ... were going home ... from school, you were going back to her.
You got beaten for nothing, she had free rein. Sometimes it would be a wooden brush,
hair brush or a wooden spoon from the drawer. She also had a leather with a buckle
she would hit you with it, but not with the buckle, the other end of the belt.
•
We would be put down in the dining hall, a massive big room, down on your knees, this
would be a punishment, scrubbing, constantly on your knees. That was a punishment,
you couldn’t get up out of there until it was all clean, clean.
9.29 Witnesses reported being physically abused in the performance of other domestic tasks such as
not getting fires lit in time to heat water, scorching clerical vestments and religious habits,
cutting themselves while slicing loaves of bread, dropping crockery, not chopping enough sticks
or carrying enough coal, getting their clothes dirty while carrying coal, dropping trays while
serving visitors in the parlours and burning bread in the bakery.
9.30 It was consistently reported that residents in charge of younger co-residents were punished for
any perceived transgressions committed by the children for whom they were providing care.
Witnesses reported being punished if their ‘charge’ wet their bed, wet or soiled their clothes or in
other ways failed to do what they were expected to do.
The older girls, we would have “charges”, would be in charge of the younger girls. We
would have to get up in the night and take them out to the ...toilet.... If they happened to
wet the bed you would get beaten for it. They couldn’t help wetting the bed, but you got
beaten for that.... If your charge was found with lice in their hair you would be punished
for it, you were supposed to keep one another’s hair clean.
9.31 The Committee heard evidence that some work activities involved safety risks for the residents,
for example being given responsibility for lighting and maintaining furnace fires, carrying heavy
pots of boiling water and food, cleaning windows on upper floors and being sent alone to work
for people who were unknown to them. Other witnesses reported that being taken out of class
and being deprived of recreation was punitive. Certain work tasks were considered physically
abusive in themselves; for example, four witnesses reported having to clear blocked drains and
toilets with their bare hands on a regular basis as physically abusive.
I was seldom allowed out to the yard to play with the other kids. I remember that I was
washing nappies, doing the washing, servile work, out in the ... yard, breaking sticks, I
was about 9 or 10 maybe. The working continued until I left. I remember being out in
the ... yard, and to the best of my memory they were like floorboards, piles of old
floorboards, like from old buildings and we had to chop them up into small sticks for the
fire. I was in possession of a hatchet, I remember hitting it off the concrete and watching
the sparks fly, thinking maybe I’d like to be hitting something else. We’d be out there
hail, rain or snow. I’d be burned in the summer and soaked in the winter.
•
At 12 years I was taken out of school to work. I got the 9 toilets to do ...(cleaning
toilets)... then I had to work in the kitchen.... Then there was the chickens we used to
have to put the head of the chicken under the handle of a brush and twist its neck, you
know, then it would be dead and we used to have to put it in a bucket of hot water to
pluck the feathers. I never saw the chickens after that, I don’t remember ever eating
chicken. I used to see other girls ... (when working)... and I’d see them in the summer
holiday, and they would be typing but I didn’t, I didn’t get that chance. ... I don’t know
why.
Personal care
9.32 One hundred and thirty three (133) witnesses cited various aspects of personal care as the
focus of physical abuse. Torn or dirty clothing was reported to provoke punishment, as did
losing hair clips, shoe buckles, hair ribbons and handkerchiefs. Witnesses also reported being
beaten if they failed an inspection for cleanliness following bathing or washing. Others reported
that they were beaten for not having their socks pulled up properly, poor posture, for wearing a
bra and for having long, untidy or lice infested hair.
We washed our feet at night time in very, very cold water, it was out in a back yard....
There would be a couple of old towels there to dry them. You then went in and had to
kneel down for the inspection. There was this lady there ...(lay care staff).... If there was
one speck on your feet, she whipped you across the legs with a cane and you were put
out again. If there was a speck on your sheet the Reverend Mother would come up and
you were lined up for a thrashing.... She had a certain way of doing it. She’d get the
lady to hold your hand and she’d beat you until she was tired and then she’d beat the
other.
•
One lay member of staff ...X... she was cruel, she was absolutely cruel. There was one
punishment she gave me that I will never forget it in my life. She used to say “hold your
head up”, she was very nasty. She got my hair and she tied it and she pulled my head
back like that ... (demonstrated hair being tied to belt at back holding head up in fixed
position) ... and she got a string and she tied it up. Oh the pain of it. So my head was
up like that, held like that for a couple days, that is why I will never forget it. The nuns
knew of it but they gave her a free hand.
9.33 Thirty seven (37) witnesses reported being beaten for having soiled sheets or pants and/or
seeking sanitary protection when menstruating. Facilities for managing menstruation were widely
reported as poor and witnesses described being fearful of asking for sanitary protection. This
fear inevitably led to clothes and sheets being soiled, and consequent punishment. The lack of
toilet paper and washing facilities were reported by witnesses to contribute further to soiled
underwear.
Queuing up for your underwear once a fortnight, I always dreaded it. They would check
your underwear and if they were soiled you would get whacked for it with a hand brush,
21 times. It was ...named lay care staff... who done it. ... So on Wednesday night you
would wash it and wear it wet so that you wouldn’t get hit.
•
The washroom was known as the most fearful, there was no escape.... If the toothpaste
was all gone by the end of the year you got beaten. Then there was the underwear, you
all had to undress in front of everybody and then you would have to walk up to her
...(lay care staff)... with your underwear, if it was stained you had to wear it on your
head and stand there and then you got beaten by her.
9.34 Head lice and scabies were reported as contributing to the risk of physical abuse in the form of
head shaving, hair cutting and ‘body-painting’ with white emulsion. The manner in which these
treatments were undertaken was the source of many witness reports of physical abuse. The
emulsion caused skin irritation and was reported to have been applied in a rough manner with
large brushes.
9.35 Fourteen (14) witnesses who were discharged prior to 1970 reported having teeth taken out
without any anaesthetic. Witnesses reported that crying when teeth were being extracted led to
physical abuse by accompanying staff members in a number of instances.
Rule breaking
9.36 The Committee heard evidence of witnesses being physically punished for rule breaking.
Examples of rule breaking were talking during ‘silent periods’, running in corridors, entering
places that were out-of-bounds, fainting or coughing in church, getting out of bed at night, being
in another resident’s bed, talking to boys and being thought to seek male attention and talking to
town children. Examples of being punished for rule breaking included the following witness
accounts:
It was a cruel harsh place.... It was illegal to go out. ... Our letters were always opened
and read, she ...(Mth X)... asked “who posted this letter you wrote to your mother?” She
came into the dining hall where we eat our meal. ... I knew I was in deep trouble. Sr
...Y... came right up to me and told me “you posted the letters, why didn’t you own up?”
I said I was afraid, she said to me “you go right up to Mth ...X...”. She was outside
walking, I told her I posted the letter, she drew out and she hit me across the face
several times and “now”, she said, “go down and stand up on the table in the refectory
and when I go down I will deal with you”. I went down and took my shoes off and stood
up on the table. She came down and told me to go up to her room. She sent ...lay care
staff... to get the cane, she beat me and beat me and beat me, it went on for weeks
every time she would pass, she would be walking, she beat me on the legs with a cane.
Once when I felt faint I went to pass out, they said I was as white as a sheet, I heard
her say “it’s not my fault I didn’t do anything to her”. ... It was Mth ...X... she was the
one who would do all the beatings, after that she began to ease off on me, she got ...lay
care staff... to help, if ...lay care staff... wasn’t around she did it on her own too.
•
Well this night she ...co-resident... was having fits and I was frightened and I got into the
bed of another girl. The nun come up in the morning and found us, she made us sleep
on the concrete floor, locked in the cloakroom for 3 nights for getting into the bed of
another girl. We didn’t know what we had done wrong.
9.37 Rules of silence were enforced in most Schools at some part of the day. Witnesses discharged
in the period up to 1970 reported in many Schools it was routine for work and most day-to-day
activities to be conducted in silence, as described:
The silence was terrible, we suffered in silence, hours and hours of silence, worked in
silence and got a severe beating if caught talking.
9.38 Witnesses described how as children they were forced to lie in their beds in certain positions
including: on their backs with their arms crossed over their chests, on their right side, arms
crossed and facing the chapel or with their arms crossed on top of the bedclothes. Inspections
were carried out and children woken and, in some instances, physically punished if found not
lying correctly.
You had to sleep with hands out like this ...(demonstrating position)... and your fingers
touching you shoulders it was like that and it was very uncomfortable, if you moved you
got a beating.
9.39 Witnesses reported that they were punished for answering back, being assertive, defending
others or attempting to intervene on their behalf in the course of a beating. These behaviours
were described as frowned upon and heavily sanctioned.
9.40 Refusing to eat was another reported precursor to punishment as it was generally expected that
all food would be eaten. Witnesses described nausea, distaste and illness as reasons for
refusing to eat. Forty one (41) witnesses reported being forced to eat, frequently by having their
heads held and mouths prised open. Seven (7) witnesses reported being beaten for refusing to
eat and eight others reported being physically forced to eat regurgitated food.
I remember sitting at the table and, excuse me now, but being forced to eat my own
vomit because you were not allowed leave the table until you eat, if you didn’t eat it I
would get a slap for retching. Sr ...X... hit on the head. They used to hit with the ring
they had on their finger or with the knuckles on the head or with a steel comb. The food
would be there the next day and it would be left there until you eat it, you would be days
without eating and there would be mould on it, so you would have to eat it.
9.41 Taking food from the kitchen, pantry, fields, gardens, scrap buckets and animal houses was
regarded as rule breaking and punished accordingly. Twenty two (22) witnesses reported being
beaten for ‘stealing’ food. All reported that they took the food because they were hungry or in
some instances because it was irresistibly appetising as in the case of scraps from the convent
kitchen or the priests’ breakfast tray.
I was hungry, I took an apple. ... I took it off the ground, one of the nuns caught me ...
and she gave me a slap on the face ... and she said “when you come in I want to see
you”. I was kind of afraid, I was kinda confused. I said to myself “will I get over the
railings or what will I do?” ... Anyway they called me out and 6 nuns held me and they
cut my hair ...crying.... I just can’t believe that some people would do that to me. I don’t
know why they done that, if I had done something, I don’t know why they done it, I did
nothing wrong, I was hungry.
Absconding – running away

9.42 Twenty one (21) witnesses reported running away for reasons including physical and sexual
abuse. Eleven (11) witnesses who ran away reported being severely beaten when they were
returned to the School. Nine (9) of these witnesses were returned by the Gardaı́ and described
often being greeted warmly on their return and later beaten by one or more Sisters when the
Gardaı́ had left. Five (5) witnesses reported being beaten in a small room separate from the
other girls.
9.43 Witnesses consistently reported that residents who absconded were severely beaten in a small
number of Schools either naked or partially clothed when they were returned. The public nature
and severity of the beatings were described as traumatic, serving as a caution against
absconding and leaving a lasting impression on those who witnessed them.
The police took us back, it was the second time I ran away. I was stripped to my
knickers, Sr ...X... was supposed to hold me and she started beating me as well as Sr
...Y.... I was 13 years, I was beaten in the rec in front of everybody, it did not happen in
that way again.
9.44 Other punishments for absconding reported by witnesses included three witness accounts of
being locked in small rooms and given bread and water or cocoa for several days after running
away. Other witnesses described seeing co-residents following such beatings with their heads
shaved, bruised and marked. A number of witnesses reported having their hair cut or head
shaved as a punishment for running away.
They cut my hair ... they had this big thing, a blade, you know like an old man shaving,
one of the nuns just had this thing on my head like a man for shaving himself.
•
I suppose we were about 9 or thereabouts, 3 girls from the orphanage got out, they ran
away and got about 12 miles.... They were caught by the Gardaı́ and brought back. Not
that night but maybe the next night, we were all brought to this inner parlour. ... There
was tiered seating in each parlour ... we had to sit and watch. They ...(Sr X and Sr Y)...
were there, and Sr ...Z... was brought over from the convent, this was all planned, she
was to beat these girls who ran away. Sr ...Z... she was really, really cruel we were
terrified of her, Sr ...X... and Sr ...Y ... and she took out the leg of a chair, it was the leg
of a chair, that’s as true as I’m sitting here sitting looking at your face, she took it out
from under her garb, and she lashed into these girls and we were all terrified. We were
spectators, an exhibition was made out of them and she beat those girls into pulp for
running away. She took the leg of a chair back to the convent with her because they did
not want us to see it. That has stayed with me, to this day I have nightmares about it.
Specific practices used in physical abuse

9.45 Witnesses reported that staff at times employed severe practices that increased the traumatic
impact of the physical abuse to which they were subjected. The most frequently reported such
practices were ‘thrashing’, delayed punishment, being beaten by more than one person and in
front of others.
Severe beatings and thrashing

9.46 Reports were heard of witnesses being severely beaten, the reason for which was not always
clear to them. A number reported being severely beaten following disclosures of abuse, running
away, and rule breaking. Other beatings were reported to be unpredictable and generally
attributed to a small number of the named religious and lay staff. The most severe forms of such
beatings were attributed to nine nuns. These beatings were generally referred to as ‘thrashings’,
‘whippings’ or ‘floggings’ and were described as physical assaults that were often administered
in front of others.
9.47 The Committee heard 69 witness accounts of beatings by more than one person in relation to a
small number of Schools, including nine that referred to witnesses more recently discharged in
the 1970s. Such beatings were by two or more staff beating the witness simultaneously or one
beating the witness while others, including co-residents, held them down. The role of the second
person was either to hold the child being beaten or to participate in the beating. The public
nature of these beatings was described by witnesses as a further component of the abuse that
had a lasting traumatic effect. Twenty eight (28) witnesses reported being stripped of all their
clothing to be beaten and another 41 witnesses reported being beaten partially naked either
privately or in front of co-residents in areas including the dormitories, refectories or classrooms.
Witnesses also reported being restrained to be beaten; for example, seven witnesses reported
that their wrists were tied to the frame of the bed that they were lain across, either naked or with
their nightdress pulled up.
9.48 Others described being made to bend over chairs or other furniture to be beaten on their bare
bottom, backs of their legs and backs. Attempts to escape from the beating resulted in being
beaten more severely. Witnesses reported that severe beatings at times caused injury, drew
blood and generally left the witness marked with bruises, welts or red marks. One witness
described her bottom looking ‘like a plaid skirt’ after a beating.
She ... (Sr X)... brought me upstairs, she’d throw you on the first bed inside the
dormitory door, she put me across the bed naked, it was always naked, herself and Sr
...Y... and tied me to the bed with a sort of a tweedy rope. She had this thing of tying
you to the bed, an iron bed, you know, and you couldn’t move then... She would beat
you with the leather strap and count to 100 as she was beating. Then she’d say “get up
and go down and do your homework”. I know I was beaten often with a strap but I was
beaten like that 5 or 6 times. If you cried you got worse so I learned not to cry.
•
She ...(Sr X)... literally took off your underwear and got one of the bigger girls to hold
your hands and another held your legs and literally walloped you until you were
bleeding and you were hot and sticky and you went to bed and slept that off if you
could. ... (It would)... leave bumps on you.
•
If you did something bad during the day you would be laid across the table in the
refectory, you would be beaten on the behind with the cane and anywhere else if you
used your elbow to protect yourself. I was sent to the middle of the room, with all the
children standing around so they could see. The other girls would be in the refectory,
you would be beaten on the behind, your skirt lifted up. She ...(Sr X)... would have them
there watching you, some of them would be crying, they would be scared.
•
After school I was told to go and wait at the top of the stairs, to a small room where Sr
...X... and Sr ...Y... would make you kneel with your knickers down. They would beat
you on the bare backside with a stick, sometimes you would have to hold each other
down. If you were on your own they would hold you by the hair ... 6 severe whacks with
a stick, if you jumped around you would get more.
9.49 The Committee heard evidence from 31 witnesses of what they believed was a loss of control
by staff to the point where other residents or staff intervened to protect a resident. They
described the person beating them as ‘in a lather of sweat’ and ‘out of control’. In relation to the
most severe beatings witnesses described nuns being very angry and being in a rage. A small
number of witnesses described being beaten to the point that they feared for their own lives
and/or thought that the person beating them would collapse or suffer a heart attack.
I remember her putting that cane in water and then whacking us, the cane had a crook
and she would catch us around the neck. Mth ...X... she would loose control her eyes
would roll, she would really flip, she would be in a sweat, her face would be so red.
Delayed punishment
9.50 Witnesses from a small number of Schools stated that at times the more severe beatings were
administered in a deliberate and planned manner. They described being made to wait,
sometimes overnight for beatings by the Resident Manager or other religious staff. In a number
of Schools it was reported that the Resident Manager publicly called out the names of residents
who were to be beaten, at a later time, by another Sister. They reported that being sent to wait
in a particular place generally indicated a more severe beating. Witnesses variously reported
being ‘sent to the office’, to ‘wait by your bed’, ‘stand on the landing’, ‘stand in the refectory’ and
‘wait outside the chapel’. Fifteen (15) witnesses reported being left waiting for lengthy periods of
time, sometimes in the dark, naked or in their nightdress, to be physically punished. Others
described waiting with co-residents for their turn to be beaten. Some witnesses described the
waiting as often worse than the beating.
She ... Sr ...X... would hit you with a cane in public, but she would hit you in private too.
She would make me go to the dormitory and wait by my bed, I knew then it was going
to be a bad one. ... I’d have to get into my nightdress, and wait and when Sr ...X...
would arrive I’d have to take it off. She’d beat on the bare bottom, she’d work up such a
sweat I thought she was going to get a heart attack. She’d ... be breathless, no matter
how you yelled you were sorry, you weren’t sorry enough I guess.
•
She ...(Sr X)... had cuffs in her pocket, she’d take the cuffs out, we used make them,
things you know you would put them up over your sleeves to protect whatever they had.
She pulled the skirt up, they had a big wide skirt you know, and she’d pin the veil back
over her shoulder like hair. She was getting herself ready, and she took her time doing it
eyeballing me all the time, then she’d take out the strap, all rolled up in her pocket she
carried it with her all the time on her, the keys were on a strap, she’d hit you with them,
big huge keys too.
Injuries
9.51 Witnesses made 136 reports of sustaining injuries as a result of physical abuse. Many
witnesses reported more than one injury and 109 (80%) of the reports refer to admissions prior
to 1970. The injuries included broken bones, head injuries and damage to eyes and ears,
lacerations that required stitches as well as injuries to their backs, legs and arms. Thirty three
(33) witnesses reported that they attended hospital with injuries received following physical
abuse by religious and lay staff, eight of whom said that no questions were asked about how
their injuries occurred.
• Fifty seven (57) witnesses reported bleeding and/or being marked with welts and
bruises following physical assaults.
• Nineteen (19) witnesses reported receiving injuries to their head, four of whom lost
consciousness.
• Eighteen (18) witnesses reported being attended by a local doctor for treatment of
their injuries, including witnesses who had partially severed earlobes reattached.
• Thirteen (13) witnesses reported being left untreated following physical assault and
injury.
• Thirteen (13) witnesses reported receiving eye or ear injuries following assault with a
strap, stick or brush.
• Sixteen (16) witnesses reported broken noses or bones in their hands or arms.
• Ten (10) witnesses reported being scalded, burned by a hot poker or having their
hands held over a fire.
• Nine (9) witnesses reported that as a result of beatings they were unable to sit, walk
or move a limb for a time.
• Six (6) witnesses reported injuries with knives, in some instances requiring stitches.
• Four (4) witnesses reported treatment for infections caused by imbedded splinters
and brush bristles as a result of beatings.
My wrist broke, it was a nun broke it with a hurley ... (while beating witness)... there was
metal bands around them. She whacked me, she caught me there ... (indicated spot on
arm)... oh the pain it was awful, I was cheeky or something. When it’s going to be bad
weather it hurts.
•
She ...(Sr X)... had a pointer stick, you would have to put out your left hand and then
your right. One time, after a beating from her I had to go to the infirmary and ...(Sr Y)...
she put iodine on it ...(injured arm)... for me and I had to wear a sling on my arm, she
made a timber sling from wood for me.
•
Two nuns ...Sr X and Sr Y ...(beat me).... I was in bits, Jesus Christ, it was just awful.
They left me all night, it was cold there ...(shoe room)... the next morning they took me
out, I was in bits I was all black and blue.... They took me to the infirmary and the nun
there said “my God we are going to have to get her to hospital”, they said “no”. They left
me in the infirmary.
9.52 The Committee heard from a number of witnesses that they were denied visits from their
parents or were kept in bed, out of sight from visiting family members and inspectors, including
seven witnesses who gave evidence of being hidden from visiting inspectors, because they
were bruised or otherwise injured following beatings.
9.53 There were 16 reports from witnesses of injury in one particular School, including three
accounts of being unable to walk following a severe beating and four accounts of head injury.
One witness reported being unconscious following a beating by two Sisters and then being
hidden from the visiting doctor. Another witness reported the following experience of being
severely beaten in the same School:
Sr ...X... she took me by the top of the uniform and pulled me into the kitchen she gave
me 16 of the best across the knuckles with the pantry roller.... At first I couldn’t feel the
pain because I was after being in such pain with the chilblains. Then she said “16 on
the back”.... She didn’t get to finish the 16 on my legs the sweat was running off her so
much. It was only when I went to move I collapsed, I couldn’t move with the pain, my
knees were twisted.... She called in 3 girls to help me up to my bed and there I stayed
for almost 3 months. I couldn’t move with the pain in my hands and my legs and I never
even got a tablet. She told me not to open my mouth or if I did I’d get worse. I was
warned to keep it to myself, I had an accident that was it.
9.54 Five (5) witnesses from another School reported injuries, including two who gave accounts of
hospital admissions for head injuries in the 1960s. There were no injuries reported in any other
period for this School. It is of note that in both this School and the School mentioned in the
previous paragraph, the Resident Managers at the time were identified by witnesses as the
perpetrators of many reports of severe beatings and abuse.
Reported abusers
9.55 Three hundred and seventy four (374) witnesses identified 354 people by name as physically
abusive. Witnesses reported being physically abused by a variety of staff, religious and lay, who
they understood were engaged as Resident Managers, teachers, nurses, care and ancillary
staff. It should be noted that Resident Managers or their designated deputies were authorised
as Disciplinarians, as regulated.
9.56 In addition to reports of physical abuse by both religious and lay staff, there were a small
number of adults not employed as staff, but associated with the Schools who were named as
physical abusers. Witnesses also reported being abused by co-residents. In addition to those
named as physically abusive by witnesses, there were six religious staff, 20 co-residents and 11
lay staff who were identified by their position but not by name.
9.57 The following table lists by position held those reported as physical abusers by witnesses:

Table 34: Position and Number of Reported and Named Physical Abusers – Female
Position held by named physical abusers Males Females
Religious
- Care staff 0 130
- Teacher 0 42
- External priest or other clergy 4 0
Lay
- Care staff 0 50
- Teacher 0 14
Co-resident 0 23
Total 7 347
9.58 As Table 34 shows the majority of those reported as physically abusive were female religious
staff, reflecting the staffing profile in institutions in the period up to the 1970s. The witnesses
described the different staff by name and according to their understanding of the staff person’s
position and role within the School.
9.59 The term ‘care staff’ is used for the purpose of this Report to describe religious and lay staff
whose main contact with the witnesses was in the context of their everyday care. Those
described above as care staff were in charge of the dormitories and activities of daily living such
as washing, dressing, meals and recreation. Care staff were described as having a more
supervisory function and the ancillary workers were described as having designated tasks such
as working in the laundries, kitchens or the Schools’ grounds and farms. Witnesses generally
believed that care staff employed in the Schools prior to the 1970s did not have professional
training and reported that a small number were ex-residents of the Schools. Authority figures
were generally religious staff who held what were perceived by the witnesses to be positions of
authority. They were described as ‘in charge’, Officer in Charge, Sister in Charge, Reverend
Mother or Resident Manger. The external male clergy who were described as physically abusive
were reported to be priests and others of higher rank who at times provided a pastoral service
to the School.

9.60 Witnesses named 241 religious Sisters and four members of the clergy as physically abusive.
The Committee heard evidence about a small number of Schools where named religious staff
were reported as physically abusive by many different witnesses and in other Schools single
witness reports were heard about many named abusers. For example, three Schools were the
subject of 144 (38%) physical abuse reports, 72 of which were made in relation to two Sisters.
• Four (4) Sisters were named as physical abusers by 125 witnesses.
• Seventy six (76) Sisters were named as physical abusers by between 2-9 witnesses.
• Five (5) Sisters were named as physical abusers by between 10-20 witnesses.
• One hundred and sixty (160) religious, 156 Sisters and four members of the clergy,
were named as physical abusers in single witness accounts.
9.61 Among the 241 religious Sisters reported as abusive, 54 were identified as authority figures or
the Resident Managers in charge of the Schools and 130 were described as care staff. In
addition, 42 Sisters were described as teachers and 15 as ancillary workers occupied in the
kitchens, laundries, sewing rooms and on the farms. The four members of the clergy identified
as physically abusive were reported to have pastoral and other roles within the Schools and
were described by witnesses as physically abusing them in different circumstances. A witness
who was constantly punished for bed-wetting reported that she prayed and asked for guidance
to stop bed-wetting. She reported the following consequences:
I went to one nun and said “I had this dream that I saw God coming off the cross and
he won’t let me wet the bed anymore”. I got a belt with her hand across the face. So
she marched me down to the priest, made me go to Confession, I was to denounce the
devil and all my sins. ... When I went in to make Confession I knew something was
going to happen. I said “I saw God and he said I wasn’t going to wet the bed anymore”.
I was made make a Confession, it was the same priest as said Mass every day. He
brought me into the ...room... and he said “denounce the devil or you will go to hell”. ... I
said “but Father, I did see God and he said he won’t let me wet the bed anymore”. He
made me bend over on a chair it was like a bishop’s chair, and he lashed me. He made
me take down my underwear. ... Next day I told them that it was a dream, I had told her
it was a dream.

9.62 Witnesses identified 79 female and two male lay staff as physically abusive. As indicated in
Table 34, 50 of the female lay staff were described as care workers and 14 were teachers. In a
number of girl’s Schools the title of ‘teacher’ was ascribed to lay staff who were not involved in a
formal educational role.
9.63 Ten (10) of the named lay care and ancillary workers were described by witnesses as former
residents who it was believed were reared in the Schools and had spent their lives in the
institution. Many witnesses expressed sympathy and understanding for that group of staff, who
were employed in both care and ancillary roles within the Schools. Nine (9) female lay staff,
including some former residents, were the focus of 70 witness reports and were recalled as
extremely harsh in their dealings with witnesses and other residents. ‘She was a lay worker
Miss ...X (lay care staff)... used to hit us with the big keys, she was kind of a supervisor. I
thought I was never going to get out alive.’
When you got older you were allocated the task of looking after her ...(named lay care
staff).... You would have to go into her room and tuck her into bed and then you would
sometimes have to sleep in her room in the other single bed and you would be terrified
that your breathing would waken her. You’d have to dust her room, mind her make up,
and bring her tea in bed if she ever took a day off. I used to live out my life wondering
how will I escape a beating, how will I escape being sent to bed without anything to eat?
It could be a random outburst, somebody getting a beating for raising your eyes, for
getting your hat wet.
9.64 Two (2) men employed as tradesmen and general handymen in the institutions were reported to
have been physically abusive, one of whom was reported to have assisted a religious Sister, at
her request, to beat a witness.

Co-residents
9.65 Witnesses reported that in a small number of Schools there was pervasive bullying and in many
instances it was stated that bullying occurred with the knowledge and awareness of staff. Fifty
three (53) witnesses reported being beaten or otherwise physically abused by co-residents, 23
of whom were identified by name. There were another 30 reports heard by the Committee of
physical abuse by older co-residents who were not identified by name.
Two girls ...(co-residents)... hit me with a broom and cut my eye, I’ve got scars to prove
it.... I thought they were going to kill me. I went to the hospital, I remember the doctor,
Dr ...X.... He asked me what had happened but I was too scared to tell him in case I’d
get beaten again, I told him I fell because you’d be scared. I had stitches ...(displayed
mark to Commissioners).... No one ever said anything about it, the nuns were never
there.... I mean I was covered in blood and my sister asked me what happened, my
sister took me to the hospital.
•
An older girl ...(named co-resident)... she made my life hell ...crying.... She got the
sweeping brush one day, she brought me up to where the turf was and she said “I am
going to beat you until you tell me you are afraid of me”. Oh, she used beat me so
much. She’d say “you get me bacon, eggs and sausage” and she knew well I could
never get that ...crying.... I used get into the little hole, you know where the chickens get
in, at least I would have eggs for her ...crying.... I was so afraid, she was cruel.
9.66 Witnesses reported that older residents were supported by the staff to maintain discipline and
that they were also involved in administering punishment. In the absence of staff supervision in
some Schools older girls were described as having the task of caring for co-residents in the
dormitories and recreation areas. Many of the beatings by co-residents reported by witnesses
were in the context of older girls being left in charge of babies and young children whom they
physically punished for bed-wetting and various perceived misdemeanours. Older girls were also
reported to be involved in beating younger residents while working alongside ancillary care
workers.
Other reported abusers

9.67 Witnesses also reported being physically abused by individuals who were neither staff nor co-
residents while in holiday or weekend placements. It was a commonly reported practice in a
number of Schools that the Resident Manager or those in charge made arrangements for some
residents to spend holidays with or work for local families. The Committee heard three accounts
of witnesses who were hit or beaten when on weekend or holiday leave with such families.
The families we were sent out to, the first one, her husband was a nice man. One time
she was hitting me and her husband said “you can’t be doing that”. ... I remember my
time there being very, very unhappy, every time I was due to go I would always be sick.
From the time we would arrive there she would talk to Sr ...X.... When she ...(Sr X)...
would be gone she ...(the ‘foster’/‘holiday’ mother)... would hide my sister and tell me
she was gone, I was 6 or 7, even younger than that. I used to feel sick and start getting
sick, then she would let my sister out and she would tell me it was only a joke. One time
I got sick and left a bit of vomit on my hair, she clattered ...(hit)... me for that.
9.68 Two (2) other witnesses reported being beaten by employers in work placements, the witnesses
had been placed there during the school holidays. In each instance the witnesses reported
being hit as a reprimand for unsatisfactory work.

Sexual abuse
or another person.6
9.69 This section summarises the evidence provided by witnesses of being sexually abused for the
gratification of others while a resident of the Schools. The reported abuse ranged from contact
sexual abuse, including vaginal and anal rape, to non-contact abuse such as enforced
nakedness and voyeurism. Recounting sexual abuse to the Committee was described as a
difficult experience for witnesses, who spoke in as much or as little detail as they wished when
describing the abuse they experienced. Some witnesses struggled to find words to express the
details of what happened to them while others were able to provide full and at times disturbing
accounts. The descriptions provided were sufficient to clarify the acute or chronic nature of both
contact and non-contact sexual abuse.
Nature and extent of sexual abuse reported

9.70 Reported abuse ranged from inappropriate fondling and touching to oral/genital contact, vaginal
and anal rape. There were 128 reports of sexual abuse from 127 female witnesses (34%).7 One
witness reported that she was sexually abused in two different Schools. Witnesses described
their experience of sexual abuse as either acute or chronic episodes occurring throughout their
admissions in the Schools. Witnesses reported being sexually abused by religious and lay staff
in addition to other adults, the majority of whom were understood to be directly associated with
the Schools. Witnesses also reported being sexually abused by co-residents.
9.71 The frequency of sexual abuse reports varied widely between 35 Schools:
• Two (2) Schools were collectively the subject of 37 reports.
• Seven (7) Schools were the subject of 5-8 reports, totalling 43 reports.
• Twenty six (26) Schools were the subject of 1-4 reports, totalling 48 reports.
9.72 One hundred and twenty three (123) reports were of all four types of abuse combined, as
shown below:
Table 35: Sexual Abuse Combined with Other Abuse Types – Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Sexual, emotional, neglect and 123 96
physical
Sexual, emotional and physical 2 2
Sexual, emotional and neglect 1 1
Sexual and neglect 1 1
Sexual and physical 1 1

9.73 There were no reports of sexual abuse alone and, almost all reports were of sexual abuse
combined with physical abuse, neglect and emotional abuse.
6
Section 1(1)(b)
7
One witness reported sexual abuse in more than one School.

9.74 The following table details the distribution of sexual abuse reports, according to the witnesses’
discharge period:
Table 36: Number of Sexual Abuse Reports by Decade of Witnesses’ Discharge – Female
Decade of discharge Number of sexual abuse %
reports
Pre-1960s 22 17
1960-69 64 50
1970-79 35 27
1980-89 7 5
Total 128 (100)*

9.75 Sixty four (64) reports (50%) of sexual abuse were made by witnesses discharged from Schools
in the 1960s. It is important to note that approximately half of the witnesses discharged in the
1960s were in institutional care for most, if not all, of the previous decade. It is also of note that
a higher proportion of the abuse reports by witnesses discharged in the 1970s and 1980s were
of sexual abuse; for example there were eight reports of abuse from witnesses discharged in
the 1980s, seven of which were of sexual abuse. By comparison there were 178 reports of
abuse from witnesses discharged during the 1960s, 64 of which were of sexual abuse.

9.76 The secretive and isolated nature of sexual abuse together with witnesses’ experience of having
their complaints disbelieved, ignored or punished contributed to the environment in which sexual
abuse was reported to have occurred. Witnesses reported that the culture of obeying orders
without question together with the authority of the adult abuser rendered them powerless to
resist sexual abuse. Witnesses further reported that the fear of punishment, the threat of being
sent to a more restrictive institution or their siblings being removed to another School also
inhibited them in resisting, reporting or disclosing sexual abuse. Some witnesses spoke for the
first time about being sexually abused during their hearings with the Committee.
9.77 Witnesses reported sexual assaults in the forms of vaginal and anal rape, oral/genital contact,
digital penetration, penetration by an object, masturbation and other forms of inappropriate
contact, including molestation and kissing. Witnesses also reported several forms of non-contact
sexual abuse including indecent exposure, inappropriate sexual talk, voyeurism and forced
public nudity. Witnesses gave accounts of being sexually abused both within the Schools and in
other locations while in the care of the authorities in charge of the particular institution. They
reported being sexually abused in many locations, including: dormitories, schools, motor
vehicles, bathrooms, staff bedrooms, churches, sacristies, fields, parlours, the residences of
clergy, holiday locations and while with godparents and employers. The Committee developed a
classification of the different forms of sexual abuse described by witnesses that are shown in
the following table:

Table 37: Forms and Frequency of Sexual Abuse Reported – Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Forms of sexual abuse Frequency reported %
Inappropriate fondling and contact 102 38
Enforced nakedness/ voyeurism 52 19
Vaginal rape 27 10
Forced masturbation of abuser by child/mutual 22 8
masturbation
Attempted rape and associated violence 15 5
Kissing 14 5
Vaginal penetration by objects 10 4
Digital penetration 8 3
Oral/genital contact 7 3
Indecent exposure 6 2
Anal rape 3 1
Other 8 3
Total 274* (100)**

*Some witnesses reported more than one form of sexual abuse
**Some rounding up/down was applied
9.78 Vaginal and anal rape, forced masturbation, oral/genital contact, various forms of vaginal
penetration and attempted rape with associated violence accounted for 92 of the witness reports
made to the Committee. Five (5) witnesses reported that they sustained injuries as a result of
the sexual abuse to which they were subjected.
9.79 One hundred and two (102) other witnesses gave accounts of what was recorded as
inappropriate contact including touching and fondling of breasts, genitalia, and buttocks.
9.80 The application of white lotion for the treatment of scabies was reported by 10 witnesses as a
form of sexual abuse. The witnesses described both religious and lay female staff applying the
lotion, paying particular attention to their genital area and breasts and passing derogatory
remarks about their bodies. Four (4) witnesses reported being forced to wash the breasts of
female religious staff.
9.81 Thirty five (35) witnesses from 16 Schools reported the practice of being stripped naked to be
beaten as sexually abusive and stated that this happened most often in view of others but
occasionally in private. Two (2) witnesses reported being observed by a workman and a priest
in the course of naked beatings.
She ...(Sr X)... would lay you across the bed and give you unmerciful beatings. I
remember one day she had hit me on this side so much that I had to move and turn
around, there was this priest there, and I looked around, and he was smiling.
9.82 Non-contact sexual abuse also included enforced nakedness that witnesses considered
voyeuristic. Seventeen (17) witnesses described the manner in which they were made to stand
in line without clothes waiting for a bath while being observed by staff and co-residents as
sexually abusive. This practice was reported consistently from four Schools for both pre- and
post-pubertal residents.
9.83 Six (6) witnesses reported being subjected to indecent exposure by men including clergy who
visited their Schools and men in families where they were sent to work or for holidays. The other
form of non-contact sexual abuse reported by eight witnesses included being exposed to
inappropriate sexual conversation and adult sexual activity.
Circumstances of sexual abuse

9.84 Witnesses consistently reported that sexual abuse occurred in an environment of fear and
secrecy. Sexual abuse was also described as prevailing in circumstances where special
relationships of trust existed between the abusers and those responsible for the welfare of those
they abused. In particular witnesses commented on the relationship between religious Sisters
and clergy. One witness stated ‘He ...(Fr X)... was always around the School, morning, noon
and night, including bath time and bedtime. He was in the School for all meals’. Witnesses who
had little or no family contact formed the majority of those who reported being sexually abused
among the female cohort. These witnesses were believed to be particularly vulnerable to the
effects of harsh discipline. Sexual abuse was also reported to have occurred in the absence of
appropriate supervision, particularly in holiday and work placements in the community, and
when adults from outside the School, understood to be in positions of trust, were given
unsupervised access to residents.
9.85 The culture of fear engendered by persistent physical abuse, affectionless discipline and
inadequate supervision provided circumstances where witnesses reported being sexually
abused without recourse to protection or appropriate intervention. The following sections
describe particular features of the circumstances in which female witnesses reported being
sexually abused.
Threats
9.86 Fifty three (53) witnesses described how abusers forcibly coerced them to comply with and
remain silent about sexual abuse by means of verbal threats and actual violence. In the most
extreme instances witnesses reported that their lives and the lives of their siblings were
threatened. One witness described being taken down to the furnace room when she was a
young child by a workman and told he would put her in the fire if she told anyone their ‘secret’.
A witness who reported being raped, by a named lay ancillary worker, on a number of occasions
was silenced by threats:
He ...X... got us back to his house, said he had a sandwich for us. After that he used to
follow me around the place, the nuns would have to be blind not to see this. He
threatened to burn down the School and threatened to kill my sisters, so you went to
bed at night petrified, thinking he was going to break in and burn down the School. You
were just petrified, so if I didn’t go to his house, this is what he would do, burn down the
School and kill my sisters. He ...(witness described anal rape)... several time over years
...crying.... It stays with you, it sticks in my mind, and the threat to burn down the
School.
9.87 Another witness reported that she was frequently sexually abused by a visiting external child
welfare professional who threatened that her sibling would be placed for adoption if she told
anyone about his abuse of her. The Committee heard evidence from three witnesses of sexual
abuse by this man.
Mr ...X... he sexually abused me, we used to have to go and see him, we had a sick
room for children who were sick, we used to have to go in there ...crying.... He used
make, you know, make me ...crying... take off all my clothes and used to make me lie
on the floor ...crying.... It started happening, um, it seemed quite a long time after my
First Holy Communion and then it stopped then when I got my period. He was always
on his own. I think Mth ...Y... was probably somewhere around. ... He probably used to
come and go as he pleased, he used bring me chocolates. He used to say “this will be
our little secret, if you do tell anyone we will send ...witness’s sibling... for adoption”. I
was frightened to death, I never ever said anything. It happened more than once.
9.88 Thirty seven (37) witnesses reported being sexually abused by men in families where they were
placed for holiday or to work. Many reported that the fear of being returned to the Industrial
School, sent to a Reformatory School or transferred to a laundry or psychiatric hospital was the
most common experience. Many witnesses reported that it was generally known there were
‘worse places’ where girls were sent when they were thought to have disclosed abuse or
misbehaved. The threat of being ‘sent away’ was a potent incentive to which several witnesses
reported they responded by enduring the abuse to which they were subjected.

9.89 Twelve (12) witnesses reported being sexually abused in what they believed was a deliberate
manner by more than one person simultaneously. Nine (9) of those accounts referred to abuse
within the Schools, eight of which referred to combinations of male or female lay staff with
religious staff. The other report was of abuse by a priest and a Sister. Three (3) reports referred
to abuse by other adults that occurred while in the care of, but external to, the School, on work
or holiday placements.
9.90 Five (5) of the above witnesses reported being abused by being molested and digitally
penetrated by combinations of religious and lay staff, both male and female. Three (3) of those
witnesses reported being sexually abused on different occasions by two religious Sisters, a
member of the clergy and a lay male care worker. The other two witnesses reported being
sexually abused on a number of occasions by pairs of female lay care workers. One witness
also reported that episodes of sexual abuse perpetrated by two female lay staff were associated
with physical violence during which she was stripped of her clothes and beaten. Another witness
reported being restrained by two male ancillary workers in a farm shed while she was sexually
assaulted. The men were employed by the Sisters as farm workers. Another witness gave the
following account of being sexually abused by a lay care worker:
I was sexually abused by a nun and a carer ... (lay care staff).... He was supposed to be
in charge of the boys section. He had no business over with the girls. There was a nun
with him ...Sr X and lay care worker... she would come into the room with him. You
didn’t need a nun to wash you at 13 years of age, but she did, she would fondle you in
the bath and examine you and get you ready for him .... He used then collect me from
boarding school and he used do it ... touching, fondling and then you would have to
masturbation...(masturbate)... him.... I remember even telling Sr ...Y (Resident
Manager)... and she told me to keep the rug over my legs in the car.
9.91 Two (2) witnesses reported being sexually abused by lay female staff members and other
adults, one by lay female care workers and their female friends, the other by a lay female care
worker and an older male resident in the institution. Two (2) witnesses reported being raped and
otherwise sexually assaulted by pairs of men while they were placed by the School with ‘holiday’
families. In one instance the men were farm workers employed by the particular family where
the witness was placed. In the other instance the men lived locally and were known to be aware
that the witness was from an Industrial School. They threatened her that she would be sent
back to the institution if she told anyone that they had abused her. Another witness described
being sent to work for a family during school holidays where she was sexually abused by two
female members of the family. She reported being molested and forced to witness the sexual
activity of adults.
Inducements
9.92 There were 11 accounts of witnesses being given inducements or bribes in return for either
compliance or silence following incidents of sexual abuse. Money and sweets were the main
inducements reported by witnesses. Pennies, sixpences, half-crowns and ten-shilling notes were
received from two local priests, two workmen and a doctor. One witness reported being so
worried about being asked where she got the money that she threw it away before she returned
to the School. Another witness reported being given a gift by the person who sexually abused
her which she treasured as it signified some kindness to her and was her only personal
possession. Another witness was given items of clothing by a man who abused her over a
period of time. She described how good it felt to own nice things that were both new and
fashionable. The witness remarked on the fact that none of the staff questioned how she had
obtained these items.
Reported abusers
9.93 One hundred and twenty seven (127) witnesses identified 188 people about whom there were
one or more reports of sexual abuse in relation to 35 Schools. One hundred and thirty two (132)
of those individuals were identified by name. The other 56 reported abusers were not identified
by name but by what witnesses understood to be their position in the institution and they are
included in the total number of sexual abusers described below. It is possible that there is some
overlap between those identified by name and those who were not named.
9.94 Those reported to the Committee as sexual abusers included: religious and lay staff, adult
friends and relatives of staff, external clergy and professionals, ex-residents and co-residents.
Also reported by witnesses as perpetrators of sexual abuse were adults to whom witnesses
were sent for external holiday placements and other adults in work placements or associated
with work placement providers. The following table lists by position held those reported as
sexual abusers by female witnesses:
Table 38: Position and Number of Reported Sexual Abusers – Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Religious
- Care staff 0 10
- Teacher 0 1
- External priest or other clergy 14 0
- Novice and clerical student 1 1
Lay
- Care staff 2 12
External professional 4 0
Family member 9 0
Associate of weekend or holiday provider 14 0
General public 10 0
Ex-resident 2 1
Co-resident 8 38
Total 119 69
9.95 The above table shows that 144 (77%) of those identified as sexual abusers were non-staff
members, 79 of whom were external to, but associated with, the Schools. They included holiday
and work placement providers, relatives and friends of people in those placements, external
clergy and clerical students, professionals, and ex-residents. Nineteen (19) other individuals
were identified as members of the general public and witnesses’ family members who abused
them while on leave from the School.
• Twenty nine (29) named abusers were reported by 37 witnesses from two Schools.
• Sixty five (65) other named abusers were each reported by between five and nine
witnesses from 10 Schools.
• Thirty eight (38) named abusers were each reported by between one and four
witnesses from 19 Schools.
Weekend, holiday, and work placement providers

9.96 The most frequently reported group of adult sexual abusers were members and relatives of
families to whom residents were sent from the Schools for either a holiday, weekend or work
placement. These were known as ‘holiday’, ‘weekend’ or ‘foster’ families or ‘godparents’. There
were 42 men and two women identified by the female witnesses as sexually abusive in these
circumstances. It was consistently stated that the religious Sisters in charge of the Schools
arranged the placements, visits or holidays, most often without consultation with the resident
being placed. It was stated that these placements were generally arranged for residents who did
not have their own families to visit during the school holidays. Witnesses consistently reported
that there was little or no supervision or follow-up by staff from the Schools in relation to these
placements.
9.97 Twenty three (23) witnesses reported being sexually abused by the fathers of families to whom
they were sent for weekends or holidays. The Committee heard 13 reports of witnesses being
sexually abused, by male relatives in seven instances and by sons of the families with whom
they were placed in six other instances. Two (2) witnesses reported being raped by both the
adolescent son and a friend in their holiday placement. In both of these instances the witness
was less than 12 years old at the time.
I remember going back in the car, he ...(father in holiday family)... stopped and said to
me “if you tell anyone ...(about sexual abuse)... I will tell the priest it was your fault”.
This is the hold they had over you, you were petrified. The nuns wouldn’t believe you. I
told Sr ...X... once and she beat me black and blue with a hand brush, she said “you are
a terrible liar” and what a good family they were. O God, I can’t even talk about it, I feel
sick ...distressed.... I couldn’t sleep at night it was on my mind for a long time. I went to
that family every month until I ...(left the School)... even after I had told Sr ...X....
9.98 Thirteen (13) witnesses reported being sent by School staff to particular weekend and ‘holiday’
families where they were repeatedly raped or sexually assaulted, despite a number indicating to
staff that they did not want to go. Some witnesses complained to the religious Sisters in the
School that they did not like going to a particular family where they were being sexually abused
and reported that they were not sent again. Other witnesses were told they should be grateful to
the family for their kindness and continued to be sent.
9.99 Witnesses also reported the practice of residents being sent by staff in the Schools to mind
children and do housework for families during school holidays and being sent out to work for
local families and clergy in the afternoons and at weekends. Twelve (12) men, including one
member of the clergy, were identified as sexually abusive by witnesses in this context. All the
witnesses reported being less than 16 years old at the time they were abused. The abuse
reported included rape and attempted rape, digital penetration, molestation and genital
exposure. One witness reported that she was hospitalised having taken an overdose of tablets
in the context of repeated rape by the father of the family in her work placement. The family
were professionals and made discreet arrangements for her to be hospitalised, following which
the sexual abuse ceased although she continued to be sent to the family. She reported she had
told the religious Sisters she did not like going to this family but they insisted she continue.
I think they were very, very stupid, the people in the care home. We were very unhappy
going out and they should have known that. I feel very, very angry with them.
9.100 Two (2) witnesses reported being sent at different times as the live-in housekeeper for a local
member of the clergy who was identified by name. They both described being fondled by him,
bringing him breakfast in bed and being forced to observe him washing and dressing himself.
One witness refused to go back to his house after she woke to find him standing over her in bed
one morning. Witnesses said that this member of the clergy had a reputation for inappropriate
sexual behaviour and he was named in three other witness accounts of sexual abuse.
9.101 Five (5) witnesses reported being sexually abused during the night by male employers in work
placements, two of whom reported being raped in these circumstances. Others described
attempted rape or did not describe the sexual abuse in detail.
I was working looking after the children. One time the mother had gone away. She was
very nice, he... (work placement father)... was horrible.... One time she left me looking
after the children. I was in bed he ...(work placement father)... came to me in to bed, I
was asleep and he woke me up, and took me to his room ...crying.... I didn’t know why,
I didn’t know what he was trying to do, he tried to rape me.... I was so scared, I was
terrified. I couldn’t tell anyone, there was this threat of being sent to ...named laundry....

9.102 There were 31 male and female religious, including a clerical student and a novice, reported as
having sexually abused witnesses during their time in Schools. Twenty seven (27) named
Sisters and clergy were each identified by individual witnesses as perpetrators of sexual abuse,
four others were named by more than one witness. The Sisters were all members of the
Schools’ religious Communities. The clergy included priests and others of higher rank from the
external community who had contact with the Schools in various capacities. The types of
contact sexual abuse reported included vaginal and anal rape, oral/genital contact,
masturbation, kissing and inappropriate fondling and touching.
9.103 Witnesses reported being sexually abused by 16 nuns, 10 of whom were named. The abuse
included contact sexual abuse such as kissing, fondling and vaginal penetration by an object.
Sexual abuse by religious Sisters was most often reported to have occurred in collaboration with
another person, either religious or lay staff, in the context of personal care and preparing for
bed. Four (4) witnesses also described separate instances of inappropriate fondling by Sisters.
‘At night she would come to the bedroom, stroke my breasts, and then give me a packet of
biscuits and say something like it was all temptation from the devil.’
9.104 Fourteen (14) clergy, 11 of whom were named, were reported by 23 witnesses to have sexually
abused them. The reported abuse ranged from inappropriate touching and fondling to vaginal
and anal rape. Two (2) of the clergy were each named by five witnesses as perpetrators of
sexual abuse, both of the witnesses and their co-residents. One of the priests was described as
‘thinking he owned the convent and us girls’ as a witness described:
He was always there ...(Fr X)... when we were getting a bath, he was there all the time.
I could see what he was doing to other girls, touching them. Nobody wanted to bring his
breakfast in, none of the girls. We used say it to Sr ...Y... she was a nice nun, she
would have protected us from the other nuns, she was a lovely nun. But she couldn’t
see past Fr ...X... because he was a priest. We said to her what he was doing and she
said “but he is a priest, he is just being friendly”. I rebelled against him then when I was
I2 or 13, I fought him and wouldn’t let him go near me. He beat me then with a leather,
a belt from his trousers ... on the legs, on the hand and the back of the hands.
9.105 Six witnesses reported being sexually abused when they were serving breakfast to visiting
priests in the parlour. One priest was reported to have his breakfast in the parlour and ‘sent for
girls every morning’. A witness described the priest as sitting her on his lap, where he fondled
her, kissed her on the lips and gave her money saying ‘you’re a good girl’. This witness reported
that the priest was attended at mealtimes by residents ‘who he fondled constantly’, kissing, and
touching them. Other witnesses provided the following accounts of being sexually abused by
local and visiting priests:
The parish priest used to be always around at the time, around the convent. He used to
pick me up in the grounds or if you went in to him with his breakfast, he would put you
sitting on his knee and give you a kiss on the mouth. He would put me sitting on his
...(genitalia)....
•
There was a visiting priest, Fr ...X... he used to come in holiday time and say Mass. I
had the job of polishing the sacristy, I had to peep in to see if he was gone. He called
me in. He was a tall man, he called me over, I had to kneel next to him, the next thing I
could feel his hand up under my underwear. I nearly died, I thought “Jesus what will I
do?” I couldn’t tell anyone. They were Gods, the priests were God, no one would
believe you. I was about 11.
9.106 Three (3) female witnesses reported being fondled and kissed by a clerical student and a
Novice who were on placement in their respective Schools.

9.107 Witnesses reported 29 lay care and ancillary staff, 17 male and 12 female, as sexual abusers.
Fourteen (14) of those reported were lay care staff, including childcare workers and 15 were
ancillary workers. The 14 lay care staff were identified by name; 12 were female and two were
male. Six (6) of the female care staff were described as former residents of the School who had
been retained as live-in care staff.
9.108 Twenty five (25) lay staff, 11 care staff and 14 ancillary workers, were the subject of single
witness reports of sexual abuse. Four (4) other lay staff were each the subject of more than one
report; one care staff member was reported as sexually abusive by six witnesses and two others
were each reported by two witnesses. One ancillary worker was also reported by two witnesses.
9.109 The most commonly reported form of sexual abuse described in relation to this group of lay care
staff was masturbation and fondling. Witnesses reported at times being taken out of their beds
to warm a staff member’s bed, where they were then sexually abused. Others reported being
inappropriately fondled on the pretext of checking if they had wet their beds. One witness
reported that she was sexually abused on a regular basis by a childcare worker as he drove her
to school. The abuse involved fondling and forcing her to masturbate him. The following account
refers to one witness’s abuse experience during the 1980s:
Every night he ...(lay care staff)... used to come up to the room, there were 3 girls in it,
and he used to come up to the room every night and absolutely insist that he would put
Sudocreme on us. There was absolutely no reason for it, down with the knickers and all,
he insisted on doing it to every one of us.
9.110 Witnesses reported 15 ancillary workers as sexually abusive, 12 of whom were identified by
their occupations and three others were identified by name. Witnesses reported the ancillary
workers as farm workers, gardeners, tradesmen and caretakers employed by the religious staff
on the grounds of the Schools. The forms of abuse described were vaginal rape, oral/genital
contact, masturbation and inappropriate fondling. As described, the abuse generally occurred in
sheds and work areas used by the abuser and most often under threat not to tell anyone. Three
(3) witnesses from different Schools reported being sexually abused by ancillary workers who
lived on the Schools grounds.
I ... used to go out to the garden, there was this man in the fields there ... (lay ancillary
worker).... He’d say “howya”. ... I said “hello” but I didn’t have anything to do with him.
He brought me into a room, it was kinda like a little house and locked the door and ...
he raped me, he just took every thing off me and he kept saying, “you tell them and I’ll
kill you”, I was only about 14. I felt dirty and to this day I feel dirty.
•
There was a man there, he worked as the...lay ancillary worker... there. He had a shed,
he would get you in there and feel your breasts and your privates, feel you all over, he
was just ...ugh... he used to do it to all the girls. You’d know because all the girls would
be talking about it. You daren’t tell the nuns they wouldn’t believe you, they all liked him.
Co-residents
9.111 Reports of sexual abuse by co-residents were concentrated in particular Schools at particular
periods of time. There were 46 witness accounts of sexual abuse by male and female co-
residents, 38 of those reports related to abuse by older girls and eight reports were of abuse by
older boys. Two (2) male co-residents who were identified as abusers were described as having
learning difficulties. The most frequently reported circumstance of co-resident or peer sexual
abuse was of witnesses being abused over a period of time by residents who were understood
to have been given some authority over them and who threatened to beat or otherwise
physically abuse them if they did not comply. A small number of witnesses reported extreme
threats including of being killed, or that their siblings would be beaten, abused or sent away.
Accounts of abuse included being taken into an older girl’s bed and fondled, forced to
participate in mutual masturbation, and fondled in the process of bathing or providing personal
care.
She ...(older co-resident)... used take me to the boiler house and make me fondle her.
She used not do it to me but make me do it to her. She was cruel, I told ...named lay
care staff... she told me not to be bothering her. The nuns did nothing about her, they
weren’t blind, they saw what was happening.
9.112 Most witnesses reported being between seven and 12 years old when they were abused by co-
residents and in some instances it was reported that the sexual abuse progressed to become
consensual. Witnesses reported that there was minimal supervision in the dormitories or
sleeping areas at night in those Schools where sexual abuse by co-residents was identified.
9.113 Of note is the higher proportion of reports of co-resident abuse from witnesses discharged
during the 1970s and 1980s. Twenty seven (27) reports (59%) of co-resident abuse was
reported by witnesses discharged since 1970. A particular feature of peer sexual abuse reported
by witnesses discharged after 1970 was the number of accounts of abuse by groups of co-
residents. Five (5) witnesses reported being regularly abused by groups of older girls, and in
one instance older boys, using coercion to force compliance. The witnesses reported being
locked in toilets or taken to isolated rooms and fields where they were sexually abused and
personally degraded. One witness reported that she was beaten so badly in the course of such
an assault that she had to be taken to a local doctor for stitches. The lack of adequate
supervision was consistently reported in the context of peer sexual abuse.

Family members – relatives
9.114 Six (6) witnesses placed from their families in institutional care reported being sexually abused
by their family members to whom they were sent for weekends and holidays or into whose care
they were discharged from the Schools. Two (2) witnesses reported being raped by their fathers
to whom they were discharged despite, they believed, there being a known history of violence
and incest. One witness reported being sent to an uncle’s house for holidays where she was
sexually abused and molested by both her uncle and two male cousins. Another witness
reported being fondled and otherwise sexually abused by her grandfather when on holiday
leave; she reported another family member was aware of the abuse at the time.
Professionals
9.115 The Committee heard evidence from witnesses of abuse by four professionals who were not
members of staff, but provided a service to the residents in the School. These individuals were
described as taking opportunistic advantage of the witnesses’ circumstances to sexually abuse
them.
9.116 The professionals identified by witnesses as sexually abusive were three doctors and one
external professional with responsibility for child welfare associated with the Schools. The
doctors were reported to have fondled and masturbated witnesses in the course of physical
examinations. The professional person was reported by three witnesses to have sexually
assaulted and raped them.
The ...external professional... he was worse than the nuns, Mr ...X ... even the thought
of him makes me cringe. We would go in one at a time in the parlour. ... I hated him. ...
Oh, he was horrible, horrible, ugh, the thought of him ...distressed.... Nobody liked
seeing him, being sent to him. He’d have papers, I suppose you’d call them files ... he
seemed to be there a lot, nobody liked him. The nuns were never there, they would
knock on the door and put their hand on your back and push you in. Nobody liked him,
nobody liked going to him ...distressed.... I remember the door opening and that was it.
Members of the general public

9.117 Ten (10) members of the general public, all male, were identified by seven witnesses as having
sexually abused them by vaginal and anal rape, molestation and inappropriate contact. The
witnesses remarked that these men were aware they came from an Industrial School. Those
reported as abusive included public service workers, visitors and others whom the witnesses
encountered in the course of some everyday activity in association with the School. The
consistent theme with these reports of sexual abuse was the lack of due care and protection
provided to the witnesses by those responsible for them.
On the way to ...named city... for an eye appointment in the ambulance, there was
nobody with me there or back. The driver, he made me masturbate him, he put his
fingers in me, on the way there and again on the way back. I told another girl, she told
the nuns, 4 of them ... (Sisters)... beat me.
•
He... (visitor)...asked us to cane him on the bare bottom with the cane. He wanted to
take girls out of...named School...to be nice, I got a packet of Aeros...(sweets)...You
never came back saying that...(sexual abuse) ...happened.
Ex-residents
9.118 The Committee heard reports of sexual abuse by ex-residents who witnesses stated were
allowed to return on a casual basis to two Schools following their discharge. Three (3) witnesses
described the ex-residents as being friends or having special relationships with staff members;
they were said to have unsupervised access to the School and its residents. In one instance the
reported abuse occurred over a period of years and continued until the late 1980s:
I was abused ...(from)... the age of 6 ’til I was 14. He was kind of a past pupil. ... He
was friends with the staff. There was a room where past pupils used to sleep, he would
come into the room at night, he used to tell me, “you tell anyone and your ...family
members... will be moved and you will be on your own”. I didn’t eat for a year, I went
silent for a year, I went from minding myself to nothing. He was always there. I seen
school as my escape.... I’d fall asleep in the class because of all the abuse I was going
through at night time. I was afraid to sleep at night but I felt safe in school, one teacher
was my first good memory. Someone should have asked what was happening....
Pregnancy
9.119 Among the 27 witnesses who reported being raped, four reported pregnancies while still in the
care of the School. The witnesses reported that three of those pregnancies proceeded to full
term and one miscarried. One witness reported she was sexually abused by a labourer on the
farm attached to the School and she became pregnant at 15 years of age. Another witness
reported that she was discharged by the School to the care of a male relative when she was 15
years old. She became pregnant as a result of rape by this man and the child was placed for
adoption. This adoption was reported to be facilitated by the Resident Manager of the School
where she had been a resident.
I had a child then ... I will never get over that, that will never go away from me. ... You
can ask the hospital ...named hospital.... I had a little child. I went and told them
...(Sisters)... about rape, and they killed me. I told 2 nuns, they put me into ...named
psychiatric hospital.... I told them, 2 nuns, they said, “no, no, he would never do that”.
They killed me, they said, “you are filth, you are filth”. I will never forgive them. I often
thought of going out and telling the guards ...(Gardaı́)... but I was afraid, I was terrified.
They said I broke a window, they said I was mental. ... After that even the doctor said “I
don’t know what you are doing in hospital”.... The doctor said I didn’t need to be there, I
went to ...named mother and baby home....
9.120 A third witness had been sent as a live-in housemaid to the relatives of a Sister from the
School. A visitor to the house was reported to sexually abuse her on a regular basis when the
family were absent. The witness became pregnant and her child died at birth. The fourth witness
reported that she became pregnant as the result of being raped by the father of the family
where she was sent to work; she reported that her pregnancy miscarried and that she had to
deal with the physical and emotional consequences on her own.
Neglect
9.121 The following section summarises witness evidence of general neglect. Descriptions of neglect
refer to all aspects of the physical, social and emotional care and well-being of the witnesses,
impacting on their health and development. It also describes other forms of neglect that are
regarded as having a negative impact on the individuals’ emotional health and development, for
example a failure to protect from harm and failure to educate. Neglect refers to both actions and
inactions by religious and lay staff and others who had responsibility and a duty of care for the
residents in their charge. As the reports of neglect refer to widespread institutional practices, this
section of the Report does not identify individual abusers.
9
Section 1(1)(c) as amended by the section 3 of the 2005 Act.

Nature and extent of neglect reported
9.122 Three hundred and sixty seven (367) female witnesses (97%) made 374 reports of neglect of
their care and welfare in relation to 39 Schools.9 Neglect was not reported in all Schools in all
decades. Many forms of neglect were reported and include neglect of care, health, education
and welfare. The frequency of neglect reports in relation to individual Schools varied, as with the
other types of abuse.
• Three (3) Schools were collectively the subject of 141 reports.10
• Seventeen (17) Schools were the subject of 6-17 reports, totalling 189 reports.
• Nineteen Schools (19) were the subject of 1-5 reports, totalling 44 reports.
9.123 Neglect was reported in combination with three other abuse types in 123 instances. The reports
of neglect were principally combined with reports of physical and emotional abuse as shown in
Table 39:
Table 39: Neglect Combined with Other Abuse Types – Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Neglect, emotional and physical 226 60
Neglect, emotional, physical and sexual 123 33

Neglect and physical 20 5
Neglect and emotional 3 1

Neglect, emotional and sexual 1 (0)
Neglect and Sexual 1 (0)

9.124 The following table details the distribution of neglect reports according to the witnesses’
discharge period.
Table 40: Number of Neglect Reports by Decade of Witnesses’ Discharge – Female

Decade of discharge Number of neglect reports %
Pre-1960s 131 35
1960-69 170 45
1970-79 67 18
1980-89 6 2
Total 374 100
9
10
specified.

9.125 The distribution of neglect reports for the decades of discharge are similar to those reported by
witnesses for physical abuse. Ninety six percent (96%) of reports of neglect by female witnesses
were in conjunction with physical abuse.
Areas of neglect
9.126 This Report categorises neglect of care under the headings of food, clothing, heat, hygiene,
bedding, healthcare, education, supervision and preparation for discharge, all categories that
were referred to by witnesses with varying levels of detail. As throughout the Report, there was
inevitable overlap between the different categories of neglect and other types of abuse.
Witnesses described the impact of the reported neglect on their social and emotional welfare,
and many reported the particularly vulnerable position of orphans and those who had little family
contact.
The girls from the workhouse ...(orphans)... they were treated worse, they suffered
worse. ... When we were out for a walk we would bring them back bits of chewing gum
and haws that we found on the hedges and on the ground, we were all so hungry and
they didn’t get out. ... (Orphans)... clothes were different, big patched knickers, boots
with no soles in them.
Food
9.127 Hunger, together with the inadequate provision and poor quality of food, was the area of neglect
most consistently reported by witnesses. There were 335 witness reports of the food provided to
residents being of poor quality and/or inadequate quantity. These reports referred to 37 Schools
across all the decades from which there were neglect reports. One hundred and sixty eight
(168) witnesses (46%) described being constantly hungry, and at times ‘starving’, while resident
in the Schools. The constant state of hunger led to witnesses attempting to supplement their
diet in whatever way they could. ‘If you saw anybody eating anything you just went up and
grabbed it, we were always hungry.’
A cup of cocoa and one slice of bread for breakfast. Lunch was cold soupy type thing,
lumpy potato, you were so hungry you’d eat it. Then in the afternoon it was scraps, bits
of stale bread ... we’d be killing each other to get as much as we could, trample each
other. We were all like vultures, like dogs eating off the ground to get as much as we
could. We were so hungry. ... You were always looking out for a bit of food, the
teacher’s dining room, you’d run in and grab what was left.... Or you’d get the key of the
pantry and go in you were so hungry.
9.128 Prior to the 1960s many Schools had bakeries associated with the kitchens. Working in the
bakeries and kitchens allowed access to the pantry, extra bread and leftover food. Seventy (70)
witnesses described taking food, if and when they had the opportunity, as a means of survival.
Witnesses reported taking food from the kitchens and pantries and also reported taking fruit and
vegetables from the nun’s kitchens, orchards, glasshouses and vegetable gardens. They
recalled ‘stealing’ apples and sweets from shops in the town, ‘stealing’ lunches from day pupils
and fruit from local orchards. In addition to food taken in this manner 53 witnesses said that they
foraged for leftover scraps and took animal food and slops intended for the farm animals or from
ash pits in the gardens where kitchen refuse was dumped. Witnesses described fighting with co-
residents for the contents of the scrap bucket from the nun’s kitchen. One witness remembered
with gratitude a staff member who worked in the School’s staff kitchen:
I never had enough, I used to eat from the bins. There was a nun in the kitchen, she
was an angel, Sr ...X.... I can honestly say she was an angel, she used to throw food
away in such a way that it didn’t get ...pause... contaminated you’d say now. She threw
it away in such a way that we’d get it, she put it in a place she knew you would get it.
She was very good, she’d leave apple skins and something that was nice.... A boiled
egg, I used to love, but we got them very rare. I was always hungry. If you were
punished you were put starving anyway. I used to be caught picking food out of the bins
and you would be put starving, for 2 or 3 days, you wouldn’t be given anything, all
meals ...(were stopped)... for a couple of days.
9.129 Twenty seven (27) witnesses provided reports of seeing and preparing more plentiful and
appetising food in the Sisters’ kitchens and dining rooms. Serving food to clergy, staff and
visitors in the parlours allowed illicit access to some of this food. A small number of witnesses
recalled being sent to post food parcels to nun’s relatives at Christmas time and of potatoes and
other food being given to visiting professionals to take away with them.
I was hungry all the time. I was caught robbin’ bread and they were all told not to talk to
me. ... I was working in the kitchen and you’d see the carved roast for the convent but
you never got it. You might get the leftovers if you worked in the kitchen.
9.130 Witnesses said that poor supervision by staff during meals resulted in older residents taking
food from younger and more vulnerable co-residents. It was also reported that some witnesses
took the food and milk provided for infants and younger residents they were looking after in the
nurseries.
9.131 Twenty two (22) witnesses provided accounts of eating grass, leaves and berries. They reported
that they ate field crops including oats, ‘crows’ bread’, ‘bread and cheese leaves’, ‘sally grass’
and juice from rose stems, hawthorn berries and apple cores, orange peels and chewing gum
from the pavement. Others reported eating flowers, eggshells, candles, glue and, in the reports
of two witnesses, the pink ointment used to treat boils.
I was always going around looking for food. If I was down the town and someone threw
away an apple core I would pick it up off the ground and eat it.
9.132 Twenty six (26) witnesses reported on the lack of access to drinking water, and stated that
drinking from the toilet bowl was their only means of obtaining water. They described being
given nothing to drink except what was provided during their mealtimes. This practice was
reported in relation to 10 Schools and to have continued in some Schools until the 1970s.
You’d be more thirsty than anything else, we’d drink water out of the toilets, there would
be little worms in the water, the older girls would show us how to spit them out like that
...demonstrated.... But you weren’t afeared ...(afraid).... It was the nuns you feared.
9.133 Reports regarding food from witnesses discharged in the 1970s and 1980s were more
concentrated on the type of food than the quantity of food provided. Witnesses said they were
expected to eat food they did not like and were not offered any choice in what they had to eat.
They also reported that access to food was strictly limited to meal times.
Hygiene
9.134 The Committee heard 277 witness reports of poor facilities for the provision and maintenance of
personal hygiene in 35 Schools across all the decades, with particular emphasis on those
discharged prior to 1970. Many of the hygiene practices were described as primitive and
degrading.
9.135 The use of communal and shared baths was reported to be a common practice. A small number
of Schools were reported to have large communal baths where many residents were bathed
together. Others had regular bathtubs that were shared by more than one resident at a time and
consecutive groups used the same water. ‘You would line up naked, you would be with your
own age group but your dignity was taken, the same bath, same water for everyone.’ Bathing
was reported to take place at the end of the week, usually on a fortnightly or monthly basis, and
coincided with the distribution of clean underclothes. There were several reports from witnesses
discharged before 1960 where baths were provided infrequently in tubs with water carried from
the kitchens. Cold-water baths were reported as routine in one School in the pre-1960s period
unless the laundry was in operation. In other Schools, cold-water baths were reported as
punishment for bed-wetting: ‘Cold bath if you wet the bed, otherwise you had to put on this frock
going into the bath in front of others’. Witnesses said that the furnace was lit to provide hot
water for the laundry and residents were then bathed in laundry tubs. Witnesses had to dry
themselves with large sheets and towels shared by many co-residents. In one School residents
were bathed in tubs in an outside building and waited in line without clothes in the open air. By
contrast, in other Schools modesty was closely monitored when bathing, residents in those
Schools had to wear a chemise when they were in the bath. Older residents were reported to
wash younger co-residents under this garment and great care was taken to keep one’s body
covered at all times.
You got in to the bath with the chemise and there were 2 nuns holding a big sheet so
you got out and went into the toilet to dress, still in the chemise.
9.136 Witnesses discharged prior to 1960 reported that in some Schools residents shared
toothbrushes, other witnesses reported having no toothbrushes and cleaned their teeth with
their fingers dipped in salt. The majority of witnesses had no individual toiletries, including
toothbrushes, toothpaste and soap, which they reported were put in the bathrooms before
inspections and later removed.
9.137 Ninety one (91) witnesses reported that arrangements for the management of menstruation
were poor or non-existent in relation to almost all Schools across all decades covered by this
Report. Witnesses from four Schools stated that there were no sanitary towels provided for their
use. Residents were obliged to use newspaper, rags and whatever suitable material they could
find as substitutes. In a number of Schools witnesses described being provided with reusable
sanitary cloths. In the period up to the 1960s it was commonplace for residents to hand-wash
their own sanitary cloths, the adequate provision of which was frequently problematic as they
were carefully rationed. Witnesses from 13 Schools reported that in addition to their own, they
also had to hand wash nun’s personal garments including sanitary towels. Witnesses stated that
the poor facilities for bathing and the changing of personal garments led to considerable
discomfort, chapped skin, rashes and offensive personal odours.
And the periods, queuing up for sanitary towels, you got 2 that was it. It was horrible,
you would smell. You would wash them out and put them back on wet.
9.138 Four (4) Schools were reported to have dry toilets prior to 1960; these toilets were outside and
unlit. Cleaning toilets and clearing blocked drains was a work task reported as given to residents
without protection for their hands and minimal washing facilities. At night time chamber pots
were provided under beds for residents of all ages in most Schools prior to the 1960s. In one
School a witness reported that ‘a bucket in a cupboard was the only toilet for 50 girls locked in
the dormitory overnight’.
The toilets were always overflowing, it was terrible, we kept ...(cleaned)... them, the
girls, you had to keep the toilets the same as the floors, we unblocked them. The stench
was terrible.
•
I had charge of the toilets downstairs and they were ... filthy, you had to clean them.
There was no toilet paper or anything, oh God, they were awful.
9.139 Five (5) Schools were reported as getting new indoor toilet and bathroom facilities in the 1950s.
Witnesses from more than one of these Schools stated that they were not allowed to use the
new facilities for some time after they were installed. They reported that these new facilities
were opened for use before inspectors or visitors came but otherwise remained unused.
We had a lavatory room as they called them, but we weren’t allowed use them. When
inspectors came there was a towel on every sink and a bar of carbolic soap. There was
new bathrooms, but we never used them.
9.140 Forty eight (48) witnesses from 12 Schools reported infestations or infections with some or all of
the following: head lice/nits, scabies, thrush, ringworm, impetigo and fleas. Witnesses who had
head lice commented that the treatment was at times to cut the infected residents’ hair.
Witnesses from two Schools reported that they manually picked the lice from each other’s hair.
Other treatments included the application of undiluted Jeyes Fluid, paraffin, treatment lotion and
fine combing. ‘When we got there ...(when first admitted)... we were put into the care of 2
helpers who put us into a Jeyes Fluid bath, who cut our hair, steel fine combed our hair.’ Staff in
three Schools were reported to deal with scabies infections by painting residents with a white or
purple solution; witnesses reported that they stood in line naked for this treatment and that the
same brush was used on many residents. Witnesses reported that spraying residents’ heads
and beds with DDT was the treatment for fleas and head lice in six Schools in the pre-1960s
period.
There was about 26 beds in each room. The beds were full of fleas, they used to put
DDT on the bed. Sometimes it was entertaining, we’d watch it jump and say “look at this
one, look at this one”.
Clothing
9.141 There were 272 witness reports of insufficient and poor quality clothing in relation to 37 Schools.
The reports referred to witnesses discharged in all decades up to and including the 1980s.
Witnesses consistently reported that their clothes and footwear were old-fashioned, ill-fitting,
uncomfortable and unsuitable for cold and wet weather.
9.142 Witnesses generally reported that their own clothes were removed when they were admitted and
replaced with clothes that were, at times, of inferior quality. This was a reported practice in the
Schools regardless of the condition of the witness’ own clothes. The loss of personal items of
clothing was described as traumatic for some witnesses who had been specially dressed for the
occasion in new clothes, or their First Holy Communion and Confirmation clothes. The clothes
provided were described as uniform and were reported to have often been made in the
institution, especially in the period prior to the 1960s. There were a small number of reports from
Schools where flour sacks were used to make clothes and underclothes.
9.143 Seventy seven (77) witnesses reported having to wear pre-worn, ill-fitting footwear to which
many attributed long-standing problems with their feet. A small number of witnesses reported
being bare-footed at times when no shoes or socks were available. These reports were from
witnesses discharged prior to 1960 when witnesses rarely reported having new shoes. There
were 36 reports of bags of second-hand clothes being periodically thrown out on the floor and
residents being left to scramble for what they could find.
9.144 Before 1970, several institutions were reported to have had ‘Sunday clothes’ including coats and
shoes. These clothes were worn when visitors and inspectors came and whenever the residents
went out, for example for Sunday walks, to perform in competitions, to attend hospital or to see
a doctor. Witnesses also reported that their clothing was generally not adequate for inclement
weather and many described being forced outdoors in winter for recreation periods without
appropriate clothing, such as coats, rainwear, hats, gloves or scarves, being provided.
9.145 Witnesses described underwear garments as loose and shapeless with limited availability of
bras for residents in many Schools prior to the 1970s. It was frequently reported that during the
early years witnesses were supplied with bodices that were worn tightly bound to flatten their
breasts.
I went with a bra on me, and there was an older girl there and she said Mth ...X... said
“take off that bra” and she gave me this thing ...(bodice)... and it had strings on it. It was
to flatten me.... I used to be in agony, but they made me wear it.
9.146 For witnesses discharged in the 1970s and 1980s clothing continued to constitute reports of
neglect and many described being embarrassed by old-fashioned and second-hand clothes that
identified them as ‘industrials’ or orphans in the outside world. Nineteen (19) witnesses
discharged in the 1970s reported that they did not have clothes of their own and that everything
they wore was communal property.
One nun, she was teaching us, I remember her saying we were being stigmatised going
to school outside and they would have to do something about it ...(get new clothes)....
She used to say it was not nice, she was in the convent and she couldn’t go against
them ... (Sisters in charge of residents)....
9.147 Nineteen (19) witness accounts were heard of the best clothes being given to residents who
were regarded as ‘pets’ of staff members while others fought for something that would fit them.
Heating
9.148 There were 241 witness reports of poor heating in relation to 35 Schools across all decades.
Witnesses described enduring memories of being cold, a particular feature of which was the
pain of chilblains on the hands and feet. Chilblains were a common ailment in the pre-1970s
period and witnesses reported that the pain experienced after being beaten on chilblained hands
and legs was extreme.
9.149 The heating arrangements described in Schools during the years before the 1960s were mainly
of open turf and coal fires in classrooms and some recreation areas. Witnesses reported that
the furnaces used for heating water for the laundries supplied heat to the refectories,
classrooms and dormitories in later years and a number of witnesses reported that heating was
limited to times when the furnaces were lit for the laundries. Dormitories were generally
described as large cold rooms with bare wooden floors and windows. Witnesses also reported
that inadequate clothing and bed-coverings contributed to being cold. Reports regarding heating
from witnesses discharged in the 1970s and 1980s were mainly concerned with being poorly
clothed for cold weather and having to spend long periods outdoors in cold and wet weather.
Supervision
9.150 One hundred and ninety five (195) witnesses reported poor or inadequate supervision by staff
leaving them unprotected from harm and exposed to abuse. Orphans and those with little family
contact while resident in the Schools were reported to have been particularly affected by the
lack of supervision. Witnesses stated that ‘orphans’ did not have the protection afforded by visits
from parents or relatives or older sisters to defend them from abusive staff and co-residents.
The three most frequently reported consequences of poor or inadequate supervision were:
• Bullying and physical abuse
• Sexual abuse by staff and co-residents
• Compromised care of babies and toddlers.
9.151 Twenty nine (29) witnesses reported that supervision at play times was inadequate and that
bullying by co-residents was a frequent occurrence. Components of the bullying behaviour
reported by witnesses included being sexually and physically abused, in addition to being
exposed to less direct forms of abuse such as being reported to staff for punishment, forced to
do unpleasant tasks and being deprived of food. Supervision in the refectories and dormitories
was generally described as minimal, with, in some Schools, as many as 100 residents routinely
reported to be supervised by one staff member. Witnesses stated that the lack of supervision in
the refectories allowed older residents to have first pick of the food or simply take it from
younger residents, who were generally left to fend for themselves.
There was fighting among the girls, there was no supervision at all. On Saturday there
would be no staff and the beatings by the older girls ... they were terrible, terrible.
9.152 The Committee heard 71 witness accounts of negligent care where residents were left in charge
of younger co-residents without support or supervision. Witnesses from a small number of
Schools reported that residents from the age of eight years were left in charge of babies and
toddlers. Some witnesses reported that minding babies was their exclusive occupation and that
they were taken out of class for this purpose; others reported being rostered to mind the babies,
including getting up at night to feed them. Some were so tired the next day they fell asleep in
the classroom. Witnesses reported that staff checked to see that residents had fed, dressed and
changed the infants, otherwise there was no ongoing supervision of the ‘charges’ care.
I used to have to look after the babies. I used to have to wash them, feed them and
clean them, get them ready for bed. They were like little babies.... You learned, the
older girls would show you. I was about 11 or 12 ... there were about 6 or 7 babies.
•
I remember my brother and his girlfriend coming to visit me, he heard he had a sister. I
remember it because he brought a cake. They wanted to take me out for an ice cream
and they said “no”. I was minding the babies. ... I was only a child myself. I used to
have to sleep in the nursery with these babies and there was a row of all these babies
and you would have to get up in the night, if they cried, or to go to the toilet, or that.
You did it a week at a time, there was only one consolation the next week you were
allowed to have a lie on....
9.153 Twelve (12) witnesses reported being so hungry that they either ate the babies rusks and dried
food or took their milk, substituting it with water in the babies’ bottles. Several witnesses
expressed regret about their own harsh treatment of babies and commented on feeling
conflicted about resenting the infants they were obliged to look after when their own care was
neglected. Others felt sorry for the infants and developed close affectionate bonds with those
they had cared for over an extended period of time.
9.154 Witnesses reported that there was poor supervision in the absence of staff in many of the
Schools over different periods of time. Residents from three Schools were locked in dormitories
overnight in the absence of a staff member. Witnesses also reported that there were few
domestic staff employed and as a result the residents were required to do the housework,
including working in the convent and other areas. This work was reported as generally checked
by older residents or lay staff.
9.155 Most Schools employed some lay staff who were generally believed to be untrained for the task
of providing care for children. Witnesses reported that there were some residents retained when
they were 16 years old by the nuns to work as lay staff, many of whom were believed to have
been in the Schools all their lives. Witnesses expressed some understanding for the frequently
harsh behaviour of these staff: ‘They treated others as they were treated themselves’.
Witnesses said that lay staff including the former residents received no specific training for their
work with children until the 1970s and 1980s when it was reported that staff from certain
Schools were trained as childcare workers:
The workers were the same age as ourselves like, if we were 15 they were 18.... They
started training when I was there; they used to tell us one day a week that they were
going for training.
9.156 Witnesses also reported that tradesmen, gardeners and farm workers were employed in most
Schools and there were isolated reports of these male ancillary staff being inappropriately
involved in the care and management of residents.
9.157 A further area of neglect identified by witnesses in the context of poor supervision related to
external placements. Witnesses reported being sent to families they had not previously met and
were not visited by any staff from the Schools while they were there. In addition to those sent to
families for weekends and holidays others reported being placed alone in work settings at an
inappropriate age. For example, girls ranging in age from 10-13 years were sent to housekeep
for local families, shopkeepers or clergy. Twenty nine (29) witnesses placed with families for
holidays or to work reported being sexually and physically abused in such situations where they
were vulnerable and unsupervised.
Education
9.158 Educational neglect was described by many witnesses both in terms of the standard of
education provided and, for some, receiving no education at all. One hundred and eighty seven
(187) witnesses reported leaving school with poor literacy skills and no qualifications. Sixty three
(63) witnesses reported long-term literacy problems. Witnesses reported that their education
was neglected through the competing demands of domestic work, excessive emphasis on
religious instruction, fear of punishment in the classroom and being discriminated against as
children from an Industrial School. Other witnesses reported that they received no assistance for
their learning difficulties and were significantly disadvantaged in later life as a result.
If you weren’t bright they didn’t help you and anyway you couldn’t learn with the
beatings. I only learned how to clean and cook. Mth ...X... used to say to me “you think
you will be a star but you won’t be, the way your mother turned out”. .... When I was
leaving Sr ...Y... said “don’t turn out like your mother” ...(mother had been in laundry)....
I did not know what she meant....
•
My days were reduced to the laundry and cleaning and scrubbing. You would be getting
younger children up and cleaning them and potties ...(chamber pots)... etcetera. Then it
was cleaning, polishing and scrubbing, cleaning corridors, folding clothes and the
laundry.... I left not able to read and I was always embarrassed of my writing, it’s very
childlike. Even taking down a message in my job I practice it a hundred times. There
was an awful lot of work and no education which is something I always regret. Only a
very selective few were sent out to school.
•
You were constantly told you were a misfit, I had a problem no one could understand, I
couldn’t write. There were pets, they got special help with their classes, good looking,
sweet little angelic looking girls, they were the pets. I got no help, I asked for it but I
wasn’t a pet.
9.159 One hundred and seventy eight (178) witnesses (58%) reported that they completed their
classroom education by the age of 14 years, of whom 34 reported that they did not attend class
after 12 years of age. Eight (8) witnesses stated that they were taken out of class to work full-
time before the age of 10 years, including two who reported no memory of ever attending
school.
We had some sort of education up until about 7 ...(years old)... after that I had no
education. After that it was decided who would go to school, outside school ...(local
primary school).... I put up my hand, Sr ...X... said “you aren’t going anywhere”.
9.160 In a number of Schools the strenuous nature of the work, rising early for kitchen or laundry
duties, and caring for younger co-residents at night left witnesses tired and unable to benefit
from education. Ninety eight (98) witnesses reported being kept from attending class to work in
and for the institution when their stated wish was to continue their education. Forty five (45)
witnesses reported that they were at times called away from the classroom or came late to class
because of chores they had to do beforehand. Others reported being routinely kept out of class
on a rotating basis to work in the kitchens and other parts of the institution. Six (6) witnesses
reported that they attended class only for the day of the inspector’s visit and that they were
otherwise occupied with domestic chores. In the main these reports related to witnesses
discharged before the 1970s:
I was a very intelligent child. I would soak up knowledge and really resent not having
had the chance to have a really good education. ... (I was)... pulled out at 11 and a half
or 12 and worked in the orphanage. ... Work in the orphanage prevented me studying. I
got highest marks in Primary Certificate in the whole school ...(local primary
school)...(and was)... sent around to the whole school with the certificate.
•
I was in the secondary school one day, I was there for 6 months, she ...(Sr X)... came in
and called me out and she said ...“Y...(named co-resident)... is going today, she is 16
and you are now taking her place”. I was going to work in the kitchen. I was so
shocked, I really wanted to stay in school. ... I had to go to the kitchen and then I was
moved to the farm.
9.161 There were reports heard of 17 Schools where residents and local children shared the same
classrooms either within the Industrial School or in the local community. In 13 Schools residents
were reported to attend class in the local primary, secondary or technical schools and in four
other Schools the classes were attended by both School residents and local children. Twenty
five (25) witnesses reported educational discrimination and neglect in these circumstances
either in the classrooms attached to the Schools or in the local schools. They reported being
discriminated against in different ways, for example reporting that they were not allowed to play
with or speak to children from the town and often had to sit together at the back of the class.
Witnesses also reported that they were referred to collectively by teachers as ‘the industrials’,
‘the orphans’, ‘the house children’ or similar terms. They reported having to wear clothes that
distinguished them from the other pupils and being treated as part of a separate group.
Witnesses from three Schools reported that as residents of the Industrial School it was their task
to clean the local schools’ classrooms and in another School to clean and work in the secondary
school’s boarding house.
9.162 Many reports were heard of co-residents being given preferential treatment in relation to school
attendance, particularly from Schools where residents attended external primary, technical and
secondary schools. Witnesses frequently remarked that they were not allowed to go out to
school because they were not favoured as ‘pets’ of the religious staff. Forty two (42) of the 83
witnesses who reported attending second level education did so in the period before free
secondary education was introduced.
They used to say to us, “3 children would be picked” to go for education. I was bright I
wanted to get ahead, I wanted to go to secondary school. I didn’t get the opportunity.
Three girls were picked, they were ... (pets) ..... I think it was a bit of class distinction, if
they came from a better background, or if their aunt was a nun they would be picked.
9.163 Witnesses reported that at times their educational opportunities were denied by not having their
own school books or the facilities or encouragement to do homework in the evenings. Many
reported being denied the opportunity to participate in extra curricular activities and that, having
been reared and educated in an institutional setting, the adjustment to attending second level
schooling in the local area was a considerable challenge. As a witness said: ‘I didn’t know how
to act with people outside the School when I went to the tech ...(technical school)...’.
Bedding
9.164 The quality of bedding provision was reported as poor by 185 witnesses, the majority of whom
emphasised being cold in bed. These reports were in relation to 31 Schools across the
decades. Poor bedding also referred to lumpy mattresses, insufficient blankets, sheets changed
infrequently, mattresses and bedding smelling of urine and no provision made for seasonal
variations in temperature. Rubber sheets were reported to be used in place of a cotton sheet in
some Schools for residents who wet their beds and were described as being cold and
uncomfortable to sleep on. There were reports from three Schools of all residents having to
sleep on rubber sheets. Others had to carry their wet cotton sheets all day and sleep on them
that night.
9.165 Witnesses from a small number of Schools reported having to share their bed with either a
sibling or a younger co-resident. For some witnesses there was a comfort in this arrangement;
for others it was regarded as unpleasant especially in the context of bed-wetting.
We slept 2 to a bed. I would be up all night clapping the sheet, trying to dry the sheet to
avoid a beating for my sister and blowing on it. I never had my own bed. Later I shared
a bed with another girl.
Healthcare
9.166 One hundred and thirty eight (138) witnesses reported that when they were ill or injured their
healthcare was neglected and necessary treatment was not provided. Forty nine (49) witnesses
reported being punished, not believed or ignored when ill. Witnesses stated: ‘I got better by
myself’ and ‘The nuns always thought we were pretending or were looking for notice, it was a
crime to be sick’.
9.167 A large number of witnesses reported that ‘no heed was taken unless you were very ill’ and
gave accounts of being hospitalised with infections, appendicitis, ulcers secondary to chilblains,
rickets, anaemia, and failure to thrive. Ten (10) witnesses reported suffering with severe
headaches and episodes of fainting that were ignored by staff. Sixteen (16) others reported
having recurrent earaches that were untreated, resulting in infections and perforated eardrums.
Six (6) witnesses reported they suffered permanent hearing loss.
9.168 A further area of healthcare neglect reported to the Committee by witnesses in the period prior
to the 1980s was the lack of investigation by medical and nursing staff who observed or were
involved in treating non-accidental injuries in the School, local clinics or hospital settings.
Eighteen (18) witnesses reported being attended by a doctor in the School for treatment of an
injury, including suturing following assaults, and they were neither questioned about how the
injury occurred nor was any intervention made to protect them from further abuse.
9.169 A small number of witnesses reported that medical advice was not acted upon and that
prescribed medical treatment was discontinued in the School. One witness stated that she was
hospitalised with tuberculosis while resident in a School. At her hearing, she provided copies of
her medical discharge reports containing specific recommendations to the Resident Manager.
The medical report advised that she should be moved to a more protective environment and
receive better nourishment; she said that neither recommendation was followed.
9.170 The availability of staff to assist and supervise children who were ill was reported to vary over
the decades and between different Schools. Twenty six (26) witnesses said that they were put
in the dormitories, left alone and unattended while they were sick. In a number of instances
witnesses reported being locked into dormitories and infirmaries during the day while they were
ill.
9.171 One hundred and fifty two (152) witnesses reported attending hospital for treatment, a number
of whom were admitted for reasons including childhood accidents and illness such as fevers,
tonsillitis, ear infections and lacerations. As previously reported, 33 residents were admitted for
injuries following physical abuse.
I went to hospital ...(with a broken wrist following beating).... I had to walk to the
hospital, it was 3 quarters of an hour to walk, another girl came with me.
9.172 Two (2) witnesses reported they developed osteomyelitis, which they believed was due to the
delay in receiving medical attention when they were first symptomatic. In one of these instances
the witness reported that the hospital surgeon who saw her as an adult commented on the
contribution of avoidable delay to the final outcome of the osteomyelitis in her foot and the need
then for surgery. Another witness reported she had part of her hand amputated following an
accident with a bread-slicing machine in the School kitchen.
9.173 A number of witnesses reported that improvements in health care provision depended on
changes of staff and the attitude of the Resident Manager: ‘I was looked after in a kind, loving
way if I was sick until I was 12 and then with a change ...(of Resident Manager)... it all
changed’.
9.174 An additional form of neglect reported by witnesses was the failure to provide medical records to
them when they were discharged. Twenty two (22) witnesses reported that the absence of any
information on their medical history has been a significant problem in adult life. A number of
witnesses reported that their medical care was compromised by this lack of information and led
subsequently to an avoidance of doctors and medical treatment, as they did not wish it to be
known that they were reared in an institution.
Adolescent development
9.175 Preparation for puberty was specifically reported by 36 witnesses as an area of neglect through
misinformation, lack of education and discussion of all sexual matters. The onset of
menstruation was described as a particularly distressing experience for many female witnesses
due both to their own lack of understanding about what was happening and the response of
staff to their circumstances. Witnesses reported that adolescent development and menstruation
were not discussed and that in many instances their attempts to seek advice and reassurance
were harshly sanctioned. Witnesses reported feeling that normal bodily changes were faults of
some kind. A witness reported that when she started to menstruate, she was sent for by the
Resident Manager who gave her a lecture about being dirty, calling her a ‘filthy devil’.
There was absolutely no sanitary facilities for a girl at a certain time of your life, you had
to make do yourself. We got no advice at all, we learned from older girls.... We used
talk among ourselves. When it ...(menstruation)... first happened to me I hadn’t the
courage to go up and ask, we were very much afraid to ask ...(for sanitary protection)....
•
After I had my period the nuns kept telling me “you can now have a baby if a man
touches your hair”. So when this foster father began touching my hair I thought I was
pregnant.
9.176 In addition to the distress associated with menstruation in these circumstances witnesses
reported being humiliated and abused in response to any appearance of physical development.
They reported feeling embarrassed and ashamed of their breast development. Witnesses
reported that an aspect of the neglect experienced in this regard was being forced to wear
inappropriate garments for the purpose of concealing normal physical development.
When we started to grow breasts, we couldn’t ask the nuns anything, you weren’t
allowed grow breasts, I was told my breasts were ugly. ... I was friendly with an outside
girl and she gave me a black bra, you know ... brassiere, we were not allowed wear
them. Well she, Sr ...X... caught me and she threw me into a room and she beat me
black and blue. We were not allowed wear them you know.
•
I was obviously growing up by now and I had quite big breasts. Sr ...X... would come up
to me get hold of my breasts and squash them as hard as she could, she would then
order me to “flatten them down and stop encouraging” it ... “flatten them down, flatten
them”. She would scream at me. So I would just try and hold myself in ’til she left me
alone. ... Then one day she got hold of me and told me she had got me a “roll on”, I
thought I was going to get some nylons ...(stockings)... and felt very grown up. She said
“this will help to keep you in”. ... When I put it ...(corset)... on she made me haul it up
over my breasts to flatten them down, I could hardly breathe and I had to wear this over
my breasts for months.
9.177 Witnesses reported having little or no knowledge of intimate relationships and being misinformed
about basic details regarding sexual matters. Some witnesses, including three who stated they
were unable to read, described being handed a book on the facts of life when they were
discharged. Others reported receiving minimal education in relation to sexual matters during the
1970s and 1980s. Witnesses frequently stated that they received no sex education and that
sexual matters were never discussed by the staff. The absence of open discussion and
information and the culture of silence, fear and denial that witnesses described regarding sexual
matters in the Schools were reported to have contributed to neglect and abuse on several
levels. A witness who was discharged after 16 years in the School, without any preparation for
outside life or relationships with men, reported being raped and abandoned on her first date.
Other witnesses said: ‘the facts of life were never discussed, I knew it ... (sexual abuse)... was
wrong but we had no language to tell’.
We didn’t know anything about getting a period. There was nothing about a period only,
“if you sit beside a man you get pregnant”. I remember getting a period, I thought
something was wrong with me. I didn’t tell anyone because I was afraid, I thought “I’ll
get into trouble”. There was no one to tell.
•
We had no sex education, the only sex education we had was about 10 minutes, from
the priest. He did a thing on the blackboard to the whole class.

9.178 Witnesses reported that with little or no preparation for independent living their discharge from
the Schools and transition to life outside the institution was traumatic and, for some,
overwhelming. Areas of neglect most frequently reported by female witnesses in relation to their
discharge were:
• Lack of preparation and training in basic life skills
• Lack of assessment, supervision and follow-up of placements
• Lack of opportunity to say goodbye to siblings and friends
• Lack of personal information and related documentation.
9.179 A large number of witnesses who had spent most of their childhood in institutional care reported
a profound sense of displacement and bewilderment when discharged from the Schools. It was
reported as common for residents to be informed they were being discharged on the morning of
their departure or the previous evening, without any prior discussion. Most witnesses stated that
they left the Schools with few possessions, some reported they were given a suitcase or brown
parcel containing a change of clothing, and others described leaving with ‘the clothes we stood
up in’. Reports of poor preparation for discharge were heard from witnesses in relation to all
decades, including the 1980s. ‘You were shown the door and put out, none of us had anywhere
to go. The door was open and you were out with 2 suits and your underwear.’
9.180 Most witnesses stated that they left the Schools without necessary life skills, including the ability
to handle money, shop, budget, cook, pay bills, use public transport or to participate in the
social world beyond the institution. They reported not being given any advice to assist them
cope with living outside the institutional life to which they had been accustomed.
After I left I used to sleep in the mart in ...local town... for about 2 weeks. I had nowhere
to go and so I said I’d go to England. When I went over, you know, I couldn’t give the
right change, I just didn’t know ...(how to handle money)....
9.181 A witness from one School reported that a bequest was made by an ex-resident to the institution
to allow each resident to receive a small amount of pocket money each week to foster
independence. The witness reported that residents lined up to get the money each week. It was
immediately taken back and the residents were informed it was being saved for them. This
witness reported that she asked for it when she was being discharged and was told it had been
used to buy her clothes.
I didn’t know anything about money. ... You don’t know how to go into the shop and ask,
you never done daily things, you never done your own washing, so you had to find out
...by ... trial and error. I remember going into ...(department store)... and the girl there
helped me, she was great. I had never bought clothes before. I had to learn all this, pay
your rent, pay your light ...(electricity bill)... and all this, even when you were leaving
they should have told us, or got us ready, given us some information but they gave us
nothing, we had to apply for everything and then it was different to what you were told in
the School.
9.182 A number of the 64 witnesses who were discharged to their family home commented on the
difficulty they experienced reintegrating with families from whom they had been separated, in
some situations with little contact for a number of years. Witnesses described being dropped on
their parents’ or older siblings’ doorstep without prior notice or any further contact, follow-up or
aftercare. Among the circumstances which confronted witnesses were impoverished living
conditions, homelessness, sexual abuse and rejection by families who had become strangers.
9.183 Witnesses reported being placed directly in employment without consultation as to what they
wished to do. ‘I was still in their grip, they took me, they told me without asking me. They took
me to ...named city... and put me to work in hospital.’ The limited information provided about
where they were going and what work they were expected to do was reported repeatedly by
witnesses. They reported not being given any practical advice or reassurance about what their
new situation might entail or who to contact if they experienced any difficulties. Witnesses
described being handed a train and/or boat ticket, with the address of a prospective employer or
relative and left to make their own way to Dublin, London or another city in the UK. The
Committee heard a small number of reports of witnesses wandering aimlessly when they arrived
until ‘rescued by the Police’ or some kind-hearted person who assisted them in getting to their
destination.
9.184 Sixty one (61) witnesses reported being abused in work and holiday placements, many of whom
emphasised that the lack of adequate assessment and supervision of aftercare left them
vulnerable to abuse. Twenty eight (28) witnesses reported being abused in various ways by
employers following their discharge, often under threat of being returned to the Schools if they
resisted or disclosed their abuse. The types of abuse reported by witnesses in these
circumstances included physical and sexual abuse, not being paid and working excessively long
hours.
We used to go on holidays and from the first day I hated it. He was all right, the
father..... She ...(mother in the holiday family)... wanted me to look after the kids and do
the work, she was cruel. She made me ...(work).... I was in secondary school for one
year, and then I went to the holiday family and at the end of the summer, the School
used to phone up and say to come back, this time they did not phone so ... the family
phoned and the nuns said “will you not keep her, is there not a school there that she
can go to?” So they kept me and did not send me to school, I was a skivvy. I was only
about 14 and got no more school....
9.185 Fourteen (14) witnesses reported being transferred to laundries when they were discharged,
with no recollection of any formal transfer procedure. One witness reported being transferred to
a laundry as punishment for having a boyfriend; others reported being transferred as
punishment for what might be described as assertive behaviour.
I’m pushed up against the wall and they ...Sr X and 3 lay staff... had me in on the wall
beating the head off me, beating me unconscious. I put me hand out to save myself.... I
knocked Sr ...X’s...veil off, it was accidental I did not strike that nun. I’m put into this
room, it was out in the yard, there was no light in it and I was there until next day. Then
I’m taken out by a Miss ...Y... a lady she was, a real lady she was a lovely woman, and
she told me I was being sent down the country, I was being transferred. She put her
arms around me and said “I’m sorry”.... I went down ... early in the morning and never
got a chance to say goodbye to my sisters.... (Sent at 13 years to work in laundry)
9.186 The lack of planning and involvement of witnesses in any discussions about discharge resulted
in them having no time or opportunity to say goodbye to siblings and friends. This abrupt ending
to their years in care was reported by witnesses to be traumatic. ‘No great goodbyes from what
had been my home for 9 years’. Discharges in these circumstances were particularly distressing
for witnesses who were leaving younger siblings behind whom they knew were being abused.
Others reported that the loss of friendships was distressing, both at the time and in subsequent
years, as they never regained contact.
It was the day our ...witness’s sister... left, I were sitting on the swing. I were crying, my
sister, she just said goodbye to me. I just heard that she was gone for good, she didn’t
know herself where she was going. She ...(Sr X)... gave me a backhander because I
was crying. I split my head. I told them ...(in the hospital)... I fell, the nun was there
beside me you couldn’t say anything or you’d get worse.
9.187 Another witness who had spent several months in hospital following a leg injury was 16 years
old when she was ready to be discharged. The witness reported that the Resident Manager of
the School where she had previously resided for many years refused to readmit her or offer any
further assistance. She was discharged from hospital to the local county home and reported
ongoing medical problems that required several subsequent operations.
9.188 Many witnesses reported that there remained a consistent lack of preparation for independent
living and little aftercare provided by Schools in the 1970s and 1980s. Others reported that there
were some improvements and changes in practice and procedures since the 1970s, with
planned discharges and some preparation for independent living.
Sr ...X... said “it’s time for ye to leave”. I said “what?” She said “I’m going to give ye a
few days now, you can finish your Junior Cert and then you have to go”. We ...(witness
and co-resident)... thought, “what on earth are we going to do, where are we going to
go?” We had nothing. Within a couple of days we had found a flat, the 2 of us, we found
it ourselves and we left out the door with a couple of suitcases. I had to leave school, I
would have liked to have stayed on. I did alright in my Junior Cert, but I had to leave. A
teacher in the school phoned up and explained the situation and got me a job.
•
When I left I wanted to do ...training... she ...(Sr X)... was giving out about the funds
...(cost).......named lay care staff... persuaded her to let me go. I remember I was
brought up to a big city, a place I hadn’t a clue of where we were, I was put into a B&B
by Sr ...X... and Sr ...Y... and she ...(Sr X)... gave me a cheque for £200 and I had to
find a flat for myself, I had no pots, no pans, nothing, I was on my own. There were
times when I was there when I was hungry, a friend from School would give me soup
and bread.
9.189 Most witnesses who had been in institutional care for an extended period of time reported that
when they were discharged they were given little information about the terms of their admission
or discharge, their medical history or any of their formal documentation such as educational or
birth certificates. The Committee heard 15 reports of witnesses being provided with incorrect
information regarding family circumstances, for example being told that their parents were
deceased or that they had no siblings. For many of these witnesses such misinformation has
continued to be a cause of great distress and unresolved anger:
I applied for my birth cert after I left the School and discovered that my mother wasn’t
married. I had been told all my life ... (in named School)... that she was dead and that
my father died when I was 2. It was a shock, I went looking ...(for information)...when I
was getting married and the priest put me off.... Since then ...(in recent years)... I got
the details off the social worker, she arranged for me to meet her ... (witness’s birth
mother).... When I met the poor lady, she was a lovely woman, she didn’t want me
given up, she was supposed to be paying for me. They ...(Sisters)... had her name and
details all the time and she lived near, and none of this was told you before you left.
They should have talked to us, you had to deal with it all yourself, it ...(the information)...
was coming through the post, in a flat, on your own, finding out she was alive all the
time.
Emotional abuse
development of the child or serious adverse effects on his or her behaviour or welfare11
9.190 This section of the Report describes witness evidence of emotional abuse by deprivation of
secure relationships, family contact, identity, affection and approval, and by both a lack of safety
and a lack of protection from harm. Such deprivations impaired the social, emotional and
physical functioning and development of witnesses and were identified by them as disturbing
both at the time and in the subsequent course of their lives.
9.191 Emotional abuse described by witnesses generally referred to routine practices that failed to
recognise the individual needs of children and provide adequately for their care. Practices in
relation to personal care, the separation of siblings, and enforced isolation and silence were
reported as part of the rigid institutional system. A further component of emotional abuse
described by witnesses referred to the constant physical and verbal abuse that engendered a
culture of fear. Emotional abuse was described as pervasive and systemic and was less often
ascribed to individual staff members. Therefore, while some staff were identified by witnesses,
the following section does not include a list of reported abusers.
11
Section 1(1)(d) as amended by section 3 of the 2005 Act.

Nature and extent of emotional abuse reported
9.192 The Committee heard 364 reports of emotional abuse by 356 witnesses (94%) in relation to 40
Schools that admitted girls.12 There was a wide variation in the number of reports made in
relation to each School.
• Two (2) Schools were collectively the subject of 115 reports.13
• Seventeen (17) Schools were the subject of 6-20 reports, totalling 198 reports.
• Twenty one (21) Schools were the subject of 1-5 reports, totalling 51 reports.
9.193 Emotional abuse was reported in combination with each of the other abuse types, physical,
sexual and neglect, as shown in the following table:
Table 41: Emotional Abuse Combined with Other Abuse Types – Female Industrialand
Reformatory Schools
Emotional, neglect and physical 226 62
Emotional, neglect, physical and sexual 123 34
Emotional and physical 8 2
Emotional and neglect 3 1
Emotional physical and sexual 2 1
Emotional 1 (0)
Emotional, neglect and sexual 1 (0)
Total reports 364 100
9.194 Emotional abuse was reported in combination with all three of the other abuse types in 123
instances. Three hundred and fifty nine (359) reports (95%) of emotional abuse were combined
with physical abuse and 126 reports (35%) combined emotional abuse with sexual abuse.
9.195 Table 42 below details the distribution of emotional abuse reports according to the witnesses’
discharge period.
Table 42: Number of Emotional Abuse Reports by Decade of Witnesses’ Discharge –

Female Industrial and Reformatory Schools
Decade of discharge Number of emotional abuse %
reports
Pre-1960s 123 34
1960-69 168 46
1970-79 66 18
1980-89 7 2
Total 364 100
12
13
specified.

9.196 It is of note that 20% of the emotional abuse reports were made by witnesses who were
discharged after 1970, which was similar to those of physical abuse and neglect .

9.197 The main forms of emotional abuse identified by witnesses included: humiliation and ridicule,
deprivation of contact with siblings and family, rejection, loss of identity, lack of affection, threat
of harm and deliberate exposure to frightening situations. Other forms of emotional abuse
included a punitive emphasis on religion, public humiliation and personal ridicule, denigration of
family of origin, isolation, criticism and verbal abuse, and the unreasonable imposition of
responsibility. There is some unavoidable overlap between the different forms of emotional
abuse and between emotional abuse and other types of abuse, particularly physical and sexual
abuse.
Personal ridicule and public humiliation

9.198 The most consistently reported form of emotional abuse described by female witnesses was
humiliation and ridicule. One hundred and ninety seven (197) witnesses described being
humiliated and ridiculed by a variety of means including name calling, being humiliated about
personal hygiene, being subject to constant criticism, being made to publicly beg forgiveness for
alleged misconduct, being made to stand or kneel to eat meals at a penance table, having
attention called to physical disabilities or impairments, being forced to stand naked in front of
others and having soiled underwear exhibited for ridicule.
9.199 The most frequently cited occasion for public humiliation was in the management of bed-wetting.
Witnesses who wet their bed described having to carry wet mattresses and walk with wet sheets
over their head and shoulders through the School and across the yards to drying rooms, the
laundries, or while sitting in the refectories. In three Schools it was reported that witnesses had
to drape wet sheets on their shoulders in classrooms shared with local children. Eight (8)
witnesses reported that the Resident Manager of a particular School forced those who wet their
beds to wear their wet sheet or pants on their head or shoulders as they walked as far as the
School gate. Others reported being forced to stand in the refectory with the wet sheet on their
back while they ate breakfast or while watching others eat.
9.200 Witnesses also reported being humiliated regarding their dress and general appearance. For
example, a witness reported being punished by being forced to wear a dress made from a flour
sack, which was removed in advance of an inspector’s visit. Others described having to wear
ragged clothes to school in the company of children from the town and being teased about their
poor attire. Another witness who needed glasses and had been recommended by the doctor to
sit in front of the class reported that the Sister ridiculed her in front of the class saying ‘we would
not like to look at this ugly girl all day, would we girls?’ Witnesses reported being mocked by
staff about their personal appearance and humiliated by having attention drawn to adolescent
changes:
One time my sister brought me a bra. Sr ...X... made me stand up in the hall in front of
the whole school and made me take it off and said “who do you think you are?”
9.201 Twenty three (23) witnesses reported enforced public nakedness as a cause of distress and
humiliation. They described being beaten naked in front of others, being made to stand in line
without any clothes and being bathed with others. Witnesses described the humiliation of being
beaten on their bare buttocks and being forced to remove their skirts and pants, or pull up their
nightdresses, having to bend over a chair or a desk or being held down on a bed or across a
table to be beaten. The humiliation and shame of being observed while being physically abused
in this manner was commented on by witnesses:
You got blamed even if you didn’t do it. She ...(Sr X)... took my knickers down once
...(in front of co-residents)... “let this be a lesson to you all” she said, she put me across
her knee. I would have been about 8, and she beat me and beat me with a whip, a whip
type stick until I cried.
•
I’ll never forget that beating, all the girls watching. The worst thing was not the beating
but your naked bottom being seen by all the girls, it was so embarrassing.
9.202 Fifty four (54) witnesses reported being called derogatory names and being subjected to
derisory comments. Others reported being treated with hostility and told they were not liked by
anybody. The classrooms and dormitories were the most frequently cited locations of such
ridicule, which focussed on academic difficulties, their parent’s impoverished circumstances,
their personal appearance and hygiene.
The emphasis was on making you submit, cower, creep, crawl, we were beaten if we
were sad, “take that glum look off your face” and if you were happy, “why are you
smiling? I’ll take you off your high horse”.
9.203 Name-calling by lay and religious staff was reported as a common occurrence and included:
‘devil’s handmaid’, ‘tar babies’, ‘shawlies’, ‘Baluba’, ‘pauper’, ‘tinker’, ‘trash’, ‘dirty stinking
trollop’, ‘illegitimate’, ‘slut’, ‘sinners’, ‘bastards’, ‘idiot’, ‘dunce’, ‘thick’, ‘liar’, ‘bandy legs’, ‘wet the
bed’, ‘Dublin nobodies’, and ‘street kids’.
9.204 One hundred and twenty four (124) witnesses gave accounts of being personally ridiculed,
which most commonly involved being ridiculed about soiled bedding and underwear in public by
religious staff including Resident Managers. The public demonstration of soiled bedding and
clothing was humiliating and a source of great distress. Many witnesses described having their
underwear inspected on a regular basis and being punished and publicly ridiculed if they were
soiled.
It’s so hard, we had no toilet paper, you would have to stand naked. If your knickers
were dirty, as they would be after 2 weeks, you would be beaten, by ...Sr X and Sr Y....
•
Every week we used have to hold up the gusset of the nicks ... (pants)... and show it
off, if it was marked you used to have to stand out in front of the class. I was so terrified
... (that)... I used hold up my clean ones and wear the old ones for weeks.
9.205 Witnesses reported that the humiliation of having their soiled pants displayed in public was
compounded during adolescent years as signs of menstruation were treated as a grave
transgression. Witnesses also reported being called derogatory names in relation to matters of
personal hygiene and being subjected to comments that attracted the derision and criticism of
others.
9.206 Twenty nine (29) witnesses who attended school with children from the local town, frequently
referred to as ‘townies’, reported being the subject of ridicule and constant criticism in front of
their peers. For example, a witness who was a talented musician and was chosen to perform
music in public described the confusion associated with being expected to perform well and then
being punished for her success.
Mth ...X... hit me across the face with her hand and said “don’t get above your station”.
You were expected to play ...(musical instrument)... well and you were punished if you
played well.
9.207 The humiliation of being segregated in the class by religious staff, some of whom were reported
to have a dual role as carer and teacher, and of being identified as ‘orphans’ was described as
being the cause of enduring distress and anger by a large number of witnesses. ‘Orphans go
down to the back of the class’.
Sr ...X... gave us orphans a dog’s life. It was a living nightmare. She called us the scum
of the earth, she refused to teach the orphans ...described being excluded from a school
pageant....
•
We were kept separate from the townies, they were warned we could steal. We had a
special entrance and were not allowed mix with them.
•
We sat together, we knew we were different, we were told we were different. Sr ...X...
said “don’t forget where you come from”. ... You were the scum of the earth.... “Get
back to the orphanage where you belong.”
9.208 Witnesses described being targeted for personal ridicule in many ways, including being made to
stand in the classroom wearing a hat with ‘dunce’ written on it or with signs around their necks
with ‘liar’ and ‘stupid’ written on them.
9.209 There were accounts from five Schools of witnesses being required to kneel down, kiss the floor
and beg the Sisters’ forgiveness for perceived transgressions. This punishment was reported to
be carried out in front of the assembled residents.
9.210 A witness who had been sexually abused within her family described the Resident Manager of
the School where she was placed when she was 10 years old telling her co-residents that she
was ‘morally dirty’ and that they were not to speak to her or play with her.

9.211 One hundred and forty-three (143) witnesses described regular, and at times constant, exposure
to frightening situations. In the words of one witness: ‘It was pure fear, you would wake up every
day and wonder “what’s going to happen to me today?”’. Witnesses described a pervasive fear
of being hit and never knowing what might happen next and being constantly apprehensive
about the next episode of abuse.
Always screaming, wailing, you would be hearing it as you would be going through the
corridor, you would hear the screaming, and you would say “Jesus Christ who is getting
beaten today?”
•
You lived in appalling fear, the most appalling fear, you would be terrified. You did not
know at what time you would get a beating. I couldn’t explain to you the fear, it was
terrible. There was this nun ... she was a very, very wicked woman.... She beat you
whenever she felt like it.
9.212 In particular witnesses described hearing the screams of girls locked in cupboards and isolated
rooms, having to watch young babies being beaten and being themselves locked outside in
yards, sheds or in animal houses. For some witnesses the environment of fear was reinforced
by death threats against them and/or their siblings particularly in the context of disclosing abuse.
Witnesses described the Schools as places with many locked doors and staff who walked
around carrying large bunches of keys. The threat of being locked away in isolation in a
cupboard, under the stairs or in a room was a daily reality.
There was this girl ...named co-resident... she used wet the bed.... Sometimes the girls
would have to put her up on the table in the dining room, and they would put this big
nappy on her in front of all the girls. She ...lay care staff... said she would make an
example of her, it was terrible, all the little ones would be crying. At night time we would
be told to take her ...named co-resident... out to where the coal was. ... It was a very
small space with no light and we would have to lock her in. She would just go in like a
dog, she was so beaten down, and she was left there all night ...crying.... I almost get
sick now when I think of it, that I sometimes turned that key and locked her in
...crying.... It was hard, in your head you were screaming “stop, leave her alone”, you
were in such fear ...crying.... She would just pick you out of the line and you had to do
it, you’d be beaten, you literally lived in fear for you life.
9.213 Fifty one (51) witnesses reported being subjected to the explicit and implicit threat of being ‘sent
away’. They reported knowing that co-residents were sent to other more restrictive institutions,
including psychiatric hospitals, laundries and Reformatory Schools, often behind a veil of
secrecy.
If you did anything wrong you would be told the black van will come for you, you lived in
fear of being sent away in the black van. Sr ...X... would threaten you if you didn’t go to
school or whatever, the black van would come for you. I don’t know ... where they all
went, they all went missing. I know one girl is up there in ...named psychiatric hospital....
I went to see her myself, she is there to this day. Sr ...X... said she was mad in the
head, and all she used to do was sit in a corner and play the tin whistle. She was sent
away in the black van, and then you would say “where is ...named co-resident... gone?”
You would be told “she is gone away in the black van”. ... If you did something, like
steal the nun’s fresh bread, you would be after doing something you shouldn’t have
done or one time a girl set fire to a bin. They were sent away in the black van.
•
You saw the same atrocities being committed and you could do nothing about it, you
tried to do something about it but you were afraid of what would happen to you. I
worried in case I would not get out of that place alive, there was a point when I thought
“be careful”. There were some girls and you didn’t know what’s happened to them.
9.214 A small number of witnesses reported that co-residents who had been ill or who were injured
following a severe beating were also among those who disappeared and it was not known
whether they had been hospitalised or had died. The fear of being sent away was reinforced by
the overnight disappearance of co-residents who were discharged without having the
opportunity to say goodbye to their sisters, friends and co-residents. Witnesses described older
siblings ‘disappearing’ in this manner and not realising what had happened to them until years
later. One witness described her own departure:
They told you very quietly you were going, just going now! I got a brown case. You
kinda didn’t want to go ...crying.... You couldn’t say goodbye to your friends. Sr ...X...
wrote to the family ...(work placement)... and told them not to let me pal with other girls
from the School...(also placed locally).
9.215 The particular fear associated with these threats of being sent away was the belief that those
who were transferred to other institutions were then never released. ‘We suffered the fear of
being sent to ...laundry... that was the fear that hung over you. ... I saw many a girl go there, I
can name them ...named co-residents.... We never saw them again.’ One witness reported that
a co-resident was accused of stealing a small amount of money from a local member of the
clergy, as a result of which she was subsequently sent to a psychiatric hospital.
There was a room, it was my nightmare that room, I was never sent there. She ...(Sr
X)... would send them there, some girls, the ones who fought back, and you would hear
them screaming, the screams! And you would never see them again, they would be
sent away. I was terrified my sister would be sent to a laundry because some of them
girls were.
9.216 In addition to the fear of being sent away many witnesses believed they could be retained in the
School indefinitely. This belief was partially reinforced by the fact that in many Schools there
were former residents who had stayed on in the institution and became part of the staff group.
Those regarded as orphans, who had no contact with their own family, described being
particularly fearful of this outcome.
9.217 Witnesses also described as frightening the experience of being given responsibility for the care
of babies and young children without appropriate assistance and supervision. Witnesses
described the distress experienced by being made to provide care for their younger siblings and
being held responsible for their conduct and behaviour, as one witness remarked ‘I was only a
child myself’. They described feeling guilty when their ‘charges’ or younger siblings were
punished. The allocation of age-inappropriate tasks such as fire-lighting, ironing, the operation of
laundry equipment, and kitchen work were all reported as imposing a risk to safety and
unreasonable expectations on a child.
9.218 Witnesses described a variety of fear inducing situations that were specific to certain staff, for
example several witnesses reported being terrorised by staff who dressed up as ghosts and
other figures for the purpose of frightening young residents. Others reported that staff had pet
animals that they used in an intimidating manner with residents who were frightened of them.
Sr ...X ... she used set the farm dogs on us, you were petrified, wherever you hid the
dogs would sniff you out, you would have to climb the fence to get away from them.
Denigration of family of origin

9.219 One hundred and seven (107) witnesses reported that their mothers, fathers or entire families
were openly denigrated by both religious and lay care staff in the Schools. In most instances the
denigration took the form of verbal abuse and criticism of a witness’ mother, parents or family in
the course of being berated or physically abused for some misdemeanour. ‘They would make
me feel I was a nobody. They would say “you are ruined, you are ruined like your mother”, Sr
...X... and Sr ...Y... they never stopped.’ Forty (40) witnesses reported that their single mothers
were the subject of specific denigration by religious staff. Witnesses stated that the severity of a
beating or other physical punishment was regularly associated with remarks about the child’s
mother. This was particularly so for witnesses who were non-marital children and had been in
institutional care since birth. They recalled being told as they were beaten that it was for ‘the
sins of your mother’ and that they would ‘end up in the gutter like your mother’.
And in the month of November we used to have to pray for our mothers and fathers
who died, we had to pray for them to get out of purgatory but the orphan girls, they
were treated worse. They would be told “your mother is burning in hell, you will be
punished for the sins of your mother, you workhouse girls”. Then one girl, she was a bit
older than me, she was from the workhouse, I remember her being told by the nuns
“your mother will never get out, she will be in hell, because of what she did”.
•
I had ear infections and was told I did not deserve any treatment. Sr ...X... told me I was
a spawn of the devil and I didn’t deserve any treatment. “You are the spawn of the devil,
every decent person who meets you will know you are the spawn of the devil.”
9.220 Witnesses described being told their mothers were ‘sinners’ or ‘filthy prostitutes’ and that they
were in the School as a result of their mother’s sins. Hearing it said that their mothers were
sinners was a cause of great distress to many witnesses, who described feeling responsible for
the fact that their mothers were ‘so bad’.
If you stepped out of line she ...(Sr X)... was always insulting my mother and my father,
she’d say “your mother is a woman of the streets”, and every night I used be in turmoil
in bed and worried about my mother on the streets. I didn’t know what she meant.... We
were considered the dregs of society.... My mother was a different religion. We were
made to feel so dirty and so low.
9.221 Twenty (20) witnesses described being told that their parents had rejected and did not want
them, usually in the context of being punished and in conjunction with being criticised.
Witnesses described this form of abuse as particularly disturbing.
One day, this nun said “if you had a wish what would you wish for?” And I said, without
hesitation, it just came out, “I want to find my mother”. “What?” she said “your mother
gave you away, she wouldn’t have anything to do with you” she shouted. I ran out and
ran to this huge big hallway. I remember sitting there and saying “what have I done, why
doesn’t my mother want me?” I was so upset.... I cried myself to sleep. You had nobody
... to talk to.
•
She ...(Sr X)... would tell us to get dressed up, that our mother was coming up, and
we’d all go up and she’d come along laughing and say “what are you smiling at? Your
mother is not coming, she doesn’t want you, she doesn’t love you, she has another
family”. She’d show us a photograph of our mother with a family she was working for in
the town, she’d say “your mother doesn’t want you”.
9.222 Seventeen (17) witnesses reported that their mothers’ ethnicity and religion were denigrated by
religious staff. Witnesses of mixed race reported being referred to by derogatory names relating
to their skin colour and, along with their mothers, being subjected to racial slurs.
I used to pal with ...named co-resident.... Sr ...X... used put her into a bath because she
was coloured, she used to tell her there was a smell off her. No money would ever,
ever, ever compensate her for what she suffered.
9.223 One witness reported that derogatory comments were initiated by the Sister in charge and taken
up by other staff and girls. Her mother was described as ‘a useless English Protestant’ and
when the witness was in trouble it was ascribed to her ‘Protestant blood’. Another witness
reported being constantly taunted by the Sister in charge about the fact that her mother had left
her and her sibling and returned to England:
You lot are being kept by us, cleaning for you, feeding you, caring for you, educating
you while your mother ... is in England enjoying herself and does not even bother to
write to you.
9.224 A small number of witnesses further reported that their parents were humiliated when they came
to visit, either by being shown into what was described as ‘the beggars’ parlour’ or being made
to wait outside while their child was called. ‘The nuns told me my mother was a prostitute....
They wouldn’t let her in the gate.’
9.225 Seven (7) witnesses reported being verbally and otherwise denigrated because they were
members of the Travelling community. They described being told that they came from the
roadside and other residents were actively encouraged to jeer at them.

Deprivation of contact with siblings and family
9.226 As reported elsewhere, a large number of witnesses commented on the fragmentation of their
families as a result of the deprivation of contact with their siblings and relatives. This separation
and loss of contact led to difficulties reintegrating with their family after they were discharged
and was reported by many witnesses to be a cause of distress and anger for them, both at the
time and in their subsequent lives.
9.227 Fifty five (55) witnesses reported that their parents and relatives were either forbidden or
discouraged from visiting them, 28 gave accounts that family members were turned away when
they arrived at the School. Witnesses who were marked from physical abuse were often not
allowed visitors. Others reported that their parents were sent away if deemed to be intoxicated
or otherwise unsuitable to be seen. Deprivation of family visits was reported as a routine
punishment for alleged misconduct in a number of Schools.
I was in there for all the 40s. There was terrible cruelity ...(cruelty)... terrible cruelity. I
was writing a letter to my aunt, to tell her of the beatings. They found the note.... She
...(Sr X)... put me across that bed and gave me a terrible beating . ... I never recovered
from that beating. I had to take down my clothes and take off my knickers. Oh, that
beating ...distressed.... That hurt me very much. I got over the physical, but I often
wondered why did they beat me like that? That was hard for me ...crying.... I had to live
with that, it affected me terrible. I was not let go on holiday to my aunt that year
...crying....
9.228 Following her mother’s death, one witness reported that she and her siblings were placed in the
local Industrial School despite, what she believed, was her father’s wish that they remain at
home. He did odd jobs in the School for the Sisters and the witness reported not being allowed
to speak to him while he was there. She described watching him through a window as he was
working and hoping he would look up to see her.
9.229 Eighty three (83) witnesses reported that knowledge about their brothers and sisters was
withheld or denied by those in charge of the School. The Committee heard evidence that prior
to the 1970s, with few exceptions, no attempt was made to maintain contact between siblings in
separate institutions or to keep witnesses informed of their siblings’ whereabouts following
admission or transfer to different institutions. Some witnesses reported that they never saw their
brothers or sisters again after they had left the Court on the day they were placed in the
Industrial School. Others reported that information about brothers and sisters who were placed
in the same institution was also withheld. Witnesses reported being denied contact with brothers
who were in nearby institutions and in a number of Schools the existence of siblings was not
acknowledged.
He ...(witness’s brother)... came over every Sunday. She ...(Sr X)... didn’t like that. She
used to try and find work for me so that I wouldn’t see him. I remember one Sunday the
others asked me to get the ball, I climbed up on the scullery roof. She tied me to the
stairs for this and when my brother came she sent him down to embarrass him to see
his sister tied up. She then sent him up and made him wait and wait, in the end she let
me up to see him when she knew he was gone. I was bitter about that.
9.230 Some older siblings reported knowing that they had family in the School but that through the
arrangement of facilities, with older children separated from younger ones, they lost contact with
their own siblings. ‘They separated the brothers and the sisters, if something came up that they
had to tell us then you would meet them, you would be lined up.’ Other witnesses said that the
practice of referring to residents by their allocated number contributed to loss of contact with
their own brothers and sisters as their family name was not used. Alternately witnesses who
were admitted to a School at a very young age frequently had no memory of older siblings who
may have been with them and then left the School.
9.231 The Committee heard three witness accounts of twins being separated. In one instance twins
who had been together throughout their lives were separated by the removal of one twin to
another School. The separation was instigated by misbehaviour and the Resident Manager’s
belief that one twin would be ‘better off’ without the other. The emotional consequences of this
trauma were reported to have been enduring.
9.232 Thirty five (35) witnesses reported being either given misleading information or denied any
information about their parents. One witness was not aware that she had living parents and
learned of their existence when told by a Sister that her Confirmation photo would be sent to
them. This Sister was reported by another witness to have refused her mother permission to
visit and refused to give the witness parcels from home. The Committee heard 47 accounts of
letters and parcels being withheld by those in charge of various Schools.
We ...(witness and co-resident)... were supposed to be sisters, we were told we were
sisters up ’til 11, and then they told us we weren’t and then they split us up.... It was
terrible, terrible sad because you thought you had a sister and then you discovered you
hadn’t, you were cut away from her.... I didn’t know that my brother and 2 sisters were
taken away from my mother and sent to ...named Schools.... I got all that ...(official
records)... back about a month ago.... On the files it says my mother wrote to the
convent and asked them could she take me back, and some TD, I don’t know what his
name is, said “no” and then he said “yes she can go home to the mother”. Then the
nuns said “no it wouldn’t be good, the mother would make her go out to work and take
the money off her”. I always thought my mother didn’t want me, she had married ... and
wrote to the convent.... It had an awful effect on me, that she didn’t want me, but she
had tried to get me home to her.... When I read them papers it threw a different light on
it, she did try. It was the nuns that were stopping it. The communication went back to
when I was about 12 or something, she wanted me back, I have the files.
9.233 In addition to the reported trauma associated with loss of contact with parents, relatives and
siblings, a small number of witnesses also reported the distress of being removed from weekend
and ‘holiday’ families where they had developed strong attachments. Other witnesses recalled
being told they were getting ‘too close’ to the family and their placements were terminated.
I had one really, really lovely experience with ...named ‘foster’ family.... They wanted to
adopt me ...crying... they were lovely, I loved them so much. I would have been
educated and been part of a family ...crying... but they weren’t allowed.... I had to go to
another family, most of them were awful.
9.234 The Committee heard 119 witness reports of emotional abuse in the form of deprivation of
affection. Witnesses reported a constant and basic absence of affection and approval during
their time in the Schools and that this loss had a lasting impact. Lack of affection was described
as the absence of a kind word, praise or encouragement, any gesture or demonstration of
affection or the acknowledgement of pain and upset. The lack of an attachment figure and
secure relationship left many witnesses feeling disconnected and insecure. Witnesses who were
in Schools from a young age reported this absence with particular emphasis. ‘You wouldn’t
know what love or sympathy looked like.’
It takes me a long time to trust people.... I know I suffered in my head when I was there,
I had a lot of anxiety. ... There was never any contact ... no hug or anything like that.... I
don’t ever remember any contact with anyone as a small child.
9.235 Several witnesses described being deprived of objects that they were attached to at the time of
their admission, including, pictures, dolls and soft toys. This deprivation extended to pets that
some witnesses became attached to while they were residents of the Schools.
We were not allowed animals.... I was an animal lover, there were wild cats and kittens
going around starving, I used to sneak them into the dormitory. I had a kitten. She, this
nun, called me one night, I won’t mention her name, if I do it will make me feel sick. ...
She said “you see that kitten you have there” ... she got me out of my bed by the hair,
and brought me down, they had one of those Aga stoves she said “that cat you have
there” ... I can still see the stove that you put coal in the top, she said take “that top off”.
I had to go up on my knees, she said “take the top off”, I had to do what I was told.
What I had to do next was the killer ...distressed.... I had to put the cat in there and put
the lid on it ... and the screams.... Then she...Sister... said “go back to your bed”. The
next morning ... she got me out of my bed and she made me rake that fire out ... and I
had to pick that up ...crying... and she said “never again bring a cat into this dormitory”
... That’s the worst thing that ever happened to me in ...named School... I think I was
about 12 at the time.
9.236 The majority of witnesses reported that religious and lay staff actively discouraged commonly
used forms of affection, including hugs and words of comfort or approval both between residents
and from older girls towards the younger residents in their care. A number of witnesses
described the pleasure they obtained from looking after babies and young children for the
opportunity it provided to both give and receive affection. They reported that although
affectionate attachments were not condoned, they were discreetly maintained. Witnesses
recalled not understanding why they were punished for demonstrating their affection to co-
residents and friends.
Sometimes if the baby cried they would lift it up by its feet and wallop it. You couldn’t
have a pet, you were not allowed to show loving towards any little baby. When you were
minding ...(babies)... you were not allowed pick it up if it was crying.... You’d have to
pick them up and put them on pots, the bigger girls would show you. I remember being
put on the pot myself by the older girls.
•
We were standing in a line for Confession, we were 3 in a line about 20 of us, and you
know the way your pal wants to be your partner ...(linking arms)... you want to be hers,
you know, like friends. Mth ...X... came along, she just dragged me out of the line by the
head and brought me into the store room. She took a big scissors and she ...crying...
cut my whole head in pieces, she cut the hair in lumps. She left me there on my knees
the whole day, when I would hear her coming, I would be on me hunkers and I would
start kneeling. I was kneeling from 12 o’clock until 6 o’clock that evening.

9.237 One hundred and six (106) witnesses reported that observing other residents being beaten or
otherwise abused was a most disturbing experience that endured in their memory. The public
nature of physical abuse, as previously described, led to many residents being routinely
exposed to the trauma of watching and hearing their co-residents being abused.
I saw her once, this girl was in it ...(bed).... Mth ...X... came up with that cane and pulled
out the bedclothes ...crying... she walloped her ...crying... in front of all of us, she
walloped her until she was tired ...crying.... That poor girl she suffered, they were very
hard on her, the ...lay care staff members... who worked there, punishments were
severe.
•
We witnessed it ...(sexual abuse of co-residents by external clergy).... But we couldn’t
do nothing. He used put his hand up and down her skirt. One of the girls, she was
abused terrible by him, she spent years in a mental hospital, she was one of the gullible
ones.
•
We used to have a cook. She was very slow, she couldn’t talk right, he ...(external
priest)... used go to her room at night-times ...(and sexually abuse her).... We used to
hear her cry, her room was beside our bathrooms. All the girls, we didn’t know exactly
what he was doing to her, we used hear her cry, she was an old woman but slow, she
cried all the time in the kitchen.
9.238 Having to observe others being punished was regarded as being a deliberate strategy to deter
residents from whatever behaviour was being sanctioned. Witnesses described the particularly
harsh treatment to which returned absconders were subjected as an example of punishments
being used as a deterrent. Some witnesses reported that watching others being beaten was
worse than being beaten oneself, particularly when the resident being beaten was a younger
resident or one’s sibling.
9.239 Twenty seven (27) witnesses reported watching their own brother or sister being beaten,
including at times being forced to assist by restraining their hand or limb while they were being
hit. Other witnesses, who were themselves immature, had responsibility for caring for younger
co-residents, including siblings, described the distress they experienced when their ‘charges’
were beaten.
Some of the kids ...(charges)... used wet the bed they used to have to clean their own
bed up and they would be hit. They used to have to clean the faeces and everything,
that was not fair, that’s ...(soiling)... a nerves thing. I used to feel sorry for them. I
remember a nun beating a child up because he wet his nappy or something, she
slapped him with her hand over and over. I said “you shouldn’t beat him”.
•
I was like a mother hen to them, I loved them and was afraid of anything happening to
them. I’d hug them and mind them, I can’t do it now ...(to own children).... My mind was
full up of watching my 2 sisters ...(being beaten).... I was never able to say to my
children I ...(love you)....
•
The girl who was in charge of you ...(older girl)... would have to wait by you while you
were being beaten, and then they would take you away and clean you up, and stay with
you until you were OK..
•
My sister ... was making her Holy Communion, I was 5 and she was 7 at the time
...crying.... I was waiting for her to come down with her dress on.... You know the way
you were not supposed to eat before Holy Communion? I was waiting and the next
thing she was tumbling over the banister, because she ate a sweet. She was thrown
over the banister, by Sr ...X.... They were saying, “she ate a sweet, she ate a sweet”,
that was totally against the rules you know. I could hear the nun screaming at her, she
hit her and she put her over the banister there was kind of a long stairs. I saw blood, I
saw her on the floor, that’s my first memory of ...witness’s sister... and I don’t remember
anything after that, all I remember is her lying there. I just wanted to see her in her
dress. I still have nightmares of that.
9.240 Many witnesses reported that they preferred to be beaten themselves than watch others being
beaten. They reported that they intervened with staff when possible if a younger or more
vulnerable child or sibling was being beaten. The Committee heard three accounts from
witnesses who were transferred to more restrictive institutions following such altercations with
staff.
Isolation
9.241 Eighty two (82) witnesses gave accounts of being isolated, ostracised and segregated from their
peers. They reported being locked up by religious and lay staff under stairs, in broom
cupboards, fridges, washing machines, coal sheds, toilets, furnace rooms, outhouses and in
sheds with animals, as punishment for various behaviours. There were many reports of some of
these locations being infested with mice and rats.
The cubby hole ... was the worst, if you were bold or wet the bed they put you in there,
in the dark on your knees and you daren’t come out. Sr ...X... said before she put me in
“mind you don’t get eaten by the rats”. There were brushes in there and polish, I can’t
forget that smell. There was someone in there daily.... A lot of my punishment was
because I wasn’t eating.
9.242 Witnesses also reported being separated from their co-residents for periods of time in
bathrooms, on corridors and staircases and alone in dormitories. Reports of isolation included
being confined in these places in the dark, which exacerbated the distress experienced.
Witnesses described hearing the Sister turning the key in the locks of doors and cupboards and
walking away. Seven (7) witnesses reported that they were forgotten about and were rescued
by others in response to their screams. Four (4) witnesses from one School reported being
made to spend the night in an outside shed with the pigs. Another witness reported being
locked into an outside toilet by religious staff and that her cries were heard by a man passing on
the street who came in and drew attention to the fact she was there. She was released by one
of the Sisters who berated her for being silly enough to lock herself in to the toilet and causing
everyone to worry about her.
9.243 In addition to reports of being physically isolated, a number of witnesses reported being
ostracised by co-residents on instruction from religious staff. Witnesses reported being made to
sit apart from co-residents in the classroom and refectory and being ostracised in the
playground:
The priest was told that I was bold and that no one was to talk to me, they were all told
not to talk to me.... There was no one to talk to, no one knew what you were feeling,
there was no one to say “you’re alright”. You would be mortified, the whole School
would know, you would be called out for robbing ...(food)... or talking. The others would
be told not to talk to you, it sounds silly now but it was the fear ...(of being ostracised)....
It was all you had, the cha cha ...(chit chat)... with the others, and then they would be
afraid to talk to you. It was awful, you would be isolated, it was awful.
•
When it came to Sunday they used go out for a walk, I was locked in there ... (small
room)... as a punishment. There was no toilet, no chair to sit on, no running water, if
you needed to go to the bathroom you couldn’t.
Deprivation of identity
9.244 Forty one (41) witnesses reported being deprived of their individual identity in various ways,
including being called by a name other than their own, by an allocated number, or by their
surname. Witnesses reported being told when they were admitted to the School that they would
be called by another name because there was already a resident with their name or because
their name was not a recognised saint’s name. ‘Sr ...X... called me ...Y...(not own name).... My
name wasn’t saintly, so she gave me a different name.’
Reverend Mother never called me my own name, I was ...X.... She said because I
reminded her of a girl who had been there and had left there. I was supposed to be the
living picture of her, so my name was changed from ...X... to ...Y.... She called me her
name.
•
I was always called orphan, the “orphans” this and the “orphans” that. I was never
called my name, I never knew when my birthday was. One time ...on birthday... Sr ...X...
called me and said to me “now you see it, now you don’t.” She dangled this, a bracelet,
in front of me and said it was my birthday. I didn’t know, she took it back.
9.245 The use of a number to identify residents was regularly reported prior to the mid-1960s. The
allocated number was put on the residents’ clothes and was reported by some witnesses to be
the most frequently used form of identification. ‘I was called by ...number.... It took away who I
was, I was never called anything else.’
9.246 Witnesses also reported being punished for certain personal attributes and characteristics, for
example being left-handed or having red hair, which they stated were referred to as ‘signs of the
devil’ by some Sisters. Witnesses said that at times they were punished simply for the way they
looked, and for what was perceived as vanity by religious staff.
I was hit for ... having red curly hair, for nothing ... you were not allowed have curly hair,
you had to have straight hair like Our Lady. Another girl ... she was battered for having
curly hair. I was beaten mercilessly for that, Sr ...X... was a monster, she beat me for it.
... She’d drag you into the office and take her long cane and just beat you and beat you,
she was monster in her heart, she beat me black and blue. She had a bamboo cane 4
foot long, she beat me into pulp. She’d be frothing at the mouth anywhere she could get
me, she wouldn’t stop. She’d say “you curled your hair last night” and when I’d say “yes,
I curled it” she’d stop. I can still hear the cane swooshing, she would hit you anywhere
she could get a lash at you, face, head, hands, back ... because I had curly hair. She
would call me before I’d go to school, she had castor oil, she would press it into my
head, to make it ...(hair)... straight, my face would be swollen from the beatings, the oil
would be running down your face. ... You couldn’t have curly hair.
9.247 Witnesses reported that not being told they had brothers and sisters in the same or adjacent
Schools, in addition to the lack of family contact, contributed to a sense of having no real
identity and of being ‘nobody’. This feeling was compounded by being called by number rather
than their name and having no sense of being part of a family network.
9.248 Many witnesses who had no family contact reported never knowing basic facts about their own
history such as their correct birth name, when their birthday was and where they were born.
Birthdays were reported to have been rarely acknowledged for residents in the Schools before
the 1970s and many witnesses reported being discharged without any information or record
regarding their date or place of birth. They reported being forced by circumstances in later years
to search out the necessary records in order to register their marriage, to apply for a passport
and for other reasons.
It took me years of writing before I found out my own background ... after years and
years of searching and negative responses. I have found out my own family ... it was 25
years of looking. My names are wrong on the paperwork, my mother had registered me
under ...family name.... I have been writing various letters to different departments, even
to Government Departments to find out my own family. I learned last year that the nuns
in ...named School... knew that I was not ...allocated family name.... I was ...actual
family name.... We all went in ...(to the Schools)... for different reasons, I know there
was poverty in Ireland.... When I found the records, from the Courts through the
Freedom of Information, I have been dealing with ...Government Department... for years
and they never told me about my records being wrong, even though they had the
information, they just did not tell me. I found out my mother had been paying for me and
had contact, then I was moved to ...School some distance away and contact was lost....
Punitive aspects of religion

9.249 Fifty three (53) witnesses reported that punitive aspects of religious conviction were emphasised
at considerable emotional cost to them as young people, while they were isolated from all forms
of reassurance and affection. Puberty, menstruation and adolescence provided the context for
abuse reported by witnesses around religious themes. Fear of the devil, hell, eternal damnation
and being told that they were innately ‘bad’ and ‘sinners’ were described as powerful means of
emotional abuse. For example, a witness reported that a nun burnt her with a hot poker so that
she would ‘know what the fires of hell were like’.
9.250 As previously remarked, witnesses who were left-handed or had red hair reported being
persecuted by certain nuns in a small number of Schools. There were reports of witnesses
being stigmatised and being told they were ‘the hand of the devil’, that they were evil and would
burn in hell because they were left-handed. Others reported that their red hair was the subject
of criticism and contempt, that it was cut short and at times kept covered.
She ...(Sr X)... told me I was the devil’s child ...(because of red hair)... and put me into
this room ...(furnace room).... She said “you are the devil’s child, see those flames, you
are like the devil”. I thought it was the devil, and she left me there for ages. It was dark,
and I definitely thought I was going to die. It was the most frightening thing I ever saw
...crying....
•
The worst thing was my period.... When she’d ...(Sister)... beat me, she’d say “I’ll knock
the devil out of you if it’s the last thing I do, your mother is a whore, she is a prostitute”.
When I got my period I thought this was it, it was the devil coming out. When I got my
period, I had to queue, my knickers were all stained and wet. Well, what she ...(Sister)...
did, she took me down to a room, where the younger kids were, all the girls were sitting
there she lifted my dress up and said “you see this, this is the devil coming out of her,
this is what happens when you are like ...surname of witness...”. Those kids would not
play with me. The following time it happened, I was so afraid, I hated it so much that I
robbed knickers from someone else and flushed my own down the toilet.
Bullying
9.251 Ninety six (96) witnesses reported being bullied by older girls who were co-residents in the
Schools. There was a tradition described in the majority of Schools of the ‘older girls’ being in
charge and, at times, having premature responsibility for the care of co-residents. These older
girls were often reported to be about 15 years old and soon to be discharged. They were often
believed to be favourites of the Sisters and known to have special privileges in some Schools.
These particular residents were described as having the freedom to bully younger residents
without fear of reprimand. Some were also described as kind and often had favourites of their
own. They were described as left in charge of groups of children at different times, including:
Sundays, evenings, night and play times, without any supervision by staff.
The older girls, along with the teachers from outside the school were put in charge of
that ...(dormitories)... and life became unbearable. The older girls had to do the laundry
and because I wet the bed every night, when the nuns were gone into pray, we were
flogged. We were beaten with sticks, legs of chairs, twigs, planks, anything, by the older
girls and the teachers ...(lay care staff)... who had to supervise the dormitories, they
didn’t teach in classrooms, we had lovely teachers there. We were beaten, called all
sorts of names, had the hair pulled out of our heads.... We were threatened when we
screamed with pain, with bars of soap stuck in our mouths and towels tied around our
mouths so that the nuns couldn’t hear us screaming whilst they were praying. ... The
older girls would count up to 20 and if you weren’t in bed you got beaten, and they
would count to 20 again and if you weren’t asleep they would beat you again. I would
do anything to avoid these punishments and they used to say “I will let you off the
flogging if I can have your 2 slices of bread and dripping”.... The older girls were sort of
bullies, they used to have dresses of their own, they would wash them and you used to
have to dry them under your sheet with the heat of your body and have them dry by
morning and you got beaten if they weren’t dry in the morning. There was no heating in
the dormitory we used to have to heat their beds and then get into your own cold one.
Knowledge of abuse
9.252 Knowledge of the abuse experienced by residents in Schools was reported as established by
various means. Witnesses reported disclosing abuse to their parents, relatives, and people in
authority both within the institution and outside, including to Gardaı́. A number stated that their
parents made written complaints to the Department of Education about the neglect and abuse of
their children. Witnesses also commented that awareness of abuse arose from direct
observation of abuse as it occurred generally in the presence of staff, co-residents and others. A
number of accounts were heard by the Committee that witnesses were treated by external
medical and nursing staff for injuries resulting from abuse. The outcome of abuse disclosure
ranged from disbelief to investigation, witnesses being punished, perpetrators being moved and
being protected from further harm.

9.253 Three hundred and sixty nine (369) witnesses reported that staff and co-residents observed the
abuse in the Schools, although not all incidents of abuse were directly observed. Relatives as
well as staff and co-residents were considered to be aware of abuse by the observable injuries
incurred by residents as a result of being beaten or assaulted. A number of witnesses described
staff members, relatives and external professionals being visibly shocked by the injuries and
deprivations to which residents were subjected. They reported that, in some instances,
protective action was taken as a result.
Mth ...X... she never liked me. ... She threw the jug of hot water over me over my face. I
started screaming ... and this nun, Sr ...Y..., she was very nice, she was a lovely
person, came along and she took me by the hand up to the infirmary and Sr ...Y...
looked after me. She put something cool and white on my face, she took care of me,
she was a nurse.
9.254 Several witnesses reported overhearing nursing and medical staff discussing both their injuries
and their neglected circumstances when they attended hospital for treatment. A witness recalled
that a nurse in casualty treating her injury following a beating did not believe her when she said
that she had fallen out of a tree. The witness was accompanied by one of the Sisters. She had
been threatened and was afraid to tell the hospital staff that she had been beaten.
9.255 Witnesses reported that the abuse they experienced and the injuries that they sustained were
observed by others within the Schools on a daily basis. The following is a breakdown of those
who witnesses reported as having observed the abuse
• Ancillary workers 91 reports
• Resident Managers 48 reports
• Teaching staff 48 reports.
9.256 Those described as care staff and authority figures were religious and lay staff including care
staff and ancillary workers in what witnesses understood to be positions of authority. Those
referred to as Resident Managers refer to officers in charge and Reverend Mothers, understood
by witnesses to be responsible for the management of the Schools.
9.257 The failure of staff to intervene when a resident was being abused was most often ascribed by
witnesses to the culture of the School that allowed abuse to be an accepted part of life. This
failure on the part of both religious and lay staff to exercise their authority and fulfil a duty of
care and protection to the residents in their charge contributed to enduring anger, described by
a number of witnesses. Two (2) witnesses reported that Sisters in charge of their School
observed the sexually inappropriate behaviour of a local parish priest and advised them that this
priest’s company should be avoided; the priest said Mass in the School and involved himself in
the activities of the residents on a regular basis.
Disclosing abuse
9.258 One hundred and fifteen (115) witnesses (30%) reported that they told someone, either a
parent, relative, staff member, other adult or co-resident about being physically or sexually
abused while they were resident in the Schools. These reports relate to 27 Schools identified to
the Committee. The following table shows those to whom witnesses reported disclosing abuse
during their admission. It indicates the number of reports made to each of the identified groups
by the 115 witnesses.
Table 43: To Whom Abuse Disclosed while Resident – Female Industrial and Reformatory
Schools
To whom disclosed while resident Number of reports
Parents and relatives 50
Religious
- Staff 32
- Resident Manager 10
- Non-staff 1
Lay
- Staff 18
External professionals
- Medical staff 7
- Garda Sı́ochána 7
- Social worker 2
Co-residents 21
Total 148
9.259 As indicated, while the largest number of witness reports of disclosure were to parents and
relatives, the Committee heard 61 reports of abuse being disclosed to the combined categories
of religious and lay staff. In addition to the above information 21 witnesses reported telling co-
residents about their abuse. One gave the following account of what happened following her
disclosure:
My uncle came in one day. I told him I was beaten, he complained to the authorities and
they contacted Sr ...X.... She came into the class one day and that was my first public
beating. She took my clothes off except for my knickers and my shoes and my socks.
She said “can anyone see marks on this child?” and everyone said “no”, and then I got
my first public beating. That became my punishment, a public beating ... with a stick.
9.260 Fourteen (14) witnesses gave accounts of the authorities in the School being spoken to and
challenged about the abuse following disclosure to parents and relatives. As a result they were
subsequently punished either by being beaten, denied family visits or ostracised from their peer
group. Six (6) other witnesses gave reports of written complaints about the abuse being made
by relatives, four of whom were granted early release from the School. The Committee heard
accounts of other parents threatening legal action, including reports to the Gardaı́ or other
authorities. In two instances parents did not return witnesses from weekend or holiday leave and
no further action was taken. The Committee heard isolated accounts of parents being berated,
placated and denigrated by religious staff whom they confronted with allegations of abuse.
9.261 Many witnesses reported being deterred from disclosing abuse for reasons including: threats of
harm to themselves, their siblings or family, general fear and fear of further punishment, threats
of being transferred to a more restrictive institution, the authority of an older person, bullying and
the anticipated disbelief of others. ‘I couldn’t tell anyone, no one believed you, you were told to
shut up.’ Forty nine (49) witnesses reported being told not to tell anyone about the abuse they
experienced and were threatened with further abuse, or on occasion death, if they did.
I remember her ...(mother)... saying “are they good to you?” Sr ...X... was outside the
door and she came in and said “you have to go Mrs ...Y...”. I knew not to say
...(anything about being hit)... you would be beheaded, you would be afraid of your life
to say what was happening to you.
9.262 Witnesses frequently described the prevailing climate of secrecy and denial in the Schools that
acted as a further deterrent. A witness who had been sexually abused reported that she had
never disclosed her abuse, in the belief that she would be sent to a laundry, as a co-resident
had been. Witnesses who were sexually abused also reported that the threat of condemnation,
being blamed for the abuse and the associated humiliation and shame were powerful
disincentives to disclose abuse.
9.263 Witnesses discharged in more recent years reported that there were more opportunities to talk
to external professionals and other adults about what was happening in the Schools, although
they were not always believed and the subsequent interventions did not always have positive
outcomes. Two (2) witnesses who were discharged by the mid-1980s said that their abuse was
addressed by social workers. In one instance, following written representation by her
grandmother, the witness was eventually moved to a different School by a social worker, where
she reported she was happy. Another witness said that despite intervention by their social
worker the abuse continued:
I saw many social workers over the years, they were no help. The first one arranged to
meet us in groups every 2 weeks, the first time we spoke about what was happening it
went back to the nuns, something was said to them by the social worker and we got a
beating. Subsequently we were seen with the nun present. I have seen the social work
record, they took what nuns said as gospel, everything was from their perspective.

9.264 Witnesses reported different responses to their disclosures of abuse including being ignored,
punished, disbelieved or protected. Positive action was also reported as taken by Residents
Managers and others who investigated reports of abuse and in a number of instances dismissed
or transferred staff who were found to have been abusive.
• Sixty eight (68) witnesses reported that their complaint received no response, that
abuse was seen as part of the culture of the institution, was concealed, and
continued.
• Thirty six (36) witnesses reported being beaten for disclosing that they were being
physically or sexually abused.
• Thirty four (34) witnesses reported that their disclosures were dealt with in a positive
manner and the abuse ceased.
9.265 The 36 witnesses who reported being punished for disclosing abuse described various means
by which their disclosures were dealt with. In certain instances protective action was taken in
addition to being punished, while in the majority of instances reported to the Committee
punishment was the only known outcome of disclosure.
I told another girl ...(about sexual abuse)... she told the nuns, 4 of them beat me, they
said I had to go to Confession. I had to say it so loud so that she would hear me
confess my sin, then she knew that I had confessed and they ...(four nuns)... said a
chant over me. They decided a time and place to beat the devil out of you, they didn’t
do it straight away, they made you wait. I always remember her saying ... “you’re a filthy
Communist”, it was the time Kennedy ...(US President)... died. The priest didn’t give me
any penance.
9.266 Other witnesses reported being removed or sent home following disclosure of abuse without any
acknowledgement of what had occurred.
I tried to escape once to tell the police what was going on. They locked all the shutters,
they locked me up and told me “I’ll tell your mam to come and get you”. I wasn’t allowed
eat with the kids for 3 weeks. I wasn’t allowed talk to the other girls. Then they made
arrangements for me to go to my mam. They brought me to the airport. ... Sr ...X... and
Sr ...Y... and she said “you mustn’t say anything about the School”.
9.267 A small number of witnesses reported that when they disclosed abuse by a religious person
they were warned against identifying the abuser and forced to name another person. One
witness reported that following a beating by a nun, who ‘always had a cane hanging out of her’,
her hands were so swollen that she was unable to play the piano. The witness told her music
teacher who was a member of the religious staff about the beating and the nun replied: ‘“She
...Sr X... didn’t, don’t ever say that. It was one of the older girls wasn’t it?” I was not let resume
practice until I said it was an older girl’.
9.268 Positive outcomes of disclosure fell into two main categories: removal or admonishment of the
reported abuser and protection of the witness from further abuse. ‘She ...(Sr X)... was taken out
of there, then the beating stopped.’
There was a Sister there and she caught me eating the butter, I was so hungry. She
caught my head and she banged it and banged it off the churn, and I remember putting
my hand up and there was blood. The next thing I know was I woke up in bed and all
the nuns were coming to see me and bringing me fruit, an apple and an orange, that I
had never seen before. After that I got an easier time, and that nun was sent away. I
never saw her again.
9.269 Eighteen (18) of the 38 witnesses who reported telling their parents that they were being abused
and 17 other witnesses who reported abuse to authority figures within the Schools reported that
their disclosures instigated positive and protective responses including the dismissal of abusive
staff. Witnesses reported that disclosures of abuse to parents was more often believed, but that
parental intervention did not always lead to a cessation of abuse.
I did not get out of the bed for nearly 3 months ...(following severe beating)... and when
I did I found it very hard to walk. The Reverend Mother came up to me after about 2
months and she said “...X... I know who did this.” I said “I’m not going to tell”. She said
“I’ll say the name and then we’ll see about it, you don’t have to tell.” ... Sr ...Y...was
gone out of the home after that, she was gone ... for a certain period ... she
disappeared.
9.270 Following their disclosures of abuse 10 witnesses reported being protected from further abuse
either by being moved to a different area in the School away from the reported abuser, being
transferred from the School to a safe environment or being discharged. Two (2) other witnesses
reported that less severe beatings from religious staff followed an intervention from their
parents. One witness, who told a hospital nurse about being abused, had her hospital admission
extended over the Christmas period.
There was a change with a new Reverend Mother, she took a liking to me and I was
like a pet, she took me in the parlour and gave me cake, it ...(sexual abuse)... all
stopped then.
9.271 Four (4) female witnesses from one School made reference to the positive intervention and
kindness of a member of the clergy who recognised the difficulties they experienced; he was
trusted by the residents and listened to their concerns. The witnesses said that they were not
punished as a consequence of confiding in him. In their view he facilitated changes that were
appreciated; for example he arranged for residents to participate in recreational activities in the
local area and for them to be provided with more fashionable clothes. This member of the clergy
was also reported to have helped several witnesses by arranging supportive holiday families
and employment placements for them, where they thrived. Witnesses said that his intervention
protected them from further abuse.
9.272 Sixteen (16) disclosures made to Resident Managers and external professionals resulted in
abusers being either admonished or removed, or the resident being moved. A witness told a
local priest that she was being sexually abused in her work placement and was moved from the
house the following day and protected from further abuse. In seven instances witnesses
reported Gardaı́ became aware of their abuse and in some instances investigated the reports
made to them. Four (4) reported running away after beatings and were returned to the School
by Gardaı́, who were generally sympathetic. One witness’s father went to the Gardaı́ and she
was returned to the School on the understanding that she would not be beaten again. The
witness said that she was treated better subsequently. Another witness presented herself to the
Gardaı́ and told them she had been abused; they returned her to the School and were critical of
the religious staff for failing to report her absence. A witness from a different School having
disclosed abuse reported the following outcome:
One day I was called to the parlour and Sr ...X (Resident Manager)... was there and
there was a Garda there, he had a hat under his arm, he said to me “I don’t want you to
tell me about anything else just ...Y (ancillary male lay staff)...”. You see I had started to
tell him about Mr ...Z (holiday family father)... who had ...(also)... abused me. He said “I
don’t want you to tell me about that, I only want you to tell me about ...Y...”. I told him
everything that happened. I never saw ...Y... again.

9.273 Witnesses stated that they believed lay care staff and ancillary workers in a number of Schools
were aware that residents were being abused, and that at times they indicated sympathy and
expressions of comfort. However, these lay staff were described by a number of witnesses as
powerless to act as their livelihood depended on the goodwill of the religious Sisters. In other
instances witnesses believed that abuse was part of the culture of the institution and that
residents were powerless to change anything by disclosing mistreatment.
9.274 Seventeen (17) witnesses reported being severely physically abused when they disclosed that
they had been sexually abused by either priests or other members of the clergy, men in families
to whom they were sent for weekends, holidays or to work and members of the general public.
A witness said that she was told ‘wash out your dirty mouth’ when she disclosed being sexually
abused by a priest. When a witness disclosed sexual abuse by a ‘holiday’ father she was told
‘you are making this up about the good people taking you out’. Witnesses reported being
compelled to maintain their silence about abuse they experienced from adults held in high
regard by the religious Sisters.
9.275 There were six reports of witnesses being beaten and punished for other forms of disclosure
including telling inspectors that preparations had been made for their visit and sending a letter of
complaint regarding abuse to a relative. Other witnesses said they were punished for telling
priests that they were abused, one of these disclosures was in Confession. A further witness
stated that she was punished for telling the Resident Manager about a religious Sister who had
beaten a resident.
9.276 Following their disclosures of abuse a small number of witnesses reported being ostracised and
isolated from both staff and co-residents, three others reported being transferred to a more
isolated School.
Sr ...X... she beat me inhuman, she tore me hair out, a big tuft of hair. I picked the hair
up and put it underneath the stage and got out through the window and headed to my
father. I said “Dad please help me I can’t take anymore”. ... The policeman come
knocking at the door. He ...(witness’s father)... showed the hair to the policeman and the
bruises all on my body.... he said “how can anyone do that?” ...The policeman said “you
bring her back on your word” to my father ...(who lived nearby).... He brought me
back.... When I went back in she Sr ...X... told the girls my father was dirt and he was
this and that, none was to speak to me. ... So I was like a hermit, done me chores, went
to bed in the dormitory and no one could talk to me.
Witnesses response to abuse

9.277 Witnesses reported a range of personal responses to being abused, often reporting more than
one response:
• Two hundred and eighty five (285) witnesses reported fear as their main response to
being abused; 251 of those witnesses specifically described staff using their status
and authority to intimidate and bully the residents.
• One hundred and ninety three (193) witnesses reported that they did not know what
to do and felt powerless to act, with no one to talk to or protect them.
• One hundred and forty six (146) witnesses who reported becoming withdrawn or
mute in the context of ongoing abuse stated that they were afraid of telling anyone
what was happening to them. Witnesses described ‘trying to be invisible’ in order to
avoid the attention of anyone who might hit or otherwise abuse them.
• Forty three (43) witnesses reported that they ran away or absconded from the School
generally in the context of being severely physically and/or sexually abused. A further
16 witnesses attempted to run away but were either caught or prevented from doing
so.
• Seventeen (17) witnesses reported having suicidal thoughts, 12 of whom reported
actively harming themselves while they were resident in the Schools. All attempts of
reported self-harm followed episodes of physical, sexual or emotional abuse. Most
accounts of suicidal thoughts or wishes related to situations where witnesses
described themselves as hoping the abuse would end, not being believed and feeling
fearful and helpless. Forms of reported self-harm included taking an overdose of
tablets, attempted drowning, refusing to eat, ingesting objects and poisonous
substances, jumping from heights, and self-harm by mutilation or burns.
• Eight (8) witnesses reported that they developed eating disorders or feigned illness,
which in some instances led to hospitalisation.
One day I thought I would poison myself. ... I sat down one day all on my own
...crying... and I got a bundle of haws and started putting them in my mouth and I said
“maybe God will take me” ...crying.... ... It didn’t work. In the month of the poor souls I
always prayed that someone would come and take me ...(wishing would die)....
•
Sometimes the window would be open, and I’d say “I’ll jump out the window if you touch
me again”. One time I said “I’m going to drop down to the concrete and kill myself if you
touch me”. I got 3 weeks of beatings for that.
•
One day ... I got a beating. I thought I’m going to end up killing myself, I can’t take any
more, I wanted to kill myself. We went out and walked along by the railway tracks and
walked along waiting for the train to come to throw myself under it. If I seen a train ... I’d
be ready for a coffin....
9.278 Other responses to abuse described by witnesses included: bed-wetting, self-blame,

suppression of anger, crying and becoming withdrawn. ‘I went into myself after that ...(severe
beating)... sort of gave up, never talked to anyone, went into myself. I stopped talking.’ Many
witnesses reported that they had not bed-wet prior to their admission and considered bed-
wetting to be a response to being abused.
I was getting terrible lashings. Sometime it would be 2 nuns, sometimes it would be
one, you got the stick, the cane. I did not know why they were lashing me and then I
realised it was for wetting the bed.... I had started to wet the bed.... There would be
nights I wouldn’t sleep for fear I would wet the bed.
9.279 A witness who had experienced consistent abuse in a School reported that she deliberately
remained in contact with the staff and residents after she was discharged and continued to visit
the School where she had been placed for many years ‘to keep an eye on things for the
younger kids’.
9.280 Ten (10) witnesses reported that they intervened to protect another resident, sometimes their
sister or brother, from being beaten and others described instances of spontaneous assertion in
retaliation to being abused, including both physically and verbally challenging their abuser.
Assertive responses resulted at times in protection from further beatings and at other times
witnesses were punished, isolated or transferred to other institutions. Some witnesses described
feeling relief when they stood up for themselves.
I stood up for myself, I had to fight back or I wouldn’t have come out alive.
•
They put me into a kind of detention room after that ...(confrontation with religious
Sister).... For a week I was on my own.... I said to myself maybe it’s me causing the
trouble. I kinda went in on myself after that.
•
I just rebelled and I tore off her veil and called her a bloody old bitch. She dragged me
off by the hair, she said “that’s the last of you”. She ran off up the corridor and I knew I
was in for it then, she always threatened ...(that)... she would get rid of me and she did.
She sent me off that night to ...named laundry....
9.281 In summary, this chapter has provided an overview of abuse reported to the Committee by 378
female witnesses in relation to Schools over a 74-year period between 1914 and 1988. The
reported abuse was differentiated by type and presented accordingly with direct quotes from
witnesses, some of whom were recounting their experiences of abuse for the first time.
Witnesses also gave accounts of the circumstances in which the abuse occurred and the
traumatic impact of their experiences both at the time and as they were recalled. In addition, the
information provided about the status and occupations of those who were reported abusers is
included with witness accounts of what they believe was known about the abuse they
experienced at the time.
9.282 The following two chapters will provide information on positive memories and experiences in the
Schools and the current life circumstances, including the enduring impact of abuse, reported by
the 791 male and female witnesses.

Chapter 10
Positive memories and experiences –

male and female witnesses
10.01 In addition to reporting abuse many witnesses wished to emphasise positive aspects of the care
they received in Industrial and Reformatory Schools. They commented that memories of
kindness remained with them for many years.
Details of good memories

10.02 Accounts of care, kindness, attention and support provided by individual religious and lay staff
were given in evidence by both male and female witnesses. Such experiences included
incidents and encounters both within the School and in the wider community.
Kind staff
10.03 Two hundred and eighty four (284) witnesses, 168 male and 116 female, recounted the
kindness of individual religious and lay staff. The witness description most often reported was
the absence of physical abuse, ‘He did not hit’ and ‘she didn’t hit girls or scream at them’ were
typical of remarks by witnesses regarding kind members of the religious staff. Other acts of
kindness by religious and lay staff reported to the Committee included being given extra food,
spoken to kindly, shown affection, having a blind eye turned to behaviour others would report,
creating a positive environment and being called by one’s first name rather than by a number or
surname. Another kindness was being allowed to have pets particularly cats and dogs as
occasionally reported. Other witnesses commented on the special attention they received from
individual staff that continued over a number of years and was of lasting benefit.
Br ...X... he seemed to have an understanding of us, he was the best one I met in my
life. I felt safe with him, he didn’t wear the strap like a 6 gun, ready to shoot everyone,
compared to the others he was kind. He was able to help with my reading and he would
put a mark saying “well done!”
•
One very, very kind person, she was Sr ...X... she was old, a lovely person. I have great
memories of her. She would come in to call us, open up the curtains and she would be
singing in the morning. She was lovely to us, she wasn’t long there.
•
The kindest thing that ever happened to me was a nurse, she was called ...Ms X... we
were all around saying the Rosary and she put a sweet in my hand, one sweet. I didn’t
want to eat the sweet I wanted to hold on to it, somebody gave me something,
somebody was kind. It became a regular thing about once a week, one sweet. I began
to look forward to it....
10.04 Witnesses also reported that kind religious staff offered protection by assigning them chores in
areas where they were less likely to be hit and rescuing them from beatings by other staff. Other
positive memories described by witnesses were of religious staff interacting with residents in a
friendly manner and demonstrating concern about their distress and injuries.
10.05 There were several religious Sisters and Brothers mentioned with affection by witnesses from
different Schools. One Brother who was named by eight witnesses was reported to have
supervised the residents on Sundays and encouraged them to talk to him. He was described as
often giving sweets to those who were crying or upset and speaking kindly to them. Six (6)
female witnesses from one School recalled a Sister who had been caring and kind throughout
their time spent in the institution. It was remarked that acts of kindness were generally
demonstrated in private. Words of encouragement and praise were remembered warmly by
witnesses as rare experiences and were usually reported to have been associated with
particular named staff members.
One Brother was kind and used to give me a bit of a boost, when playing football he’d
say “you’re good”.
•
Sr ...X... who worked in the laundry was kind, if I got coal for her she would say “you’re
a good girl” and “thank you”, such was the level of deprivation that one word of kindness
was remarkable. Sr ...Y... who worked in the kitchen was also kind, she gave bread
dipped in gravy.
•
One nun she was absolutely lovely, I am a nurse today because of her, she was the
nun in the infirmary, she would get you something and say “don’t say a word”.
•
They were not all bad – there was one Brother he was an old man, he was. When he
got his food he would take it out of his pocket and give it to us, bread and butter it was
lovely it was. He was a lovely old man.
•
It was kinda safe around him, I used to like going for walks with him; no one else could
touch you when you were out with him.
•
A nun would call girls over and give them food out of her pocket and say “there
creatureen, run”.
10.06 Sixteen (16) witnesses reported enjoying kind treatment from lay and religious staff when they
were ill. Being treated gently and with consideration was noted by witnesses in contrast to the
more familiar experience of staff as critical, unfriendly and frequently abusive. Witnesses from a
number of Schools recalled the kindness and attention they received from lay female nurses.
One nurse was mentioned by several male witnesses as a trusted confidant to whom residents
could talk without fear and who, at times, acted as an advocate on their behalf.
10.07 Witnesses identified 98 lay staff as kind, attentive and helpful including teachers, nurses, care
staff and ancillary workers. Witnesses particularly commented on the positive influence of those
lay care staff and ancillary workers who lived outside the confines of the School. There were
numerous reports of these staff members inviting residents to their homes and introducing a
lighter atmosphere to the everyday routine and work environment. Witnesses also commented
on a sense of safety that existed when these lay staff were around. Four (4) male witnesses
said that the spouses of lay staff provided extra food and were kind to residents when the
opportunity arose. One female witness stated that contact with these lay staff ‘Let you believe
life could be different’.
10.08 The encouragement and kindness of some lay classroom teachers was recalled with
appreciation by 41 male and 17 female witnesses. These reports referred both to teachers
within the Schools and others who taught residents attending local primary, secondary and
technical schools in the community. ‘Teachers who treated us without prejudice were a joy’.
The lay teachers encouraged you to do homework, they had hope in you, they wanted
you to do well.
10.09 Particular lay care staff, including some who were former residents of the School, were
described by 25 female witnesses as kind and protective: ‘she understood, she would not report
you’. However, witnesses also remarked that kind staff did not stay long or that they changed
their behaviour and attitude as they were assimilated into the culture of the institution.
Witnesses discharged from the mid-1970s increasingly described lay staff as promoting changes
in the conditions in the Schools and attempting to offer protection from abuse.
Some lay staff were a good team, they used to fight ...(for residents).... I heard them
fighting on the phone with Sr ...X (Resident Manager)... for better things for the kids.
10.10 Fifteen (15) male and 16 female witnesses from different Schools reported that a change of
Resident Manager or other person regarded as being in a position of special authority led to a
decrease in abuse and an improvement in the general routine and care. Witnesses remarked on
the relief experienced when new Resident Managers changed practices of communal bathing
and showering and made provision for residents to have more privacy. Six (6) of those reports
related to the period prior to 1960. Improvements reported in the 1970s included increased
contact between siblings and family members, less physical punishment, a change from
dormitories to small cubicles with more privacy, better hygiene practices, attending schools in
the local town and being part of activities in the local area. All of these changes were described
as having positive benefit.
They took down our names and date of birth. My older sister told them my birth date,
she knew as older sisters would. My birth date was written “unknown”. “Anything about
this child known?” It was written down “unknown”. I was being treated for a heart
problem before I went ... it was written down “unknown”. I was given a number ... and
there I was given a name I didn’t know. The head nun changed after a year and a half
and she looked through the records and noticed I didn’t have a name or anything and
got my birth date and my name, I had had no name for a year.
Community contact
10.11 Eighty five (85) witnesses described their involvement in local activities such as attending school
in the local town, Feis Cheoil and sporting competitions, Irish dancing, choir practice, music,
outings and seaside holidays. The benefit of seeing the world outside the institution and having
the opportunity to make friends with peers who were not part of the institutional system was
emphasised by many witnesses.
10.12 Film shows were reported as a regular and popular pastime in the boys Schools with 109
witness accounts of either watching films in the School or attending local cinemas. Films were
described by witnesses as providing a welcome escape from the daily reality of institutional life
and respite from being hit, especially in Schools where the film shows were also attended by
local townspeople. Both male and female witnesses also commented on the positive experience
of holidays and day trips to the beach from the Schools.
10.13 Nineteen (19) male witnesses reported positive memories of playing in the School band and/or
singing in School choirs. They stated that, in addition to developing valuable skills, this
involvement contributed towards a more positive self-image. Witnesses reported opportunities to
travel for performances, at times meeting families who treated them kindly and exposed them to
different ways of life.
10.14 Christmas activities were described by a number of witnesses as memorable. The provision of
better food, presents and the experience of a more relaxed atmosphere were all remarked on as
good memories of Christmas by both male and female witnesses. Witnesses from a small
number of Schools reported that considerable effort was put into arranging festivities and
entertainment, usually in conjunction with organisations from the locality. Occasions when there
were inspections or special visitors were also mentioned as enjoyable and memorable because
of the availability of extra food and a festive atmosphere.
10.15 The kindness of local people was remembered by 20 witnesses. Some local shopkeepers were
mentioned for giving residents sweets or ice cream. One witness stated that when one of the
Sisters sent her to the local shop to get a dozen new canes the shopkeeper broke the canes on
his knee in front of her and told her to tell the Sisters he had none left.
10.16 The kindness of external clergy from the local community was remembered by a small number
of witnesses and left a lasting impression. One member of the clergy was reported by several
witnesses to use his influence to modify conditions for residents within the School and
attempted to ensure their protection.
The priest, who used to come in ...(to the School)... he came up and gave me 10
shillings, and a word of kindness. I don’t know how he knew I was going ...(being
discharged)... and he didn’t want anything for it. It was such an act of kindness, the
nuns gave me 2/6 pence and no word of anything. The bus fare was 4/6 pence, had it
not been for him, he probably changed a lot of lives by his act of kindness. I knew there
was someone in the world who had been kind, just ...(that)... one act of kindness.
Weekend and holiday families

10.17 Seventy five (75) witnesses, 28 male and 47 female, reported on the positive experience of
regular visits to weekend and ‘holiday’ families, also known as ‘foster’ families and ‘godparents’,
which were facilitated by those in charge of the Schools. Witnesses reported that visits to these
families provided an experience of family life, with appropriate care and attention that in many
instances has lasted to the present day. Contact with ‘godparents’ and ‘foster’ and ‘holiday’
families were regarded by some witnesses as protective as they had access to someone
outside the School.
10.18 The positive experience of becoming involved in family life, forming attachments and having
relationships outside the School in a non-abusive environment was commented on by many
witnesses. Further positive memories of ‘holiday’ family contact included the experience of
respect for privacy in matters of self-care, being given new and fashionable clothes, receiving
Christmas and birthday presents, and having better and more plentiful food. ‘Godparents’,
‘holiday’, work placement and foster families were also reported by a number of witnesses as
acting as advocates for them and as challenging punitive decisions made by the religious staff
concerning witnesses. Twenty eight (28) witnesses described being treated as a member of the
family and reported being given assistance to pursue further education and training.
My first job, the people ...(work placement family)... were very nice, they were very good
to me. Br ...X... fixed up all that, they took me everywhere. They took me out for meals.
They were like a mother and father....
•
Going out to “godmother’s” family opened my eyes to how life could be, they were very
kind and fought to keep the contact when the nuns stopped it because they thought I
was spoilt ... they saved my sanity.
Family contact
10.19 Seventy one (71) witnesses, 32 male and 39 female, reported that contact with their own
parents, siblings and relatives was a positive experience that was greatly valued. Annual
holidays spent with family at Christmas or summer as well as visits from parents, grandparents
and other family members were regarded as something to look forward to and were reported by
witnesses to be a protective factor against beatings. Further, ongoing family contact after
admission was consistently emphasised by witnesses as having a positive influence on
reintegration with their families after discharge. The positive value of letters, parcels and other
chance contacts such as meeting and seeing brothers and sisters while out walking or in the
church were also recalled as positive memories by witnesses.
The family was supportive and kept in contact, visits, parcels, and summer holidays
home. I went back home.
10.20 Efforts made by parents and relatives to visit and stay in contact with witnesses, following
admission to the Schools, were also retained as good memories. A number of witnesses were
aware during their stay in the Schools that their parents and/or relatives made considerable
efforts to maintain contact with them and support them while they were there. Others became
fully aware in recent years of the efforts made in this regard.
Mam always came to visit us during school holiday, Christmas and Easter and that. She
was working in London.
Response to disclosure
10.21 Eighty (80) witnesses, 46 male and 34 female, reported that when they disclosed abuse, their
complaints were dealt with in a positive manner and generally the abuse ceased. Disclosures of
abuse were made to parents, relatives, siblings, external professionals, gardaı́, religious and lay
staff including Resident Mangers and others in positions of authority. The relief of being listened
to and believed was described by witnesses as a turning point in their experience of being in the
Schools. Positive responses to disclosures of abuse included being moved from the situation
where the abuse occurred, having reports of abuse taken up formally by parents and relatives
through written representations to the Department of Education and confronting religious staff in
charge of the Schools regarding the reported abuse. Further positive responses to these
interventions included early discharge from the Schools, the dismissal or admonishment of
abusive staff and the cessation of further abuse.
I told my mother about a lot of the abuse. She wrote in to the Minister and she
conveyed my complaints and she got a letter back to say “in view of the circumstances I
am releasing ...witness... to the custody of his mother”.
10.22 At times positive outcomes were reported to have occurred as a direct response to the
disclosure and in other instances witnesses reported that they were initially punished but that
subsequently the abuse ceased, their abuser left or they were granted an early discharge. One
witness reported that she was regularly beaten by the lay teacher in the outside school she
attended. She reported that the Resident Manager visited her classroom and successfully
confronted the teacher, following which the abuse stopped.
Friendship
10.23 Forty nine (49) witnesses, 18 male and 31 female, reported that friendships with co-residents
were an important and positive experience for them during their time in the Schools. Many
described establishing strong friendship bonds with co-residents that are maintained to the
present day. Some witnesses who had no known family contact described these friends and
former co-residents as their ‘real family’. Twenty three (23) witnesses also described the
importance of friendships with boys and girls from the local towns who were in class with them
or who they met through sport or other activities. They recounted positive memories of
classmates who were friendly towards them in the playground, invited them to their homes, to
attend birthday parties and who gave them comics, sweets and small gifts.
10.24 Thirty one (31) female witnesses from eight Schools gave varying accounts of ongoing
friendship networks including some who meet regularly and support each other through life
crises. A number of witnesses were accompanied to the Committee by women who had been
their childhood friends and others who provided support to them when they were first discharged
from the Schools many years ago. Witnesses described the importance of their friendships with
men and women who ‘really understand what it was like to have been there’. Other witnesses
described the enormous sense of loss they experienced when discharges precluded the
opportunity to say goodbye to their friends.
Never being able to say goodbye to your friends, that is my real tragedy, it haunts me to
this day. All these years wondering what has happened to them are they alive, are they
dead? We were so close, we were as close as sisters.
Work
10.25 A number of witnesses described the experience of working on the farms and in the kitchens as
a positive memory. Twenty (20) male witnesses reported that farm work was a sanctuary for
them as they were left alone and enjoyed the work. A number of the witnesses described the
farmyards and fields as places of safety ‘away from the battering’ that also provided access to
extra food.
Potato picking was not too bad because there was a big fire at the end and you could
cook the potatoes, we did it for local farmers and got half a crown at the end of it.
10.26 Other aspects of work were reported by witnesses as positive experiences. For example, one
witness enjoyed ploughing with workhorses kept on the School’s farm and another had a
particular talent for handling animals. Witnesses commented on the pleasure they got from
working alongside kind staff in these areas. One witness described looking forward to the days
when she worked on the School’s farm:
She ...(Sr X)... gave me extra eggs and potatoes and I always remember the good
feeling I had ...(working with her)....
10.27 A number of female witnesses mentioned caring for young children as a valued opportunity to
relate affectionately to another person. In this context 14 female witnesses recalled with
fondness older girls who cared for and protected them when they were young and in a small
number of instances reported maintaining contact with them in the years since.
Post-discharge
10.28 In addition to routine assistance received from staff when they were being discharged, seven
male and 29 female witnesses reported receiving further assistance from religious and lay staff
when they got into personal or employment difficulties after leaving the School. The witnesses
emphasised how important this help was to them and remember with gratitude the assistance
they received. A number of witnesses reported being rescued from homelessness and were
offered temporary accommodation in the School. There were a number of reports of alternative
employment being found for witnesses by the staff in such circumstances where their first job
was not satisfactory.
Following discharge... We had to write back to them, report back to them, and if we
were in need of a job we had to report back to them again. We had no other place to
turn, the only place we could turn was back there. I finally wrote back to Mother ...X...
and told her the situation. “Come back” she said “you could probably do with a couple of
days, come back. You can stay here and we’ll have a chat about a job” she said. I gave
in my notice and went back, for 6 months I think. They were very nice to me when I got
back and she said “what kind of a job would you like?” ... (Placed by religious staff in
satisfactory alternative employment)
•
This man...(named priest)... approached me, he said “have you got a job?”...he said “I
run a boys’ hostel”, he took us to the boys’ home and he made a phone call. Then he
called us and put us on the bus and the first stop was the General Post Office in
London. He took us in to the post office and he had a word with the manager, he...
(manager)... called us in one by one and said “you just have been released from the
Free State Army... what time would you like to start?” I said “what shifts have you? I’ll
take the one at night time. I’ll start tonight. He said “you’re not in the country a day
yet”...The priest got all 12 of us jobs...5 bob a week in the hostel, all meals threw in. I
stayed 2 and a half years.
10.29 Three (3) witnesses who had early unplanned pregnancies reported being given shelter and
support by the Schools while their babies were young. One witness reported that, shortly after
her discharge, she and her family were given financial assistance to return to Ireland from poor
circumstances in the UK. Others reported being assisted to find employment in the local area
when they could not settle further away. A small number of female witnesses reported having
maintained contact with individual religious Sisters over many years, receiving gifts when they
got married and being assisted to finish their education and pursue careers. ‘The staff were kind
to me on the whole. They sent me a cheque when I married.’
Care and education provided

10.30 A small number of witnesses were appreciative of the staff that cared for them even though they
wished to make clear that they also experienced abuse in the Schools. ‘They gave children a
great life, they did not mean what they did, no matter how cruel they were, where would I have
been without them?’ Some witnesses expressed the view that the religious and lay staff in
charge of them probably did the best they could under difficult circumstances and four witnesses
said that in retrospect, they appreciated the sense of security provided by being contained in an
institutional environment when they were young.
10.31 Witnesses discharged since the mid-1970s more frequently commented on having positive
experiences during their stay in Schools. Some witnesses reported on general improvements in
the standards of care and assistance received from staff. Examples of improvements in the
standards of care included the establishment of group homes on the grounds of some Schools
and the increased likelihood of siblings being admitted and remaining together. There were nine
witness reports of the positive experience of living in a small mixed group in the care of trained
lay care staff. Witnesses from some Schools reported other positive changes in the way they
were prepared for discharge, including access to ‘pre-leaving’ care groups, which were designed
to train residents for independent living, for example learning how to budget, cook or pay bills.
10.32 Twenty male (20) and 32 female witnesses commented on the positive value of the education
and training they received in the classrooms and trade workshops from lay and religious
teachers. In later years there were more frequent reports of support for regular school
attendance and further education that was also appreciated.
The education was good there, I’ve got to be honest. It depends on how you are
yourself. What I mean by education ... you had the opportunities there, you had day
school and night school.... You had the carpenters shop there, you had the shoemakers
shop there, the garden and the farmers, there was a tailors shop there too.

Chapter 11
Current circumstances
11.01 The Acts allowed the Committee to hear both evidence of child abuse and the continuing effects
on the witnesses.1 This chapter refers to the adult life circumstances of the 413 male and 378
female former residents of the Industrial and Reformatory Schools who reported to the
Committee regarding their experiences of childhood abuse. It summarises the information
provided by witnesses during their hearings about a range of life experiences including
relationships, parenting, family contact, occupational status, accommodation, health status and
enduring effects on family and personal life.
Relationships
11.02 Many witnesses stated that their childhood experience of abuse and emotional deprivation
inhibited their capacity to form stable, secure and nurturing relationships in adult life. However,
despite the emotional difficulties described by both male and female witnesses, a high
proportion of them reported being married or in long-term relationships that were described as
mostly happy, often enduring despite severe difficulties.
11.03 At the time of their hearing 388 of the 791 witnesses (49%), 203 male and 185 female, reported
being married, 343 of those marriages were reported to be of between 20 and 60 years’
duration. An additional 70 witnesses, 40 male and 30 female, reported being in stable non-
marital relationships, including 10 same-sex partnerships, seven of which were male and three
were female. See the following table for details:
Table 44: Status and Duration of Witnesses’ Relationship at the Time of Hearing – Male
and Female Industrial and Reformatory Schools
Duration 0–19 years 20–39 years 40–59 years Total %
Status of Males Females Males Females Males Females
relationship
Married 11 34 144 128 48 23 388 49
Single 16 16 38 24 36 2 132 17
Separated 26 36 9 7 0 0 78 10
Co-habiting 34 27 6 3 0 0 70 9
Divorced 16 25 9 15 0 1 66 8
Widowed 16 32 3 5 0 0 56 7
Unavailable 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 (0)
Total 119 170 209 182 84 27 791 100
11.04 When reading the above table it is of note that at the time of their hearing 401 witnesses (51%),
240 male and 161 female, were aged over 60 years, and a further 298 witnesses (38%), 131
male and 167 female, were aged between 50 and 60 years.
1
Sections 1(1), 4(1)(a) and 16 as amended by sections 3, 4 and 11 of the 2005 Act.

11.05 Many witnesses reported that they got married within five years of being discharged from the
School, often to their first boyfriend or girlfriend. Witnesses described their partners providing a
sense of connectedness and stability they had not previously experienced and showing them
the first real kindness they had ever known. ‘I was grateful someone wanted me, no one had
before’. A large number of witnesses talked about their good fortune to have married partners
whose families were supportive and kind, including them in a family network for the first time.
Many witnesses acknowledged being difficult to live with but that their partners’ support and
understanding allowed their relationships to be maintained.
11.06 One hundred and eighty two (182) witnesses (23%), 107 male and 75 female, reported being
unable to express their feelings to their partner. In addition to the abuse experienced by
witnesses, the negative attitudes to normal physical and sexual development experienced during
their childhood was described as having a detrimental impact on personal relationships. Some
witnesses reported that, not having experienced any demonstrations of affection as children, they
were now unable to show affection but had partners who understood or accepted this difficulty.
11.07 Seventy two (72) witnesses, 19 male and 53 female, reported sexual difficulties as a significant
problem in their experience of close relationships. Sixteen (16) witnesses, six male and 10
female, stated that their childhood experiences of being sexually abused contributed to
confusion about sexual orientation.
11.08 Witnesses were frank in their descriptions of themselves as unprepared for marriage and family
life. They reported on their difficulties dealing with emotional demands and the expectations of
physical affection and sexual intimacy in the absence of any previous experience of affectionate
attachment. Many male witnesses who married described the ‘wilderness’ of relationships with
others, in particular with their spouse and subsequently with their children and extended
families:
The worst thing was not being able to relate to others, not knowing how to give and
receive love. I didn’t know what love was.
•
When I came out ...(discharged)... I was 16, I was really one year old. I couldn’t cope, I
couldn’t handle it. I know where it all went wrong, emotionally I’m a cripple.
11.09 Eighty (80) witnesses, 19 male and 61 female, reported having unhappy or, at times,
‘disastrous’ first marriages followed by happier, more stable and complementary partnerships in
later years. These witnesses often reported that they married at a young age and acknowledged
being too immature to cope with the demands of commitment, family life and intimacy. Many
also acknowledged that poor partner choices reflected their immaturity, lack of supportive
networks and their overwhelming desire for a companion. A female witness stated: ‘I got married
for something to call my own.... I knew once you were married they couldn’t get you back’. Many
female witnesses said that they married in the context of unplanned pregnancy and ten
witnesses reported marrying before they were 20 years old in such circumstances.
11.10 Seventy eight (78) of the 413 male witnesses described being in long-term relationships that
were marked by difficulties related to their own behaviour and personality traits such as the
need to be alone, difficulty expressing affection, physical and verbal aggression, sexual
difficulties, moodiness and an inability to provide materially for their families:
It’s a darkness that they gave me. I live alone, my family don’t come near me.... My
children don’t know me. ... I couldn’t relate in a normal context to my family. I didn’t
know when I married my wife that I wasn’t capable of being a husband, I was 19. ... I
knew I was not good enough.... I was no father at all. I remember asking “why, why did
this happen to me?”
•
I have 2 families... (children with 2 partners)...I find it hard to stay in the relationship.
That’s it, that’s the problem. I can’t seem to settle down for long, you want to be on your
own a lot. Some nights when I’m home I stay in my room a lot, I like to be on my own. I
never talk about it I keep it all to myself. I never see anyone from the school, it would
remind you too much of it. I do get depressed at times.
11.11 One hundred and forty four (144) witnesses, 60 male and 84 female, reported that their
marriages had broken down. Domestic violence, combined with emotional and sexual difficulties,
was cited as a precipitating factor in most of these instances. Seventy eight (78) of those
witnesses, 35 male and 43 female, were separated and the other 66 witnesses said that their
marriages had ended in divorce.
11.12 Violence was reported to be a significant feature in the relationships of both male and female
witnesses. Sixty seven (67) male witnesses stated that their relationships were dominated by
their physically abusive behaviour towards their partners, and 49 of those witnesses stated that
their violent behaviour was associated with alcohol abuse. Thirteen (13) other male witnesses
reported that their marriages, either current or previous, had been marked by their violent
behaviour but that time and intervening circumstances had facilitated change and that their
relationships had improved.
11.13 Sixty four (64) female witnesses reported being in relationships where there were ongoing
difficulties related to domestic violence, alcohol abuse, and issues related to control and
authority. Some witnesses described their own contribution to these violent relationships through
their tendency to be angry, quick-tempered, and verbally and physically aggressive. Thirty (30)
female witnesses reported being physically aggressive or violent towards others, including their
partners. Others described marrying men who controlled their lives, who taunted them about
their background in an institution and perpetuated the type of abusive relationships they had
previously experienced. Twenty (20) of the female witnesses who remained in violent
relationships said they were accustomed to a level of aggression; as one witness commented:
‘You think everyone is going to hit you’. Many female witnesses reported that they regarded
being hit as an unavoidable feature of interpersonal contact. Female witnesses who remained in
unhappy marriages reported doing so for many reasons, including a sense of responsibility to
provide their children with more stability and security than they themselves had experienced in
childhood.
11.14 A number of male and female witnesses said that they were in long-term relationships but were
unable to make a commitment in marriage, fearing they would be ‘trapped again’ as they felt
they had been in the institution. Witnesses stated that other reasons for avoiding the
commitment of marriage were a fear of being exposed as ‘illegitimate’ and as having been
reared in an institution. Witnesses spoke about being able to maintain a veil of secrecy about
their background as a single person, which they feared losing if they married:
I made all kinds of excuses as why I didn’t want to get married ... the truth was it meant
I would have to show my birth certificate and I was ashamed of that ... anything rather
than he find out I was illegitimate, because he was a nice middle class
...(professional)....
11.15 One hundred and thirty nine (139) witnesses, 83 male and 56 female, reported life-long isolation
and loneliness, often describing themselves as ‘married loners’, despite being in long-term
relationships and having children. The inability to form or sustain intimate, trusting relationships
was described as the inevitable result of affectionless and often violent childhoods. The wife of
one witness who attended the hearing with her husband said that she lived with a ‘stranger’ and
never really knew her husband. Other companions described the isolated lives some witnesses
led, for example:
It’s the middle of the night he ...(witness)... wakes up with these mad screams. ... He
spends the greater part of his life in his room, he comes down and brings his meals up,
if he falls asleep the children can hear him scream.
11.16 There were 132 witnesses who were single at the time of their hearing, of whom 72 males and
36 females reported having never married or formed any stable relationships. A number of male
witnesses reported outwardly successful lives that they maintained by moving around while
avoiding attachments. Others, both male and female, reported living quiet, isolated existences
that suited them, having struggled for years to fit into a more mainstream life: ‘they locked me
up inside myself and threw away the key’.
11.17 A further 32 male and 26 female witnesses described themselves as having been in
relationships for periods of time but were unable to sustain a commitment to their partners. A
small number of male witnesses described living a nomadic existence, working on farms and
building sites. Some married for a short time but could not sustain the commitment and reported
abusing drugs and alcohol as a coping mechanism for painful and intrusive memories:
The skills I had honed in ...named School... how to hide and not show feelings, were a
disadvantage in adult life outside. I could not sustain relationships, express my feelings.
I was closed off.
11.18 Both male and female witnesses reported that the past had been locked away until media
publicity in the 1990s forced memories back into awareness. Thirty nine (39) witnesses, 18 male
and 21 female, reported that they had never disclosed details of their abuse to their partners or
told anyone about their past until their hearing with the Committee. Disclosure to spouses,
partners and family members in recent years was reported to have had varying effects on family
relationships. Witnesses reported that talking about their traumatic childhoods allowed some of
their families to understand their troubled and at times disturbed behaviour. Spouses and adult
children who attended hearings as companions often stated that it was easier to cope with
aggressive or withdrawn behaviour when they had some understanding of the witness’s
background. For other witnesses the public reminder of their past increased pressure on already
fragile relationships. A number of witnesses stated that the open acknowledgement of their
abuse made everyday life more difficult as it reactivated feelings of pain and anger. A number of
companions acknowledged a history of disturbed family relationships that had a traumatic effect
on their own lives:
He would have terrible violence with the drink. He would always provide for us, we
never went without. My dad had a problem with alcohol, my dad beat me and my mum,
he was very violent. He loved me but he didn’t know how to show it.
Parenting
11.19 The amount of information provided about family life and parenting varied considerably among
the male and female witnesses. Many witnesses spoke frankly about their experiences as
parents while others did not provide much information about this aspect of their lives. Six
hundred and fifty three (653) male and female witnesses (83%) reported having parented and/or
reared children. This number included witnesses’ own biological children and non-biological
children who were reared as their own, including a number of fostered and adopted children.
11.20 Three hundred and nineteen (319) male witnesses (77%) reported having children, with family
size varying between one and 11 children. Fifty (50) witnesses reported having six children or
more and the average family size reported by male witnesses was four children.
11.21 Three hundred and thirty four (334) female witnesses (88%) reported having children. Family
size varied between one and 15 children, with 31 witnesses having six children or more. The
average family size reported by female witnesses was three children.
11.22 The Committee were told that in total, 653 witnesses parented 2,158 children. These include
both non-biological children raised by some witnesses and biological children who were raised
without the witnesses’ support, some of whom were adopted or placed in out-of-home care.
• Forty three (43) female witnesses reported rearing their children as lone parents.
• Thirty six (36) female witnesses reported placing children for adoption shortly after
birth. The witnesses reported that 42 of their children were placed for adoption.
Twenty seven (27) of the reported adoptions were of children born to women within
three years of their discharge from the School system.
• Sixteen (16) children of nine female witnesses were reported to have been placed in
out-of-home care, either with extended family members or in residential or foster
care.
• Nine (9) female witnesses reported having an unplanned pregnancy between the
ages of 14 and 16 years.
11.23 Aspects of the parent–child relationship described by 653 male and female witnesses who had
children are shown below, in the order of frequency reported:
Table 45: Relationship with Own Children – Male and Female Industrial and Reformatory
Schools
Relationship with children* Frequency Frequency Total witness % Total
reported by reported by reports witness
male female
witnesses witnesses
Reported normal 115 106 221 34
Overprotective 63 116 179 27
Unable to show affection 80 92 172 26
Harsh 73 52 125 19
Varied between children 26 49 75 11
Abusive 24 17 41 6
No comment 25 16 41 6

n = 653 (319 male and 334 female)
*Witnesses could give more than one answer
11.24 Two hundred and twenty one (221) witnesses (34%), 115 male and 106 female, described
having ‘normal’ or good relations with their children. Many witnesses described the pleasure
they derived from having children of their own and being able to provide them with the love and
security they had not received themselves. Relationships between witnesses and their children
were described as influenced by their own childhood experiences, which many said left them ill-
prepared for the role of being a parent. ‘I worry about them and I’m proud of them but I can’t tell
them’.
You forget you have a soft side. It’s good to be soft but I don’t think I showed it enough
to my kids, I regret that now.
11.25 One hundred and seventy nine (179) witnesses, 63 male and 116 female, described themselves
as overprotective of their children to the point that it created difficulties between themselves and
their partners as well as with their children. For some witnesses the fear of their children being
harmed or getting into trouble and consequently being placed in out-of-home care was difficult
to tolerate and resulted in excessive vigilance and control. This was described by witnesses as
contributing, in some instances, to an authoritarian approach to parenting and to being
overprotective. These parent–child relationships were often characterised by overindulgence and
separation anxiety. For many female witnesses having their own child was described as a
pivotal life experience and as one witness said: ‘gave me something of my own for the first time
in my life’.
11.26 The inability to be affectionate with their children was reported by 172 witnesses (22%), 80 male
and 92 female, as a general feature of the parent–child relationships: ‘I can’t cuddle my own
kids’. Witnesses reported that having not experienced affection themselves they found it difficult
to be physically demonstrative. Sixty five (65) of the witnesses, 29 male and 36 female, who
described themselves as harsh or abusive in relation to their children also reported their inability
to demonstrate affection as a significant feature of their relationships:
I had no maternal instinct at all. No, I didn’t want them when they were babies. I did
what I had to do, it was my duty.... My ...husband... would bring them up on his knee,
he’d hug them and kiss them. I pushed them away, I wasn’t able to do it. I’d eat the
face off them. I always said to them “you’ll get what I never got”. I done my best for
them I encouraged them all the way. ... I can do it ...(be more affectionate)... with the
grandchildren.
•
I never gave my daughters or my sons a hug. I associate touch with sex, I could not put
my arms around them. I am always wary if I bump into someone. I am always saying
“sorry, sorry, sorry”. ... I feel so dirty, afraid. ... I was very strict with my boys. I’d follow
them anywhere. I was terrified they would end up.... I know they were hurt. I was lucky.
My wife, I can never stop apologising to her, I put her through hell.... She’s like an
anchor.
•
I don’t know how she ...(wife)... put up with me, not being able to relate to my wife and
my children. I can bark orders at them. I bitterly regret that. My wife does the emotional
bit because I am not able to do it, I so regret that.
11.27 One hundred and twenty five (125) witnesses (19%), 73 male and 52 female, reported
themselves as harsh in their treatment of their children, many of whom described carrying a
burden of guilt in that regard. Forty one (41) witnesses, 24 male and 17 female, reported
abusing their children including episodes of serious harm and neglect to the point where the
children were placed in out-of-home care. Some witnesses lost contact with their children in the
context of poor relationships in the early years of family life, others were able to overcome the
difficulties and reported that relationships with their children improved over time:
They took my kids off me when they were younger because I couldn’t cope, they went
to fostering, I had a breakdown. After a while I got them back....
•
I was kinda sick parenting them.... My sons didn’t have it easy either, I remember
thinking ...(of ending own life)... and thinking of the 2 boys that I would bring them with
me as well. They got involved in drink and drugs.... One got into treatment ... he’s doing
fine now.
11.28 Six (6) male witnesses described being physically abusive, which resulted in serious injury to
their wives and/or children. A number of witnesses reported a sense of guilt about how they may
have contributed to their children’s difficulties resulting, in some instances, in drug abuse and/or
early deaths:
I was very hard on my kids. It got so much that my kids ended up hating me. I always
had a problem with drinking that was my downfall and my aggression regarding my kids.
I had a good wife and she stood by me and my sons and my daughters, I can go to any
of them but I can’t live with them. I lost...children through drugs, the drink was my
downfall.
11.29 Five (5) female witnesses reported that their partners had sexually abused their children, two of
whom were reported to have received custodial sentences.
11.30 Seventy five (75) witnesses, 26 male and 49 female, described having variable relationships
with their different children, some finding one or other of their children more difficult to relate to
and acknowledged being excessively strict as a result. A number of witnesses described being
harsh on their older children and being much closer to their younger children. Other witnesses
said that the relationships with their children improved as they got older and they were able to
talk to them about their own childhood experiences. A large number of both male and female
witnesses reported having more affectionate, close and rewarding bonds with their
grandchildren than they had with their own children:
I would love to have said the word “mum”. ... When my daughter says it and when I
hear my grandchildren say it, it’s lovely. ... My joy today is my grandchildren, they’re
lovely.
•
I stopped it ...(hitting children)... because ... I said it is not the right thing to do. When I
had my second child I stopped. My first child thinks terrible of me because I hit her. It
does affect them too you know. I used have them cleaning all the time, that’s the way I
was brought up. I should never have hit them, I feel a lot of guilt in myself for doing this
to them. I was a terrible mam, I was. We get on all right now.
11.31 A number of adult children who accompanied witnesses to hearings described the shock they
experienced when they first became aware of the abuse and deprivations their parents endured
as children. Some stated that learning about their parents’ childhood experiences helped them
to understand and accept the hardship of their own traumatic childhoods with parents who were
excessively punitive and critical or unable to show affection. The daughter of a witness attending
as a companion reported:
My father never spoke to us, you got hit. He’d hit me mammy, he’d hit me, he’d hit my
brothers. He was aggressive, he was violent, none of the rest of his family are like this.
He has mellowed, he is not like that now, we can talk for hours. The difference with the
grandchildren.... He was very good to us material wise, he was a good father that way.
11.32 Forty one (41) witnesses, 25 male and 16 female, made no comment about their relationship
with their children.
Occupational status
11.33 Since their discharge from the School system 509 witnesses (64%), 279 male and 230 female,
spent the majority of their working lives in paid employment. Two hundred and fifty (250) of
those witnesses (32%), 151 male and 99 female, reported being in paid employment for more
than 30 years. A further 90 female witnesses worked full-time in the home caring for their
families for 30 years or longer. The following table shows the witnesses’ employment status at
the time of their hearing:

Table 46: Witnesses Employment Status at Time of Hearing – Male and Female Industrial
and Reformatory Schools
Employment status Males % Females % Total %
witnesses
Employed 116 28 148 39 264 33
Retired 106 26 71 19 177 22
Disability 87 21 61 16 148 19
Unemployed 61 15 38 10 99 13
Self -employed 31 8 10 3 41 5
Defence Forces 4 1 0 0 4 1
Volunteer 1 0 3 1 4 1
Working at home 7 2 44 12 51 6
Unavailable 0 (0) 3 1 3 (0)
Total 413 (100)* 378 (100)* 791 100

11.34 The above information needs to be considered in the context of the witnesses’ age. At the time
of their hearing 152 witnesses (19%), 102 male and 50 female, were aged 65 years and over
and a further 504 witnesses (64%), 245 male and 259 female, were aged between 50 and 65
years.
11.35 Among the 148 witnesses (19%) who were on disability benefit at the time of their hearing, 27
were aged 60 years or older and 45 were on disability benefit for more than 20 years.
11.36 Female witnesses who were discharged before the mid-1970s reported that their working lives
were generally influenced by marriage and parenthood, with 42 of the witnesses who married
and had children during that time reporting they did not work outside the home until their
children were grown up. Seven (7) male witnesses reported that their partners were the main
income earners in the family, a number of those witnesses chose to work at home to avoid the
pressure they had previously experienced in the work place. They described this arrangement
as providing a feeling of control over their day-to-day circumstances that they could not achieve
in open employment situations.
11.37 Self-employment was reported by witnesses to have been a constructive response to managing
authority and a desire for independence. Several male and female witnesses described
themselves as ‘workaholics’ some of whom reported building up successful businesses that
allowed them to keep busy and take their mind off their traumatic past. Others reported a liking
for solitude and self-motivation, which favoured self-employment.
I can’t hold a job, I can’t focus, I can’t work with anyone. I walk off a job when people
start to show authority, I walk away. I struggle. I have had ...(many jobs, now works
alone)... which I find the best I don’t have to answer to anyone.
•
I loved the freedom of being able to do things...(working for self)... and not being
chastised...
11.38 Many male and female witnesses described the detrimental effects of a poor education on their
work lives. Poor literacy, combined with the stigma of having been in a Reformatory or Industrial
School, led to many witnesses ‘keeping their heads down’ to avoid criticism or the shame of
being ‘found out’ as having been in an institution. They found it difficult to progress beyond
unskilled labouring, factory or cleaning work and had poorly provisioned retirements. They
described their working lives as a constant struggle to survive without drawing attention to their
perceived shortcomings, both educational and social.
You were put down a lot, if anyone says “where are you from?” Well you have nowhere,
have you? If you say Dublin, then they say “where?” and you just can’t say, it’s that
stigma. I thought people would judge me badly.
•
When I came out ... the lack of education hit me. I was unskilled, I was terrified, I
couldn’t put ...(name of School)... on the form. I couldn’t go back into education
because, what is education? It is beatings.
•
I go haywire when anyone gives me an application form to fill out...I haven’t got the
confidence, I know what my writing is like, I know what my spelling is like...
•
I was in ...named company...for 25 years and they said you’ll have to learn
it...(computer)...I was terrified I would show myself up. I can’t go over the boss and say
“can I have...?”. I can’t go up and approach him. It’s not because of him, it’s because of
me...I’m terrified. Then they...(work colleagues)... say to me “you should go for that”, if
they only knew the truth, I don’t want anyone to know my background...instead of
moving up in work I’ve moved down. I couldn’t say I want more because I’d be afraid.
11.39 One witness whose life was, like many others, a catalogue of jobs with varying levels of
responsibility, always on the move, afraid of being found out as being from an Industrial School
and having no family stated:
I had the capacity to find a cosy corner somewhere, settle in and keep to myself and
then the day would come when I would feel comfortable and give my opinion about
something and they would all wonder where that came from, I’d show myself as
someone with a brain. Then I would have to move on again, afraid I’d be discovered
...(to have been in an Industrial School)....
•
I work nightshift, which suits me grand because they leave me alone, nobody bothers
me. I can just get on with my work, they know I’m a good worker. I always keep busy
myself, that’s how I cope.
11.40 Table 47 below shows the highest education level attended, but not in all instances completed,
by both male and female witnesses:
Table 47: Highest Level of Education Attended – Male and Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Highest level of Males % Females % Total %

education witnesses
Primary 327 79 249 66 576 73
Secondary 52 13 83 22 135 17
Third level 34 8 44 12 78 10
No schooling 0 0 2 1 2 (0)
Total 413 100 378 (100)* 791 100


11.41 Two (2) female witnesses reported never having attended any form of classroom education. All
other witnesses reported attending class for some period during their childhood, a number of
whom reported attending only prior to their admission to the Schools.
11.42 With little or no preparation for open employment and life outside the institution the initial
experience of being discharged was described by the majority of witnesses as a shock. As
noted previously, aftercare provision and follow-up, with the exception of job placement, was
reported as minimal or non-existent for the majority of witnesses and those who had spent most
of their lives in an institution and had no family contact reported severe difficulties adjusting to
society when they were discharged.
I found it very difficult moving into a different society, I found it very, very hard. I was
very shy, felt everybody was looking at me.... When I was 16 I got a job in a ... shop. I
could not get used to farthings and 3-halfpence and things like that. They threw me out.
... I felt all the girls were laughing at me.... I was good for nothing at that stage.
•
Jobs I found very hard. I worked in Dublin for 3 years, the longest job I had. I had to
work to pay my rent, when you’re not living with family...I used to think everybody was
looking at me. I used to get red in the face. Getting a job...(in a public service area)...I
was looking and learning and listening to how people behaved and copying them. I
wasn’t asked questions, I was there on my own...I was in charge...I got confidence.
11.43 The pattern of emigration from Ireland to the UK seeking employment was a feature of
witnesses’ lives in the period, especially in the 1950s and 1960s. At the time of their hearing,
290 witnesses (37%) were living in the UK. Casual labour, factory and domestic work were
commonly reported employment options in the lives of witnesses discharged up to mid-1970s
both in Ireland and the UK. The following table shows the occupational status of witnesses on
the basis of their main form of employment, as reported at the time of their hearing:
Table 48: Occupational Status of Witnesses – Male and Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Occupational status Males % Females % Total %
witnesses
Semi-skilled or 298 72 262 69 560 71
unskilled
Non-manual 29 7 56 15 85 11
Skilled manual 63 15 19 5 82 10
Professional 7 2 22 6 29 4
Managerial/technical 16 4 9 2 25 3
Unavailable 0 0 10 3 10 1
Total 413 100 378 100 791 100
11.44 One hundred and seventy (170) of the 791 male and female witnesses (21%) reported being
placed directly into live-in jobs, including with farmers, shopkeepers, hotels, hospitals, and
members of religious orders, when they were discharged from the School system. Many of
those witnesses described being paid a minimal rate, sometimes not regularly or at all and were
allowed little more freedom than they had in the School system. The employment placements
were generally either in the vicinity of the institution from which they had been discharged or in
Dublin. As reported previously, 27 witnesses reported being physically and sexually abused by
their employers and by others in the context of their work setting in the years immediately
following their discharge. In several instances the abuse was described as continuing over a
long period of time. The witnesses routinely reported that they felt powerless to protect
themselves and stop the abuse.
11.45 Thirty eight (38) male witnesses reported being sent to work for farmers when they were
discharged from a School. Thirteen (13) male witnesses reported being treated as family
members and although they worked hard were happy to do so in exchange for the kindness
they experienced. At the time of the hearings four witnesses were still living, or in regular
contact, with the family they had been sent to many years previously. Less positive accounts
were also heard of witnesses being ‘treated like slaves’, made to sleep in out-houses, eat meals
separately from the employer’s family, sometimes outside the house, and were expected to
wash in the yard or out-houses. Witnesses who had spent many years in an institution reported
the experience of living and working with a family as alien and that they did not know how to
behave or understand what was expected of them. A number reported that they worked hard
but did not have an aptitude for farm work; others enjoyed the work to which they had become
accustomed while in the Schools.
11.46 Twenty nine (29) male witnesses reported being placed by the School in trades; for seven of the
witnesses these work placements developed into ongoing careers. The jobs were reported to
draw on the trade skills acquired in the Industrial School. Tailoring was the most frequently
reported trade, with 15 witness reports of being placed in jobs in the clothing industry. Nine (9)
witnesses reported being placed in the shoemaking industry; five others reported being sent to
work as bakers and carpenters.
11.47 Nine (9) male witnesses reported making careers in the music industry following their
experience in the School bands. Some of the witnesses became professional musicians; others
were music teachers or involved in related careers. Music was reported to be an important part
of the lives of most of those witnesses and an acknowledged positive outcome of their
experience in the institution.
I done a bit of music and a bit of folk singing in sessions, there was a lot of drink around
too, then I done drugs. I overdosed...Then things came right, my head got clear and
things came right in the music.
11.48 Seventy one (71) male witnesses joined either the Irish Defence Forces or overseas armies at
some time during their life. Many witnesses described the Army as providing security, shelter
and a structured regime in addition to career opportunities and the possibility of travel. Twenty-
two (22) male witnesses had substantial and positive careers in the Army, 10 of whom spent the
majority of their working lives there.
The Army was another way, a lot of the lads joined the Army. It was the same
as...named School...but you got paid for it. You had the rules and regulations, you had
punishment but you got paid.
11.49 Sixty one (61) male witnesses were unemployed at the time of their hearing, 46 of whom had
been unemployed for more than 20 years.
11.50 One hundred and three (103) female witnesses (27%) reported being sent to work for families or
religious congregations on a live-in basis when they were discharged from the Schools. Forty six
(46) of these witnesses reported being placed in these positions without any prior discussion. As
with the male witnesses, female witnesses had routinely never met their new ‘employer’ before
the day they were collected, sent or brought to their new place of employment. Witnesses who
were sent to work for religious congregations became live-in housekeepers or cleaners in
hospitals, Schools, boarding schools, presbyteries, nursing homes and laundries. The majority
of witnesses reported that these work placements were like an extension of their experience in
the Schools, with less abuse. The accounts of such placements were varied. Approximately a
third of the witness reports were positive in that the families, nuns and clergy employing them
were kind and treated the witnesses well. A number of witnesses reported that their employers
encouraged them to socialise and, over time, helped them to pursue further education or
training, for example doing commercial courses or nursing training. Fifteen (15) female
witnesses reported maintaining contact with these initial employers up to the present day.
11.51 Another 163 female witnesses (43%) reported that following their discharge they found
themselves jobs in domestic situations for the first couple of years. At least half of the female
witnesses who were employed in domestic service in the early years after their discharge
remained in similar occupations for the rest of their working lives, either on a live-in basis as
priest’s housekeepers, hospital domestics, nannies and housekeepers or as cooks, cleaners,
laundry workers, seamstresses and care attendants. Many witnesses stated that they were
trained primarily to clean and, as a result, have been much in demand as housekeepers and
cleaners.
11.52 Female witnesses discharged since the 1970s increasingly reported being placed in clerical and
other positions, for which some had received secretarial training in the School. Thirty two (32)
female witnesses reported having trained as nurses, mainly in the UK. Those female witnesses
who were not initially employed in domestic or clerical occupations reported being occupied in a
variety of areas including a number who returned home and assisted their mothers in caring for
younger brothers and sisters.
11.53 One hundred and ninety six (196) witnesses, 102 female and 94 male, described chaotic work
lives; many were periodically employed but were unable to stay in the same job for long. The
majority of the female witnesses who were casually employed reported working as
housekeepers, waitresses, cleaners and factory workers, while the male witnesses in this
category worked as construction workers, farm labourers, taxi drivers and factory workers. All
cited their lack of education and poor literacy skills as impediments to a more stable work life.
11.54 Male and female witnesses also described the difficulty they experienced getting on with work
colleagues and dealing with work place authority. Male witnesses reported that the lack of
education, the effects of alcohol abuse, aggressive behaviour, lack of trust and poor self-esteem
had a negative influence on their work lives. Female witnesses frequently reported that in
addition to their lack of education, a fear of authority and of making mistakes led them to avoid
positions of responsibility in the work place and deterred them from seeking promotion; a
number of male witnesses also reported this experience. Many male and female witnesses said
that their experiences in the School system left them with a tendency to be excessively anxious
and suspicious, creating subsequent difficulties in both their work and home lives.
When I started work it was tough. If someone came in to the restroom I would run in to
the loo and lock myself in, I was terrified in case they spoke to me....I feel so stupid at
work,...they do...(record)... minutes and everybody takes turns...I was going to say to
them “I’m not good at that” but I thought they’d ask “why?”
•
If anyone annoys me I start a row. I have to be on my own, I can’t get on with people. I
have done every job under the sun. I’ve worked hard but move a lot. It’s hard to trust
anyone and I was unpredictable.
•
In England I would love to have been on the buses ...(working on the buses).... But, I
couldn’t fill in forms.... Even when you went out with a boyfriend you thought you
weren’t good enough for him, you weren’t good enough for anyone really. You were with
friends but they were better than you. ... The girls that you were with you’d always be
afraid you’d let something slip, in case they’d say “oh she came from ...named
School...”. But in England there was no one watching you, no one knows anything about
me. ...(I was)... always told by nuns “you are the rubbish of Ireland”. ... In England
nobody knows me....
11.55 Thirty one (31) male and female witnesses reported being unable to sustain regular employment
as a result of serious mental health difficulties.
11.56 It is of note that 56 female witnesses were in non-manual occupations compared with 29 male
witnesses. Twenty two (22) female witnesses and seven male witnesses reported having
completed university degrees as mature students and were in different professional occupations.
Twenty five (25) witnesses, 16 male and nine female, were employed in senior managerial or
skilled technical occupations for which they had received specialised training.
I left here... (Ireland)... because of...(discrimination)...I was frustrated with Ireland. I said
“to hell with this, I’m getting out of this country”. I went to ...(university abroad)... I have
never been unemployed... I put Ireland behind.
11.57 Eleven (11) witnesses, six male and five female, reported that they joined religious communities
when they were discharged from the Schools. The majority of these witnesses reported they left
the communities before completing their training.
11.58 Reports of long-term unemployment among male witnesses were associated with reports of time
spent in prison. Fifty nine (59) male witnesses (14%) reported having spent time in prison in
either Ireland or the UK, and a number in both jurisdictions, since their discharge from the
School system. In most instances the first period of detention was within five years of being
discharged, and this experience established a pattern followed for life for many of the witnesses.
Larceny, public order offences, serious assault, grievous harm and other criminal offences were
reasons given by a number of witnesses for their prison sentence. Three (3) male witnesses
reported being charged with the sexual abuse of minors.
Accommodation
11.59 Most of the 413 male and 378 female witnesses reported stable current accommodation
arrangements and almost half the witnesses reported owning their own home. Many witnesses
described the importance of having a home to call their own and described the sense of security
they felt on achieving this.
I had to work to buy my house, my house comes before everything, that’s mine, no-one
will take it off me...I will work all the hours until my mortgage is paid. That’s what I
learned in ...named School.... What I have is mine...I had no home for so long, I had
nothing..., I worked a good bit of overtime to buy a house...I have my privacy and I have
my independence, no-one will take that off me.
11.60 The accommodation circumstances reported by witnesses at the time of the hearing are shown
in Table 49 below:

Table 49: Accommodation of Witnesses at Time of Hearing – Male and Female Industrial
and Reformatory Schools
Accommodation Males % Females % Total %
witnesses
Owner occupiers 163 39 184 49 347 44
Local authority/council 153 37 135 36 288 36
housing
Private rented 41 10 31 8 72 9
accommodation
With relatives 18 4 4 1 22 3
Sheltered housing 14 3 5 1 19 2
With friends 7 2 6 2 13 2
Hostel 3 1 2 1 5 1
Institution 4 1 0 0 4 1
Information not 10 2 11 3 21 3
available
Total 413 100 378 (100)* 791 (100)*

11.61 Accommodation referred to as sheltered housing included group homes and supported facilities
in the community provided by social and mental health services. Accommodation described as
institutional included psychiatric hospitals and prisons.
11.62 Homelessness was a reported feature in the earlier years following discharge of 22 of the male
witnesses and 40 of the female witnesses who spoke to the Committee. A small number of male
witnesses reported ongoing periodic homelessness in recent years.
I slept in down and out places where it was really cheap. ... I was thinking would I come
back ...(to Ireland)... but you can’t come back, you know nobody. I slept rough because
I had nowhere to stay, I used to sleep in the park. I met ...named ex co-resident.... I got
a job in ...named establishment... where all the boys used go. But, I had nowhere to
stay and I used to be standing up nearly falling asleep during work. I got a place in
...named city... but we ...(former co-residents)... got thrown out of that because we
couldn’t pay. I then got a job as a labourer, it was a job, it was just there, nobody asked
questions, you didn’t have to fill a form up or anything. I was there for 12 years. ... I felt
ashamed, I didn’t want people to know who I was.
Health
11.63 Male and female witnesses provided information about their current physical and mental health
status and wellbeing, either directly or in the context of discussing their adult life circumstances.
Many witnesses reported multiple health concerns, currently and in the past. For the purposes
of writing this Report, witnesses’ health status was categorised as good, reasonable and poor
based on the information witnesses provided either directly or indirectly about their past and
current health history in the course of their hearings.
Physical health
11.64 The following table outlines the physical health status described by male and female witnesses
at the time of their hearing:

Table 50: Current Physical Health Status – Male and Female Industrial and Reformatory
Schools
Physical health Males % Females % Total %
status witnesses
Good 163 39 131 35 294 37
Reasonable 148 36 170 45 318 40
Poor 101 24 77 20 178 23
Total 413 (100)* 378 100 791 100

11.65 The information provided by 294 witnesses (37%), 163 male and 131 female, indicated that they
enjoyed a good level of physical health and well-being, notwithstanding the fact that they may
have some health problems currently or in the past. Three hundred and eighteen (318)
witnesses (40%), 148 male and 170 female, described having reasonable physical health. The
most common feature of this group of witnesses was that they reported having physical health
problems either currently or in the past, which continued to have an impact on their lives. They
generally regarded their physical health problems as being manageable and often age-related.
There were 178 witnesses (23%), 101 male and 77 female, who gave a history of poor physical
health. The fact that poor health was reported by 25% of male witnesses compared with 20% of
female witnesses may be in part related to the older age profile of the male witnesses.
11.66 The most frequently reported physical health complaints for both male and female witnesses
were cardio-vascular problems such as heart disease, angina and hypertension. One hundred
and forty (140) witnesses (18%), 76 male and 64 female, reported various combinations of
these conditions including a number who had suffered strokes or had heart surgery. Eighty nine
(89) witnesses, 45 male and 44 female, described having gastric conditions including ulcers and
gall bladder problems in addition to kidney and liver disorders. Seventy four (74) witnesses, 49
male and 25 female, reported respiratory problems of various kinds including asthma,
emphysema and chronic bronchitis. Sixty seven (67) witnesses, 31 male and 36 female,
reported suffering with different forms of arthritis and rheumatism all of which negatively affected
their mobility and sense of well-being.
11.67 Certain health problems were more frequently reported by either male or female witnesses; for
example 17 male witnesses, compared with three female witnesses, reported that their health
problems were directly linked to their alcohol abuse. Thirteen (13) female witnesses reported
having had hysterectomies and 10 also reported having osteoporosis. Eleven (11) male
witnesses reported having hip, knee or other joint replacements and operations compared with
four female witnesses. Twenty three (23) witnesses, eight male and 15 female, reported being
diagnosed and treated for cancer. Twenty two (22) male witnesses reported being treated for
diabetes and gout, compared with seven reports by female witnesses of treatment for diabetes.
Eleven (11) witnesses, five male and six female, reported being treated for tuberculosis as
adults.
11.68 Three (3) male witnesses reported being HIV positive and a further three male witnesses
reported having hepatitis.
11.69 Finally, the Committee heard 60 reports of multiple health problems from female witnesses
compared with 47 similar reports from male witnesses and male witnesses generally reported
being less inclined to seek medical advice than female witnesses.
Mental health
11.70 The following table provides an overview of the mental health status of the witnesses as
described by them, either directly or indirectly, in the course of their hearings. Good mental
health was less frequently reported than good physical health:
Table 51: Current Mental Health Status – Male and Female Industrial and Reformatory
Schools
Mental health status Males % Females % Total %
witnesses
Good 117 28 74 20 191 24
Reasonable 183 44 181 48 364 46
Poor 112 27 123 33 235 30
Total 413 (100)* 378 (100)* 791 100

11.71 One hundred and ninety one (191) witnesses (24%), 117 male and 74 female, described good
mental health and well-being. These witnesses reported being reasonably happy and did not
feel that their personal or social relationships were markedly affected by emotional or
psychological difficulties. There was a notably larger proportion of male than female witnesses
who reported good mental health, 28% compared with 20%.
11.72 Poor mental health was indicated by a constellation of current and debilitating mental health
concerns including suicidal thoughts and attempts, depression, alcohol and substance abuse,
eating disorders and treatments including psychiatric admission, medication and counselling.
One witness gave the following description of the enduring effects of his childhood abuse;
I used to sleep rough and I’d have to ask a garage “Can I clean your cars?” I tried to get
back my dignity that I lost, I can’t get it back. They broke me, they did...the problem is
still there when you wake up. I’m on tablets for the best part of my life, I’m in and out of
hospitals, I took overdoses, I tried to hang myself. All the pressure builds up. I’m kinda
seeing psychiatrists all my life. Doctor...named psychiatrist...is very good, I talk to her.
Counselling was very disturbing for me. I couldn’t take any more of it ...I should not
have been on medication all my life. There’s times I sat in my bedroom for 2 to 3 days
without coming out.
11.73 Substance abuse was reported by 22 witnesses, 12 male and 10 female, who reported poor
mental health and 10 other witnesses of this group, four male and six female, reported ongoing
eating disorders.
11.74 Witnesses described as having reasonable mental health were differentiated from those who
were described as having poor mental health by the degree to which they reported their lives to
be currently affected by depression, alcohol and substance abuse. Many remarked that
memories of past trauma were not easily forgotten and that they abused alcohol at times in their
attempts to cope with painful memories and intrusive thoughts. A number of witnesses reported
being assisted by mental health and other support services during stressful periods of their lives.
Mental health indicators are shown in the following table:

Table 52: Mental Health Indicators in Adult Life – Male and Female Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Mental health Reports % Reports % Total %
indicators* by male by female witness
witnesses witnesses reports
Psychiatric admission 86 21 84 22 170 21
Suicidal thoughts & 197 48 210 56 407 51
attempts
Counselling required 204 49 217 57 421 53
Alcohol abuse 217 53 90 24 307 39
Substance abuse 59 14 31 8 90 11

*Witnesses could report more than one mental health indicator
Alcohol, substance abuse and self-harm

11.75 Alcohol abuse was reported to be a dominant feature in the lives of 307 witnesses (39%), 217
male and 90 female. One hundred and thirty eight (138) of those witnesses reported a history of
alcohol abuse combined with suicidal thoughts and attempts. Of the 86 male witnesses who
reported having been admitted to psychiatric hospitals for treatment, 63 also reported a history
of alcohol abuse. There were 84 female witnesses who reported having been admitted to
psychiatric hospitals for treatment, 35 of whom reported a history of alcohol abuse.
By 17 or 18 I was an alcoholic. It ...(alcohol)... blocked it off for me, the orphanage
...(Industrial School).... I’ve had 5 operations on my arm and the doctors say it is muscle
damage from the beatings, the one with a brush. I have 5 scars ...(scars on arm shown
to Commissioners).... I have been in mental hospitals and tried to kill myself. The
psychiatrist asked me what am I keeping in my head? I said “I can’t tell, you wouldn’t
believe it”. You would be afraid to tell, the fear is still there. I am now in counselling and
it took me an awful long time to say it ...(to describe abuse)..., a long time.
•
I went to England, I think I was about 34, not working, just drifting. I had a job on
building sites but lost that through the drinking. I went to a lot of places for the drink,
drying out, I’m still attending group therapy. I’m not working at all, I’m on disability
because of health problems. I just drink away the day...The doctor says it has to do with
what happened...(childhood abuse).
11.76 Substance abuse was a less common feature, with 90 witnesses (11%), 59 male and 31 female,
reporting that either they were using or had used illegal substances or abused over-the-counter
or prescription medication. Reports of substance abuse, both legal and illegal, were strongly
associated with reports of alcohol abuse, in 47 instances for male witnesses and 22 instances
among female witnesses.
11.77 Four hundred and seven (407) witnesses (51%) spoke about their own suicidal thoughts and/or
attempts and the death by suicide of their friends and siblings. Forty three (43) of the 407
witnesses who reported a history of suicidal thoughts also reported having made one or more
suicide attempts. ‘I tried to commit suicide a few times ... terrible depressed, no one knows
about it.’ A further five witnesses, three male and two female, reported episodes of ongoing self-
harm. One witness stated that 17 of the 39 co-residents in his class photograph had committed
suicide over the years since they were discharged. Many others said they were prompted to
speak to the Committee on behalf of a sibling or friend who had died by suicide and who shared
the witnesses’ childhood experience of abuse in institutions.
Impairments
11.78 Fifty one (51) witnesses, 29 male and 22 female, who gave evidence of abuse in Schools
reported having disabilities that affected their overall health and impaired their functioning as
follows:
• Thirty one (31) witnesses, 15 male and 16 female, were hearing impaired.
• Twelve (12) witnesses, seven male and five female, were physically impaired.
• Nine (9) witnesses, six male and three female, were visually impaired.
11.79 Many of the witnesses with impairments stated that their respective difficulties were the result of
either illnesses or injuries in childhood that were neglected while residents in the Schools.
Reported physical impairments included partial limb amputation, kidney damage and back
injuries that, in one instance, necessitated the use of a wheelchair. Seven witnesses presented
medical reports at their hearing that suggested their physical impairments were the result of
childhood trauma. Other witnesses gave accounts of receiving medical treatments since they
were discharged, including surgery, for conditions that they believed were associated with
childhood abuse.
I was an outcast because I couldn’t read or write, I couldn’t read because I couldn’t see
the blackboard. I was always put back to the back of the class. I could never understand
why they did not pick up that I had very bad sight. When I went to ...named city... I
asked for my eyes to be tested I went to the eye and ear hospital... and the doctor said
to me “where were you until now?” and I told him and he said “they have an awful lot to
answer for”.
•
I have discovered ... from the files, from a year old the ear was weeping ... no
treatment. I have a perforated eardrum. When I was an adult it started weeping. They
brought me into hospital and they have tried to dry it up, they brought me down to
theatre but the doctor said the wall is broken down and surgery could cause more
damage. It is constantly at me. ... It drives me scatty ... things annoy me. I don’t know
where that came from, whether it is from being slapped all the time.
Effects on adult life

11.80 Most witnesses reported life-long negative effects and damaging physical, psychological, and
social consequences of childhood abuse in Schools. The legacy of alcohol abuse, depression,
physical and verbal aggression, anger, lack of trust, and social isolation was evident in the
accounts provided by many witnesses about their adult lives.
11.81 The negative effects reported are not mutually exclusive and were not prioritised by witnesses,
who could report more than one effect. Table 53 lists the difficulties experienced by the 413
male and 378 female witnesses in their adult lives, in order of frequency reported.

Table 53: Reported Effects on Adult Life – Male and Female Witnesses Industrial and
Reformatory Schools
Male witnesses Female witnesses
Effects on adult life* Number of % of male Effects on adult life* Number of % of
reports witnesses reports female
witnesses
Lack of trust 233 56 Lack of self-worth 250 66
Loner 224 54 Lack of trust 242 64
Alcohol abuse 213 52 Counselling required 217 57
Anger 207 50 Suicidal feelings or 210 56
attempt
Counselling required 191 46 Abuse not easily 180 48
forgotten
Lack of self-worth 157 38 Anxious and fearful 172 46
Abuse not easily 155 38 Feeling isolated 171 45
forgotten
Depression 152 37 Loner 159 42
Suicidal feelings or 151 37 Depression 140 37
attempt
Feeling isolated 145 35 Anger 136 36
Aggressive behaviour 126 31 Feeling different to 135 36
– Physical others
Nightmares 121 29 Nightmares 121 32
Aggressive behaviour 116 28 Tearfulness 120 32
– Verbal
Withdrawal 116 28 Withdrawal 118 31
Unable to show 107 26 Overprotective of 117 31
feelings to partner children
Feeling different to 102 25 Post-traumatic effect 116 31
others
Unable to settle 102 25 Sleep disturbance 101 27
Post-traumatic effect 93 23 Unable to show 92 24
feelings to children
Sleep disturbance 84 20 Alcohol abuse 90 24
Unable to show 83 20 Feelings related to 81 21
feelings to children being a victim
Feelings related to 75 18 Unable to show 75 20
being a victim feelings to partner

n = 413 men and 378 women
*Witnesses could report more than one effect. Answers under 18% not shown
11.82 The majority of witnesses reported multiple effects, as Table 53 indicates. A high percentage of
both male (56%) and female (64%) witnesses reported being unable to trust others. There were
some gender differences between the negative effects most frequently reported. For instance
50% or more male witnesses reported abusing alcohol, feeling angry, and being a loner. By
contrast 56% or more female witnesses reported experiencing lack of self-worth and
contemplating or attempting suicide and 24% reported abusing alcohol. In addition to the above-
mentioned negative effects on their health and personality, 408 witnesses (52%) reported that
they attended counselling either currently or in the past, and many commented on the beneficial
effects they had experienced. A large number of these witnesses reported attending counselling
through the National Counselling Service, which was established by the Government in 2000.
The service was committed to working with adults who had been abused as children in Irish
institutions.
I won’t even go into the house some days. I was a right bastard ...(as a husband)....
She’d ...(witness’s spouse)... find me facing the wall, she’d wake up in the morning and
find me standing facing the wall ...crying.... It’s smashing to talk about it and the
counselling is free.
•
I’ve had a stable life, but male pride stops me from saying I’m depressed. I get down,
am a loner, don’t mix, have been on the drink in the past, but counselling has helped.
•
You can knock the walls down but can’t ease it from ...distressed.... I carried it in the pit
of my stomach all my life.
11.83 Three hundred and twenty seven (327) witnesses (41%) gave evidence that the memories of
the abuse they experienced remain with them to the present day.
I wish I could get rid of all this, it’s in my head all the time. I used to have terrible
nightmares, the only one I could see was this nun who used to hit me all the time. I did
take an overdose, I did try to end my life. I was very confused. I never knew who I was.
•
He ...(Br X)... haunts me, I can smell him, I can see his gait ... not a week goes by, but I
think of him.
•
The sexual abuse ... that’s irreversible. It’s the sexual behaviour that separates me from
my family. I can’t work, I can’t go out, I’m nothing. Every day I want to kill myself.
•
I was not able to go to ...(children’s)... parent-teacher meeting because I didn’t feel I
could talk ...crying.... I didn’t think I was able to speak like another ...(parent).... I wasn’t
like another because of the way I was reared. I often cried when they were at school
and he ...(husband)... at work.... I was afraid that if I told people, I was afraid I’d be
locked up. I was afraid they would send me away. I always feel sad.
•
The other thing is, not being able to read and write was my downfall.... I didn’t tell my
family until about 2 years ago. ... It can be very lonely ... even at Christmas time with
my family there. I get lonely like remembering all the times I was on my own. I do have
to go out for walks, I have to be on my own.
•
Thinking about it after I often wondered had we a right to complain, but we had no one
to complain to.
•
Loss is the most significant word in my life. I lost my mother ... my childhood, my
education and nothing will ever get them back.
11.84 Two hundred and nine (209) witnesses (26%) reported suffering from the effects of trauma and
described themselves as constantly vigilant and anxious, having disrupted sleep and nightmares
with little respite.
I was going to take my own life, one of the other girls did, she took her own life. You are
suspicious ... all the time, it’s always there, it will be there ’til the day I die.... You can’t
put the clock back.... I’d like to have a childhood but I never knew what a childhood
was.... That will be a nightmare ’til the day I die, I will bring that to the grave with me.
•
I hate anyone standing behind me, I still feel as if someone is going to go for me
because I was beaten around the head a lot.
•
I was terrified with the beating I got. My ould mind went a bit that day I’d say. To me, I
was never the same young fellow after that, I wasn’t the same young fella that went
home. I wasn’t mental but when I went home I’d be looking under the bed and like that.
I couldn’t be happy for years and years. I was squeamish and frightened everywhere I
went.
11.85 One hundred and eight two (182) witnesses (23%) described themselves as having difficulty
expressing affection or emotion to their partner and 175 witnesses (22%) stated that they had
difficulty showing feelings to their children.
11.86 There were distinct differences between the reports of male and female witnesses regarding
aggressive behaviour. One hundred and twenty six (126) male witnesses (31%) reported being
physically aggressive compared with 30 female witnesses (8%) who reported being physically
aggressive to others.
I can be very aggressive, my children seen it, I should never have been a father. I can’t
hug or show affection or anything.
•
I used to smack them ...(own children)... as kids, thinking it was the right thing to do, we
were beaten all the time. I was bringing my kids up the way I was brought up. I was hit
all the time.
11.87 Two hundred and thirty four (234) witnesses (30%) described themselves as withdrawn and also
stated that they had difficulty relating socially and felt different to others. Many described feeling
isolated, frequently moving home, and feeling generally disconnected.
You had to survive on your own, always on your own.There was nobody to back you up.
It’s been like that and I will die like that because I can’t change what happened. I can’t
change my personality and the way I am. It’s been like somebody put you in a prison
and you are expected to change when you come out. Unless there are services there to
help you, and there’s nothing, you are not going to change. You are still going to have
the mentality of being a loner and keeping people at a distance and being very anti-
establishment.
•
I never had the equipment to survive any type of close relationship. I never had the
ability to survive any close relationship, I couldn’t give enough of myself.
11.88 Two hundred and forty two (242) witnesses (31%) reported experiencing nightmares and
associated sleep disturbance.
It stays with you, it sticks in my mind. You still have the nightmares, they still go on,
they haven’t left me yet, I still wake up in the middle of the night.... You went to bed at
night you couldn’t move or couldn’t breathe ...(not knowing when)... you would be hit
with the hand brush.
11.89 Sixty seven (67) witnesses, 42 male and 25 female, reported problems with substance abuse.
Thirty nine (39) witnesses, 10 male and 29 female, reported having eating disorders.
11.90 There were a range of other adverse effects reported in smaller numbers, by both male and
female witnesses. For example, between 75 and 150 male and female witnesses reported
significant difficulties with parenting, sexual relationships, and feelings of being powerless and
disadvantaged.
When I went home I couldn’t communicate with anyone. I couldn’t sit at the table with
the family. I used to eat with the chickens out the back, I did not know how to get on
with people, I didn’t know what to do.... I only knew beatings. I went off to England, they
told me they didn’t want me either, never to come back. I ended up inside ...(in prison)...
many times, and tried to hang myself.
11.91 A small number of witnesses, both male and female, reported having difficulties as adults
establishing their personal and family identity. The evidence reported to the Committee included
accounts of having no official record of their birth place or birth certificate, names on birth
certificates were found to have been changed by School staff, and requests for clarification of
personal and family identity were withheld by religious and State authorities. The witnesses
presented correspondence at their hearing that they reported having obtained under the
Freedom of Information legislation in relation to these matters. Witnesses reported that they
experienced difficulties when applying for passports or pensions in later life and when seeking to
trace their parents or family of origin.
I had been searching for her ...(mother)... and searching for her, it was my one wish in
life to find her. I have done so much trying to search for my family. I had been trying to
trace her, that was the sad part ... there was a brick wall every time. I have no
certificate, this is what really got me.
11.92 A small number of witnesses described being contacted by representatives of the Schools or
religious organisations by telephone, personal visits, and through arranged meetings in recent
years. Some witnesses reported feeling threatened and intimidated by such contact that they
described as being for the purpose of character references for forthcoming court proceedings,
offers of compensation and apologies for past abuse. One male witness described a chance
encounter in the following account:
I met Br ...X.... I saw this man and he said “I know you”, he said “I remember you, you
were a Mass server, you were quite good in school”, and he said “I gave you a terrible
time in school. I am so sorry, I gave you an awful time and I’m sorry for all the times I
hit you, I beat you around the place”. ...distressed and crying... I could have killed him, I
felt like killing him, he said “I am so sorry. If it’s any consolation to you, I am sorry for
what the School done”. I said nothing to him.
11.93 Thirty eight (38) witnesses, 28 male and 10 female, described being thankful for the good lives
they have now. Nineteen (19) witnesses, 15 male and four female, reported they experienced
no long-term negative effects as a result of their childhood experiences in Schools. Many of
these witnesses described their good fortune to have met people who helped them when they
left the Schools. Others described the abuse they experienced as an isolated component of their
time in institutional care, aspects of which had been positive.
Religion now practised
11.94 Two hundred and ninety three (293) witnesses (37%), 156 male and 137 female, stated that
they are practising Catholics and 11 others are practising members of different religious
denominations.
11.95 Many witnesses described themselves as ‘lapsed Catholics’ who had disengaged from the
Church, but whose belief in God was unchanged. Witnesses described the continuing anxiety
associated with encountering members of religious congregations. ‘I cannot serve a nun now
where I work they ...(colleagues)... call it “nun alert”.’ Others reported they avoided entering
buildings associated with religious congregations, such as churches and schools, for fear of
reactivating memories of their abusive experiences.
11.96 One hundred and twenty (120) witnesses (15%), 62 male and 58 female, described themselves
as having completely rejected the idea of religion. Sixty three (63) witnesses did not comment
on their religious practise.
11.97 The following chapters present the evidence of 259 witnesses who reported abuse in ‘Other
Institutions’ including 36 witnesses who also reported abuse in Industrial and Reformatory
Schools.

Part 2

Chapter 12
Introduction to Part 2
12.01 The following six chapters contain evidence given by 259 witnesses to the Confidential
Committee in relation to experiences of childhood abuse in a range of day and residential
institutions and services. The Acts identified a number of settings and services that children
attended, or in which they received out-of-home care. For the purpose of the work of the
Commission and its Committees the Acts defined an institution as:
a school, an industrial school, a reformatory school, an orphanage, a hospital, a
children’s home and any other place where children are cared for other than as
members of their families.1
12.02 Accordingly, in addition to Industrial and Reformatory Schools, witnesses applied to give
evidence of their abuse in Children’s Homes, hospitals, primary and second-level schools, foster
care, services for children with special needs, and other residential facilities for young people.
The evidence related to abuse experienced when the witness was less than 18 years of age.
12.03 The Industrial and Reformatory Schools were all funded by the Department of Education and
managed by religious Congregations and Orders. The 161 services, schools, hospitals and other
facilities reported in the following chapters were funded and managed by various statutory,
private and voluntary agencies. These agencies included the Departments of Education and
Health, religious Congregations and Orders.
12.04 Two hundred and fifty nine (259) witnesses made 289 reports of abuse in relation to institutions
and services other than Industrial and Reformatory Schools. The evidence related to a period of
81 years, between 1919 and 2000, being respectively the earliest year of admission and latest
year of discharge of witnesses who reported childhood abuse in these ‘Other Institutions’.
12.05 Among the 259 witnesses who gave evidence in relation to ‘Other Institutions’ 51 reported
abuse in more than one institution. The majority of witnesses reported more than one type of
abuse. Thirty six (36) of the 51 witnesses reported being abused in both Industrial and/or
Reformatory schools and one or more of the other institutions or services. Ten (10) witnesses
reported abuse in more than one type of service, for example in both a Children’s Home and a
hospital, and 18 witnesses reported abuse in more than one facility within the same type of
service, for example in two primary schools.
12.06 There were 161 different out-of-home care facilities identified in evidence by the 259 witnesses.
The details from those reports are presented in the following six chapters, categorised by type
of institution or service:
• Residential and day services for children with special needs
• Children’s Homes
• Foster care
1
Section 1(1).

• Hospitals
• Primary and second-level schools
• Residential laundries, Novitiates, hostels and other out-of-home settings.
12.07 The Confidential Committee’s functions, procedures and method of work outlined in chapters 1
and 2 of this Report apply to all 1,090 witnesses. The general social and demographic profile of
those witnesses is reported collectively in chapter 3 with more specific detail regarding the 259
witnesses included in chapters 13-18 as they apply.
12.08 The following chapters are arranged in a form similar to the earlier chapters relating to Industrial
and Reformatory schools, with some notable exceptions. The Committee decided to aggregate
information in a number of instances in order to maintain anonymity and confidentiality. This was
in part due to the fact that there were both smaller numbers of witnesses in each category and
more easily identifiable services. Male and female witness reports were not segregated for
similar reasons. When there were notable differences, numbers for each gender were identified,
otherwise they were reported collectively.
12.09 Another difference is that witness reports in relation to services in chapters 13-18 refer to more
recent decades than the Industrial and Reformatory schools’ reports. At the time of writing,
services in the categories reported in chapters 13-18 continue to exist, unlike those reported in
the preceding chapters, most of which had ceased operation by the 1970s.
12.10 There was considerable variation in the length of time witnesses spent in hospitals, primary and
second-level schools, Children’s Homes and other out-of-home placements. A number of
witnesses reported abuse that occurred in the course of brief admissions and isolated incidents
of abuse perpetrated by one individual. Many of those witnesses did not wish to comment on
other aspects of the service in which the abuse occurred. Other witnesses gave evidence of
being abused by several people on a frequent basis over a number of years and provided
detailed accounts of their life in the residential facilities.
12.11 While there were many similarities between the reports made by witnesses in relation to abuse
in Children’s Homes and Industrial and Reformatory Schools there was less uniform information
available to the Committee regarding the other services reported in the following chapters.
Consequently, the information presented in chapter 14 more closely resembles the reports in
chapters 3-11. All other chapters have less detailed information about witness demographics,
everyday life in the institutions and the witnesses’ current life experiences.
12.12 For the purpose of compiling this Report persons referred to by the witnesses as being in
charge in management positions are described as authority figures and may include Resident
Managers, school Principals, Matrons, Reverend Mothers and Brothers in Charge.

Chapter 13
Special needs schools and

residential services
13.01 This chapter of the Confidential Committee Report presents witness evidence of abuse in
schools and residential services1 providing care and education for children with special needs as
a result of learning, physical, visual, hearing or speech impairment and disability. Some of the
schools also had facilities for children to attend from home on a daily basis. A number of the
services were formerly known as schools for the mentally handicapped and for deaf and blind
children.
13.02 Arrangements were made by the Committee to ensure that each witness was afforded the best
possible opportunity to place their experiences on record. Witnesses could be accompanied by
a companion or professional person to provide support and any necessary assistance during
their hearings. Some intellectually disabled witnesses chose to be accompanied by social
workers, care workers or other professionals, without whose presence and support a number of
witnesses would otherwise have been unable to attend. Commissioners and witnesses were
facilitated during some of the hearings by Irish Sign Language (ISL) and British Sign Language
(BSL) interpreters. As reflected in the Report, a number of intellectually disabled witnesses
attended to give evidence regarding specific incidents of abuse and gave no further information
about their current lives, personal history or everyday experience in the facilities where they
resided as children. A small number of hearings were conducted in or close to the witnesses’
place of residence.
Witnesses
13.03 The Committee heard 59 reports of abuse from 58 witnesses, 39 male and 19 female, in relation
to their time in 14 different special needs schools and residential services, which were all
managed by religious Congregations. One witness reported abuse in two different special needs
schools. Nine (9) of the special needs day and residential facilities were gender segregated and
five were mixed gender facilities for at least some period of their operation.
• Thirty seven (37) witnesses reported abuse in day and residential schools and
services for intellectually disabled children.
• Nineteen (19) witnesses reported abuse in day and residential schools and services
for children with sensory impairments2.
• Two (2) witnesses reported abuse in schools and services for children with physical
disabilities.
1
The terms schools, services and facilities are used interchangeably throughout this chapter of the Report and signify
the complex range of services provided.
2
The principal sensory impairments referred to are those of sight and hearing.

13.04 In addition to the accounts of abuse in special needs schools and services that are summarised
below, four witnesses also reported abuse in Industrial Schools, foster care and a Children’s
Home, the details of which are covered in the relevant chapters of this Report.
13.05 This Chapter refers to a 58-year period, with the earliest admission to out-of-home care being in
1935 and the latest year of discharge being 1993.
13.06 Ten (10) of the schools and services were located in Irish cities and the other four were in rural
and provincial locations.
Social and demographic profile of witnesses

13.07 Varying levels of detail were provided to the Committee by witnesses regarding their
background and social circumstances. A number of witnesses reported knowing very little about
their family of origin or the circumstances of their admission to the schools and services. Details
regarding family of origin, place of birth, current residence and other aspects of the witnesses’
lives are, therefore, not always complete. They are differentiated by gender when there are
notable differences. The age profile of witnesses at the time of their hearing is shown in the
following table:
Table 54: Age Range of Witnesses at Time of Hearing – Male and Female Special Needs
Schools and Residential Services
Age range Males Females Total witnesses
20–29 years 2 1 3
30–39 years 2 2 4
40–49 years 10 8 18
50–59 years 15 7 22
60–69 years 9 1 10
70+ years 1 0 1
Total 39 19 58
13.08 The majority of witnesses were aged less than 60 years at the time of their hearing. Compared
with the age profile of witnesses reporting abuse in other settings a notably high proportion of
witnesses reporting abuse in special needs facilities were in their 20s and 30s.
13.09 Thirteen (13) of those who reported being abused in special needs services were discharged
during the 1980s and 1990s. A further 36 witnesses were discharged during the 1960s and
1970s. The remaining nine witnesses were discharged prior to 1960.
13.10 Thirty five (35) witnesses, 29 male and six female, reported being born in three Irish counties.
The remaining 22 witnesses were born in 12 other Irish counties, the UK and elsewhere. There
was no information available regarding the birth place of one witness. At the time of their
hearings 52 witnesses were living in Ireland and six were residing in the UK.
13.11 Forty three (43) witnesses, 27 male and 16 female, reported being born into two-parent families.
Eight (8) witnesses were the children of single mothers, and six witnesses did not know or did
not provide information about their parents’ marital status, as outlined in the following table:

Table 55: Marital Status of Witnesses’ Parents at Time of Birth – Male and Female Special
Needs Schools and Residential Services
Marital status of parents Males Females Total witnesses
Married 27 16 43
Single 7 1 8
Widowed 0 1 1
Unavailable 5 1 6
Totals 39 19 58
13.12 The occupational status of witnesses’ parents at the time of their admission was not always
reported to the Committee, and was at times unknown. Table 3 indicates the information
provided by witnesses regarding their parents’ occupational status:3
Table 56: Occupational Status of Witnesses’ Parents – Male and Female Special Needs
Occupational status Males Females Total witnesses
Professional worker 0 1 1
Managerial and technical 0 1 1
Non-manual 4 3 7
Skilled manual 5 2 7
Semi-skilled 4 1 5
Unskilled 14 8 22
Unavailable 12 3 15
Total 39 19 58
13.13 Fifteen (15) witnesses did not report or did not know their parents’ occupational status at the
time of their admission, further reflecting the fact that many of the witnesses had little or no
information about their family of origin.
13.14 Forty two (42) witnesses reported having siblings, including 17 who had brothers and sisters in
out-of-home care, some of whom were in special needs schools as a result of disability.
Altogether the 17 witnesses reported having 38 siblings in out-of-home care. Thirty three (33)
witnesses were from families of five or more children and nine witnesses reported having
between one and three siblings. Twelve (12) witnesses provided no detailed information
regarding their family of origin and four witnesses reported that they had no siblings.
Circumstances of admission
13.15 The admission circumstances reported by the 58 witnesses varied but were principally related to
the perceived educational and treatment needs of children with specific impairments or
disabilities, for example hearing and sight impairments and learning disabilities.
3
parent was recorded, in so far as it was known.

13.16 Thirty seven (37) witnesses reported being placed in a special needs school from their family
home following assessment of their particular learning or treatment needs. Six (6) of those
admissions were reported to have occurred in the context of family breakdown occasioned by
parental death, serious illness or marital separation. Six (6) of the 37 witnesses reported that
they had started attending local primary schools where their learning difficulties were first
recognised. In most instances the witnesses were the only members of their family to be placed
in an institution.
13.17 The other 21 witnesses reported being placed in special needs schools for a variety of reasons,
17 had more than one previous placement and had been in residential facilities since early
childhood. Eight (8) of these 17 witnesses reported that they were born to single mothers and
had been in residential institutions since birth, five of whom were admitted to special needs
services from Industrial Schools or Children’s Homes and three were admitted from mother and
baby homes or county homes. Six (6) witnesses did not know or were unable to report on the
circumstances that led to their placement in residential facilities; in three instances
accompanying care workers confirmed that nothing was known and no records were available
regarding the witnesses’ early life history.
13.18 The following table indicates the age at which witnesses were first admitted to out-of-home care
including admissions to other facilities prior to a special needs service:
Table 57: Age on First Admission to Out-of-home Care – Male and Female Special Needs
Age of first admission Males Females Total witnesses
0–5 years 15 13 28
6–10 years 14 2 16
11–15 years 9 3 12
16+ years 1 1 2
Total 39 19 58
13.19 Twenty eight (28) witnesses reported being admitted to a residential facility for the first time
before the age of six years and 30 witnesses reported being in residential facilities for more than
10 years, as the next table indicates:
Table 58: Length of Stay in Out-of-home Care – Male and Female Special Needs Schools
and Residential Services
Number of years in Males Females Total witnesses
care
0–5 years 6 1 7
6–10 years 16 5 21
11–15 years 11 12 23
16+ years 6 1 7
Total 39 19 58
13.20 The length of time witnesses reported spending in school and residential services varied. On the
basis of information provided this variation could be understood to have been influenced by the
witnesses’ age when first admitted, the different reasons for their admission and their family
circumstances. The average length of stay in residential care reported by the witnesses from
special needs schools and services was 11 years. It is important to note that not all of the time
indicated was spent in special needs facilities, it also included time spent in mother and baby
homes, children’s homes and other residential services.
13.21 While more than half of the witnesses were admitted to the schools and residential services
from their family homes, and had living relatives, they reported having spent most of their
childhoods in institutions. The majority of specialist facilities and treatment services were
centrally located during the period covered by this Report. At the time it was common for both
children and adults from rural and provincial areas to travel long distances for specialist
treatment. Care and residential services were, consequently, a practical necessity. As the
following table shows, almost half of the witnesses reported being over 18 years of age when
they were discharged from those residential facilities:
Table 59: Age when Discharged from Out-of-home Care – Male and Female Special Needs
Age when discharged Males Females Total

witnesses
<15 years 8 1 9
16 years 6 2 8
17 years 6 7 13
18+ years 19 9 28
Total 39 19 58
13.22 Twenty five (25) of the 28 witnesses who reported being discharged when they were over 18
years of age also reported having remained in supported accommodation placements for most
of their adult lives. In many instances these accommodation facilities were provided by the same
organisations who managed the special needs services where the witnesses had been admitted
as children. The accounts of abuse included in this report occurred when the witness was under
18 years of age, in accordance with the provisions of the Act.
Record of abuse
13.23 The nature and extent of abuse reported by witnesses varied, and reports included descriptions
of single incidents of abuse and accounts of multiple experiences of being abused over long
periods of time.
13.24 Most of the facilities were the subject of more than one witness report:
• Nine (9) special needs facilities were each the subject of 4–12 reports, totalling 54
reports.
• Five (5) facilities were each the subject of a single report.
13.25 Forty one (41) witnesses reported abuse over a 35-year period prior to 1970 and the remaining
17 witnesses gave evidence in relation to their admissions throughout the 1970s, 1980s and the
early 1990s.

13.26 Witnesses reported the four abuse types as defined by the Acts4: physical and sexual abuse,
neglect and emotional abuse. Abuse reports included single incidents of abuse and
combinations of abuse as follows:
• Forty eight (48) witnesses reported physical abuse.
• Thirty six (36) witnesses reported sexual abuse.
• Twenty five (25) witnesses reported neglect.
• Twenty four (24) witnesses reported emotional abuse.
13.27 Combinations of the four abuse types were reported in the order of frequency shown below:
Table 60: Abuse Types and Combinations – Male and Female Special Needs Schools and
Residential Services
Abuse types and combinations Number of reports
Physical and sexual 13
Physical, neglect and emotional 11
Physical, sexual, neglect and emotional 9
Physical 9
Sexual 9
Physical, sexual and neglect 2
Physical, sexual and emotional 2
Physical and neglect 1
Physical and emotional 1
Sexual and neglect 1
Neglect and emotional 1
Total 59
13.28 As shown, the most frequently reported abuse combination was physical and sexual abuse, of
which there were 13 reports. There were a further nine reports of physical and sexual abuse
combined with emotional abuse and neglect. In all, 26 witnesses reported being both physically
and sexually abused in facilities for children with special needs.
Physical abuse
13.29 This section describes reports of physical abuse, non-accidental injury and lack of protection
from such abuse given in evidence by witnesses to the Committee. The forms of physical abuse
reported included hitting, punching, kicking, beating, bodily assault with implements, and
immersion in water. The Committee heard accounts of assaults that were so severe that injuries
were caused which required medical intervention.
13.30 There were 48 reports of physical abuse from 32 male and 16 female witnesses in relation to 13
of the 14 special needs schools and facilities reported in this category. Twenty eight (28) reports
related to experiences in schools and facilities for children with intellectual disabilities. Nine (9)
4
5
Section 1(1)(a).

facilities were the subject of between two and 10 reports, totalling 43 reports. Five (5) facilities
were each the subject of single reports.

13.31 Witnesses reported that while attending special needs services they were physically abused and
assaulted by various means including being hit with leather straps, canes, spade and broom
handles, various types of sticks and brushes, kitchen implements, wooden coat hangers and
rulers. They also reported having their heads held under water, being put into cold baths, having
their hair cut and pulled, being forcibly fed, and being locked in outhouses, sheds and isolated
rooms. Witnesses with sensory impairments described the particular fear and trauma associated
with being physically abused when they could not see or hear abusers approaching them.
13.32 Other forms of physical abuse and assault reported by witnesses included being punched and
kicked, pinched, slapped across the face and ears, held by the throat, lifted by the hair and
ears, and having their left hands or both hands tied behind their back to prevent use.
There was a whole load of them... (religious and lay staff)... who’d slap me across the
face or with the strap on my legs .... I didn’t feel I was a trouble maker but I was active,
they just picked on me ... they just kept slapping me the whole time and they all said I
was a trouble maker, they gave me a bad name.
13.33 Witnesses reported being severely physically punished for certain behaviours, in response to
particular occurrences and frequently for no reason that they could understand. Among the
events reported to have been so punished were: running away, bed-wetting, talking to co-
residents, not completing chores, disclosing abuse, being forced by violence to carry out sexual
acts, taking food, making mistakes in the classrooms or workshops, using sign language, not
using disability aids properly, losing or damaging disability aids, wear and tear on clothing,
walking out of line, having soiled sheets or underwear, and being out of bed. Several witnesses
reported that using sign language and writing with their left hand was forbidden.
The first time I was hit, a crowd of us used to queue to get our hair combed. The
Brother in charge ...(named religious) ... said to me “you are going without getting your
hair combed”. I wasn’t, he beat me then.... He put me over his knees and hit me with
his hands, I was totally puzzled, I couldn’t figure out why I was hit. I hadn’t done
anything wrong, I hadn’t been hit at home even though I had done things wrong.... That
was the first of many times being hit ... It was Br ...X.... He invented excuses for hitting
fellas, such as he invented this thing that ...younger co-residents... could not talk to
...older residents.... He’d beat you for a lot of things with the leather, your trousers
would be down, it ... (the beating)... could be over the stool or over his bed. One of the
things was I got beaten for putting polish on my socks, you’d get beaten if you didn’t
have Rosary beads with you, they used have Rosary every night. If a fella had a hole in
his jumper, if it turned into a hole before I realised it, I would be beaten.
•
Br ...X... would bring the bed-wetters into his room and flog them. He’d make them have
a cold bath whether it was winter or summer and you could hear the screams, the
screams, he was very violent. He was a big strong fit man, I was petrified of him, it
came back to me in dreams, the dreams of it returned.
•
There is the whole issue of... (mannerisms)..., people have sort of mannerisms maybe,
shaking backwards and forwards, you’d be beaten for that.
•
We were punished for signing. ... It was very, very difficult to control. ... It was our
language, it was the way we communicated. It was natural for us to use gestures, we
were deaf.
13.34 The random nature of some beatings was described by witnesses. One said he was severely
beaten after the residence he occupied was accidentally flooded. He was not there when the
accident happened, but was blamed nevertheless. Another witness described how a particular
staff member would: ‘beat you wherever he could get you, I got used to being beaten up, I didn’t
care’. Others commented that they did not know why they were being beaten as nobody
explained anything to them. They accepted physical abuse as part of life in the institution.
13.35 Witnesses said they were physically abused in many locations but most often in the classrooms,
dormitories, stairs and corridors, staff bedrooms, and in the external playing areas. Five (5)
witnesses reported being held down across furniture by older residents to be beaten on their
bared bottoms by religious and lay staff.
Injuries
13.36 Ten (10) witnesses reported receiving injuries as a result of the physical abuse they
experienced, including five accounts of receiving wounds that bled and four accounts of
extensive bruising. There were separate accounts of injury to one witness’s arm that the witness
believed resulted in permanent disability and injuries to another witness’s head and ears, which
were believed to be the cause of subsequent hearing loss. Another witness stated that she
required sutures to her arm following a severe beating with a broom handle. Both religious and
lay staff were reported to have perpetrated abuse that resulted in these injuries and one female
witness reported injuries that were the result of being assaulted by a group of older co-
residents.
She ... (Sr X)... beat me,... (on)... me arms, me legs. She used to put me across the
table and beat me, it could be the strap, the ruler, it could be anything, she used pinch
me so hard. I used be black and blue my legs would be black when she’d be finished
with me.
Reported abusers
13.37 Evidence was heard regarding 80 staff and co-residents who physically abused witnesses in
special need facilities.
13.38 Witnesses identified 57 staff, 24 male and 33 female, by name as physically abusive. A further
16 staff, 13 male and three female, were identified by their position as abusive but were not
named by witnesses. Thirty seven (37) of those identified by name were religious staff and 20
were lay care staff, teachers and ancillary workers. Eight (8) named staff who were identified as
physically abusive were also reported as being sexually abusive. It is possible that there is
some overlap between staff identified by name as abusive and those who were not named by
witnesses.
13.39 There were seven accounts of physical abuse perpetrated by co-residents, including three co-
residents who were named by witnesses. The other four accounts were of groups of co-
residents referred to as ‘gangs’ who were physically abusive and who taunted and threatened
witnesses and other residents. Witness information regarding precise numbers of co-resident
abusers was incomplete. As numbers are uncertain, each group is included in the following
table, as one abuser and, therefore, could be considered an under-representation of the actual
number of co-residents reported as abusers. It is also possible that there is some overlap
between co-residents identified by name as abusive and those who were not named by
witnesses.
13.40 Table 8 shows details regarding the reported position and numbers of named and unnamed
individuals described as physically abusive:
Table 61: Position and Number of Reported Physical Abusers – Male and Female Special
Position of reported physical abusers Males Females
Religious
- Authority figure 6 5
- Care staff 18 5
- Teacher 7 7
Lay
- Care staff 0 11
- Teacher 2 4
Co-resident 6 1
Total 43 37
13.41 Eleven (11) of the religious staff reported as physically abusive were described as either being
in charge of the institution or the Principal of the school. The 34 religious and lay staff, listed in
Table 8 as care staff, were described by witnesses as having contact with residents in the
context of their personal or everyday care. Lay staff who were occupied as night watchmen and
laundry workers, and others with designated tasks, are identified above as ancillary workers.
Religious and lay staff listed in Table 8 as teachers were either referred to as teachers by
witnesses and/or were described as abusing witnesses in the classroom.
There was one person very cruel, he was a teacher, he used to tell us he would go to
hell when he died because he did not beat us enough. He had been in another school
and he was dumped into ... (witness’s special needs school).... He was a very
unsuitable man, he would use a full cane with the ridges on it, he would beat you
anywhere. I remember him beating me around the neck, it was quite strong, he was
lashing out generally. Usually it was for inability to learn Irish, I was not bad at Irish, he
beat me, I don’t know why, I didn’t know what was happening to me.
Sexual abuse
or another person.6
13.42 This section summarises the witness evidence given of sexual abuse, ranging from contact
sexual assault including rape to non-contact abuse, such as voyeurism and inappropriate sexual
talk. Witnesses gave as much or as little detail as they wished when describing their
experiences of being sexually abused. While some witnesses provided detailed and disturbing
accounts of sexual abuse, less detailed accounts were sufficient to clarify the acute or chronic
nature of both contact and non-contact sexual abuse.
13.43 Thirty six (36) of the 58 witnesses who reported abuse in schools and residential services for
children with special needs reported being sexually abused. The 36 reports were from 29 male
and seven female witnesses in relation to 10 separate special needs facilities. Twenty seven
6
Section 1(1)(b).

(27) reports referred to abuse in facilities for children with intellectual disabilities and eight
reports referred to facilities for those with sensory impairments. One report referred to abuse in
a residential facility for physically disabled children. Eight (8) facilities were the subject of
between two and 10 reports, totalling 34 reports. Two (2) others were each the subject of single
reports.

13.44 The forms of sexual abuse reported by the 36 witnesses included voyeurism, inappropriate
fondling, mutual masturbation, oral/genital contact, penetration with objects, kissing, vaginal and
anal rape. Eleven (11) witnesses, nine of whom were male, reported being raped. With one
exception witnesses reported being raped many times, in some instances on a regular basis for
periods up to five years.
13.45 Witnesses reported that sexual abuse occurred in private and was most often perpetrated by
specific individuals over a period of time. Witnesses from three facilities described being taken
from their beds at night by male religious staff and being sexually abused in the staff members’
bedrooms. They reported being raped, fondled and molested, and some described being unable
to walk following such episodes of abuse. Other witnesses reported being sexually abused by
staff members while engaged in routine activity or while entrusted to their care.
There was another Brother, he brought me into his room I didn’t like it, he did things, he
hurt me. I was crying ... it was at night time, he made me do things.... He did things to
me ... he hurt me. Sometimes he took me into his room, he slept in a room on his own
off the dormitory. ... I didn’t like that going on. He was nice to me after it ...(anal rape)....
•
I was sexually abused by ...named lay ancillary worker... at 13 or 14 years of age, a few
times. He agreed to bring me home to where I came from for a visit. I knew him so well.
He started to touch me in my private parts and kissed me. He stopped in a lane on the
way home ...distressed.... It’s all bad.
13.46 Witnesses also described being raped and/or inappropriately fondled in their own beds at night
by religious and lay staff. Other locations of sexual abuse reported by witnesses included toilets,
bathrooms, dormitories, classrooms, yards, play areas and off-site locations.
Br ...X... used do dirty things to me at night when I’d get my period. He used to wake
me at night and took off all my clothes and pull the things up on me. He raped me when
I’d get my period, he did it 5 or 6 times and he’d touch my chest.... I told ...named lay
care staff... and she put me to bed late ... (to avoid contact with Br X)....
•
From the time I was 7 until I was 14, maybe 3 nights a week maybe 4, 2 or 3 Brothers
sexually abused me. They took turns, not every day, doing the night duty, walking
around ... they had different shifts, they would enjoy themselves. They knew which boy
was in the bed. ... Sometimes they would follow me behind the toilets in the day time
and do it again, they would pretend to dry ...(me)... with the towel and they would do
that, mess with you, kissing, touching....
13.47 Six (6) male witnesses reported that violence was a component of the sexual abuse. They were
either beaten before they were abused or sexually violated as they were being beaten.
Witnesses reported being subjected to extreme forms of physical violence, including having their
heads held under water, being bound and gagged and otherwise restrained while being sexually
assaulted and being beaten with leather straps on their bare bottom prior to being sexually
assaulted. Two (2) of the six witnesses reported being physically and sexually assaulted by
‘gangs’ of co-residents.
13.48 A female witness reported being sexually abused by the father in a ‘holiday’ family to whom she
was regularly sent from the special needs facility for many years. The witness believed that
reports of abuse had been made in relation to this man prior to her being sent to the family. She
did not understand what was happening, as she did not know what sexual abuse was. She had
no family or other visitors and nobody to whom she could confide about her experiences at the
time.
13.49 Three (3) male witnesses reported different forms of non-contact sexual abuse including being
shown pornographic photographs, being photographed while naked and being stared at by
religious care staff supervising showers and swimming activities.
13.50 Witnesses reported being forced to endure and comply with sexual abuse through threats of
violence, isolation from their peers, deprivation of family visits and being threatened that they
would be reported to authority figures. Witnesses also reported being subjected to various
bribes and inducements, including money, cigarettes, sweets and alcohol:
Another Brother ...(X)... (teacher)... he used to bring a white bag with scones in it from
the Brothers’ kitchen to our rooms and he would give the scones to the children who
would let him feel their legs and touch them. ... He would examine their essays, check
their spellings. ... He would check us all out closely and while he was doing that he
would be sitting quite close to us and feeling our legs, at that stage I was quite
innocent.
•
One ...(Br X)... didn’t teach in class, he would look after pupils, he was a big man. ... On
the day before I left I asked him for ...a book... he told me to go upstairs. He suggested
he would go to the room where he kept his books, but he took me to his bedroom and
he closed the door and I got a fright. ... He pushed me over onto his bed, he was
wearing his habit. I was trying to resist, I could see his face, he was really red in the
face. ... I couldn’t feel his private parts because he had his habit on and that was ok. ...
(witness described molestation)... .Afterwards he gave me a bar of chocolate and told
me to keep quiet about it, I was very shocked.
13.51 Two (2) male witnesses from one facility reported that male religious staff who were sexually
abusive would select them and other residents to accompany them on outings to town where
they were taken into pubs and given alcohol. One witness reported being taken by a Brother to
a pub instead of the cinema and returning to the cinema before the film finished. This Brother
was reported to have sexually abused the witness on a regular basis over a three-to four-year
period.
13.52 One witness named a man by whom he was sexually abused. He was a member of the public
who had access to the grounds of the intellectual disability service, and who befriended the
witness in the course of his activities there:
He ...(X)... asked me to meet him one night outside. ... I got out the window and I met
him down the way, he came out in his car and he made sure there was nobody looking
and he asked me to get in. He was doing his usual thing on the way across ... (touching
witness).... I thought he was bringing me home but we ended up in a Bed and
Breakfast. ... By that stage I knew what he was doing was wrong. He took my clothes
off ... he just did what he wanted to do to me ... (witness described anal penetration)....
He said if I ever told anybody he’d get me, he’d know where I was. ... He left me home
to my parents’ place, they were waiting outside the door, he walked up and said “I found
your son, he was walking the streets, I picked him up”. ... He never told them anything
about what he’d done. ... (Witness never saw abuser again)....
Reported abusers
13.53 The individuals identified as sexually abusive came from a wider range of occupations both
within and outside the institutions, than those reported as physically abusive, and almost half of
those reported as sexually abusive were co-residents.
13.54 There were 28 staff, 26 male and two female, identified by witnesses as being sexually abusive,
including 19 who were named. Seventeen (17) of the named staff members were male and two
were female. Thirteen (13) of those named were religious staff and six were lay care staff and
ancillary workers. One male religious staff member was specifically described as the person in
charge. The other religious staff were described as being in care roles at the time of the abuse
although their assigned roles were not always clear to the witnesses.
13.55 There were a further nine reports of sexual abuse by religious and lay staff where the reported
abusers were not identified by name. They were described by their role as Brothers, night
watchmen and care staff. It is possible that there is some overlap between those staff who were
identified by name and those who were not named.
13.56 Two (2) Brothers were identified by name as sexually abusive by six separate witnesses and
three other Brothers were each identified by name by two separate witnesses. A further 14 other
religious and lay staff were each the subject of single reports of sexual abuse.
13.57 The following table lists the number of named and unnamed sexual abusers, by their reported
position:
Table 62: Position and Number of Reported Sexual Abusers – Male and Female Special
Religious
- Care staff 16 0
- Teacher 1 0
- Ancillary workers 1 0
- External clergy 1 0
Lay
- Care staff 1 1
Visiting professional 1 0
Volunteer worker 1 0
General public 1 0
Co-resident 23 4
Total 54 6
13.58 Twelve (12) witnesses identified 16 co-residents by name as sexually abusive. One co-resident
was identified by name by three witnesses. There were a further 11 reports of sexual abuse by
co-residents who were not named. In five instances witnesses reported being frequently sexually
abused by co-residents over a period of years. As with staff members, there may be some
overlap between those co-residents who were named as abusers and those who were not
specifically named.
13.59 Those reported as sexually abusive included three groups of male co-residents who were
described as threatening and physically intimidating in addition to being sexually abusive. Two
(2) witnesses described being assaulted by groups of co-residents who restrained them and
subjected them to penetration by objects. As witness information regarding the precise numbers
of abusive co-residents is incomplete the numbers reported above could be considered an
under-representation.
13.60 In addition to staff members and co-residents who were reported as sexual abusers there were
five witness reports of sexual abuse being perpetrated by the following male adults who were
external to the institution: a visiting GP, a chaplain, a father in a ‘holiday’ family, a male member
of the public, and a volunteer worker who took residents out to the cinema.
There was a man ... (member of the public)... he used to watch me, he was always a bit
of a loner. ... He came across me one day when I was alone and he invited me into ...
(the)... shed and he started touching me. It happened on 3 occasions. He wasn’t part of
the staff but he used to use the facilities. To begin with he used to just touch me, then
he removed my clothes. ... There was a dirty mattress and he pushed me down and he
got on top of me, he was pushing himself up and down on top of me, he had his clothes
off. I didn’t really understand what he was doing.
•
When I was taken out... (by holiday family)... I was abused, I was sexually abused, it
was a man... (father in holiday family).... I was sent out nearly every weekend and
holidays and it went on for years and years of my life...distressed...I can’t get over it, it
just gets to me. I was 7 years of age.
Neglect
13.61 This section summarises witness accounts of general neglect. Descriptions of neglect refer to all
aspects of the physical, social and emotional care and welfare of the witnesses. It also
describes other forms of neglect that are regarded as having a negative impact on the
individual’s emotional health and development, for example failure to protect from harm, to
educate and to adequately supervise.
13.62 There were 25 reports of neglect heard by the Committee from 13 male and 12 female
witnesses in relation to 11 special needs schools; three of the schools were the subject of
reports by both male and female witnesses. Sixteen (16) reports were related to witnesses’
experiences in schools for children with sensory impairments. Six (6) schools were the subject
of between two and seven reports, totalling 20 reports. Five (5) schools were each the subject of
single reports.
Description of neglect
13.63 The forms of neglect reported to the Committee included inadequate education and training,
poor and insufficient food, poor hygiene, lack of recreational activities and inadequate
supervision.
7
Section 1(1)(c) as amended by section 3 of the 2005 Act.

Supervision
13.64 Eleven (11) witnesses identified poor supervision as a source of neglect in the schools where
they were placed. One witness described being sexually abused by a member of religious staff
at night in his bed although a Brother had supervisory duties in the dormitory and ‘was there in
a flash if you whispered to another boy’. Nine (9) witnesses, both male and female, reported
being physically and sexually abused by staff and co-residents in circumstances where there
was no effective supervision. Witnesses also reported being abused by groups of co-residents in
circumstances where there was no available protection and where older residents had
unsupervised access to younger, vulnerable residents.
13.65 Witnesses described making various attempts to protect themselves or seek protection from
others. One witness who was sexually abused by a co-resident was separated from the abusive
co-resident by care staff to whom he had disclosed the abuse. This resulted in an improvement
in his situation until the following year when there was a change of staff and he was once again
placed in proximity to the person who had previously abused him. He was once again abused
on a regular basis for some time by that person. Another witness reported being repeatedly sent
to a holiday family where she was sexually abused, despite her protests that she did not want to
return there. She believed that staff should have responded to her indications that she was
unhappy although she felt unable to articulate that she was being sexually abused.
Education
13.66 Fourteen (14) witnesses reported inadequate education as their main form of neglect. They
gave examples of educational disadvantage caused by being made to work instead of attending
school. Witnesses reported that in schools for children with sensory impairments classwork was
primarily focussed on using disability aids, such as hearing aids, speech and vocalisation aids
and touch text for those with sight impairments. Most of the 14 witnesses reported that their
education was impeded by fear of physical abuse in the classroom.
The inspectors would come in, but they ...(teachers)... generally knew when they were
coming. ... Everything was lovely, the stick would be put away, out of sight.
13.67 Three (3) witnesses reported that their sensory impairment was not recognised and they were
inappropriately placed in schools for learning disabled children where their educational needs
were neglected.
13.68 Witnesses with sensory, physical and intellectual disabilities commented on the accompanying
communication difficulties they experienced. Deaf witnesses described the distress they endured
when forced to communicate through speech instead of sign language and the considerable
time and effort that was devoted to teaching them Oralism while forbidding any other form of
communication:
They were treating me like a stupid ...child... because I didn’t learn properly. I was very
intelligent when I was small, I was very quick at picking up things through sign but I
couldn’t learn through oralism, I was very, very low, my confidence was gone, my self-
esteem was gone. I was very, very disappointed with myself, because I couldn’t learn
through oralism, and then they would hit you if you didn’t understand and so we
pretended to understand to avoid being hit all the time.
13.69 Witnesses with intellectual disabilities repeatedly commented on the fact that ‘nobody explained
anything’ as a result of which they did not understand what they were supposed to do and at
times why they were being punished or abused. Witnesses with sight and physical disabilities
commented that they were treated as if they were deaf, that staff frequently spoke about them
as if they were not there and that nobody ever asked them for their opinion.
13.70 In addition to the reports of inadequate classroom education five witnesses reported that the
education and training offered in the workshops attached to the schools did not prepare them for
independent living following their discharge. The lack of preparation for independent living was
reported as abusive. They commented on the traumatic impact of being discharged from the
shelter of residential settings without any aftercare or follow up:
(Discharge preparation)...didn’t give us a great start, the best of us got through, if you
had a strong character and if you came from a strong family home, that would support
you but if you didn’t have that going for you, you kind of fell into a survival method.
General welfare and personal care

13.71 Four (4) particular special needs schools were reported more often than others as providing a
poor standard of physical care. Witnesses from those facilities consistently described cold,
hunger, inadequate clothing and poor hygiene facilities. Ten (10) witnesses from those schools
reported being frequently hungry or being forced to eat unpalatable food, three of whom also
reported being forced to eat regurgitated food.
13.72 Poor hygiene and management of menstruation was cited by four female witnesses as an
aspect of their neglect. They described being given little or no information about menstruation
and were not provided with sanitary protection or the necessary facilities to maintain appropriate
personal hygiene. Four (4) other witnesses described not having their own clothes and having to
wear clothes from a communal supply that was infrequently changed and laundered.
13.73 Female witnesses reported being expected to undertake domestic work within the schools and
two described being exploited as unpaid domestic staff. In addition to work tasks being
described as an alternative to classroom education in the special needs facilities, witnesses also
remarked on the absence of recreational activities. Witnesses with restricted mobility
commented on the boredom associated with institutional living where it was reported that no
effort was made to occupy or provide age-appropriate activities to children who were bed-bound.
13.74 Witnesses also reported being subjected to inappropriate daily routines that they believed were
maintained for expedience. One example provided was of being awakened at 6:00 every
morning to be washed and dressed by the night staff before they finished their shift. She
reported being then left sitting in a cold room, waiting for breakfast that was not served until
approximately two hours later.
Emotional abuse
13.75 This section describes witness evidence of emotional abuse by deprivation of affection, family
contact and approval, loss of identity, and a lack of safety and protection. It refers to both what
was done by religious and lay staff and others who had responsibility for the residents in their
care and what they failed to provide. These deprivations impaired the social, emotional, physical
functioning and development of witnesses and were identified by them as generally disturbing
both at the time and in the subsequent course of their lives.
8

13.76 The Committee heard 24 reports of emotional abuse by 11 male and 13 female witnesses in
relation to 10 special needs facilities. Fourteen (14) of the reports referred to witnesses’
experiences in services for children with sensory impairments. Six (6) facilities were the subject
of between two and seven reports, totalling 20 reports. Four (4) facilities were each the subject
of single reports.

13.77 Emotional abuse described by witnesses included deprivation of family contact, social isolation
and humiliation, lack of affection, personal ridicule, constant criticism, bullying, fear and threats
of harm.
I can only think of years of abuse and torture and being a punch bag and crying....
Lonely and crying in bed most of the time and being scared and not being able to tell
anyone.
•
To begin with, I was more or less bullied ... (by)... older lads ... often times they used do
it for money. ... We used to go out and do work experience ... anytime I’d get paid for it
they’d want the money off you ... I tried to say I didn’t have it, or something. ... They
used to call me all sorts of names. ... I thought at first I’d avoid them, but every time I
went to go off somewhere they’d follow me. ... They went on to kick the back of my
heels, pushing me down the stairs, stick my head underwater and stuff.
Personal ridicule and humiliation

13.78 The most consistently reported form of emotional abuse by the witnesses with special needs
was of being denigrated, humiliated and disparaged about their appearance, mannerisms and
intelligence. They reported being called names and made the subject of derogatory comments
by certain staff, some of whom encouraged co-residents to jeer at their behaviour. Witnesses
said their weakness and distress was subject to particular derision and they were further
humiliated when they cried or demonstrated distress.
They treated me like a dog, I couldn’t read and I couldn’t speak, the ...religious staff...
called me names, terrible, they beat me up with a leather.
Deprivation of family contact and identity

13.79 A reported consequence of the loss of family contact in the process of being institutionalised
was loss of identity. Twelve (12) of the 58 witnesses reporting abuse in special needs schools
had little or no information about their birth or family, and had no contact with family members
after their admission. Three (3) witnesses had no information at all about their family of origin,
and all they knew about themselves was their name.
I suppose some of it was my fault really, I was looking for my mother, there was no
answers... I heard girls talking about their Mammies and I had nobody to come up to
see me, nobody. I knew nothing... (about family)... so I took these fits of tempers, I was
a handful.
13.80 In general, witnesses reported that family contact was restricted to the routine Christmas, Easter
and summer school holidays. Witnesses who were admitted to special needs services from
home gave accounts of being deprived of contact with their families after their admission and of
family visits being denied as punishment for alleged misbehaviour. Several witnesses
commented on the fact that their homes were long distances from the schools and as a result
their families were unable to visit. They reported that all other contact, apart from going home
for holidays, was confined to letter writing, which had particular limitations for residents with
sight and learning impairments. Witnesses reported that their letters were dictated and strictly
controlled. ‘We were not allowed to ask for anything or to say anything about our daily life
there.’
13.81 Witnesses commented on the absence of any demonstration of verbal and physical affection
towards them by staff. For those witnesses admitted at a young age from family homes where
they had experienced warmth and affection this deprivation had a particularly disturbing impact.
Witnesses with sensory impairments found being ‘sent to Coventry’ particularly distressing. They
described not being spoken to by staff and co-residents, and being isolated in rooms.
13.82 Many deaf witnesses described how distressing it was to be denied the use of sign language,
which was their only means of communication. Sign language was also the accepted manner in
which many witnesses communicated with their family. Loss of contact with family members was
accentuated for some witnesses as a result of their parents being told by staff in some schools
not to use sign language during holidays. Deaf witnesses who were compelled to communicate
verbally reported being socially isolated as a result of the difficulty they experienced with this
process. Witnesses reported that loneliness and isolation were further exacerbated by
restrictions on communication and the reported disapproval of friendships between residents.

13.83 Witnesses with sensory impairments described their extreme fear and distress when they were
locked in rooms as punishment. One witness described the terror experienced when locked in
an outhouse with animals, another of being left overnight in a washroom without any bedding as
punishment for bed-wetting or other alleged misdemeanours.
I was locked in the washroom overnight. ......( named religious staff member)... would
walk out and close the door, you’d have your ...night clothes... on and you could stand
at your basin and do what you liked but you had to stay there, no blankets, mattress,
sleep on the bare floor. We used to get together in a corner and try to keep each other
warm, it was scary, you’d hope that nothing would happen, you could also be there on
your own. ... You could be there for more than a few nights in a row, freezing cold.
13.84 Witnesses who were sexually abused described the pervasive fear associated with constant
vigilance in anticipation of the next episode of abuse. Other witnesses with learning disabilities
reported being terrified of making mistakes and that learning was stifled by the fear of physical
punishment and humiliation.
13.85 Eight (8) witnesses reported being sexually abused by staff members who also subjected them
to severe physical abuse. They reported being intimidated by staff as a warning against
disclosure, they lived in fear of certain staff members who abused them on a regular basis,
reinforcing silence by threats of further abuse.
13.86 In addition to the reports of abuse by staff and other adults, there were 33 reports of physical,
sexual and/or emotional abuse by co-residents. Witnesses generally described abuse involving
co-residents as occurring either in the company of other residents, described as ‘gangs’, or in
open places where it was believed others could observe what was happening. Inadequate
supervision exposed vulnerable residents to bullying and abuse and created fearful situations
that many witnesses reported being forced to endure.
13.87 Four (4) witnesses gave accounts of their lives being threatened by groups of co-residents who
bullied them. One witness reported to a staff member that he was being sexually abused and
bullied by a group of co-residents, which resulted in further abuse from his co-residents. He
reported that they held him over a stairwell and threatened to drop him the next time he told
anyone that he was being abused. He was further threatened that his younger sibling would be
punished in the same way. Another witness reported being threatened that he would be pushed
from a height if he disclosed physical abuse and bullying by co-residents.
They ... (older co-residents)... brought me up to the top of ... in the grounds and held my
hands behind my back and pushed me over to look down off it, I thought they were
going to push me down off it, lucky enough someone was passing by and they saw
what was happening and they stopped, when the fellas saw who was there they ran
away.

13.88 Several witnesses described the distress they experienced as a result of hearing and seeing co-
residents being beaten and humiliated. The sound of other children being beaten was reported
to be particularly distressing in addition to the pervasive fear generated in an environment
where, as the following witnesses described, there was a constant threat of being hurt:
You see a lot of the trouble for me was listening to fellas getting beaten, listening to
fellas being flogged. I remember a fella who used to shake himself and shake his hands
and things like that, he was quite bad at it. This Br ...(X)... got an idea into his head that
he would stop this fella from doing these things. Every time he saw him doing it he’d
slap him, he’d stop him by hitting him. Eventually he stopped...shaking... during the day,
he’d wag in the bed at night and the bed was a noisy springy bed. This Brother would
beat him in bed at night. ... That chap became a bed-wetter after that happened. The
bed-wetters, I’d hear the screams, it would give me a dry retch even though I had
nothing in my stomach, it used to affect me very badly.
•
He... (lay teacher)... beat them ...(co-residents)... around the room like cattle, they would
be crashing into desks and he would say “would you mind my lovely furniture”. It was
very bad listening to it. I couldn’t learn, you couldn’t learn in the atmosphere of violence
... if you didn’t give an answer you‘d get battered.
Knowledge of abuse
13.89 Witnesses believed that much abuse was reported at the time and that staff and residents were
aware of it or had observed it, and people outside the institution were also told about it.
Witnesses also observed the abuse of their co-residents. Witnesses reported that disclosures of
abuse were at times investigated with positive results. Other witnesses stated they were either
ignored or punished.
13.90 Witnesses generally reported having great difficulty in finding ways of disclosing their abuse to
anyone. In all instances the witnesses’ particular disability was described as a barrier to
communication and disclosure, both at the time and subsequently. A number stated that this
difficulty was particularly highlighted when addressing such a sensitive topic as sexual abuse.
I never told my parents because I didn’t know what to say ... and I didn’t know if they’d
believe me and it’s only now, many years later, that these secrets are out in the open
and the Brothers can be challenged and that is why I’m here to tell you.
•
I reported to the ...lay Principal.... I do feel it’s ...(sexual abuse)... my fault, I told him
...(named lay ancillary worker)...I didn’t want sex but he wouldn’t listen to me. I wish I
could forget about it but I can’t, it makes me sick and angry.
13.91 Twenty six (26) witnesses reported telling someone at the time that they were being abused, 19
of those witnesses stated they were believed, but not necessarily with positive consequences.
Disclosures were most often made to parents, staff and authority figures within the school.
There were isolated accounts of disclosure to the gardaı́ and a visiting priest. ‘I ran away once,
the police found me. I tried to tell them I wasn’t happy and what was happening, but they
wouldn’t believe me.’ Another witness gave the following account of what happened when his
mother complained about physical abuse:
My mother was washing me, she seen the bruises, my older brother saw black and
blue. I didn’t understand, I was used to it. She said “what happened, where did you get
that?” I had bruises all over my body. She wrote a letter to the head Brother and he
sent for my mother. My mother and me went to talk to him and he said it wouldn’t
happen again. I was about 8 or 9. After that, the next day, a few Brothers beat me up
and said “shut your mouth”. They beat me up... really it was terrible. My mother did
complain but what could you do?
13.92 Witnesses with intellectual disabilities described being bullied and threatened by staff and co-
residents not to tell others they were being abused. They also reported being punished and
further abused when they disclosed their abuse to others. The impact of this experience was
made evident to the Committee by a number of witnesses who sought reassurance from
accompanying companions and from the Commissioners that they would not be punished or ‘get
in trouble’ for attending the Commission.
13.93 Seven (7) witnesses reported that when they told staff they were being abused they were not
believed and the staff did nothing to address the reported complaint. Witnesses commented on
the fact that disclosure often resulted in being punished for ‘telling tales’. In other circumstances
witnesses reported that while their disclosure was punished, the abuse subsequently stopped.
I went back to the orphanage and told them that I was being abused, she... (person in
charge)... told me “you are always causing trouble”, she wouldn’t listen to me. She told
me I was lying. How can any child... (make up something like that )... she wouldn’t listen
to me. I didn’t even know what sexual abuse was. I thought it was the right thing, he
was giving me money. When I tried to explain to one of the nuns that he was touching
me she said “there you are, lying again” and pushed me away.
13.94 The Committee heard evidence that in seven instances the offender was removed from the
school following disclosure to either the witnesses’ parents or staff within the school. An
additional three witnesses reported being separated from abusive co-residents that led to a
cessation in the abuse for some time. Another witness reported that religious staff in charge of
one school appeared to be aware of sexual abuse among residents and became more vigilant
in their supervision of recreation time.
13.95 Two (2) other witnesses reported that their parents wrote letters of complaint to the person in
charge who subsequently met them and minimised the seriousness of the disclosed abuse. ‘I
told my parents, they believed me, as far as I know. My mother wrote to ...named lay teacher...
but it made no difference.’ There was no positive outcome for these witnesses. Another
witness’s father intervened and spoke to the person in charge, it was believed the reported
abuser was reprimanded but not removed. Following parental intervention another witness
reported being removed from the residential part of the service to continue attending as a day
pupil.
13.96 A positive example of external intervention was provided by a witness who complained
repeatedly to staff that he was being bullied by older co-residents and was punished in
response. Despite his complaints being ignored by staff he persisted in complaining about being
constantly picked on and taunted by a group of older boys whom he feared. The witness
reported that one day this group of co-residents threatened his life in a public place. A passing
member of the public saw what was happening and intervened ‘Actually a doctor rang the staff
and they were told off for it. ... I think they were a bit afraid after that.’
Positive experiences
13.97 Twenty six (26) witnesses reported having some positive memories of their time in the special
needs schools and services. The kindness of religious and lay staff was often reported in
relation to admission to the facilities and the assistance provided to witnesses when they were
leaving. Fourteen (14) witnesses commented on the good experience of having kind teachers
and 11 religious staff were named as particularly kind by a number of witnesses.
Some of the nuns were very, very nice. I can’t take that away from them... I’d have to
say they were fairly good to us....There was one nun, Sr ...Y..., she was a nice person,
she took me and said “listen, you aren’t a bad person”.
•
The... (lay care worker)... was one of the nicest, kindest people ever in my life, he would
give us chocolate to keep us quiet, rocked us to sleep. I don’t remember anything bad
ever happening with him.
13.98 Three (3) other witnesses commented on the positive changes introduced by new staff,
particularly those in authority. One of those witnesses reported that, following such a change,
more thorough assessments took place, as a result of which the witness was transferred to
another facility where his particular educational needs were addressed.
13.99 Ten (10) witnesses commented positively on the level of care provided to them and the general
and academic education they received. They commented on the beneficial outcome to them of
treatment and training provided by the special needs services. In a small number of instances
witnesses reported that their families were unable to care adequately for them or that they were
abused and neglected prior to their admission. The witnesses remarked that their placement in
the special needs school or service had a protective component for which they were grateful.
13.100 Six (6) witnesses commented that family visits and the opportunity to go home for holidays and
be outside the institutions were the most positive memories of their time there.
13.101 The following section summaries the information provided by witnesses during their hearings
regarding their adult lives, including details about relationships, employment and parenting. It
also identifies some of the reported ongoing effects of childhood abuse in the witnesses’ lives.
Relationships
13.102 Thirty two (32) of the 58 witnesses, 22 male and 10 female, who reported being abused in
special needs facilities were single at the time of their hearing. Twenty eight (28) of those
witnesses reported never having been married or involved in intimate relationships. Four (4)
other witnesses were currently single having been previously involved in relationships for short
periods. Twenty two (22) witnesses, 13 male and nine female, were married. Four (4) other
witnesses reported being in long-term relationships, currently or in the past.
13.103 Twenty six (26) witnesses, 19 male and seven female, who reported being single and who had
never married, were in sheltered living situations or had lived in residential facilities for most of
their lives. Eighteen (18) witnesses, 11 male and seven female, who were married at the time of
their hearing described their marriages as happy, stable, supportive and of many years duration.
Several witnesses reported meeting and marrying partners who had similar childhood
experiences as their own.
Met... (my)... husband to be, got married and didn’t go back to work. When I met my
husband we had great communication ... I was so happy to be with him ... we left all the
past behind, we really forgot about that ...(childhood abuse)...
13.104 Eighteen (18) witnesses described themselves as having struggled with the effects of
institutional care and abuse for years following their discharge from special needs schools and
residential facilities. Childhood sexual abuse was reported by 10 witnesses to have had a
particularly detrimental effect on their adult relationships. Alcohol abuse and unresolved anger
were noted features of the relationships difficulties described by a small number of witnesses.
I started drinking too much, found myself not able to go into work the next day and I
didn’t feel very good about that ... went to AA ... for all my sins I think I do still drink
more than I should ... they all say to me “you’re such a nice man without it” ...
•
For...years after I left I lived the best I could. I wasn’t aware that things were so difficult
as they were, I normalised all that went wrong...That left me socially very difficult...I
couldn’t handle it at all, relationships and that...
•
I’d say all the group... (former co-residents)... ended up in trouble with alcohol, or social
isolation or didn’t make it into relationships at all.... A lot of them... (are)... very bitter and
isolated, they continue to survive, just survive.
13.105 Counselling and the support of partners, family and professionals were all reported to have
contributed to happier outcomes for a number of witnesses.
Married... ( many years)... very happy. My wife understands my problem. We
have...children. I didn’t understand for a long time, when I got married first ... about...
(sexual)... relations...(until)... I went to see the counsellor ... I don’t know how ...wife ...
did enjoy the relationship. Because of sexual abuse in the school, that put me off... I
can’t enjoy sexual relations... (but)... we have worked it out,... wife...is brilliant.
Parenting
13.106 Twenty (20) witnesses, 12 male and eight female, reported having a total of 59 children. Ten
(10) described having good relationships with their children. Four (4) witnesses described
themselves as overprotective of their children and another three reported being harsh or abusive
parents. They reported hitting and slapping their children, commenting that they treated their
children as they had been treated themselves.
When my children were bold or wild I slapped them. Sometimes I slapped them around
the face and I remember one day.... I slapped him... (son)... repeatedly around the face.
He started crying, he got frightened, I lost my temper with him I think, I didn’t realise
until afterwards that it was wrong to slap. It was what I had learned in school ... I didn’t
know anything about child abuse. I remember when I was driving there was a
big...(advertising poster)... about how not to slap your child, that it can affect them
mentally, and that had a huge impact. I was wondering, you know, what did I do to my
children?... (I)... felt so guilty, so very, very guilty. I was very hard on them, I did slap
them very hard ... distressed and crying ... I remember seeing this poster and I felt so
guilty.... I loved them... and they loved me and I remember thinking why did I do that to
them?... I realised I learned that from the school, they did that to me all the time and I
did that to the children. I feel terrible guilty about that ... and then I stopped and they
behaved very well after that.
13.107 Other witnesses described being angry a lot of the time for unspecified reasons. They now
believe their anger and unhappiness was related to childhood experiences, which they
acknowledge contributed to unhappy family lives for their own children.
Occupational and employment status

13.108 Twenty-three (23) witnesses, 15 male and eight female, were employed at the time of their
hearing, three others were working at home and three were retired. Five (5) witnesses reported
being unemployed and the remaining 24 witnesses, 18 male and six female, were in receipt of
disability income. Five (5) of these 24 witnesses had been previously employed for substantial
periods of time.
13.109 As previously stated, many of the 19 witnesses with sensory impairments commented on the
inadequate level of education provided for them in the schools, where the main emphasis was
on remediation for their particular disability. They reported being denied both an academic
education and the means to communicate effectively in mainstream society. These witnesses
repeatedly remarked on the consequent disadvantages for them in their later work lives. While
many witnesses established themselves in successful careers, they nevertheless reported
having struggled for years to overcome the shortcomings of their education.
13.110 Eighteen (18) of the 58 witnesses reported receiving second-level education for some time in
their adolescence. Five (5) of these 18 witnesses subsequently attended third-level education.
The remaining 40 witnesses reported attending school at primary level, in 20 instances until they
were aged 16 years or older.
13.111 Witnesses generally commented on the difficulty they experienced finding employment when
they were discharged from the special needs schools and services. It was consistently reported
that there were little or no formal placement or aftercare services available for them as young
people with special needs. Telephonist training, tailoring, shoemaking, clerical employment, and
assembly work were traditional areas of work mentioned for those with sensory and other
impairments. Witnesses commented that these designated fields of employment did not suit
everyone but prior to the 1970s there was very little, if any, choice available.
13.112 Twenty three (23) witnesses reported having stable and predominantly satisfying work careers
and often commented on the helpful intervention of individuals they met along the way. One
witness described himself as fortunate to work with someone who acted as a mentor and who
advised the witness to travel and experience life in other places. He reported that he would be
forever grateful for the encouragement he received from this person and was aware that his
own circumstances were better than many of his peers who remained in the same jobs where
they were originally placed by the school.
13.113 Three (3) female witnesses reported being retained in their particular special needs schools as
domestic workers for a number of years. These witnesses all subsequently arranged alternative
employment for themselves outside the institutions and commented on the assistance they were
grateful to receive from kind work colleagues in the schools.
13.114 Five (5) witnesses reported that they are involved in the disability sector either working within
organisations for people with disabilities or on behalf of people with special needs.
13.115 Twelve (12) witnesses stated that they have been in sheltered work situations since they were
discharged from the special needs schools and services, some of which have been provided or
supported by the same organisations who managed the special needs facilities. Involvement in
the sheltered employment programs was, in some instances, part of the aftercare service
provided by organisations in conjunction with sheltered accommodation. Other sheltered
employment services were provided by voluntary community-based organisations to which
residents were referred when they were discharged from the special needs schools.
13.116 For other witnesses employment was reported as a problematic area of their lives. Fifteen (15)
reported having great difficulty settling into employment and as a result have been unemployed
for substantial periods of time. The Committee heard numerous reports of witnesses being
poorly treated by employers and making frequent job changes in attempts to find better
situations. Relations with work colleagues were citied as a problem area. Several witnesses
reported that communication difficulties with their work colleagues contributed to them feeling
victimised in various ways. Others commented on the fact that they were disadvantaged in
employment situations by what they regarded as the prejudice of both co-workers and
employers towards people with disabilities. The lack of preparation for independence and a
social life outside the institutional setting was believed by many of these witnesses to have
contributed to the particular difficulties experienced.
I was raped when I was... (homeless)... it was a bad rape. I think I had a breakdown, I
was working on kind of overdrive ... I didn’t care anymore what happened to me, I’d get
a job and then I’d lose it. I felt like I closed down a great deal. I gave up wanting to get
a job.
•
I was happy... (at work)... and everything was good, but as soon as I was given out to
again it all came flooding back. They were wrong at school to be constantly giving out to
us, because we didn’t know how to answer back, we didn’t know how to be ... assertive.
13.117 Seven (7) witnesses stated that they have been on disability income all their lives and had never
participated in any formal employment activity.
Accommodation
13.118 Witnesses reported having reasonably settled accommodation, with 18 witnesses owning their
own home. Most of the 23 witnesses who were living in sheltered accommodation had resided
there since their time in the special needs facility. As previously stated, sheltered
accommodation programs were, and continue to be, provided by some of the special needs
services as part of their ongoing service delivery. Witnesses in sheltered accommodation
programs described different living situations. A number lived in group homes with other adults
who had similar needs and required minimal daily assistance. Others lived in small residential
units with 24-hour staff cover. Witnesses in sheltered accommodation generally reported having
good support services and relatively secure accommodation. Lack of income security provided
considerable difficulty for 17 witnesses, who were dependent on the private rental market or the
goodwill of friends and relatives for accommodation. Reported housing arrangements at the time
of hearings were:
• Twenty three (23) witnesses lived in sheltered accommodation.
• Eighteen (18) witnesses reported that they owned their own homes.
• Eleven (11) witnesses lived in rented accommodation, either in the private or public
sector.
• Six (6) witnesses lived with friends or relatives.
Health
13.119 During the course of their hearings witnesses provided general information regarding their health
and well-being, both directly and in the context of describing their current life circumstances. For
the purpose of writing this Report the Committee categorised witnesses’ physical and mental
health status as good, reasonable or poor based on the information provided at the hearing
about their current and past health history. Twenty two (22) of the witnesses who had
intellectual impairments provided minimal details regarding their health status and are
categorised as ‘unknown’ in the absence of sufficient information being provided to allow a more
accurate description.
13.120 Sixteen (16) of the 36 witnesses who provided information about their general health status
described having good physical health. In general these witnesses commented that they have
not had any major health concerns apart from routine or age-related conditions that had
responded well to treatment.
13.121 Fifteen (15) witnesses described physical health circumstances that the Committee categorised
as ‘reasonable’ for the purpose of this Report. The witnesses reported having, and receiving
treatment for, a range of conditions including heart disease, arthritis, diabetes, irritable bowel
syndrome and epilepsy, which continue to have some debilitating effect on their everyday lives.
13.122 Five (5) witnesses reported poor physical health including terminal conditions and the chronic
symptoms of alcoholism and eating disorders. One witness reported poor physical health as the
consequence of a severe physical disability. At the time of their hearings, four of the five
witnesses who described serious physical health concerns also reported experiencing poor
mental health.
Table 63: Current Physical Health Status – Male and Female Special Needs Schools and
Physical health status Males Females Total witnesses
Good 9 7 16
Reasonable 8 7 15
Poor 4 1 5
Unavailable 18 4 22
Total 39 19 58
13.123 Eleven (11) witnesses reported having no particular mental health problems. Six (6) of the 11
witnesses who reported good mental health described experiencing some emotional difficulties
in the past. Such difficulties included anxiety, loneliness and depression, which they believed
was related to their childhood abuse. A number of witnesses reported that counselling had
helped them to deal with their emotional difficulties and others commented that they had learned
to accept their painful memories and experiences of their childhood.
Since I’ve gone to counselling and that I don’t feel as bad as I used to ... I think the
counsellor put it into perspective ... It wasn’t my fault, I’ve nothing to be ashamed of ....
•
Counselling was very helpful. It’s finished. I miss her... (counsellor)... terrible but she
thinks I was ready to finish.
•
I... (get depressed)... sometimes,...(there’s)... no treatment, nobody could cure me. I’ll
go with it to the grave. I’ll never change, it’s impossible, it’s in my mind.
13.124 Fourteen (14) witnesses described a range of mental health concerns including depression,
alcoholism and anxiety, which have had a notable impact on their lives and which in five
instances have necessitated in-patient psychiatric treatment in the past. Three (3) of the 14
witnesses reported that their alcohol abuse was a response to feelings of depression, loneliness
and anger related to childhood abuse. One witness reported a past history of self-harm and two
other witnesses reported that they had acted on suicidal thoughts in the past. The mental health
status of these 14 witnesses was categorised as reasonable by the Committee and were
markedly different to the circumstances of other witnesses whose mental health status was
categorised as poor.
A certain thing will remind me of it... (childhood abuse)... like food reminds me of it. I do
attribute myself being overweight to... (childhood memories of food)..., now I eat what I
want when I want it, and not horrible food and food that was never touched in
there...(school)..., not potatoes. I was bulimic for a while first when I left... but I stopped
that ... and self harm, I was cutting myself.
13.125 The 11 witnesses categorised as experiencing poor mental health circumstances reported
ongoing feelings of depression with past or current thoughts or attempts of suicide. They
reported being currently treated with medication for their depression and three witnesses had
received in-patient psychiatric treatment in the recent past. Two (2) witnesses described
suffering with agoraphobia and another witness reported repeated attempts at self- harm. Five
(5) of the 11 witnesses described themselves as being actively suicidal in the past.
Table 64: Current Mental Health Status – Male and Female Special Needs Schools and
Mental health status Males Females Total witnesses
Good 6 5 11
Reasonable 8 6 14
Poor 7 4 11
Unavailable 18 4 22
Total 39 19 58
13.126 In summary, the most consistently reported features of the health profile of witnesses who had
attended special needs facilities was depression with associated alcohol abuse, suicidal
thoughts and self-harm. Twenty two (22) witnesses reported being treated for depression either
currently or in the past and 31 witnesses reported having received counselling.

13.127 Communication impairments restricted a number of witnesses’ ability to report in detail about
their experiences. It was also remarked that sensory and other impairments made it difficult for
witnesses and others to access information about the work of the Commission. It is important to
note that the evidence presented to the Committee was received from witnesses who were less
restricted than others in their capacity to communicate independently and/or had access to good
support networks. Witnesses repeatedly made the point to the Committee that this was not the
reality for many of their former co-residents. Nine (9) of the 58 witnesses in this group did not
elaborate on their life experiences since being discharged from the special needs services they
attended as children. A number had gone on to live in sheltered accommodation facilities
provided by the same organisations who managed the special needs services they had
previously attended.
13.128 The table below lists the negative effects described by the 49 witnesses, 32 male and 17
female, who reported abuse in special needs services and also gave an account of their adult
life circumstances.

Table 65: Reported Effects on Adult Life – Male and Female Special Needs Schools and
Effects on adult life* Number of Effects on adult life* Number of
reports reports
Counselling required 17 Counselling required 14
Abuse not easily forgotten 12 Abuse not easily forgotten 12
Lack of trust 12 Feeling isolated 9
Suicidal feelings or attempt 12 Lack of trust 9
Alcohol abuse 11 Anxious and fearful 8
Feeling isolated 11 Post-traumatic effect 8
Angry 10 Tearfulness 7
Loner 9 Loner 7
Sleep disturbance 9 Mood instability 7
Gender identity and sexual 8 Feeling different from peers 5
problems
Lack of self-worth 8 Feelings related to being a 5
victim
Anxious and fearful 7 Suicidal feelings or attempt 5
Nightmares 7 Alcohol abuse 4
Tearfulness 6 Angry 4
Feeling different from peers 6 Issues of needing approval 4
Mood instability 6 Sleep disturbance including 4
nightmares
Feelings related to being a 5 Somatic symptoms 4
victim
Withdrawal 5 Withdrawal 4
Aggressive behaviour – 4 Aggressive behaviour – 3
verbal physical
Post-traumatic effect 4 Eating disorder 3
Unable to settle 4 Fear of failure 3
Issues of self-blame 3 Feelings related to being 3
powerless
Feelings related to being 2 Aggressive behaviour – verbal 2
powerless
Overly compliant behaviour 2 Issues of self-blame 2
Somatic symptoms 2 Overprotective of children 2
Unable to show feelings to 2 Unable to show feelings to 2
children children
Unable to show feelings to 2 Aggressive behaviour – 1
partner psychological
Aggressive behaviour – 1 Over harsh with children 1
psychological
Find others with similar 1 Sexual problems 1
experiences
Overprotective of children 1 Unable to settle 1
Substance abuse 1 Unable to show feelings to 1
partner

n = 32 male and 17 female
*Witnesses could report more than one effect and female witnesses reported a wider variety of effects

13.129 Twenty one (21) of the 49 witnesses who provided information about their adult life
circumstances described an ongoing sense of isolation and inability to trust others. Fourteen
(14) of those witnesses reported life-long difficulties as a result of the sexual abuse they
experienced, particularly in terms of their ability to trust people. Other witnesses reported that
separation from their families in childhood has contributed to their sense of feeling isolated and
different from others. For some witnesses the relationships with their brothers and sisters have
never been properly restored, depriving them of practical and emotional support networks in
their adult lives.
No contact whatsoever ... (with siblings) ... I’ve tried, the only thing I can say is I’ve tried
to get in contact with each and every one,... but they have their own...(difficulties).
13.130 In addition to feeling isolated, between 12 and 17 witnesses also described feeling angry, at
times having suicidal thoughts and experiencing sleep disturbance. Fifteen (15) witnesses
reported that they abused alcohol to the extent that it had a negative effect on their lives.

Chapter 14
Children’s Homes
14.01 This section of the Report presents the evidence provided to the Confidential Committee by
witnesses in relation to their experiences of abuse in Children’s Homes in Ireland over a period
of 73 years between 1919 and 1992. The majority of Children’s Homes, previously known as
orphanages and approved schools, were managed by Catholic religious communities or Boards
of Trustees affiliated to Protestant churches. In latter decades a number of Children’s Homes
were managed and funded by State agencies. The Homes were generally privately managed
and were, in earlier decades, not subject to the same statutory inspections as the Industrial
Schools. Placement of a child in a Children’s Home could be made directly by their parent, or
guardian, on a voluntary basis. Such placements occurred most frequently in the context of a
family crisis and were paid for by private means. Other sources of funding included private
endowments and charitable benevolent funds. A child could also be placed in a Children’s
Home by order of the court under the Children Act, 1908 following an application by officers1 of
the local health authority or the regional Health Board, and in particular circumstances by the
Garda Sı́ochana.2
Witnesses
14.02 Sixty one (61) witnesses, 38 male and 23 female, gave evidence to the Committee about their
experiences of abuse in 19 Children’s Homes. Witnesses gave evidence in relation to 16 mixed
gender Homes, and three Homes for boys. Nine (9) mixed gender Homes were the subject of
reports by both male and female witnesses. Four (4) witnesses each made reports of abuse in
relation to two Homes.
14.03 Witnesses who reported abuse in Children’s Homes gave evidence in relation to their
experiences in residential care across all decades as follows:
• Thirty (30) witnesses were discharged prior to 1960.
• Sixteen (16) witnesses were discharged in the 1960s.
• Eleven (11) witnesses were discharged in the 1970s.
• Four (4) witnesses were discharged in the 1980s and 1990s.
14.04 Twelve (12) of the Children’s Homes were located in Irish cities and the other seven were
located in provincial and rural areas.
14.05 In addition to the reports of abuse outlined in this chapter, seven witnesses also gave evidence
of abuse in other out-of-home care placements. Those included Industrial Schools, foster care,3
1
Officers – Children’s officers were employed by local health authorities prior to 1970 and were increasingly replaced
by social workers thereafter.
2
Children Act, 1908 section 64.
3
Foster care – previously known in Ireland as ‘boarding out’, also referred to as ‘at nurse’, is a form of out-of-home
care that allows for a child to be placed in a family environment rather than an institution.

hospitals, special needs services4, primary and second-level schools, and residential work and
other settings, details of which are reported in the relevant sections of this Report.

14.06 On the basis of the information provided by witnesses at their hearings it is understood that their
pathways of entry into Children’s Homes varied depending on their age, gender, family
circumstances, and the context of their admission. The following section outlines the pre-
admission social and family circumstances of the 61 witnesses who gave evidence to the
Committee, and was provided by them on the basis of what was known to them from their own
family history and from official records.
Age at time of hearing

14.07 As indicated in Table 66, 22 of the witnesses were over 60 years of age at the time of their
hearing and three witnesses were under 40 years, with the majority of witnesses reporting
abuse in Children’s Homes being in their 50s and 60s, as follows:
Table 66: Age Range of Witnesses at Time of Hearing – Male and Female Children’s
Homes
20–29 years 2 0 2
30–39 years 0 1 1
40–49 years 12 2 14
50–59 years 10 12 22
60–69 years 11 8 19
70 + years 3 0 3
Total 38 23 61
Place of birth
14.08 Forty three (43) of the 61 witnesses who gave evidence about abuse in Children’s Homes
reported that they were born in Dublin. Sixteen (16) witnesses were born in 11 other Irish
counties, and two were born outside the State.
Parental marital status

14.09 More than half of the witnesses reported that they were born into two-parent households,
including those where parents were subsequently widowed or separated, as Table 67 illustrates:
Children’s Homes
Married 17 10 27
Single 9 7 16
Separated 4 4 8
Widowed 1 1 2
Co-habiting 2 0 2
Unavailable 5 1 6
Total 38 23 61
4
Special needs services – includes day and residential schools and facilities designated to meet the educational needs
of children with intellectual, physical or sensory impairments. Such services were generally managed by religious
congregations and were both publicly and privately funded.

14.10 There were some gender differences in the information provided by male and female witnesses
in these categories. A slightly higher proportion of female witnesses reported being born to
single mothers, while more male witnesses stated that they had no information about their family
of origin.
Parental occupational status

14.11 Most witnesses provided information regarding their family background and Table 68 indicates
the occupational status or estimated skill level of their parents at the time of admission, reported
by the witnesses:5
Table 68: Occupational Status of Witnesses’ Parents – Male and Female Children’s
Homes
Non-manual 3 2 5
Semi-skilled 3 0 3
Unskilled 18 12 30
Unavailable 8 4 12
Total 38 23 61
14.12 Thirty (30) witnesses reported that their parents were unskilled at the time of their admission, by
contrast with 12 witnesses who reported their parents were professional, managerial or non-
manual workers. Generally, witnesses admitted to the Children’s Homes from other institutional
settings were unable to report any detailed information about their parents’ occupational status.
Many of those witnesses had been in out-of-home care since infancy.
Current country of residence

14.13 Many of the 61 witnesses who gave evidence about their experiences of abuse in Children’s
Homes were residing outside Ireland at the time of their hearing, as shown in Table 69:
Table 69: Country of Residence of Witnesses at Time of Hearing – Male and Female
Children’s Homes
Country of residence Males Females Total witnesses
Ireland 28 11 39
UK 6 11 17
USA/Canada 3 0 3
Australia/New Zealand 1 0 1
Mainland Europe 0 1 1
Total 38 23 61
14.14 As illustrated in the above table there was a notable difference between the numbers of male
and female witnesses living in Ireland and in the UK. Female witnesses’ country of residence
was equally divided between Ireland and the UK, with almost half of the witnesses living in each
country at the time of their hearing, whereas the majority of male witnesses were resident in
Ireland.
5

Siblings in care
14.15 Fifty five (55) witnesses reported having a total of 224 siblings. Six (6) witnesses reported that
they were lone children. Thirty eight (38) witnesses, 23 male and 15 female, reported having
111 siblings in out-of-home care.
14.16 Witnesses gave accounts of out-of-home care being provided for their siblings in a range of
settings including Industrial Schools, foster care, special needs services, and Children’s Homes.
14.17 There were some differences in the admission circumstances of the 61 witnesses to Children’s
Homes compared with those admitted to Industrial or Reformatory Schools. Most witnesses
stated that they were admitted to the Homes on a voluntary basis without the involvement of
court proceedings. A small number of witnesses informed the Committee that they believed they
were placed in Children’s Homes on an order of the court under the Children Act, 1908 following
an application by the local health authority or the Health Board.
14.18 Thirty nine (39) witnesses, 24 male and 15 female, reported that their first admission to a
Children’s Home was directly from their family home. Many of the witnesses reported that
members of their extended family had been involved in their care and that they were admitted in
the context of parental illness, death, marital separation or abandonment. Five (5) of the 39
witnesses stated that they were admitted from the homes of extended family members. Three
(3) female witnesses reported that their fathers, who were either widowed or had sole custody,
were encouraged by local clergy to place their daughters in out-of-home care. They gave
accounts of learning from family members that it was perceived to be inappropriate at the time
for lone fathers to rear female children.
14.19 Fifteen (15) witnesses, eight male and seven female, reported that the Children’s Homes were
their second or third placements having previously been in other settings, including hostels,
county homes, foster care, and mother and baby homes. Three (3) of these witnesses reported
spending up to four years in mother and baby homes along with their mothers and a further four
witnesses stated that they were placed in mother and baby homes without their mothers. Some
witnesses believed their working mothers had contributed financially for the care provided in the
mother and baby homes. Others commented that due to a lack of family or State support their
mothers had no alternative but to place them in out-of-home care. Four (4) of the witnesses
reported being transferred to Children’s Homes following a brief placement in Industrial Schools
where they were initially admitted on court orders under the Children Act, 1908 or the School
Attendance Acts, 1926 to 1967.
14.20 Seven (7) witnesses provided no information or reported that they had no knowledge of their
family circumstances prior to their admission to out-of-home care. A number of these witnesses
believed they were abandoned as infants.
Age on first admission to out-of-home care

14.21 Among the witnesses reporting abuse in Children’s Homes the age of entry to out-of-home care
varied. Fifteen (15) witnesses reported being admitted to Homes before their second birthday,
seven of whom reported being in out-of-home care, generally in mother and baby homes. A
further 25 witnesses reported being admitted by the age of six years. Table 70 illustrates the
age range of witnesses on first admission:

Table 70: Age on First Admission to Out-of-home Care – Male and Female Children’s
Homes
Age of entry to care Males Females Total witnesses
0–5 years 23 17 40
6–10 years 13 4 17
11–15 years 2 2 4
Total 38 23 61
14.22 Witnesses admitted at a later age were generally placed in out-of-home care as a result of
parental illness, separation or death.
Length of stay in out-of-home care

14.23 The length of time witnesses reported being in out-of-home care ranged from one to 18 years,
as shown in Table 71:
Table 71: Length of Stay in Out-of-home Care – Male and Female Children’s Homes
Length of stay in care Males Females Total witnesses
0–5 years 4 2 6
6–10 years 14 8 22
11–15 years 18 10 28
16–18 years 2 3 5
Total 38 23 61
14.24 The average length of stay was 11 years for female witnesses and seven and a half years for
male witnesses. Fifty five (55) witnesses spent more than six years in out-of-home care. A
number of witnesses reported being transferred to other institutions and did not spend the entire
period of their residential care in Children’s Homes.
14.25 The following table displays the age at discharge of witnesses who reported abuse in Children’s
Homes:
Table 72: Age when Discharged from Out-of-home Care – Male and Female Children’s
Homes
Age when discharged Males Females Total witnesses
<10 years 1 1 2
10–13 years 11 5 16
14–16 years 19 9 28
17+ years 7 8 15
Total 38 23 61
14.26 Fourteen (14) witnesses, 12 male and two female, reported being transferred from Children’s
Homes to Industrial Schools. Nine (9) of those were transferred prior to the 1960s. The majority
of these witnesses, who were discharged when they were aged between 14 and 16 years, had
spent over nine years in out-of-home care. In general, male witnesses were transferred from
Children’s Homes to senior Industrial Schools at 10 years of age.
14.27 A small number of witnesses who remained in Children’s Homes after 17 years of age reported
being assisted with education and training. Others described being supported by the staff and
continued to reside in the Homes until they were settled in accommodation and employment,
during the 1980s and 1990s.
Everyday life in children’s homes

14.28 This section presents the information provided by 61 witnesses regarding aspects of their every
day life in Children’s Homes, including education, work, health and recreation. The witnesses’
descriptions of everyday life in these Homes differed from accounts heard of Industrial Schools
in a number of aspects. The physical structure of the Homes was generally smaller, there were
fewer residents, and, with few exceptions, admission was on a voluntary basis. Further, in a
number of Children’s Homes witnesses reported being encouraged and supported to attend
second-level education and more often commented that professionally trained lay childcare
workers were employed since the 1970s.6
Education
14.29 Witnesses reported that, prior to the 1970s, classroom education was generally provided within
the Children’s Homes and in boarding schools located on the same site. Witnesses also
reported attending primary, secondary and vocational schools in the local community. Those
who attended off-site schools reported that they valued the opportunity to mix with pupils from
the local community and the contact it provided with the outside world.
14.30 With the exception of one female witness, all the witnesses gave accounts of attending primary
school and the majority attained their Primary Certificate.7
14.31 Twenty three (23) witnesses, 14 male and nine female, reported that they received second-level
education, 10 of whom succeeded in attaining their Intermediate/Junior, Leaving or Group
Certificates. Others obtained secretarial and technical qualifications with the support of religious
and lay staff from the Homes.
Food
14.32 The diet in the period prior to the 1970s was typically described as porridge for breakfast with
either tea or cocoa, potatoes with meat and vegetables for the midday meal, and bread and tea
for the evening meal. A number of witnesses who were admitted in the 1960s and remained in
Homes throughout the 1970s reported improvements in the quality and availability of a more
nourishing and varied diet during that period.

14.33 The Committee heard evidence from witnesses of the health care provided to them in Children’s
Homes, with improvements in the availability and range of services in more recent decades.
Thirty eight (38) witnesses reported receiving some type of medical attention including
attendance by a doctor or a nurse, treatment in the infirmary, and immunisation. Sixteen (16)
witnesses described being attended by a family doctor. Accounts were heard of infirmaries or
sick bays being available in 10 Homes. Eighteen (18) witnesses reported attending hospital for
illnesses including: scarlet fever, appendicitis, diphtheria, and rheumatic fever. Six (6) other
witnesses reported attendance at outpatient clinics or hospital casualty departments for various
reasons including the investigation of physical illness, treatment for accidental and non-
accidental injuries, and assessment at child and adolescent mental health services.
6
Formal child care training was first established in Ireland in the 1970s.
7
Primary Certificate – examination certificate awarded at the end of primary school education, it was abolished in 1967.

Work
14.34 Forty (40) witnesses reported being involved in some form of work while resident in the
Children’s Homes. The majority of these accounts related to the period prior to the 1970s.
Witnesses described performing domestic tasks such as cleaning, polishing and working in the
convent, and in a small number of instances serving meals to visiting priests. Other witnesses
reported working for what they believed was the commercial gain of religious congregations
including work in laundries, on farms, and in homes for the elderly.
14.35 Witnesses from a small number of the Children’s Homes gave accounts of undertaking domestic
chores in fee-paying boarding schools attached to the convents; some commented on the
apparent inequality of their circumstances by contrast with pupils in those schools.
14.36 Six (6) female witnesses reported providing care for infants and younger residents in the
Children’s Homes. Some witnesses described these responsibilities as inappropriate for their
age due to their lack of emotional maturity, the inadequacy of their own care, and the lack of
supervision or support provided by staff.
Play and recreation

14.37 Fifty four (54) witnesses commented on the various opportunities provided for play and
recreation. Activities included outings to the sea, cinema, and the availability of television, books
and toys. Other types of recreation included Irish dancing, Sunday walks and participation in
Gaelic games. Many witnesses reported being encouraged by staff to participate in sport and
other recreational activities.
14.38 Greater availability of equipment and games, and the opportunity to be involved in activities in
the local community were reported by witnesses discharged in the 1980s and 1990s. Witnesses
commented that such activities outside the Homes facilitated reintegration on discharge and
gave them a sense of connection with the community outside the institution.
Religion
14.39 Witnesses commented that religion was an important aspect of everyday life and 44 witnesses
reported religious practices that included attendance at daily Mass, reciting the Rosary, and
attending Sunday Church.
...Named Children’s Home... was modelled on religious life, a very strict regime. The
silence was constant except for very short periods, you could speak only if spoken to.
Official visitors and inspections

14.40 Twelve (12) witnesses, reported visits by adults from outside the institutions including
benefactors, the Cigire in the classroom, and others whose identity was not always clear to
witnesses. One witness recalled the visit of prospective foster parents who walked up and down
a line of residents for the purpose of selecting a child for fostering. Many reported that
preparations were made for these visits, which included cleaning the institutions, residents being
provided with special clothing and toys, and improvements in food for the duration of the visit.
Others commented that the residents were never spoken to during these visits.
There was a big flap every now and again when visitors came, some of them were
charity people. ... Children in the lower grades were given the toys that were on shelves
or on windows and which they didn’t know how to handle and were afraid to do anything
with in case of punishment later.

14.41 Witnesses commonly reported that they were not adequately prepared for discharge and that
the transition to independent living was often difficult. Witnesses, who had been in institutions
since early childhood, described feeling abandoned, displaced and lost on leaving the Children’s
Homes. Other witnesses for whom family contact had been maintained by visits and holidays
throughout their admission generally reported continued family contact following their discharge.
14.42 The Committee heard evidence of ongoing difficulties from those witnesses whose siblings had
been placed in different institutions or for whom family contact had been restricted or not
supported. Witnesses’ evidence of loss of contact with siblings during admission and the
subsequent difficulties reconnecting with family members when they were discharged is
described later in this chapter. One male witness discharged in the 1980s gave an account of
his discharge experience:
I was given a bus ticket and told to get the bus, my family lived in ...named town... many
miles away. I did not return home as I was not wanted. There was no follow-up by the
service. I spent many years drifting.
14.43 Witnesses reported being discharged from Children’s Homes to a variety of settings. Nineteen
(19) witnesses reported that arrangements were made for them to work in live-in positions with
families, or to be placed in hostels where some follow-up was provided. Others reported that
they were encouraged to continue their education and were supported in applying for
occupational training when they were discharged. Eight (8) witnesses, five male and three
female, were discharged to their extended family.
Record of abuse
14.44 The Committee heard 65 reports of abuse from 61 witnesses, 38 male and 23 female, in relation
to 19 Children’s Homes over the period 1919 to 1992.8 Four (4) male witnesses each reported
abuse in two Children’s Homes. Reports of abuse by a witness may be either descriptions of a
single incident of abuse or multiple experiences of abuse over a period of time. The Committee
heard multiple abuse reports in relation to nine of the 19 homes reported:
• Six (6) Homes were each the subject of between four and 10 reports, totalling 63
reports (47 male and 16 female).
• Three (3) Homes were each the subject of either two or three reports, totalling 31
reports (18 male and 13 female).
• Ten (10) Homes were each the subject of single reports, five male and five female.
14.45 Witnesses reported all four types of abuse: physical and sexual abuse, neglect and emotional
abuse alone and in combination, as follows:
• Fifty seven (57) witnesses reported physical abuse.
• Forty two (42) witnesses reported emotional abuse.
• Forty one (41) witnesses reported neglect.
• Twenty nine (29) witnesses reported sexual abuse.
14.46 Table 73 outlines the combinations and frequency of abuse types, as reported by witnesses:
8
Note – a number of witnesses were admitted to more than one Children’s Home, and made reports of abuse in more
than one Children’s Home, therefore, the number of reports are greater than the number of witnesses.

Table 73: Abuse Types and Combinations – Male and Female Children’s Home
Physical, emotional and neglect 16
Physical, sexual, emotional and neglect 15
Physical 3
Sexual and emotional 1
Sexual 1
Emotional 1
Neglect 1
Total 65
14.47 Fifty (50) witnesses reported that abuse was a regular occurrence either witnessed or
experienced on a daily basis. As indicated above, the most frequently reported combination of
abuse types by both male and female witnesses were physical and emotional abuse with
neglect. The Committee heard 30 witness reports of sexual abuse in combination with other
types of abuse.
Physical abuse
14.48 This section describes witness reports of incidents of physical abuse, non-accidental injury, and
lack of protection from harm. The reports included detailed and disturbing accounts of assaults
experienced. The forms of physical abuse included beating, punching, kicking, assault with
implements and being immersed in water.
14.49 Fifty seven (57) witnesses, 36 male and 21 female, who gave evidence to the Committee
reported physical abuse in 19 Children’s Homes. Witnesses made 61 reports of physical abuse
over a 70-year period. The number of witness reports of physical abuse in different Homes
varied as follows:
• Two (2) Children’s Homes were collectively the subject of 24 reports.
• Seven (7) Children’s Homes were the subject of between two and five reports,
totalling 27 reports.
• Ten (10) Children’s Homes were the subject of single reports.

14.50 Witnesses reported being physically abused for many reasons or for no reason that they could
understand. Many gave accounts of being constantly fearful of physical punishment. Behaviours
precipitating abuse included bed-wetting, disclosing abuse, underachieving in the classroom,
9
Section 1(1)(a)

failure to meet expected standards of personal care and care of their clothing, running away,
breaking the rule of silence, taking food, and other perceived misconduct.
14.51 Witnesses from four Children’s Homes gave accounts of a harsh environment where explosive
episodes of physical abuse were experienced or witnessed, with no understanding of why they
were happening. Some witnesses reported being beaten in association with sexual abuse.
14.52 Nine (9) witnesses from a small number of Homes described being beaten in the presence of
staff and co-residents, when they were either partially undressed or stripped naked.
14.53 Witness reports of physical abuse included being punched, kicked, hit with knuckles, hair pulled
and cut, being force fed, and lifted by the ears and hair. The Committee also heard reports of
witnesses being forced to kneel for long periods, being beaten on the feet, backs of the hands,
fingertips and legs. They also described their heads being hit off radiators, wedged in a door or
submerged under water. The witnesses reported being beaten with various implements
including leathers, sticks, strips of rubber, brushes, hurleys, badminton racquets, rulers, whips
and bunches of keys. A small number of witnesses reported being forced to eat quantities of
mustard, having their mouths and other body parts, including genitalia, scrubbed with
nailbrushes, and being held under a cold tap.
On a Saturday morning we used to do work around the orphanage, clean up, sweep up
floors, that sort of thing.... We had to clean up around old fashioned urinals, pick up
papers out of the shore, that was my job. I was only 8, 9, or 10 at the time.... One day
he .... (named religious staff)... was not happy with the result of what I had done, that
resulted in another frenzied attack of kicking.... He punched me, straight in with the fist
and when you're down the boot came out then. You’re a kid, you're in a ball trying to
protect yourself the best possible way.
•
Sr ...X... beat me at night, before I would go to sleep, to stop me from wetting the bed.
When that didn’t work she beat me before I would go to school, this continued over all
the years in the orphanage, she made me an example. It went on ’til I was 13 ...(years
old)... everyday. I learned not to cry, she would hit me more if I did cry. Before she beat
me I would have to carry my sheets across through the house to the laundry, she would
bend me over a bath or over the rocking horse and on bare skin she would beat me
with whatever was handy, cane, strap or brush. The final straw was Sr ...X... came into
the bathroom and said “by the time I have finished with you ...(witness’s surname)... the
devil will be out of you”. She had the bath ready, she had this nailbrush, she scrubbed
my private area with it so much I was so sore, then she decided to put my head
underwater ...(saying)... “you will be clean after this”. I had to fight for breath I couldn’t
breathe, it seemed like an endless time, as if she wasn’t going to stop, I was frozen.
•
He ... (named male religious staff )... would lift boys by forelocks and try to punch boys
where bruising would not show.
14.54 Both male and female witnesses reported being physically abused in various locations including
classrooms, dormitories, refectories, bathrooms, recreation halls, work and play areas, grounds
of the Homes, and in the homes of ‘holiday’ families. A small number of witnesses from one
Children’s Home reported being abused by being isolated, physically punished, and threatened
not to disclose that they were abused in the infirmary. One witnesses commented ‘because of
the general fear you were afraid to go to the ...infirmary...’

14.55 The majority of the 24 witness reports from two Homes were of severe abuse including being hit
on the bare buttocks, being submerged and held under water, and being instructed to hit other
residents. Ten (10) male witnesses from one of these Children’s Homes commented that
physical beatings were severe, unpredictable and unprovoked. Six (6) of the 10 witnesses
reported sustaining injuries to their hands, feet and heads. Two (2) witnesses described their
experiences in the following words:
It just continued on and on a daily basis, just random attacks on different individuals.
There doesn't seem to be any logical reason for the attacks, unprovoked, if he ...
(named male religious Resident Manager)... felt like laying into somebody he would just
do it. It was constant. You might be queuing up for food and it would be a dig ...
(punch)... put into some guy, a wigging ... (pulling by the ear)... pull somebody out. ... It
was just random attacks, there was no control on it, for no apparent reason, a constant
barrage of abuse, mentally abuse you and physically abuse you.
•
She ... (Sr X)... pulled my pants down and beat me around the kitchen, when she was
finished she sent me out to face the other lads with my trousers down. Still she was not
finished, I was sent to wax and polish the refectory, as I finished she opened the door
and in came one of the older boys. He told me she sent him in to beat me. I kept
moving around the tables pleading and in the end he didn’t hit me. I spent the night
locked in there.

14.56 Twenty one (21) witnesses, 13 male and eight female, reported being physically punished for
bed-wetting or soiling. The Committee heard many reports of physical punishment combined
with critical and humiliating comments in relation to bed-wetting. Witnesses stated they were
beaten on the hands or on the bare buttocks, and in two Homes the residents were beaten
partially naked. Witnesses also described having their faces pushed into wet and soiled sheets,
locked outside in sheds or in dark cupboards, and having their heads immersed in water. Two
(2) male witnesses stated that they were held under water by the genitalia in baths as a
punishment for bed-wetting. Female witnesses reported being made to stand in cold baths. The
following is a witness’s account of punishment for bed-wetting:
From the word go I witnessed terrible, terrible physical abuse. On my first morning I
woke up and I seen ... named male religious staff... and he had a young guy, probably
about my own age, 6 or 7, this young guy had wet the bed and...named male religious
staff... had him by one arm and one leg, he looked like a spider monkey. He had a sink
filled with cold water and he was dumping him up and down in it, the kid was gone off
his head screaming. I had never seen this before in my life, I could not give expression
to it, frozen disbelief, I couldn't react, I couldn't speak ....
•
I was punished for bed-wetting. I had to sit with my hands on top of my head and...
(be)... beaten on the toes with a stick or put across the bed in a nightshirt and beaten
on the bare bottom.
Classroom education
14.57 Twenty one (21) witnesses, 14 male and seven female, described being physically abused in
the classroom. Many of the witnesses described the classroom as a place of fear, particularly
associated with a small number of named abusers. Witnesses reported being punished for
reasons such as left-handedness, resisting sexual fondling, lack of fluency in Irish, and speech
or writing difficulties. One witness who was left handed described his hand being tied to the side
of the desk at study time and then being beaten for any mistakes he made. Another witness
who was left- handed described her abuse:
Sr ...X... beat me regularly for being left-handed, saying “no convent girl is going to be
left-handed, left-handed people are for the devil”. Sr ...Y... stuck sewing needles in the
back of my hand for sewing with my left hand. I was beaten on the palms, back of
hands, with the leather strap, ruler, bamboo stick, my hands were beaten so badly they
bled. When my hands were bleeding I was isolated in the infirmary until they healed.
She ... (Sr X)... got me to wet my hands before she hit me sometimes. In school I was
made stand on the desk, if my hands were bleeding I was slapped on the backs of my
legs. I was so bad one day all the class cried with me, I used to blank out the pain.
Other circumstances of physical abuse

14.58 Twenty nine (29) witnesses from 10 Children’s Homes reported harsh and often unpredictable
physical punishment for various other reasons. The circumstances precipitating abuse included
neglect of one’s personal care and clothing, not eating the food provided, answering back, the
disclosure of sexual abuse and ‘breaking the silence rule’. In one Home witnesses reported that
following inspection of their shoes and clothing residents were beaten if the items were soiled,
damaged or lost and that losing a stud from one’s boots led to being beaten on the soles of the
feet. Others reported that breaking the rule of sleeping with their arms crossed, fainting or falling
asleep in the chapel or not responding promptly while praying led to being hit with a cane by
staff.
14.59 Two (2) witnesses from two Homes reported being sent by care staff to stand waiting for
punishment by lay staff in authority for ‘anything that was considered rebellious’ such as talking
in the dormitory or ‘answering back’. In both instances the witnesses described that the
perpetrators of the beatings had a reputation for severe physical abuse. One witness described
anticipating the abuse and demonstrated efforts to protect himself from the assaults:
Once you were standing in this big long corridor there would be 2 or 3 ... (co-residents)
... you are not thinking of them, you are just thinking of yourself, which way were you
going to do ... demonstrating protecting face with arms ... so you protected yourself with
your arm like that but then you got it round the edges .... The worst part was ... you
were told at night time they would say “go in to the ... (room) ... wait for me” ... that was
the worst part. You knew you were going to get a beating, waiting for the beating you
knew what it was going to be like ...(a severe beating) ...
14.60 Five (5) witnesses from two Homes reported that there was an atmosphere of bullying and
intimidation by older residents. They described being physically and verbally abused, and in
some instances they believed this occurred with the knowledge and consent of staff in authority.
Two (2) witnesses from one Home believed that older residents were encouraged by the lay
resident manager to physically punish younger residents and that they were then rewarded with
treats such as extra cigarettes and outings to the cinema:
There was a lot of bullying there, not the kids of your own age, there would be the odd
scuffle you'd understand that, you know. The boys older than us would beat us up a lot,
they would give fearsome beatings. I often ended up with black eyes and face busted to
the side, bruises all over me body from kickings.... ... If you complained about it the
head people would turn around and say to you, “oh you got that for arguing with a
young fellow your own age”, so where do you go from that? They never got disciplined.
Actually the main man of the place, who used to run the place, used to use the older
boys to do his punishment for him, that’s kinda how he run the place.... The orders were
coming from him, we used to get 4 or 5 cigarettes, he’d give them 20 or 30, he was
paying them for what they were doing, they would get extra pocket money.

Injuries
14.61 Twenty one (21) witnesses, 15 male and six female, from 10 Children’s Homes reported that
they sustained injuries from physical abuse. The types of injuries reported included four mouth
and facial injuries, three broken bones, and three head injuries which rendered witnesses
unconscious. Many witnesses described being left marked and bleeding. One male witness
reported being unconscious following a severe beating by two female lay staff and woke up to
find a splint on his arm. Another witness gave an account of bruising to his genitalia following a
beating.
14.62 Six (6) witnesses, four male and two female, reported receiving medical attention following
incidents of physical abuse, and three witnesses reporting attending hospital for treatment of
injuries. Two (2) male witnesses who reported being severely physically assaulted in one
Children’s Home described attending hospital on three different occasions with injuries to their
head and stomach.
14.63 Two (2) witnesses from two different Homes reported that following severe beatings by male
religious and lay care staff two co-residents were never seen again.
Reported abusers
14.64 Fifty seven (57) witnesses reported that they were physically abused by 67 perpetrators,
including religious and lay staff, co-residents and other adults who had access to the Homes.
Fifty four (54) reported abusers were identified by name and the 13 who were not named were
described by their position or function within the Home. It is possible that there is some overlap
between those identified by name and those who were not named. Table 74 lists the position
held and number of reported abusers:
Table 74: Position and Number of Reported Physical Abusers – Male and Female
Children’s Homes
Religious
- Care staff 1 13
- Teacher 4 4
Lay
- Care staff 4 8
- Teacher 3 1
Ex-resident 0 1
Co-resident 3 2
Total 28 39

14.65 Twenty six (26) of the female perpetrators of physical abuse were reported to be religious
Sisters and 14 were religious Brothers or priests.
14.66 Sixteen (16) religious staff reported to be physically abusive were understood to be in positions
of authority in the Children’s Homes and were given various titles by witnesses including:
Resident Manager, Officer in Charge, Brother in Charge, Reverend Mother or as the Head of
the orphanage.
14.67 Lay care staff, including residential house-parents, were reported to be involved in the everyday
living activities in the Homes, and ancillary workers were generally involved in building,
maintenance or farm work. One lay care worker described by a witness as ‘the cruelest person’
was reported by two witnesses as constantly beating residents for no reason. Other lay staff
reported as physically abusive were teachers, including three school Principals.
14.68 A witness reported being beaten by the Resident Manager on both hands with a cane until he
was unable to lift his hands. The Resident Manager was also described as regularly hitting
children's heads off the wall.
14.69 The Committee heard evidence regarding three Children’s Homes of consistent and severe
physical abuse by a small number of named abusers. One male religious staff member was
identified by seven witnesses as a perpetrator of severe physical abuse. He was described by
witnesses as ‘brutal’ and ‘vicious’. One witness reported ‘He’d beat the living daylights out of
you, especially if you had no one to tell’.
Physical abuse was constant and worst at night.... (named religious staff X),...slept in
the dormitory and used to beat boys for misbehaviour, he used a leather strap and also
a strip of rubber.... He was particularly vicious and appeared to gain pleasure from
beating boys. I was beaten severely by...named religious staff Y... when I was returned
each time after running away following a beating, he would have helpers for the
beatings. I saw one boy stand up to... named religious staff Y. I never saw him ... (co-
resident)... again. ... Named religious staff Y... beat boys with a leather strap with pieces
of lead at the end ... (he also) ... beat boys with a hurling stick and another... unnamed
male religious staff ... used catch the boys behind the door in a head lock and beat
them with his fist.
14.70 Eight (8) female religious and lay staff in one Children’s Home were identified by many
witnesses as physically abusive. A number of these staff members were described as
particularly harsh in their punishment of residents and some were reported to have immersed
residents who wet the bed in cold baths and held them underwater.
14.71 Five (5) witnesses, three male and two female, gave accounts of being physically abused by co-
residents. Witnesses from one Home reported that older residents took charge of the residents
at playtime with, they believed, the consent of staff. This was described as ‘lookout time’ and
was reported to be the likely time for sexual and physical abuse.
Sexual abuse
or another person.10
14.72 This section presents witness evidence of sexual abuse ranging from contact sexual abuse
including molestation, vaginal and anal penetration to non-contact sexual abuse such as
voyeurism. Some witnesses provided detailed and disturbing accounts of the sexual abuse they
10
Section 1(1)(b)

experienced, other accounts were sufficient to clarify the nature and extent of the reported
abuse.
14.73 Twenty nine (29) witnesses, 20 male and nine female, reported being sexually abused in 15
Children’s Homes. More than half of the male and over one third of the female witnesses who
reported abuse in Children’s Homes reported sexual abuse. Two (2) male witnesses each
reported sexual abuse in two Homes.
14.74 Witnesses made a total of 31 reports of sexual abuse. The frequency of sexual abuse reported
by witnesses varied between Children’s Homes as follows:
• Five (5) Homes were each the subject of between three and five reports, totalling 21
reports.
• Two (2) Homes were each the subject of two reports, totalling four reports.
• Eight (8) Homes were each the subject of a single report.
14.75 Sexual abuse was reported in combination with physical and emotional abuse and neglect in 30
witness reports.
14.76 The Committee heard accounts from some witnesses of sexual abuse as an acute episode of
assault while others described chronic abuse involving molestation and penetration over a
number of years. A number of witnesses described coercive methods used by adults to
physically force witnesses to yield to abuse.

14.77 The forms of sexual abuse reported by witnesses included inappropriate fondling, masturbation,
oral/genital contact and rape. Witnesses reported the chronic and coercive nature of the sexual
abuse they experienced, giving accounts of being forced to comply with sexual molestation in
return for money, alcohol, shelter or affection. Witnesses reported that sexual abuse was
perpetrated in both public and private areas of the Homes and outside the institutions. Many
witnesses reported that sexual abuse occurred in circumstances of restricted access and in
isolated situations including the homes of volunteers, basements, boiler rooms, recreation
rooms, bathrooms, sacristies, confessionals, garden sheds, and the sleeping quarters of staff
members. A small number of witnesses described how people who abused them forced their
compliance by means of threats and actual violence. Male witnesses consistently reported that
when abused by a person in a position of authority they felt defenceless and powerless to either
physically resist or disclose the abuse because of the threat of physical retaliation. The following
is the account of one witness:
... I don’t want to go into any great detail ... if you went into ... (recreation room) ... there
was a lock on the door and there was nothing you could do. Using a very mild word I
would have to say, the very first time he ... (lay care staff) ... raped me ... distressed and
crying ....He did threaten me but ... crying ... you just feel like at that age anyway, with
the experience ... of not being believed, it was just dismissed ... even if you went to the
guards, who would believe you? ... People were very ignorant at that stage....
14.78 Of the 29 witnesses who reported sexual abuse in Homes, 19 gave accounts of molestation
including masturbation, fondling and oral/genital contact:
I have memories of her ...(named female religious staff) ... being on top of me and
touching me, I think I was about 3 or 4, she used to say I was her special. She used
bring me off with her friend ... a woman friend in the car for a treat. They would stop for
a picnic, and they would be touching me, mostly just touching with my clothes half on
and half off. She told me when I was about 10 I was no longer special because I ... had
2 figures in my age. I don’t know whether she moved on to someone younger....
•
At the age of 9 or 10 years when delivering the priest’s breakfast I was made to stand
beside him while he rubbed his hand up and down my leg, later he put his hand inside
my pants, I had to stand while he did this waiting for him to tell me to take the covers off
the food dishes and dismiss me. I would cry afterwards, a nun saw me cry one day and
asked me what was wrong, I told her I didn’t like the priest and was not going into the
parlour again and if made to do so I would run away. The nun gave me tea and toast in
the kitchen. I do not remember seeing the priest again.
14.79 Ten (10) witnesses, seven male and three female, reported being raped while resident in a
Children’s Home. They gave accounts of these assaults being perpetrated by staff, peers and
others associated with the Homes. In some instances witnesses reported being coerced,
threatened and subjected to physical violence in association with being raped. One witness
reported multiple episodes of anal rape causing injury. Others stated that they were repeatedly
raped over a number of months and believed the assaults stopped when the perpetrator began
to abuse a younger resident.
It happened a good few times maybe every week or every 10 days, sometimes it would
be twice a week, it all depends you know. It just kept going until I was released after a
year. Other kids would say ... “it was your turn tonight”, I would not know what they
mean like the first 2 weeks I was in there, I would not have a clue what they were
talking about. There were little boys, the beds were beside each other there and they
would be over at your bed talking and afraid... (saying)... “I hope it’s not me tonight”.
Janey, there was nothing you could do for them, on the other hand you were afraid
yourself. You knew what they were saying was correct and the same time you would be
hoping it wouldn’t be you yourself.... It was the younger fellas that got called out.
14.80 A female witness reported being sent by a religious Sister to Confession having been accused
of stealing money and sweets. She recounted that the priest, having heard her Confession,
undressed her and vaginally and anally raped her, ‘and threatened me never to say ...
(anything)... when I went back to the orphanage’. Another witness reported that the visiting
chaplain raped and otherwise sexually and physically abused her in the sacristy, confessional,
convent grounds, and in the boiler room on many occasions over a period of four years.
14.81 A small number of witnesses reported that the violence associated with sexual abuse was so
severe that they were helpless and unable to protect themselves.
X ...(named volunteer worker)... came with another man every Sunday morning after
breakfast. On the first week he selected me for some sort of pretext for punishment, he
took off his belt ...and beat me... from head to foot in front of all the others. Then he
shut me in a cupboard for half an hour before sending me to the dormitory where he
gave me another beating before raping me. This was repeated every Sunday for 12
weeks, and then he moved on to another boy. They came every Sunday for the 3 years
I was there.
14.82 Nine (9) male witnesses from a small number of Homes reported that religious staff, visiting the
dormitory at night, sexually fondled them in their beds. Others described being taken from their
dormitory and raped by male lay staff. Witnesses also reported that molestation and
inappropriate sexual contact took place in public locations such as cinemas, classrooms and
external social venues.
At the Christmas party for boys provided by ...(named voluntary organisation)... I was
taken to the toilet by a volunteer called ...X.... He masturbated me and gave me 2/6.
•
He ... (named lay Resident Manager)... would ... distressed... well he used to come to
the dormitory, you know, come to your bed at night. He’d say “come out here...”. You’d
get out of bed and you would only have a pair of underpants and a vest on you. He
would take you out to ... (external building)... and he would start abusing you in different
ways, sexual ways. He would make you take off your clothes and do things to you that
he shouldn’t be doing ... (witness reported anal penetration, masturbation, fondling and
use of violence).... I said I would run away. I tried to stop him, he would beat you very
severely with a strap. One time I remember next day I was very sore, I couldn’t walk or
nothing, I had to stay in bed, he said I was sick or something.
Reported abusers
14.83 A total of 43 perpetrators, 34 male and nine female, were identified in evidence to the
Committee as having sexually abused 29 witnesses. Men and women described as abusers
included named and unnamed religious and lay staff, adult male volunteer workers and visitors,
external priests and Brothers, older residents, and others. Thirty one (31) of the reported
abusers were identified by name. Witnesses identified another 12 abusers by their position or
function either in the Home or in association with the Home. It is possible that there is some
overlap between those identified by name and those who were not named. The following Table
lists the positions held and the number of reported sexual abusers:
Table 75: Position and Number of Reported Sexual Abusers – Male and Female Children’s
Homes
Religious
>- Care staff 2 3
- Teacher 1 0
- External priest or Brother 4 0
Lay
- Housemaster 2 0
- Care staff 1 2
Family member 1 0
‘Foster’ or ‘holiday’ placement carer 2 0
Volunteer workers and visitors 8 1
General public 1 0
Ex-resident 2 0
Co-resident 3 1
Total 34 9
14.84 Eleven (11) of the reported abusers were religious Brothers or priests and five were religious
Sisters. Male volunteer workers were reported to visit the Children’s Homes with the consent
and cooperation of staff and management. Five (5) witnesses from one Children’s Home
reported nine individuals, including five volunteer workers, as sexually abusive. Among those
reported as abusive was a religious Resident Manager of the Home, who was also reported by
a number of witnesses as physically abusive.
14.85 Nine (9) witnesses reported sexual abuse by both religious and lay care staff. Five (5) religious
staff in positions of authority were reported as abusers, including one religious Resident
Manager who was the subject of three witnesses’ reports of sexual abuse. One lay care worker
was reported by two witnesses to have sexually abused them, progressing from molestation to
anal penetration.
My second key worker ... named lay care worker... started to abuse me from an early
age. He first brought me to the ... named place... room where younger boys were only
allowed go accompanied by a staff member. He locked the door and raped me, he
abused me in the dormitory where other boys slept, in disused rooms and in a ...named
place... where staff could take boys for treats. The abuse happened about 3 times a
week, whenever he was on duty, over a year and half.
14.86 Three (3) witnesses, one male and two female, reported being abused by female religious staff.
The male witness described being aggressively fondled and forced to fondle his abuser. He
reported that he was threatened that he would go to hell if he disclosed that he was being
abused. A female witness described being beaten and then fondled by a female religious in a
position of authority within the Home. Another female witness reported being taken out of the
Home by a religious Sister and her female friend who sexually molested her.
14.87 Witnesses described the practice in three Children’s Homes of male volunteer workers visiting
the Homes. They believed these men assisted the Resident Managers or those in charge by
providing help with homework, recreational activities and transport. Some were reported to be
constant visitors at weekends and were welcomed by residents because they provided
opportunities for contact outside the Home, taking residents to the cinema, swimming and on
other outings. Other volunteer workers were reported to be involved on an occasional basis
providing children’s parties, holidays and weekends away from the institution. Two (2) volunteer
workers were reported to provide accommodation and support during the witnesses’ transition to
independent living.
14.88 The Committee heard evidence from nine witnesses, eight male and one female, of being
sexually abused by eight male volunteer workers, seven of whom were named. One volunteer
worker was the subject of two reports of sexual abuse. Witnesses described the male abusers
as providing inducements such as outings from the Home, and promises of accommodation and
employment following discharge.
Two men who were regular visitors to the Home fondled me, they did it to other boys,
we all learned to avoid them. One of these men, a constant nightly visitor to help with
homework, took me home. He offered me a roof over my head when I left, I had
nowhere else to go, there followed sexual abuse ... (rape)... over years....
•
There was a visitor... (named volunteer worker) ... who used to come and take you out
every 3 or 4 weeks, 3 or 4 boys, they...(lay Resident Managers).. would pick you out, all
delighted to have an outing. He would make us all one by one pee in a milk bottle and
then fondle us and would afterwards give us a sweet each and tell us we were good
boys...
•
(Named volunteer worker) ... a visitor who took boys out at weekends. We would have
to share his bed, then he would masturbate me and try to get me to masturbate him
back.
14.89 Seven (7) witnesses, five male and two female, reported being sexually abused by older co-
residents and ex-residents. The abuse described included rape and masturbation. Ex-residents
were reported to return to one Children’s Home where they had unsupervised access overnight
to all areas of the Home.
14.90 Three (3) female witnesses reported being sexually abused by external priests. Two (2) of the
witnesses reported being raped by two named priests when they went to Confession. One
witness reported that the abuse continued over a number of years following her discharge from
the Home. One male witness was sexually abused by a visiting Brother when he was
supervising residents in the absence of the regular staff.
14.91 Two (2) female witnesses reported being sexually abused while in placements arranged by
authority figures from the Children’s Homes. One reported abuser was described as a ‘foster
father’ and the other was a male adult in the witness’s work placement. Both witnesses reported
that they disclosed their experience of abuse to the staff in the Homes and one was punished
and made to return to the placement and the other witness’s complaints were ignored.
14.92 Two (2) female witnesses reported being abused by lay ancillary staff who were employed in the
environs of the Homes.
Neglect
14.93 This section presents witness reports of neglect of their care, welfare and education.
Descriptions of neglect refer to all aspects of the physical, social and emotional care and
welfare of the witnesses that had implications for their physical, psychological and social
development.
14.94 The Committee heard 43 reports of neglect from 41 witnesses, 20 male and 21 female, in
relation to 17 Children’s Homes. Two (2) witnesses each made reports of neglect in relation to
two Homes. Reports included neglect in combination with physical, sexual and emotional abuse.
Two (2) of the 17 Children’s Homes were the subject of both male and female reports.
14.95 As with the other abuse types the frequency of neglect reports by witnesses varied in relation to
individual Children's Homes, as follows:
• Two (2) Children’s Homes were collectively the subject of 15 reports.
• Three (3) Children’s Homes were each the subject of four reports, totalling 12
reports.
• Four (4) Children’s Homes were each the subject of two reports, totalling eight
reports.
• Eight (8) Children’s Homes were the subject of a single report.
14.96 The most consistently reported area of neglect by witnesses in Children’s Homes was the
neglect of and inadequate provision for their education. Witnesses also described neglect of
their safety and welfare and a failure to provide protection from harm. Reports regarding
11
Section (1)(1)(c) as amended by section 3 of the 2005 Act

inadequate food, clothing and neglect of their health were more commonly reported by
witnesses discharged prior to the 1970s.
Education
14.97 Thirty five (35) witnesses, 23 male and 12 female, reported that their education was neglected.
Ten (10) witnesses reported being removed from the classroom to work in or on behalf of the
Home and that they were denied any further opportunity to avail of formal schooling ‘I worked
out on the farm picking potatoes and carrots – there was no education there’. A witness who
reported that she was sent to an external second-level school and was later abruptly withdrawn
by the religious Sister stated the following:
I loved school, I really, really loved school ... I got as far as ..., I prepared for my
Intermediate. I got good reports and everything before that and then the nun suddenly
said “you’re not going to stay on in school anymore. Your mother’s not sending any
money for books” and they took me out and sent me to work in ... named hospital ... as
a cleaner. I was so distraught, that killed me....
14.98 Others reported that due to their fear of abuse in the classroom they were unable to learn and
that they were denied the opportunity to acquire an education.
14.99 Thirteen (13) witnesses reported that they left the Children’s Home with no education or literacy
skills. A small number of witnesses reported that their particular learning difficulties were not
assessed and that no educational assistance was available to them. They also reported being
either ridiculed or ignored as a result of their learning difficulties.
I received no education at all. I was seen as retarded because I had ... medical
condition.... I cannot now read or write. Silence was the daily code, you were never
allowed speak to others. I spent most of the time working hard from an early age. I had
no friends and no outside contact with anyone.
14.100 Four (4) witnesses who attended class in the local community reported being singled out for
ridicule by teachers and pupils. One witness reported ‘We were put at the back of the class and
ignored. Nobody played with us. We were told we need have no aspirations above cleaning’.
Supervision
14.101 The neglect of safety and welfare, inconsistent staffing and poor supervision were a frequent
focus of witness reports. Twenty eight (28) witnesses, 13 male and 15 female, reported being
abused in the absence of supervision by staff. A number of female witnesses reported being
cared for at night by older residents, and others reported that they themselves were forced to
provide care for infants, without access to or the supervision of adult staff. Six (6) of the
witnesses who reported sexual and physical abuse in Children’s Homes stated that the absence
of supervision and the lack of consistent staff attention made them vulnerable to abuse. One
male witness reported ‘the inadequate supervision of older boys allowed rapes to take place. I
was raped on 2 occasions by older boys’. Another describing the difficulty of not being believed
or protected by staff commented ‘They changed. It was always changing, a new staff could
come today and tomorrow he would be gone ...
14.102 Witnesses from three Homes commented on both the lack of supervision of volunteer workers
and other visitors, and the unsupervised access of ex-residents to the Home. In the absence of
critical overseeing of staff, visitors and co-residents, witnesses reported they were abused both
within the Home and on outings. A male witness reported ‘the most serious neglect was to be
sent out at weekends to ...X..., a volunteer, without any supervision or follow-up, where I was
sexually abused’.
Food
14.103 Twenty five (25) witnesses, 12 male and 13 female, reported that the quality and quantity of
food was inadequate and that they were at times so hungry that they took food from kitchens,
farms attached to the Homes, and waste bins. The majority of these reports were made by
witnesses discharged prior to 1970. Witnesses who worked in the kitchen described the staff
diet as superior to their own. ‘The staff bins were the best, they had the best scraps’. In addition
to reports of insufficient food, witnesses from a small number of Homes also reported being
deprived of meals as a punishment for breaking rules including being late for meals.
Personal care and healthcare

14.104 Eighteen (18) witnesses, nine male and nine female, reported the lack of adequate hygiene
facilities to maintain their personal care. Witnesses reported inadequate provision of appropriate
clothing and toiletries and having to share baths with co-residents. Four (4) witnesses reported
the poor provision of appropriate sanitary wear and some commented on the lack of education
with regard to sexual matters. Four (4) other witnesses from one Home gave accounts of Jeyes
Fluid being used in baths that were either too hot or too cold.
14.105 Thirteen (13) witnesses, six male and seven female, commented that when they were ill or
injured they did not receive adequate medical attention. One female witness described being left
unattended in the infirmary with an injury to her hand. A male witness stated that his nose was
broken and he was unconscious following an assault by a member of religious staff, he
commented that he was removed from the classroom by the Resident Manager but that he
received no attention for his injuries. Witnesses from three Children’s Homes reported that staff
from both within the institution and from external agencies neglected to investigate the cause of
their injuries. They reported attending hospitals, doctors and clinics where they were rarely
spoken to directly about how they received the injuries with which they were presenting.
You got injuries that would mend themselves. I went to the doctor he would not hear tell
of it, he’d say “you’ll be ok after a few days”.
Discharge and aftercare

14.106 Many witnesses commented on the lack of preparation or planning for discharge and reported
that their transition to independent living was traumatic. Witnesses who had no family contact
during their time in the Children’s Homes or who had been reared entirely in institutional settings
reported feeling bewildered when discharged. A female witness described her experience on
leaving: ‘I didn’t know how to behave in a household ... I hated it. I didn’t know how to behave in
somebody’s home.’
14.107 Twelve (12) witnesses, five male and seven female, reported that the absence of supervision or
follow-up while in their aftercare placements exposed them to risk and abuse. Others reported
being discharged without any accommodation arrangements and having to sleep rough. Three
(3) witnesses reported being placed in employment by the Children’s Homes where they
received no payment for their work.
Emotional abuse
12
Section 1(1)(d) as amended by section 3 of the 2005 Act

14.108 This section presents witness evidence of emotional abuse by deprivation of family contact, loss
of identity, lack of opportunities for secure relationships, affection, and approval. Witnesses
described an environment of pervasive fear and a lack of safety and protection. These losses
impaired the social, emotional and physical functioning and development of witnesses and were
identified by them as generally disturbing, both at the time and in the subsequent course of their
lives. Emotional abuse refers to both actions and inactions by religious and lay staff and others
who had responsibility for the care and safety of residents.
14.109 Forty two (42) witnesses, 22 male and 20 female, made 45 reports of emotional abuse
regarding 16 Children’s Homes. There was some variation in the number of reports made in
relation to each Home:
• Three (3) Children’s Homes were the subject of two to five reports, totalling 20
reports.
• Three (3) Children’s Homes were each the subject of four reports, totalling 12
reports.
• Three (3) Children’s Homes were each the subject of two reports, totalling six reports.
• Seven (7) Children’s Homes were each the subject of a single report.

14.110 Witnesses from a number of Homes reported that they experienced sustained abuse when
exposed to ridicule, rejection, criticism and blame that left them feeling confused, vigilant and
anxiously anticipating the next episode of physical or verbal abuse. All except one report of
emotional abuse was combined with reports of physical abuse, sexual abuse and/or neglect.

14.111 Thirty five (35) witnesses, 21 male and 14 female, reported being fearful and feeling under a
constant threat of abuse. Twenty nine (29) of these reports referred to six Homes where
accounts were heard of a pervasive fear of physical and sexual abuse: ‘You were all tensed up
all the time. It was the beatings ... thinking of the beating. It was the waiting instead of getting it
done there and then, the waiting, it was agony’. Witnesses commented on the long-term
negative impact of growing up in an environment dominated by fear, trying to please others,
avoid condemnation and witnessing others being abused.
14.112 Witnesses consistently reported that the lack of protection from harm and the risk of punishment
if they discussed or disclosed their abuse compounded their fear. Four (4) witnesses gave
accounts of being threatened, isolated and removed from contact with their peers for disclosing
abuse to external agencies and to staff. Witnesses who had no family contact and were
considered to be orphans believed that they were more vulnerable to abuse. ‘Fear was a
constant companion. You awoke in fear and went to bed in fear’.
14.113 Four (4) witnesses reported being fearful when they were removed from day-to-day activities in
the Homes and were subjected to sexual abuse. They described being isolated from staff and
peers, being taken to external venues by volunteer workers or being locked in isolated rooms
where they were sexually abused.
14.114 Witnesses stated that they were put outside overnight or locked in small rooms or cupboards
without food or light. One witness reported that ‘a very cruel nun’ locked her in a cupboard and
threatened that she would not be allowed out until arrangements were made for her transfer to
an Industrial School.

Personal and family denigration
14.115 Twenty eight (28) witnesses, 18 male and 10 female, reported being exposed to constant
criticism, hostility, personal ridicule, verbal abuse, and the denigration of their families.
Witnesses reported that they were ridiculed about their family circumstances of poverty, parental
alcohol abuse and the marital status of their parents. Lone mothers were reported to be the
subject of particular denigration: ‘I was told my mother was a prostitute and that I belonged in
the gutter.’
Me and my brother were told by staff not to play with other children who had families
because we were bastards who should have been drowned when we were born. Our
mother visited once a year, we were told not to say anything to her or we would get it
...(abuse)... worse.
•
Before Sr ...X... beat me I would have to carry my sheets across through the house in
public to the laundry. She would say “the devil is inside you, ...(you)... can’t go to Mass
until you have a bath”. She mocked me because I was an orphan and I was not allowed
opportunities like other children.
14.116 Eight (8) witnesses, five male and three female, discharged from Homes in all decades,
described various forms of emotional abuse associated with bed-wetting and personal hygiene.
They described being made to carry their wet and soiled sheets in public, being called
derogatory names, and having their faces forcibly rubbed into wet sheets. Other punishments for
bed-wetting reported by a small number of witnesses was the humiliation of having their heads
shaved and being forced to stand in front of religious statues for long periods. Four (4)
witnesses described being humiliated by the practice of staff commenting on their soiled
underwear in front of co-residents.
We were punished if our pants were soiled although often there was no sanitary towels,
there was no preparation for periods, and you were told it...(menstruation)... was the
Virgin Mary’s gift.
14.117 Twenty seven (27) witnesses, 12 male and 15 female, reported an overall absence of affection
or any kindness towards them; they commented on the lack of awareness or understanding of
their need for affection and stability as children. ‘There was no understanding of our needs. You
had nobody to turn to, you were on your own.’
14.118 A number of witnesses who had no contact with any family member and had been reared in
institutional care reported that they had no experience of any demonstration of affection and
were deprived of any emotional bond. The absence of the opportunity to form a secure
attachment was reported to contribute to a sense of disconnection in relationships, both at the
time and in adult life. In these circumstances witnesses commented that special attention,
demonstrations of affection or treats occasionally available from staff and others, including
volunteer workers, made them vulnerable to abuse. In the course of their hearings many
expressed distress and unresolved anger that their emotional needs as children were not met.
14.119 The lack of emotional support or comfort in dealing with the death of a parent or sibling was
described by a small number of witnesses. One witness reported that on returning from his
father’s funeral he was told to ‘stop snivelling ... he is dead. Now you have no one to go to with
your tales’.

14.120 Nineteen (19) witnesses, 17 male and two female, described their experience of fear, distress
and shame when they were forced to observe co-residents being severely beaten. Eleven (11)
of the witnesses reported witnessing severe physical abuse of their co-residents in four
Children’s Homes. One witness named four other residents whom he witnessed being severely
beaten and commented that they were ‘subjected to extremes of brutality’. Another witness
commented: ‘... Named male religious staff... was particularly vicious to boys without parents,
the orphans’.
14.121 Four (4) witnesses from one Children’s Home, which was the subject of reports of physical and
sexual abuse, identified the same religious staff member as the person who abused their co-
residents. Witnesses described unresolved anger and upset about what they observed and a
number were distressed in the process of recounting what had happened to their childhood
peers.
Named male religious staff...would lose his temper and beat boys viciously, I was hit by
him, but I watched severe violence to older boys. In particular I saw ...named co-
resident... so severely beaten until he was unable to stand up, he beat him as one man
would do to another and not as a man to a boy. He punched him under the chin, about
the face and body, and left him in a heap.
•
Looking back as an adult I did receive abuse, some terrible attacks, but I think
psychologically I’d be left more with what I witnessed than what I received. When I was
on the receiving end, you just kept your head down, you put yourself into a ball, you
didn’t see what was happening to you. Somehow the mind switches off, somehow you
can accept it, you just put your head down and stay going and pick yourself up.
Personally what I witnessed left more of a scar than what I received.
Deprivation of family contact and loss of identity

14.122 Ten (10) witnesses reported being deprived of contact with their family members, including five
who reported being separated from siblings placed in the same Children’s Homes. Others
described being deprived of visits from parents and family members as a punishment for the
breach of a rule or, they believed, to prevent them revealing an injury or disclosing abuse.
Witnesses also reported being forbidden to speak to their older siblings in the same institution.
14.123 The loss of identity was compounded for witnesses by separation from their siblings. Other
witnesses described the loss and disadvantage they experienced both at the time and in their
later lives, due to the lack of information provided about their family, their birth and the
circumstances of their admission.
14.124 One witness gave an account of a visit from her mother to advise of her imminent plan to
emigrate: as it was not a scheduled visiting day the nun in charge did not allow use of the
parlour and terminated the visit. Another witness reported that the religious Resident Manager
was believed ‘not to like women and tried to actively discourage my relationship with my sister.
He took much the same line with my mother and this was hard.... I knew she ... (mother)...
cared for me’.
14.125 Others reported that letters were opened and that ‘the nuns dictated letters to parents, you
could never tell anyone how unhappy you were’.
14.126 Five (5) witnesses reported that the consistent use of a number rather than their own name
deprived them of their individual identity. One witness commented that she did not know the
names of other children who were her daily companions ‘only their number’. A female witness
reported having her name changed when she was admitted, as she did not have a saint’s
name. Another witness described being physically and verbally abused:
Sr ...X... used every opportunity to demean me by calling me by my number, prodding
me with her large crucifix on her Rosary beads, beating me with a strap for
infringements of discipline. She blamed me for the death of a classmate ... for failing to
swallow the host at Holy Communion and ... (then)... vomiting, saying “even God
doesn’t want you”.
14.127 A number of witnesses who had no information about their family or were unaware of their
family history commented on the difficulties this created in adult life when they attempted to
trace their family of origin. One witness reported that his surname had been changed from his
original family name while in out-of-home care. Another witness described inventing a fictitious
family history to avoid revealing that he had spent his childhood in an institution. A further
witness reported that he was unable ‘to face returning’ to Ireland, in spite of a wish to trace his
family, because of the ongoing impact of his childhood experience of abuse.
Knowledge of abuse
14.128 Witnesses stated that staff and co-residents were aware of the physical and emotional abuse
inflicted on residents due to the fact that it frequently occurred in public and on a daily basis.
Witnesses also reported disclosing abuse to their parents, relatives and people in authority, both
within the institution and outside, including to Gardaı́ and other professionals. The investigation
and outcome of abuse disclosures varied as outlined below.

14.129 The Committee heard evidence from 58 witnesses, 36 males and 22 females, that the abuse
they experienced was observed by many people including lay and religious staff, teaching staff
in schools outside the Homes, and other residents. A number of witnesses believed that there
was knowledge and awareness of abuse as a result of the presence of the following adults and
co-residents during the abuse episodes:
• Other residents 48 reports
• Ancillary staff 8 reports
• Teaching staff 3 reports.
14.130 Thirteen (13) witnesses reported that abusive behaviour was a way of life in the Children’s
Homes and that they believed staff and residents were powerless to do anything to stop it.
Witnesses believed that staff members were afraid of losing their jobs, and co-residents were
afraid of being abused or punished themselves if they spoke out against the abuse they
observed and experienced.
No one in the hospital ever asked what happened to you, the nurses knew from our
appearance, we were skinny, they’d say “ah, they are from the orphanage down the
road”, no one ever asked.... Other people knew about it, doctors knew about it, nurses
knew about it, lay teachers knew about it, other ...male religious staff... knew about it,
nobody was prepared to stand up and say, “stop you can’t do that to a child”.... It was
complete fear, sheer bully-boy tactics that stopped people, adults were in fear of ...(
named male religious staff)... probably. A lay teacher had a job and said “if I report this
my job is gone, my income is gone, where am I going to seek work?”.
Disclosing abuse
14.131 Eighteen (18) witnesses, 12 male and six female, stated that they disclosed details of their
physical and sexual abuse to others during their time in Children’s Homes. Five (5) male and
four female witnesses specifically reported disclosing sexual abuse. Witnesses reported
disclosing abuse to adults both within and external to the Homes and in some instances to more
than one person:
• Nine (9) witnesses disclosed their abuse to an authority figure in the Children’s
Home, including a Resident Manager.
• Six (6) witnesses disclosed abuse to a parent.
• Three (3) witnesses disclosed abuse to teachers, Gardaı́, staff and siblings.
Following discharge there was an inquiry in the parlour where I was interviewed by a
group of men, ...named male religious staff... had told me to be very careful about what
I would say happened to me, he threatened me. I told them I had fallen over a wall. ... I
was in constant fear....
14.132 Two (2) male witnesses reported receiving medical attention for injuries and commented that
they had been threatened not to tell anyone how their injury occurred. ‘I had been warned by ...
named male religious staff... to say I had fallen down the stairs’. One of these male witnesses
stated that as an older boy he attended the casualty department with junior residents who were
injured following beatings by members of lay and religious staff. He reported being warned not
to comment on the circumstances in which the injuries occurred:
Nobody said anything, everybody kept themselves to themselves.... You would be told
to go back to your bedroom and keep your mouth shut. You couldn’t do very much
anyway, you would be that sore the next day after all the beatings ... (associated with
sexual assault)...
•
I remember I got a good cut across the head there, I had to go to hospital. When ever
...named male religious staff... had gone beyond his limit and he knew what he had
done required medical attention you ...(resident)... were put in charge of an older guy
...(co-resident)... to go to the hospital.
14.133 Witnesses reported a range of responses to their disclosures of abuse including: being
protected from further abuse, punished, ignored or not believed. Eight (8) witnesses reported
that they were physically punished and threatened following their disclosures of abuse. Seven
(7) other witnesses gave accounts of the abuse continuing, with no immediate action being
taken.
There was a little fellow there called ...named co-resident..., he hung himself since. We
did run away one time because of the abuse was going on towards us. We ran to a
Garda station in ...named town... and we reported it but there was nothing done about it.
We told them what was going on and the kind of abuse that was going on, I knew what
was going on was wrong. I remember well one of the guards ...(Gardaı́)... picking up the
phone and phoning ...named Children’s Home.... We were brought back to the place
...(by the Gardaı́).... We went through hell then when we went back, we got more
punishment we were put to bed on the spot... An older fellow would say “come on and
have a game of football”, you did not know what was going to happen and 2 or 3 of
them would kick you around the field or kick you around the yard and say “if ever you
go forward and do that again ...(disclose abuse)... you won’t get out of here alive...”.
That was one of the reasons you didn’t tell anyone, that was part of the reason why we
ran away from there, there was no one to talk to, my parents didn’t come and visit me,
no phone calls, no letters. If you went forward and said “I’m after get... (getting)...
beaten up”, they would say “you are telling tales”. They wouldn’t want to hear tell of it
and that word would be passed on to the head person who was running the place and
then you would be in serious trouble....
•
I was regularly raped and forced to have oral sex by the chaplain and when I told an old
nun what he was doing to me I was punished. She called me the devil’s daughter....
14.134 A witness who reported sexual abuse was discharged to the care of his mother and described a
subsequent visit from staff of the Children’s Home to his mother’s home:
Three weeks after discharge I was visited at home by ...named male religious staff ...
and 2 other men who were not introduced. He threatened me, as I had told another ex-
resident about the sexual abuse ... perpetrated by named male religious staff..., that I
was spreading rumours and said to me “you could go to jail, and never see your mother
again. I am in a position to get you locked up and the key thrown away”.
•
I was left in the infirmary for a long time on my own for telling my father about the ill-
treatment, no one was allowed see me there. Sr ...X... pretended to my father that I was
sick.
14.135 Five (5) witnesses reported it was their belief that following their disclosure the offender was
reprimanded or removed. A number of witnesses commented that while they were not aware of
any action being taken at the time of their disclosures they later realised that their abusers were
no longer working in the Homes. A male witness who reported that his abuse continued for
some time after his disclosure stated:
I went to a person after a few months after it...(abuse)... continued and it...(disclosure)...
wasn’t listened to ... The person I went to was in a very strong position of power in
...named Children’s Home ...he said “no I don’t believe you and anyway keep quiet” ....
From that moment on I kept it to myself ... the abuse continued after that for a while and
then the Health Board came in ... they spoke to the management. No-one spoke to me,
he... (named lay care worker)... was fired ... After he left things improved for me. I
always thought in my head someone would come and ask questions but it never
happened...
14.136 Three (3) witnesses reported that their parents confronted the Resident Managers with the
accusations of abuse following disclosures by them. Two (2) of these witnesses gave accounts
of being beaten by staff following their disclosures and in the third instance the abuse ceased
and the witness was protected from further abuse.
14.137 In one instance a male witness reported that a female lay ancillary worker who had physically
abused him was herself stripped and beaten in front of all the residents by a staff member in
authority. This ancillary worker was believed to be a former resident of the Home.
Response to abuse
14.138 Witnesses in a number of Children’s Homes in the period prior to the 1970s reported that where
abuse was a feature of everyday life they accepted physical punishment as normal. Other
witnesses from a small number of Homes and throughout all decades reported experiencing and
witnessing severe, unpredictable and unprovoked violence, which they described as both
traumatic at the time and as having had an enduring impact on their lives. Witnesses reported a
range of responses to such abuse and often reported more than one response:
• Fifty two (52) witnesses, 27 male and 25 female, reported that they did not know
what to do, felt defenceless and withdrew into themselves.
• Thirty six (36) witnesses, 20 male and 16 female, reported that their predominant
response to abuse was fear for their own safety and the safety of co-residents.
• Nineteen (19) witnesses, 12 male and seven female, reported that they began bed-
wetting in response to constant abuse.
• Eight (8) witnesses, six male and two female, reported running away from the Homes
to avoid abuse.
• Three (3) witnesses, one male and two female, reported that they attempted to harm
themselves.
14.139 A witness who reported persistent sexual abuse over a number of years stated that his abusive
experience led to bed-wetting, and his attempts to discuss his abuse with staff were ignored:
‘We all started wetting the bed, no staff ever asked ‘why are you wetting the bed, what’s wrong
with you?’
14.140 Forty nine (49) witnesses, 29 male and 20 female, reported having had positive experiences
and some good memories of their time in Children’s Homes. Fifteen (15) witnesses described
the kindness of particular religious staff, the absence of punishment, and protection from
beatings as positive experiences. Staff were also reported to have demonstrated kindness by
providing extra food. Seven (7) witnesses commented on the kindness of two named female
religious staff from one Children’s Home. ‘She ... (Sr X)... was elderly and always told me to
smile when I was down, I still do it and it works.’
14.141 Twelve (12) witnesses reported that various lay staff were kind and attempted to care and
provide for their needs by protecting them from abuse and other harm.
14.142 For some witnesses the sense of security and attention they experienced while in the infirmaries
or in hospital was a positive experience. Three (3) witnesses commented on the kindness of the
nun in charge of one infirmary: ‘I enjoyed going to the infirmary and the attention I got there’.
14.143 Twelve (12) witnesses described any contact with family members, including visits or holidays at
home and visits from parents, siblings and grandparents as their abiding good memory of their
time in the Homes. Nine (9) other witnesses reported that ongoing family contact both protected
them from abuse and enabled them to reintegrate more readily with their families when they
were discharged.
14.144 Nine (9) witnesses described the positive value of the education they received, including their
success in State examinations. Others described good memories of attending school outside the
institutions, supportive teachers, friendship with pupils from the local community, and interaction
with people from the local towns.
14.145 Six (6) witnesses reported that their involvement with Gaelic games or Irish dancing was
beneficial and enjoyable. Others valued the opportunity of learning to play musical instruments.
14.146 Five (5) witnesses appreciated the value of visiting ‘holiday’ families or ‘godparents’ and working
for local families. They stated that contact with families outside the Homes enabled them to
experience family life and commented that relationships established through those placements
had sustained them as children and in adult life. Others commented on the help they received
while in their work placements from both lay and religious staff. A female witness reported she
benefited from support she received from a religious Sister: ‘... there was one nun there who let
me type in the evenings ... she was very helpful ... she was so, so nice, she was kind’.
14.147 Seven (7) male witnesses who reported sexual abuse in Children’s Homes commented that they
appreciated the overall care and education provided to them. Other witnesses, both male and
female, commented that they benefited from opportunities to return to the Homes when they
were discharged, for aftercare group support. A female witness stated: ‘You would go back to
where you were brought up. They had a monthly meeting to see how you were getting on and
things ... ‘
14.148 Sixty one (61) witnesses gave accounts to the Committee of their current life circumstances and
the effects of their childhood abuse experiences on their subsequent lives and relationships.
Witnesses provided information about their social circumstances, family relationships,
occupation, health, and the ongoing impact of their childhood abuse.
Relationships
14.149 The Committee heard consistent reports from witnesses of their difficulties establishing and
maintaining secure, stable relationships in adult life. Many witnesses reported an inability to trust
and relate in intimate relationships. They believed these difficulties to be a consequence of
childhood abuse, including the deprivation of secure emotional attachments and nurturing
relationships. Others described difficulties and differences with their partners in communication,
conflict resolution and parenting styles.
14.150 The following table illustrates the status and length of the witnesses’ relationships as they
reported at the time of their hearings:
Table 76: Status and Duration of Witnesses’ Relationship at the Time of Hearing 2000-
2008 – Male and Female Children’s Homes
Duration 0-19 yrs 20-39 yrs 40-59 yrs Total
Witnesses
Status of relationship Males Females Males Females Males Females
Married 1 1 19 7 2 4 34
Single 1 2 5 0 3 2 13
Separated 2 1 1 0 0 0 4
Co-habiting 2 1 0 0 0 0 3
Divorced 0 1 0 2 0 0 3
Widowed 2 2 0 0 0 0 4
Total 8 8 25 9 5 6 61
14.151 Forty five (45) witnesses, 27 male and 18 female, were or had been married, 32 of whom had
been married for more than 20 years at the time of their hearing. Nineteen (19) of the 45
witnesses, 12 male and seven female, described being happily married. Others described
marriage as providing stability and a sense of connection: ‘I married the first person that showed
me love’.
14.152 Eight (8) witnesses, six male and two female, reported that they were married before they were
20 years old and had conflictual, ambivalent and, in some instances, violent relationships in the
early years of marriage. Another five witnesses, one male and four female, reported being
involved in violent relationships where alcohol abuse and issues relating to control contributed to
marital difficulties.
14.153 Thirty nine (39) witnesses, 28 male and 11 female, reported that the inability to trust and relate
in intimate relationships were key features of their relationships with spouses and partners. Male
witnesses more commonly remarked on their inability to communicate, and their tendency to
become isolated, alienated and withdrawn within their partnerships, as one witness commented:
‘It’s hard to be involved, hard to build a bond’. Three (3) witnesses stated that they had never
spoken about the abuse they experienced in Children’s Homes to their spouses.
14.154 Nine (9) witnesses, three male and six female, reported being unable to settle and described
themselves as unable to remain involved in a long-term, committed relationship.
14.155 Twelve (12) witnesses, eight male and four female, reported being single for various reasons
that included being ‘unable to trust anyone and form a lasting relationship’. Three (3) of these
witnesses commented on difficulties in sexual relationships. Others stated that ‘family life is
alien’ and ‘I’m not good with relationships’.
14.156 Seven (7) witnesses, three male and four female, reported being divorced or separated at the
time of their hearing and included alcohol abuse, gambling, mental illness, and domestic
violence among the issues that contributed to the breakdown in their marriages. Some female
witnesses gave accounts of being involved in relationships in the past but had made a
deliberate decision to separate and remain on their own.
Parenting
14.157 Many witnesses who had children of their own reported that their parenting relationships differed
according to the stages of their children’s development, their experience as a parent and their
own progress since being discharged from the institutions. A male witness made the following
comment:
When my son reached the age I was when I was kicked and beaten I got very upset, it
all came back, I got depressed.... I got violent and abusive in the family.... I was
suicidal.... I was so affected by what I saw and what was done to me ... it marked me all
my life.
14.158 Forty nine (49) witnesses, 29 male and 20 female, reported having children of their own, with
family size varying between one and eight children. The average family size was four children.
The 49 witnesses reported having 173 children. The majority of witnesses reported that they
reared their own children, with the exception of:
• Five (5) witnesses who reported that altogether 19 of their children had spent periods
in out-of-home care.
• Three (3) female witnesses who reported that they had placed their first-born child for
adoption.
• Two (2) female witnesses who reported that their children were reared by the
children’s biological fathers.
14.159 Many witnesses considered their inability to parent effectively to be a result of the deprivation
and abuse they experienced during their own childhood:
I never really had a childhood, some days I wish I had .... I find myself playing with my
own son now...crying ...I’m over-protective with my kids ... to be honest I can’t picture
myself without the kids ... I had to make a heart breaking decision to put ... (child) ...
into voluntary care ... (the child is) ... going on the same path as myself ... I live for me
kids.
•
None of my children are living with me, some of them are in care, some of them are
with their dad. I see them all... I need to be beside them. I like being near them, I can
phone up anytime...
14.160 Twelve (12) witnesses, seven male and five female, gave accounts of being unable to
demonstrate feelings of affection to their own children, having grown up in harsh environments
without any affectionate bond themselves. One male witness commented ‘I can’t walk over and
just give them a hug, I have big trouble showing affection, I never knew what a hug was’. Two
(2) male witnesses described having particular difficulties showing affection to their sons and
‘not being available’ as fathers, which they believe to be the result of their own sexual abuse. A
female witness describing the impact on her of institutional care commented:
It was an abnormal sort of growing up ...it was a very cold, soul-less place. I have a
granddaughter now and she loves a cuddle and I think of her and I think now “who ever
cuddled me when I was little, who ever put their arms around me?”. The nuns... there
were so many of us, they probably didn’t have time but there were lay women there,
they were just so cruel...
14.161 Witness reports of parenting were characterised by accounts of an inability to demonstrate

feelings of love and affection, strenuous efforts to ensure their children were protected from
harm, and ambivalent parent–child relationships. Many believed that separation, and the loss of
experiences of family life with their own parents and siblings, the lack of a nurturing environment
in childhood, combined with the abuse they experienced left them ill-equipped to parent
successfully. Others described feelings of enduring sadness regarding the loss of a parent at an
early age and being subsequently reared in a Children’s Home without a sense of security or
attachment.
I couldn’t deal with my own family, my own children, I didn’t want to know. Childhood
was very hard, very, very hard. I love me children, but bonding was very, very hard. I
would never do nothing wrong to my children, I would never hurt them in that way.... I
would shout or roar at them and would go, and maybe not come back for 7 or 10 days.
That would be very damaging to them ... they are in care, they said I was not a proper
father towards the children.... I feel angry, very, very angry towards institutions.
14.162 The following table illustrates the nature of the parent–child relationships, as described by 49
witnesses who had children:
Table 77: Relationship with Own Children – Male and Female Children’s Homes
Relationship with children* Frequency Frequency Total witness
reported by reported by reports
male witnesses female witnesses
Reported normal 10 4 14
Unable to show affection 7 5 12
Overprotective 4 6 10
Harsh 2 4 6
Variable among children 4 3 7
Abusive 2 1 3
No comment 1 1 2
Total number of reports 30 24 54

*Witnesses could give more than one answer
14.163 Some witnesses stated that as a result of their own harsh treatment in childhood they made
strenuous efforts to protect their children, resulting, at times, in their being overprotective
parents. A number of witnesses expressed anger that the emotional abuse they experienced
was having a detrimental impact on the next generation as a consequence of their parenting
and relationship difficulties.
14.164 Fourteen (14) witnesses, 10 male and four female, reported having generally good parent–child
relationships despite encountering some periods of difficulty with one or other of their children. A
number of witnesses commented that difficulties arose when their child was the same age as
they were at the time they were abused. Many witnesses commented on the support and
positive contribution of spouses who assisted them in their parental role and were understanding
of the difficulties they encountered.
14.165 Seven (7) witnesses reported that their children had significant behavioural and emotional
difficulties that required episodes of residential and day treatment in mental health and addiction
counselling services. Four (4) witnesses reported the loss of children in tragic circumstances,
including suicide and accidents.
14.166 Six (6) witnesses reported that the regimented and abusive environments they experienced in
Children’s Homes contributed at times to harsh relationships with their own children. Five (5)
other witnesses described having been physically abusive to their children. A small number of
witnesses reported that contact with their adult children had been lost following episodes of
abuse or neglect in their childhoods.
14.167 It was frequently remarked by witnesses that the difficulties they experienced as parents and the
inability to show love and affection to their own children were overcome in their role as
grandparents. Many witnesses reported having mutually rewarding and enjoyable relationships
with their grandchildren.
Contact with family since discharge

14.168 The practice of separating boys and girls when they were admitted to out-of-home care in the
pre-1970s was reported by witnesses to have contributed to the fragmentation of their families.
The painful impact of being separated from siblings was experienced both during the witnesses’
time in the institutions and following discharge. Thirty (30) witnesses, 17 male and 13 female,
reported feeling disconnected, having little contact with their siblings and other family members
since their discharge from the Homes. A number of these witnesses reported feeling rejected by
and alienated from their family members, which they believed was the result of separation and
lack of contact in their childhood.
14.169 Twenty one (21) witnesses, 14 male and seven female, reported that contact with family
members was frequently characterised by ambivalence and conflict. Many witnesses described
having ongoing and close contact with a number of their siblings and almost no communication
with others. Seventeen (17) witnesses gave accounts of receiving help and support from
extended family members following their discharge, including grandmothers, aunts and uncles,
in the absence of such assistance being available from parents and siblings.
14.170 Ten (10) witnesses had no contact with any family members, including four male and two
female witnesses who had no information about their families in spite of their attempts to trace
relatives.

14.171 The majority of witnesses reported a history of full employment since their discharge from the
Children’s Homes. Twenty (20) witnesses, 15 male and five female, reported being employed for
30 years or more. A further 13 witnesses, five male and eight female, were employed for 10
years or more. Thirty one (31) witnesses, 17 male and 14 female, reported being in full-time
employment at the time of their hearings. Table 78 illustrates the employment status of
witnesses reported at their hearing:
Table 78: Witnesses’ Employment Status at Time of Hearing – Male and Female
Children’s Homes
Employment status Male Female Total witnesses
Employed 8 12 20
Retired 11 2 13
Disability income 2 1 3
Unemployed 8 2 10
Self-employed 6 2 8
Defence Forces 3 0 3
Working at home 0 4 4
Total 38 23 61
14.172 The following table provides a breakdown of the witnesses’ reports of their current occupational
status at the time of their hearing:
Table 79: Witnesses’ Occupational Status at Time of Hearing – Male and Female
Children’s Homes
Occupational status Males Females Total Witnesses
Professional 0 1 1
Manual and technical 4 2 6
Non-manual 3 5 8
Semi-skilled 8 3 11
Unskilled 12 8 20
Unavailable 0 2 2
Total 38 23 61
14.173 Twenty (20) witnesses reported being employed in unskilled positions. Most had spent many
years of their childhoods in residential facilities and reported that they were ill-equipped for any
employment other than domestic positions or unskilled work. A number of these witnesses found
employment in institutional settings as cleaners, waiters and porters and in the Defence Forces.
14.174 A number of witnesses commented that their lack of education while in the Children’s Homes
contributed to subsequent difficulties with employment. The table below illustrates the highest
education level attended, but not in all instances completed, by both male and female
witnesses:

Table 80: Highest Level of Education Attended – Male and Female Children’s Homes
Highest level of education Males Females Total witnesses
Primary 16 9 25
Secondary 14 9 23
Third level 8 4 12
No education 0 1 1
Total 38 23 61
14.175 The 12 witnesses who attended third-level education reported doing so as adults and a number
reported having had years of successful employment, including careers in nursing, retailing, and
management. One female witness reported that she never attended school.
14.176 Other witnesses described having difficulties with authority, which led to frequent changes of
employment and periods of unemployment. A small number of these witnesses later established
themselves in successful, long-term self-employed careers.
Accommodation
14.177 Forty seven (47) witnesses reported having stable housing arrangements at the time of their
hearing, as shown in the following table:
Table 81: Accommodation of Witnesses at Time of Hearing – Male and Female Children’s
Homes
Accommodation Males Females Total witnesses
Owner occupiers 23 12 35
Local authority/ council housing 5 7 12
Private rented accommodation 4 2 6
With relatives 1 1 2
Sheltered housing 0 1 1
With friends 1 0 1
Hostel 1 0 1
Unavailable 3 0 3
Total 38 23 61
14.178 A number of witnesses described earlier periods of unstable housing with frequent changes of
address. Many had lived in temporary accommodation during the initial years following their
discharge. Ten (10) witnesses, eight male and two female, reported having been homeless and
living in transient accommodation facilities at some time in the past.
Health
14.179 Witnesses provided information to the Committee about their general health and well-being in
the course of their hearings. For the purpose of writing this Report the Committee categorised
the witnesses’ physical and mental health status as good, reasonable or poor based on their
past and current health history. The following table illustrates the physical health status
described by witnesses at the time of their hearings:

Table 82: Current Physical Health Status – Male and Female Children’s Homes
Good 20 7 27
Reasonable 17 15 32
Poor 1 1 2
Total 38 23 61
14.180 Most witnesses reported either good or reasonable physical health. There was a notable gender
difference between the 20 male and seven female witnesses who described themselves as
being in good physical health. Thirty two (32) witnesses stated that their health was reasonable,
notwithstanding treatment currently or in the past for conditions such as diabetes,
cardiovascular, and thyroid and urinary problems, some of which were age related. Six (6)
witnesses stated that they suffered recurrent back pain and four witnesses believed that their
current hearing loss, thyroid conditions, and other ailments were linked with neglect of their
healthcare as children in the Homes. Witnesses who described poor physical health had
generally experienced long-standing ill-health.
14.181 In the course of their hearings witnesses also provided information about their mental health.
Witnesses’ mental health status was categorised on the basis of the information they provided
regarding their past and current well-being, and their need for psychiatric treatment and
counselling services. Table 83 outlines witnesses’ current mental health status:
Table 83: Current Mental Health Status – Male and Female Children’s Homes
Good 11 8 19
Reasonable 17 9 26
Poor 10 6 16
Total 38 23 61
14.182 Nineteen (19) witnesses described their mental health as good. They commented that generally
they had been able to resolve the trauma associated with their childhood abuse in spite of
occasional sadness. Some of those witnesses reporting that they benefited from counselling and
assistance from mental health and other services, particularly in the early years following
discharge.
14.183 Twenty six (26) witnesses were categorised as having reasonable mental health. Many of the
male witnesses commented that they used alcohol to help them cope with difficult memories. A
number stated that they were unable to talk openly to others and found discussion of their past
experiences too traumatic and as a result had not used counselling or other services. A male
witness commented that he managed to cope with his own depression and suicidal thoughts,
stating: ‘I could never go that far... (suicide)... although I often think about it’. Female witnesses
in this group commented that in spite of periodic feelings of anxiety or depression they managed
to cope with their difficulties with the assistance of ongoing personal and professional support.
14.184 The 16 witnesses whose mental health was described as poor gave accounts of frequent and
lengthy admissions for inpatient psychiatric treatment, repeated episodes of self-harm and
suicide attempts. Nine (9) witnesses reported that they had made one or more suicide attempt
and three witnesses reported a history of substance abuse. A number of witnesses described
enduring many years of depression, alcohol dependency and extreme anxiety. Some
commented that they were dependant on personal support services and required intensive
ongoing assistance.
14.185 Two (2) witnesses, one male and one female, gave the following accounts of their history and
the impact their experience of abuse has had on their adult lives:
You would try to block it out of your mind and get on with life but at night it would come,
the nightmares.... Crying in bed at night, thinking back on what happened me, it never
goes away .... Walking along the street... at night time, you always feared someone was
going ...(pause) ... coming behind you ....I always go around with this carving knife in
my pocket...cutting my arms was a way of letting the anger out...
•
I came back to nowhere.... I had nowhere to go. My sister took me in for a while.... I
started to get panic attacks, I thought I was dying, I thought I had a brain tumour, the
doctor kept on telling me I was alright, it’s not physical. ... I was suicidal, they took me
into ... a locked ward, I spent ...(many months)... there. I used to just lose control.... I
took overdoses.... Then it...(details of abusive experiences)... started coming out and I
started getting angry, I wouldn’t do anything to anybody when I was angry, only to
myself and would start cutting my arms ... it was my way of releasing.... They ...
(hospital staff) ... said my problems were so deep in the past....

14.186 Many of the 38 male and 23 female witnesses described what they believed were the damaging
consequences of their experiences of child abuse in Children’s Homes. They described
difficulties in many areas of their lives including health, family and social relationships and
reported that their childhood experiences of abuse had multiple effects on their adult lives, as
outlined in Table 84:

Table 84: Reported Effects on Adult Life – Male and Female Witnesses Children’s Homes
reports reports
Lack of trust 26 Lack of self-worth 20
Angry 19 Lack of trust 16
Counselling required 19 Abuse not easily forgotten 13
Loner 19 Counselling required 13
Suicidal feelings or attempts 19 Feeling different from peers 12
Alcohol abuse 16 Feeling isolated 12
Feeling different from peers 16 Suicidal feelings or attempt 10
Abuse not easily forgotten 14 Loner 8
Feeling isolated 14 Post-traumatic effect 8
Mood instability 14 Unable to show feelings to partner 8
Nightmares 14 Withdrawal 8
Anxious and fearful 13 Angry 7
Aggressive behaviour – verbal 12 Anxious and fearful 7
Lack of self-worth 11 Tearfulness 7
Unable to settle 11 Feelings related to being a victim 7
Feelings related to being a victim 10 Mood instability 7
Unable to show feelings to partner 10 Nightmares 6
Aggressive behaviour – physical 9 Overprotective of children 6
Sleep disturbance 9 Sleep disturbance 6
Unable to show feelings to Feelings related to being
children 9 powerless 5
Post-traumatic effect 8 Issues of needing approval 5
Unable to show feelings to
Withdrawal 7 children 5
Over harsh with children 6 Alcohol abuse 4
Aggressive behaviour – Find others with similar
psychological 5 experiences 4
Tearfulness 5 Issues of self-blame 4
Issues of needing approval 5 Overly compliant behaviour 3
Overprotective of children 5 Sexual problems 3
Sexual problems 5 Aggressive behaviour – verbal 2
Issues of self-blame 4 Fear of failure 2
Feelings related to being
powerless 3 Over harsh with children 2
Gender and sexual identity
problems 3 Somatic symptoms 2
Thankful for what we have now 3 Aggressive behaviour – physical 1
Aggressive behaviour –
Fear of failure 2 psychological 1
Overly compliant behaviour 2 Substance abuse 1
Somatic symptoms 2 Thankful for what we have now 1
Substance abuse 2 Unable to settle 1

*Witnesses could report more than one effect and male witnesses reported a wider variety of effects

14.187 The table indicates some gender differences. For instance most of the female witnesses
reported issues related to feelings of self-worth compared with less than a third of the male
witnesses. Half of the male witnesses reported that they were loners and experienced feelings
of unresolved anger, compared with less than a third of the female witnesses.
14.188 Sixteen (16) witnesses described feelings of terror, anger and disconnectedness associated with
childhood trauma. Others described the fear and enduring shame that sexual abuse generated
in them as children and eight witnesses described ongoing psychological and sexual difficulties
associated with their sexual abuse.
I didn’t go home.... I just started wandering here and there. I went to ...named place of
refuge.... I was 13 or 14. I stayed in hostels. Once I came out of there ...(Children’s
Home)... I went to hell on the drink, life was really difficult. My life was destroyed, as I
get older it gets worse. I ended up in psychiatric hospitals, I used to cut myself up.... I
would just get depressed and start thinking of the things that were done to me, it
...(experiences of sexual abuse)...would play on your mind. Then you would think of
suicide, I tried it several times, I was sent to the hospital then. I was off drink for several
years.... We were sent there ...(Children’s Home)... to be corrected not to be abused like
that. I still wake up at night, some nights I am afraid to go asleep at night, thinking
...(over 20)... years down the road that someone has just come into the room, thinking I
am back at that place again, that this ...(sexual and physical abuse)... is happening all
over again. Counselling has helped a good bit, but it can’t really bring out what’s
happened to you, it can’t take away what’s happened to you.
14.189 Many witnesses commented on their limited potential in employment situations due to the
neglect of their education. Others reported having difficulty with authority, never looking for
promotion, being constantly vigilant and as one witness remarked in relation to the workplace ‘I
kept my head down’. A male witness who described continuing difficulties in many areas of his
life stated:
Nearly every job I had I lost it over the drink because I couldn’t handle it ... (memories
of sexual abuse) ... I’d feel more relaxed with the drink otherwise I’d be as nervous as
hell... I kind of block it out now, they are bad thoughts ... I just try and get on ... I came
... (to hearing) ... for someone to talk to, you see there is very few people you can talk
to. I never tell anybody. I didn’t tell her ... (spouse) ... most of it. I just told them ...
(children) ... I was in an orphanage.
14.190 As previously reported male and female witnesses stated that their experience of abuse
influenced their relationships, particularly as a result of their inability to trust, the sense of shame
and the lack of confidence they have endured throughout their lives.
I couldn’t really meet people ... I was so used to the orphanage, it was a confined place.
It’s hard to explain, you get very paranoid and all of a sudden you think someone is
going to force you or something like that...
•
I didn’t know how to behave with people outside ... I didn’t feel good about myself. I had
such an inferiority complex and I didn’t know how to behave ... when I went to a party
I’d sit in a corner ...
14.191 The separation from their parents and siblings and the difficulties encountered when re-
establishing contact with their families following discharge was reported as a continued source
of distress and anger for a number of witnesses. A female witness commenting on her attempts
to re-establish a relationship with her mother stated:
I still wanted to get to know her. I still wanted to understand. I still wanted to be with her
... we just didn’t get on ... all the anger came out ... there was never any closeness
there, ever ever. It was so sad ...
14.192 Many witnesses reported a life-long history of difficulties coping with everyday life and
socialisation. The reported difficulties included isolation, withdrawal, feeling different from their
peers, and being unable to show affection to their partners and children. Approximately half of
the witnesses reported having been assisted through counselling.
14.193 This section of the Report has summarised the experiences of the 61 witnesses who reported
abuse in Children’s Homes over a period of 73 years, the majority of whom were discharged
after 1960.

Chapter 15
Foster care
15.01 Foster care, previously known in Ireland as ‘boarding out’ or ‘at nurse’, is a form of out-of-home
care that allows for a child to be placed in a family environment rather than an institution. Foster
care has been provided over the years through the State and non-government sectors, and by
both formal and informal private arrangements. Funding for these placements was generally
made to the foster parents by the organisation responsible for the placement or by the child’s
relatives. Foster care arrangements, including the assessment of potential foster carers, the
supervision of foster placements, and payment allowances for children in foster care have been
standardised and become better regulated in recent years.
Witnesses
15.02 The Confidential Committee heard evidence from 24 witnesses, eight male and 16 female, who
reported being abused while in foster care. The reports related to 22 foster care placements.
The witnesses identified 18 foster families by name and location, four others were referred to by
their geographic location. Two (2) of the 18 named foster families were each reported as
abusive by two separate witnesses.
15.03 The reports of abuse in foster care refer to a 64-year time period between 1931 and 1995, being
the years of earliest admission and the latest discharge reported by witnesses. The majority of
reports of abuse in foster care refer to placements before 1960. Sixteen (16) witnesses, four
male and 12 female, were originally placed in foster care prior to 1960 and 12 of those
witnesses, three male and nine female, were also discharged before 1960. Five (5) of the
witnesses who reported abuse were discharged from their foster care placements in the 1980s
and 1990s.
15.04 Seven (7) witnesses, five male and two female, reported abuse in other placements in addition
to foster care, including Industrial Schools, Children’s Homes, a special needs school, and a
primary school. Witness evidence regarding those accounts is reported in the relevant chapters
of this Report.
15.05 Twelve (12) of the foster homes reported were in rural locations and 10 were in cities and
provincial towns.

15.06 The majority of witnesses reporting abuse in foster care were the children of single parents and
had scant information about their family background and social circumstances. They generally
knew little about their family of origin and were reliant on official documentation for details of
their place of birth and early life experiences. This documentation was most often reported to
have been obtained through Freedom of Information legislation, family tracing services and
other charitable organisations.
15.07 Family of origin, place of birth and current residence details are differentiated by gender when
there are notable differences; otherwise they are reported collectively.
15.08 Twelve (12) of the 24 witnesses reported that they were born in Dublin, 11 witnesses were born
in eight other Irish counties and one witness was born outside the State.
15.09 Fourteen (14) witnesses reported that their mothers were unmarried at the time of their birth.
Three (3) female witnesses reported being the children of extra-marital relationships who were
placed in foster care as infants by mothers who reared other children within marriage. A further
three witnesses reported not knowing anything about the circumstances of their birth.
15.10 Four (4) witnesses reported being placed in foster care in the context of marital separation or
parental illness.
15.11 Ten (10) witnesses reported having siblings, some of whom they had contact with during their
childhood and others who they have only become aware of in recent years through the process
of family tracing. Nine (9) of these witnesses reported having siblings in care. Two (2) of those
witnesses reported being initially placed from their family homes in the same foster home as
their siblings with whom they maintained contact. Five (5) of the witnesses reported that they
and their siblings had been placed in out-of-home care because their mothers were lone parents
and unable to support them due to their social and economic circumstances.
15.12 Eight (8) witnesses had never been able to establish whether or not they had any siblings or
other living relatives and six witnesses reported that they had no siblings.
15.13 Witnesses had relatively little information about their parents’ occupational status, which in 13
instances was reported as unskilled and in 11 instances was recorded as unknown.
15.14 At the time of their hearing the age of witnesses who reported being abused in foster care
ranged between 20 and 74 years. Ten (10) witnesses were aged over 60 years at the time of
their hearing. A further nine witnesses were aged between 40 and 59 years and five others
were under 40 years of age.
15.15 At the time of their hearing 19 witnesses were living in Ireland and five were resident in the UK.
Circumstances of placement in foster care

15.16 Twenty (20) of the 24 witnesses had been in foster care or institutional care since their first year
of life. As previously stated, most of these witnesses were the children of lone mothers who
were reported to be unable to care for them for various reasons.
15.17 Four (4) witnesses reported that they lived with their parents for the first few years of their lives
but were then placed in foster care following family breakdown, parental illness or marital
separation. These witnesses were initially admitted to Children’s Homes, Industrial Schools or
other institutions with siblings from whom some were then separated.
15.18 Among those witnesses who reported being in out-of-home care for lengthy periods, seven
witnesses reported that their placement in foster care followed a series of other placements over
a period of up to seven years. These witnesses reported being in Children’s Homes, county
homes, hospitals or Industrial Schools for varying periods of time prior to being placed in foster
homes that, in most instances, became their final childhood residence. All of these witnesses
were the children of lone mothers with whom they reported having no further contact.
15.19 Seven (7) other witnesses were fostered before their first birthday from the institutions where
they had been born, including county homes, mother and baby homes and nursing homes.
15.20 Six (6) witnesses reported being transferred to foster homes from different placements, including
other foster homes, where they had been happily settled over a number of years. Two (2) of the
six witnesses reported being placed with foster families following the closure of the residential
institutions where they had lived for many years.
15.21 Twenty (20) witnesses reported spending between 11 and 18 years in foster care and other
forms of institutional care. Five (5) of those witnesses continued to live with their foster families
after the age of 18 years in circumstances that are referred to later in this chapter under the
heading of current experiences.
15.22 Three (3) witnesses reported being fostered and in other forms of alternate care for between
eight and 10 years. Two (2) of those witnesses gave accounts of being adopted by their foster
parents. The third witness was transferred from an abusive foster placement to an institutional
setting. A fourth witness reported being in foster care for less than a year prior to being returned
to their biological family.
Record of abuse
15.23 Eight (8) male and 16 female witnesses who reported being abused in foster care made reports
in relation to 22 different foster homes. As stated above, the reports relate to a 64-year period
between 1931 and 1995, and refer to all four types of abuse, physical and sexual abuse,
neglect and emotional abuse. Reports of abuse by a witness may be either descriptions of a
single incident of abuse or multiple experiences of being abused over a long period of time. In
most instances witnesses who reported abuse in foster care made reports that referred to more
than one incident of abuse and more than one type of abuse. The most frequently reported
abuse types were physical and emotional abuse, as detailed below:
• Twenty one (21) witnesses reported physical abuse.
• Twenty (20) witnesses reported emotional abuse.
• Seventeen (17) witnesses reported neglect.
• Fifteen (15) witnesses reported sexual abuse.
15.24 Twenty three (23) witnesses made reports of more than one abuse type and nine witnesses
reported all four types of abuse, as shown in the following table:
Table 85: Abuse Types and Combinations – Male and Female Foster Care
Sexual, neglect and emotional 2
Sexual 1
Total 24

15.25 Combinations of physical and sexual abuse were reported by half of the witnesses, in addition
to further reports of emotional abuse and neglect.
Physical abuse
injury to, the child1.
15.26 This section of the Report presents the evidence given to the Committee by witnesses regarding
their experiences of being physically abused and injured by non-accidental means, and their
lack of protection from such abuse while in foster care. The forms of abuse reported included
hitting, punching, kicking and bodily assault with implements. Witnesses also reported being
physically abused by being burned, spat upon and immersed in water.
15.27 There were 21 reports of physical abuse from eight male and 13 female witnesses in 19 foster
care placements. Four (4) witnesses reported being physically abused in two particular foster
placements.

15.28 Fifteen (15) of the 21 witnesses who reported being physically abused described being beaten
regularly with sticks or household implements, including wooden spoons, rolling pins, broom
handles, dishes, and coat hangers. One witness reported being beaten with a leather harness
and a stick. Others described being ‘thrashed with a chain’ and beaten with a horsewhip. Five
(5) of the witnesses reported being beaten on a daily basis. One witness recounted how her
foster parents took turns to hold her down and beat her. Witnesses also described being
slapped, punched and kicked by their foster parents and other family members. The locations of
physical abuse described by witnesses included the foster homes, farm sheds and fields.
It’s the physical beatings and kickings. He ... (foster father)... would, for no apparent
reason ... deal out.... It was like a daily ritual, any whimsical time that suited him ... he
beat us.... I have this vision in my mind of cowering in a corner and being beaten with a
stick, and kicked.
•
She ... (foster mother)... always slapped in the head or in the face and you would
always be in a corner, just getting one slap after another into the face. ... You couldn’t
even think past putting your hands up to stop the slaps hitting you. ... You would be
trying to protect yourself and she would be screaming “don’t you dare protect yourself”
and you would try and put your hands down but it just couldn’t be done. That happened
a good few times, that’s what happened when you did things wrong.
15.29 Four (4) witnesses described being burned by various means including being struck with hot
pokers, pushed into fires, and having hot liquid thrown over them. Two (2) witnesses described
having their heads held under water until they thought they might drown, as punishment for bed-
wetting. Two (2) foster mothers were reported to regularly wash out the witnesses’ mouths with
soap for allegedly telling lies or as a general punishment.
Mother ...(foster mother )... got the poker, she stuck it in the fire and took it out, it was
so hot, you could see through it and said to my ...foster father... “hold her”,
my...(foster)... father said “this is going too far, no way”.... She said “hold her” and he
held me back in the chair, she said to put my hand out, and she placed the poker in it
...distressed... and all I remember is passing out.... The pain, I’ll never forget it....
1
Section 1(1)(a).

15.30 Witnesses reported being physically abused in response to various perceived misdemeanours
and other behaviour, including bed-wetting, telling lies, speaking to and being friendly with local
children, and not keeping up with chores, particularly farm work. Four (4) female witnesses
believed that they were physically abused both as a means of coercion and ensuring silence
about sexual abuse.
15.31 Fifteen (15) witnesses, both male and female, who reported abuse in foster care prior to the
1980s reported being required to undertake hard physical labour, particularly farm work. One
witness reported being required to ‘work like a man’ from the age of eight years. He described
having to milk cows, save turf and hay, clean out sheds, take fodder to animals and tend sick
animals. He and other witnesses reported being withdrawn from school to work. Several
witnesses also reported heavy workloads both in the foster homes and outside on farms. ‘I was
there to be their slave’. A female witness reported that she was expected to do all the
housework in a home that kept paying guests. Another witness described life in a ‘chaotic’ foster
home where the family moved frequently and her work included getting each new home ready in
advance for the other family members.
Injuries
15.32 Eight (8) witnesses gave disturbing accounts of severe physical abuse that resulted in them
being physically injured or harmed in some way. The isolation of many foster homes, as
described by witnesses, increased their sense of helplessness regarding physical abuse. One
witness stated that he was regularly beaten until he was so badly injured on one occasion that
an ambulance was called and he was removed from the foster placement permanently:
I was beaten to the point of a child’s submission to death, I gave up and I hoped I would
die.... Obviously someone had been watching, because that particular evening when I
was so weak from the beating, I think I may have passed out. ... Blood...(was)... pouring
out of me. ... I was taken away by ambulance.... A nurse assisted me, she was very
kind.
15.33 Another witness stated that he was taken to hospital on two separate occasions following
incidents of abuse. On one occasion he reported that he had been burned on the legs and
forehead by a hot iron and on the second occasion he was treated for a head injury after the
foster mother struck him with a kitchen implement.
15.34 A female witness who reported being regularly ‘thrashed’ to the ground by both foster parents
described being sent to school wearing long stockings to cover bruises and injuries on her legs
and on one occasion wore a cap to cover lacerations to her head. The witness reported that no
enquires were made about her injuries.
15.35 A witness reported severe physical and sexual abuse throughout her time in a foster home
where she was placed as an infant and where she also witnessed other foster children,
including babies, being abused. Another witness who had been in foster care since infancy and
gave evidence of repeated abuse had a deformed arm and a scar that she believes were the
result of early injuries of which she had no memory. The injuries described in the following
quotes occurred in the same foster home as mentioned above.
This little girl ...(another foster child)... that came ... we seemed to spend our time sitting
around the fire, she was there, I remember she seemed quite small, and they ...(foster
parents)... were saying “let’s see how much pain she can stand” and they got the hot
poker and burned her wrist ...distressed.... I don’t know how they could be so cruel ... or
why ...distressed.... I have a burn on my wrist and I can only suspect that the same
happened to me.
•
She ... (another foster child)... I don’t know if she supposedly told a lie, was standing
there ... and they were literally trying to pull her tongue out with a gadget ... a pincers or
something.... I remember feeling so terrible, helpless for her, ’cos I’d probably be lined
up next if I expressed what I felt for her.
15.36 A male witness reported that his nose was broken following a blow to the face by a member of
the foster family. No medical attention was sought and the witness reported having respiratory
difficulties since that time. This witness also reported that bruises from beatings were
camouflaged by his foster mother.
15.37 There were five witness accounts of physical assaults causing bleeding, including one instance
when a witness reported that her foster mother deliberately caught her hand in a door during an
argument; she subsequently lost a fingernail.
She gave me my last hiding when I was 17 or 18, with the broom handle, I was
cowed...she got me in the face. Of course you were always locked up in the dark room,
and I bled like a pig, so I rubbed it all over me, so when she came in she nearly had a
heart attack.
Reported abusers
15.38 Witnesses reported being physically abused by both foster parents and their biological children.
Thirteen (13) foster mothers and four foster fathers were reported as being consistently abusive.
Twelve (12) of the 17 foster parents were identified by name and four of them were each named
by two witnesses.
15.39 Three (3) witnesses reported that their foster parents’ biological children also abused them. In
one instance the reported abuse was perpetrated by several of the foster parents’ children
acting in unison. The witness reported being treated like a punching bag and as the scapegoat
for the biological children’s own misdemeanours. The witness believed that the foster parents
were aware of this ongoing abuse and condoned it by their failure to intervene. The other two
witnesses reported being physically abused by foster siblings in the presence of their foster
parents with, it was believed, their consent.
Sexual abuse
or another person2.
15.40 This section presents the evidence of both acute and chronic sexual abuse, provided by
witnesses to the Committee. The reported abuse ranged from contact sexual abuse, including
rape and associated physical violence, to non-contact abuse such as voyeurism and
inappropriate sexual talk. Many witnesses found it difficult to report the details of their sexual
abuse. They reported as much or as little detail as they wished when describing their
experiences, and at times confined their accounts to general statements regarding contact or
non-contact abuse.
15.41 The Committee heard 15 reports of sexual abuse from two male and 13 female witnesses in
relation to foster care placements. The reports relate to 13 foster homes. Two (2) foster homes
were each the subject of separate reports of sexual abuse by two witnesses.
2
Section 1(1)(b).

15.42 The forms of sexual abuse reported included exhibitionism, exposure to inappropriate sexual
behaviour and talk, oral/genital contact, fondling, masturbation, digital penetration, and anal and
vaginal rape. Seven (7) witnesses reported being raped, including one witness who reported
that she became pregnant as a result of rape by her foster father.
15.43 Witnesses described being sexually abused within the foster homes, in fields, farm buildings and
in local business premises. Sexual abuse was frequently reported in combination with physical
abuse that was believed to have been used as a threat against the disclosure of sexual abuse
and as a component of the sexual abuse. A witness reported the following account of sexual
abuse when she was approximately 10 years old:
I’m in the kitchen with ...foster father... and he starts fixing the curtains and makes sure
no one can see in and I’m thinking “what’s he doing that for?” ... Next thing he picks me
up and puts me on the table and takes me knickers off. ... I’ll never forget his eyes, they
were all glassy ... (witness described penetrative assault) ... and I say “you’re hurting
me”. ... And he stops and he puts me knickers back on and he takes me off the table
and he says “don’t tell your mother, you know what she’s like” and I says to myself
“what was all that about?”
15.44 Twelve (12) witnesses reported being sexually abused as young children by male foster family
members. Each of these witnesses reported being abused on a regular basis in their own beds,
elsewhere within the foster home, when taken for walks or while engaged in farm work. They
described being raped, violently assaulted, and exposed to pornography and images of
bestiality.
If he ...(foster parents’ biological son)... was in bed of a Sunday, she’d ...(foster
mother)... send me down to call him. He’d... (digital penetration described)... and I
remember I was bleeding, and I was afraid and I didn’t know what to do. ... He used to
say to me “if you say anything you will be taken back to a Home” ...distressed....
•
I woke up with him... (foster father)... in the bed with me and he had penetrated me with
his fingers and I was very sore, I tried to scream but nothing would come out.... He
warned me not to say anything, that he’d kill me if I did.
•
Her son...(foster mother’s biological son)...he did pornography, I now know what it is, I
didn’t then... and all the locals used to come for the stuff...it was animals and humans
he did....
15.45 One witness reported she was sexually abused by a workman on the farm where she was also
abused by the foster parents’ son. Another witness reported being sexually abused from the age
of approximately five years, and described abuse that progressed from fondling to digital
penetration and progressed to full intercourse when she was seven years old. This witness
reported being sexually abused by both her foster father and foster brother, and believed that
her foster father encouraged his adolescent son to abuse her to deflect attention from his own
abuse of her at the same time.
15.46 Six (6) witnesses reported their belief that their sexual abuse by male family members was
tolerated, if not encouraged, by the foster mother. Three (3) witnesses believed that their foster
parents condoned and facilitated sexual abuse by their sons, one of whom was an adult. Four
(4) of the witnesses reported being sexually abused when their foster mothers were absent from
the home either working or visiting relatives.
Everything was for ...named foster brother.... There was luxuries bought for ...X...
because he was out working and I wasn’t. ...Foster mother... would go out and leave me
there on me own with him. ... He’d start doing things like tucking me dress into me
knickers, he was 16 then. ... His face was so red. ... He’d have biscuits hidden in the
room and he’d give me the biscuits and I’d just stand there and I’d be eating the biscuits
and he’d be doing all this to me. Although he was doing this ... a strange feeling comes
over you because you know it’s wrong, you know what he’s doing is wrong but you can
do nothing about it because you’re not in control, he’s in control. Your mind just moves
away from it, you’re kind of a zombie in other words. Then when we’re in the house on
our own he starts making me undress ... and he’s there all the time and I wake-up in the
morning he’s on top of me. ... He’d have a fist up to my face ... threatening me ...(to
stay quiet)....
•
The auld fella ...(foster father)... never stopped pulling himself ...(masturbating).... He’d
come in drunk and start chasing you around the house wanting to kiss you. ... It was
revolting. ... She ...(foster mother)... would think it was just a bit of fun, but it wasn’t, it
was dirt. ... It suited her ...(that his attention was diverted)....
15.47 Three (3) witnesses reported being sexually abused by male adults from the local community
who they believed were aware that they were foster children. All three witnesses reported being
fearful that disclosure of their abuse would result in them being removed from foster homes
where they were otherwise happy. The witnesses commented on their fear of being returned to
the institutions where they had previously resided and where they reported being subjected to
more pervasive abuse.
15.48 Another witness reported being moved from a Children’s Home where she had been sexually
abused by a visiting priest. The same priest subsequently visited the foster home where she
had been transferred and he continued to abuse her there.
15.49 Three (3) witnesses, two of whom were male and one was female, described inappropriate
sleeping arrangements in the foster placements where they shared beds with male adults who
sexually abused them.
15.50 There were consistent accounts from four female witnesses of being sexually abused on a
regular basis by the foster fathers in two foster homes over many years. The witnesses were
placed in the foster homes as toddlers. All four witnesses reported being forced to spend
lengthy periods of time working in the fields and farmyards with their foster fathers who routinely
sexually abused them by fondling and masturbation and in two instances by digital penetration
and rape. The witnesses also reported being subjected to severe physical abuse by both their
foster parents.
Reported abusers
15.51 The 15 witnesses reported being sexually abused while in foster care by 18 individuals, 17 male
and one female. Thirteen (13) of the reported abusers were identified by name and the other
five were referred to by there status as foster parent, workman or other.
15.52 Five (5) witnesses reported being sexually abused by more than one individual in their foster
care placements. One witness reported being sexually abused by both a foster mother and her
son. Eight (8) witnesses reported sexual abuse perpetrated by six foster fathers and by four
biological sons of foster care providers.
I used to think that sexual abuse meant rape. I didn’t understand, I thought I was bad
and that it only happened to me. He ... (foster parents’ son)... used to maul...(my)...
private parts. ... If she ... (foster mother)... was going off he’d say to leave me...(at
home)... he wanted me to do things, she’d say to stay at home, there was work to be
done. He’d abuse me every opportunity he got.
15.53 Six (6) of the 15 witnesses reported being sexually abused by eight male adults who were
members of the local community or others who were not members of the foster family
household. They included a local youth, workman, neighbour, shop-keeper, priest, and relatives
of the foster parents. The witnesses encountered these men when they were sent for messages
to local shops or were unsupervised, either in the foster homes or in other locations in the
community.
Neglect
15.54 Witnesses reported that their care was neglected at many levels both by the actions and
inactions of those who had a duty of care for their welfare They reported neglect both while in
foster care and in the process by which foster families were selected and supervised.
15.55 The main areas of neglect reported by 17 witnesses were; the inappropriate placement of
children with foster parents who were unable to meet their developmental and social needs, the
subsequent absence of supervision of the foster care placements, neglect of bodily integrity,
lack of adequate food and clothing, neglect of education and inappropriate work. A further area
of neglect reported by witnesses in this group was the lack of provision made for their future and
the failure to provide aftercare or transitional support from the age of 16 years.
Work
15.56 Fifteen (15) witnesses reported having to work for their foster parents, in 10 instances on the
family farm caring for animals, cleaning farm buildings, working in the fields, cutting and drawing
timber, turf and hay, and carrying water. This work was reported to have taken precedence over
other activities, particularly school attendance. Ten (10) witnesses reported being responsible
for a large share of the housework in the foster homes including cooking, sewing, cleaning and
carrying water. Five (5) witnesses reported being sent to work for neighbouring farmers and the
relatives of their foster parents as ‘hired help’, but received no payment.
Physically having to work so hard, we weren’t big.... It seemed like it was always
freezing cold, snow and frost.... In winter ... sawing down trees, in the midst of him
...(foster father)... hurling abuse.... The memory of dragging what seemed like trees
across fields to the back garden and then sawing them down to logs....
•
We cut wood everyday when we came home from school and in the summer holidays
we went felling.... They felled the trees and I was always considered a man in relation to
the cross cut... (saw)... You would always be up to your knees in water and you had to
saw... and trim the tree and it had to be cut up and brought back... and got ready... for
the people who wanted it....Every Saturday you took the wood to town...the school
holidays were taken up with this...
3

Education
15.57 Eleven (11) witnesses reported on the lack of education they were afforded through being kept
out of school to work at household or farm chores. A number of the witnesses commented on
the fact that education was generally regarded as a low priority by their foster parents.
School ... was a very difficult time ... the worst thing was not being allowed to do
homework.... I would be trying to do it on the side of the road.... I wanted to be
educated.... I managed to scrape through the Primary Cert and I took home this
certificate, and was so proud of it. I remember her ...(foster mother)... holding it up and
ceremoniously tearing it, ripping it up ... and threw it straight in the fire.
15.58 Five (5) witnesses reported that they received little formal education as a result of the demands
placed on them to do household and farm work for their foster parents. One witness who had
been sexually abused reported that when she became disruptive at school she was excluded
and kept at home full-time to help her foster mother with a home-based commercial enterprise.
General welfare and personal care

15.59 Eight (8) witnesses reported being sent to school in clothing inferior to that worn by local
children. Poor quality and inadequate clothing was reported to have been replaced with good
clothes on special occasions, such as official visitors calling and outings.
15.60 Eight (8) witnesses described receiving insufficient food and, in particular, being isolated at
mealtimes when they were either not permitted to eat with the other family members or were
given inferior food. One witness described being made to sit in the corner of the kitchen, where
he recalled being thrown food scraps from the table:
On all occasions when dinner was taking place ... I was put into the corner ... of the
kitchen.... I had my dinner fed to me by ... one of the men ... in the house ... (who)
would throw it ...(a piece of meat)... into me in the corner and I would eat that.
•
I remember coming in from school and the skillet was on the floor on the piece of
sacking...cows udders, pigs tails, cabbage...you weren’t allowed to the table...everything
was Middle Ages, I don’t know why we deserved that.
15.61 This witness also reported being told that when he was moved to another placement his new
foster mother had to prevent him from eating the hen’s food in the farmyard. He believed he had
been so hungry in the previous placement that he had developed a habit of eating the animal
feed.
15.62 In seven foster homes all aspects of care were reported as neglectful, including both insufficient
bedding being available and inadequate hygiene facilities. One witness reported on the lack of
privacy available in the foster home where she was regularly stripped to be washed in the
kitchen in front of male adults. Five (5) witnesses, three male and two female, reported being
made to share beds with adults, despite there being alternative sleeping arrangements
available. As previously mentioned, three of these witnesses reported being sexually abused.
15.63 Eight (8) witnesses reported that their foster parents always had at least one other and often
several foster children at the same time. The belief that they were regarded as a source of
income rather than children in need of care was expressed by many of the witnesses.
Supervision and inspections

15.64 Fifteen (15) witnesses recalled officials visiting their foster homes. These visitors were described
as social workers, public health nurses, and others, some of whom were known by name but not
by their professional role. The Committee heard from witnesses that after the mid-1980s official
visits were more regular. Seven (7) witnesses reported that social workers called to the foster
homes on a regular basis. Several of the visiting social workers, public health nurses, and other
officials were described as not speaking directly to the witnesses or other foster children but
instead spent their time talking with the foster mothers. There were three reports of visiting
inspectors being shown bedrooms used by family members where they were incorrectly told the
witness and other foster children slept. One witness who reported being sexually abused on a
regular basis within her foster home recalled the inspector’s visits, and another commented on
the preparation made for planned visits:
Miss ...X..., a nice young lady, she used to come to the house, used to drop in and just
look at me, and on the face of it I would be seen to be well fed and kept very clean and
well dressed. So, on the face of it, I would be seen to be well looked after but ... in
hindsight ... I should have been taken away and spoken to on my own.
•
Visitors...do-gooders would come, the ladies with the cars and the furs would come.
She...foster mother ...got all the clothes from the pawn...(shop)... and all the stuff would
be home out of the pawn and would be laid out and then they went back again when
they left...In those days of course you didn’t have a voice, nobody thought you had a
brain even.
15.65 In one instance a witness reported that she believed the social worker was a social
acquaintance of the foster parents, which made it difficult for the witness to disclose sexual
abuse. Another witness recalled that official visitors came to see two other foster children in the
home but nobody ever came to see her: ‘Someone ...(inspector)... called to see them 2 girls
...(foster siblings).... Nobody ever called to see me. ... The other 2 girls were paid for, they had
to go to school, but I wasn’t.’ Witnesses were of the view that official visits were prearranged,
they recalled being dressed in their ‘Sunday clothes’ and that the house was tidied by way of
preparation for the inspectors.
15.66 Three (3) witnesses reported that their foster parents applied to adopt them; all reported being
abused in their foster homes. One of these witnesses reported that the only visit she could recall
during her lengthy foster care placement was when a woman came to assess her foster parents’
suitability as adoptive parents. The adoption was not approved but she remained in the foster
home, where she reported that she continued to be abused. The other two witnesses reported
that each of their foster homes had been visited on a regular basis by women whom they
identified as nurses. The witnesses reported being officially adopted by their foster parents when
they were approximately 10 years old and recalled no further visits from the nurses. Both
witnesses reported that they continued to be abused following their adoption. Their evidence
relating to abuse during the post-adoption period is not included in this report, being outside the
remit of the Commission.
Socialisation and follow-up care

15.67 Eleven (11) witnesses reported being deprived of the opportunity to socialise and play. Five (5)
witnesses reported that they were not allowed to play with local children and seven witnesses
reported having no toys or playthings. The dominant memory for these 11 witnesses is of
working, either on the farms, in the houses, or for relatives and neighbours of the foster parents.
15.68 Failure on behalf of the supervising authorities to provide for the practical and psychological
needs of young people in foster care was highlighted as an area of neglect by many witnesses.
This concern was specifically raised in relation to the absence of any preparation for discharge
from foster care or preparation for a more independent adult life. Witnesses reported having to
resort to their own courage and ingenuity when they reached the age of 16 years. They then
became aware that they could or would have to leave the foster home as the authorities no
longer had responsibility for their placement and foster payments had ceased.
She took everything I had, clothes, photographs, everything, so I went and got a job and
told nobody, I got the job with an agency and I went and I never came back to Ireland
until I knew she was dead. I used to ring...local person...and ask if she was still alive. I
know it was very callous of me but the hold and damage she did to my life...
15.69 In addition to the lack of preparation provided for witnesses’ discharge from foster care, the lack
of support of post-discharge follow-up was reported as a further area of neglect.
15.70 Seven (7) female witnesses reported that they became pregnant and/or married before they
were 20 years old to ‘escape’ foster homes from which there appeared to be no other route to
independence.
In my opinion I was thrown to the wolves ... the injustice ... because I feel nobody cared.
I got married at 17 for security, he was ...several years... older than me. I tried to get out
of a bad situation but I got into a worse one.
15.71 Five (5) other witnesses reported that they never left their foster homes as they had ‘nowhere
else to go’ or felt duty-bound to remain and care for elderly foster parents in what one witness
referred to as a ‘prison’. The witnesses reported that they remained in their foster homes until
they married or until their foster parents died.
15.72 Six (6) witnesses left their foster care placements in varying circumstances. Four (4) witnesses
reported that they drew attention to their unhappiness by running away, disclosing abuse or
asking to be moved. Two (2) witnesses were then placed in hostels where they reported
receiving more support and professional assistance for their particular difficulties. Another
witness described being given a home by a kind elderly neighbour who acted as a guardian until
his death when the witness was a young adult.
15.73 Two (2) witnesses reported being sent to work as live-in domestics in institutional settings where
they remained until they were sufficiently confident to move to positions where they had more
freedom. Three (3) other witnesses found jobs when they were 16 years old and gradually
became more independent and/or got married.
15.74 Four (4) witnesses who had minor disabilities gave accounts of being ‘dumped’ one way or
another when they became ill, their principal foster carer died or the witness reached the age
when foster care payments ceased. In these circumstances witnesses reported that different
people, including relatives of the foster parents and welfare professionals, arranged assistance
for them, including placement on a training program, transfer to a rehabilitation hospital and
support with independent living.
15.75 Two (2) witnesses reported that they returned to live with their biological families when the
difficulties that led to their out-of-home placement had been resolved.
Emotional abuse
4

15.76 The emotional abuse reported to the Committee included verbal abuse, social isolation and lack
of affection, denial of contact with other children, denial of identity, personal ridicule, humiliation,
and family denigration. Witnesses also reported being subjected to constant threats of
abandonment, including being told that they would be ‘sent back’ or ‘sent away’ to an Industrial
School if they misbehaved or displeased their foster parents.

15.77 The experience of being placed with foster families was marked by loneliness and isolation for
many of the 24 witnesses who gave evidence to the Committee, 18 of whom reported being
emotionally abused while in foster care. They reported feeling ‘abandoned’ to their fate, ignored
by State authorities, and forgotten about by parents and relatives, including biological parents,
some of whom subsequently married and reared families.
15.78 Four (4) witnesses reported being placed with foster families where they were exposed to
trauma and emotional instability in the context of domestic violence, marital conflict or mental
illness.
There were rows all the time, when something would go wrong we ... (foster children)...
were called names. If something was lost ... (foster mother would say)... “that bastard’s
lost it”. ... (foster carers were)... always throwing things around.
15.79 Four (4) other witnesses reported being removed from placements where they had been settled,
and relocated with different foster carers. They reported that the transfers occurred without
discussion. The witnesses believed that their placement transfers were facilitated for the specific
purpose of providing company and assistance to elderly, childless individuals and couples.
15.80 One witness described spending the first nine years of his life in a foster home where he was
very happy and where he suffered no abuse. He recounted being sent with 24 hours’ notice and
no explanation to another foster home where he was physically and sexually abused. Another
witness reported being removed from a settled placement to be sent as a foster child to an
elderly woman, commenting that the papers facilitating this placement were signed by a priest
who was a close relative of the woman. A male witness reported being sent from a residential
institution where he had been placed with his siblings. He reported that he was placed with a
farming couple who had no children, where he worked hard until he was discharged to his own
family when he was 16 years old.
Lack of affection
15.81 Eleven (11) witnesses reported being shown no affection by their foster parents. The experience
of being deprived of affection was particularly remarked upon by witnesses who were placed
with families where there were biological children. Witnesses reported being treated differently
and less favourably than the biological children; for example three witnesses reported being
sexually abused by the sons of their foster parents from whom they were afforded no
protection.
15.82 Eight (8) witnesses reported that their foster parents were consistently harsh and unkind to
them. They reported being treated as unpaid labourers rather than as children and frequently
reminded that they were ‘orphans’.
She ... (foster mother)... was always telling me “I’m not your mother, I got you from the
Home and I can give you back just as quick”. ... This woman didn’t want me and she
couldn’t get rid of me.
•
We had to put up with her ... (foster mother)... and her uncontrollable temper. She will
probably never know the hurt she has caused or the influence she has had. I don’t think
she ever saw me as a child, just an annoyance and every little thing I did just annoyed
her. She hated me, she told me often enough.
Social isolation
15.83 A number of witnesses described being isolated from support both within the foster home and in
the wider community. They reported being forbidden to speak or interact with the biological
children in the family and were discouraged from sharing confidences with other foster children.
Witnesses described witnessing other foster children in the family being abused but feeling
unable to defend them or offer them any support for fear of attracting similar abuse themselves.
‘We...foster children... didn’t talk to each other, we all lived in a sort of personal isolation
because we couldn’t trust each other...
15.84 Witnesses also described being prevented or discouraged from interacting with neighbours.
Three (3) witnesses regarded this as a protective measure due to the derogatory manner in
which they were treated by the neighbouring children. Witnesses also reported being ostracised
in the local school, subjected to offensive remarks from other children and, in four instances,
from teachers. ‘Some of the local school children knew we were bastards, told us so and threw
stones as we passed’. Other witnesses believed that being forbidden to speak to local children
was a means of reinforcing their isolation and sense of being different from other children.
15.85 It was reported that the neighbours of one foster family were particularly kind and it was
believed that they attempted to protect the foster children in various ways. A witness reported
that she and other foster children were sent out at night to steal from these neighbours’ fields,
causing much fear and anguish:
We’d be sent to steal firewood from the neighbours...you’d be frightened and they’d ...
(foster parents)... kind of absolve themselves of all responsibility because they’d say ...
“you’re orphans, we won’t have any responsibility, that ... (stealing)... is expected of you
kind of people”.... You knew you were doing something wrong, at school we knew the
7th commandment, “thou shalt not steal”.... I was totally confused by all this and the fact
that they’d ... (foster parents)... report it was us who stole.... It wasn’t a nice feeling.
Personal denigration
15.86 Denigration and humiliation was described by witnesses as taking several forms. Fourteen (14)
witnesses reported being called names, with particular reference to the circumstances of their
birth: ‘nothing but a bastard’, ‘you are whore’s milk’, ‘a black man’s bastard’, ‘Local people
referred to us as... ‘X’s... (foster mother’s)... bastards’. Witnesses also reported being called
derogatory nicknames with reference to personal features or characteristics. Three (3) witnesses
had physical disabilities that they reported were the subject of constant ridicule and humiliation.
15.87 Other experiences reported by witnesses were being denied privacy for bathing, being subjected
to derogatory remarks about bed-wetting and other personal matters in front of members of the
household, and being made to eat apart from the family or outside the house with farm animals.
One witness described being made to walk several miles to Mass each Sunday, while there
were bicycles in the house that he was never allowed to use.
Denial of identity
15.88 Five (5) witnesses reported that they did not know their own birth names or were not called by
their birth names and three witnesses reported being misled about their biological family.
The problem is I wasn’t registered when I was born, I have no birth cert. I was baptised
twice, but I have no birth cert. When I was going to buy a house one time, they said I
had to get a ... birth cert. I went in to Lombard House looking for a birth cert ... never
heard of me. You can’t go away or anything, or you can’t get a passport.
•
I wasn’t ever called by my name.... It is hard ... (to talk about)... some of this thing,
because it is so personal ...distressed... because it’s like remaining that person ...(with
the derogatory name)... and I think they did a good job. I was called ...X (reference to
physical attribute)... I’d only ever hear my... (real)... name when the authorities came. ...
I can see this man, this tall stately person, coming down on a bicycle. I think he used to
pay them their dues for foster care ... then I’d know my name.
•
She’d ... (foster mother)... say I was nobody anyway.... I felt this psychological abuse
was very hard to take.... She succeeded in making me feel I was nobody.
•
I find my childhood haunts me. I’ve been searching for who I was...I sat for a week
when I got the letter to say that I actually came from somewhere...when I go to Ireland I
actually feel the pain of not belonging.
•
When I was 15 I thought that maybe someone would come and say “well here’s your
letters and your papers and things about your mother” and all that but the people that
knew my mother would never tell me anything. Up to less than 10 years ago there were
people who knew her but they wouldn’t tell me anything.
15.89 One witness became aware that the foster mother knew the whereabouts of the witness’s
siblings but refused to disclose this information. Another witness reported being told as a child
that his biological parents were dead and subsequently learned that his foster carers had always
known that this was not true. Another witness reported becoming aware in more recent years
that a child who was in the same foster home throughout childhood was, in fact, a sibling.
Knowledge of abuse
15.90 Witnesses commented that the public nature of certain aspects of the abuse they were
subjected to made awareness by others unavoidable. They reported being abused in front of
others, being visibly neglected and unhappy and presenting to doctors and hospitals for the
treatment of injuries inflicted through abuse and violence. They reported being aware that
neighbours, teachers, visiting professionals and members of the local community knew they
were being abused in their foster homes. Witnesses reported that disclosures of abuse were at
times investigated with positive outcome. Other witnesses stated they were either ignored or
punished when they disclosed their abuse.
15.91 Eleven (11) of the 24 witnesses reported that they disclosed their abuse to someone or
confronted their abuser and successfully resisted any further abuse.
When I was 17 I went to...professional...one day, I didn’t know where to go... I spent
about 2 hours, I brought everything...(sexual abuse)... out to her, crying to her, non-
stop... and although I didn’t know it at the time she obviously reported it to the Health
Board and it was to get priority... I read that on the files... (afterwards)... but it never got
priority, nobody ever came back to me.
15.92 Eight (8) of the 11 witnesses reported their abuse to professionals, including visiting nurses,
social workers and the local family doctor. In each instance, with one exception, the disclosure
was responded to in a positive manner in that the witness was believed and either moved from
the foster home or the abuse ceased. In some instances the response was not immediate but
did occur eventually. Four (4) of the witnesses were removed from their foster homes, two of
whom were placed in residential institutions and continued to spend holidays with the foster
parents. Another witness was removed from an abusive foster home and placed with a kind but
elderly foster carer who died when the witness was 14 years old. As previously stated one
witness reported that she ran away from her foster home where she was abused and was taken
in by a neighbouring family where she continued to live, with the knowledge of the visiting
inspector. Despite informing this person about the severe daily abuse she had experienced, the
witness reported that other foster children remained in that foster placement. Another female
witness reported that following a ‘savage rape’ she haemorrhaged and fainted in a public place,
following which her foster mother became aware of her sexual abuse and although she
remained with that foster family the foster father ceased abusing her.
15.93 One witness reported that her disclosure of physical abuse to the visiting social worker resulted
in further abuse and a deterioration in the already conflicted relationship with her foster mother.
15.94 Six (6) witnesses reported that they either told their foster mothers that they were being sexually
abused by their foster fathers or the foster mothers became aware of the sexual abuse as a
result of subsequent events. In four instances the foster mothers were reported to either
disbelieve the witness or blame them for the resultant problems in the family. One witness
reported that her foster mother said ‘there are no bad men, only bad women’, when she learned
that the witness had been sexually abused by the foster father over a number of years. Another
foster mother was reported to blame the witness for trying to ‘come between’ herself and her
husband. The witness reported that the foster mother was physically abusing both the witness
and another foster child in the foster father’s absence.
We said to ...foster mother... that he was always pulling on himself ... (masturbating)...,
but she didn’t believe us. She said we were just jealous, that we didn’t want her to be
going out at night time,... (leaving witness with foster father)... and she ignored it.
15.95 Two (2) witnesses reported that while their foster mothers were distressed by the disclosures of
sexual abuse against their husbands, they accepted what they were told and assisted the
witness to be protected. The witnesses acknowledged positive aspects of the general care they
received in the foster homes and were afraid that the security of their placement would be
compromised by disclosing the fact of their sexual abuse.
15.96 Three (3) witnesses believed that other adults were aware of the abuse they were subjected to
by observing what happened. They reported that no action was taken to address the abusive
situations. For example, one witness described being constantly assaulted by a member of the
foster family. This behaviour occurred in view of the foster parents whom the witness believed
exploited her presence in the family as a means of coping with their other difficulties. In a
separate foster home another female witness stated that she was treated by the family doctor
for burns to her arm having been hit with a hot poker by her foster mother.
Eventually they called the doctor, she warned me when he came I was to keep my
mouth shut, she would tell him what happened.... I thought, “at least, thank God, it will
come out now” ...distressed... because I didn’t think she would tell a lie.... But she told
the doctor that she couldn’t keep me away from the fire and that I had come down and
put my hand straight on the bars...(of the fire grate).... The doctor told me off.
15.97 A witness who reported being taken to hospital for treatment of burns and a head injury
following different assault incidents reported being asked no questions by the hospital staff
regarding how his injuries were sustained. This witness also reported being sent to school with
his arm in a sling following a beating without any questions being asked by the teachers
regarding his injury.
15.98 One witness’s disclosure of sexual abuse precipitated an investigation by the supervising
authorities. The witness reported that she believed the outcome of the investigation was
compromised by the fact that the professionals and foster parents were socially acquainted. The
witness reported being eventually successful in having her abuse acknowledged and being
protected from further abuse.
15.99 Thirteen (13) witnesses reported a range of positive experiences in relation to their time both in
foster care and in employment placements after they were discharged. Despite making reports
of physical and sexual abuse six witnesses also reported that their foster parents were kind and
provided them with good homes where they felt accepted. These reports related to both non-
abusing foster parents and, in three instances, to the foster parent who also abused them.
I don’t want to take it...(childhood abuse)... any further.... They...(foster parents)... are
part of my family now, always will be...I think no matter who you are or where you are in
life you all need somewhere to go back to, we all need a base...just to say to anybody
that you have a family somewhere, that you’re not a total orphan. I do need a family, of
course I do, I’m a human being.
•
I never knew I could do things ...everyone worked very hard to help me... (at work)...the
people I worked with were really kind, the tutors used to carry on at me saying “come
on”...(by way of encouragement)
•
My boss used to say “you have your black dog”...(depression)... and I’d say “yes”, she’d
say “go work out the back where no-one will disturb you”.
15.100 Three (3) witnesses stated that they enjoyed going to school where they were well treated by
kind teachers whom they believed were sympathetic regarding their home circumstances. Four
(4) other witnesses commented on the particular kindness of neighbours whom they believed
knew they were not well treated in their foster placements and found opportunities to extend
small treats. One witness described being given sweets by the shopkeeper when sent to get
alcohol for a foster parent. Other witnesses commented:
I would go to a neighbour who I knew would welcome me...they have been very
important people in my life, very influential because of their kindness.
•
I could smell trouble and get out the window like greased lightning and go to the
neighbours at the back, they understood.
15.101 Four (4) witnesses reported that they were well provided for in their foster homes in terms of
being well fed and clothed but that they were expected to work hard in exchange for the care
they received, as one witness remarked ‘it was ok until the work started’.
15.102 The witnesses who reported abuse in foster care described widely divergent adult life
circumstances, the main themes of which are reported below. On the basis of information
provided, it is believed that these differences reflect the length of time witnesses spent in out-of-
home care, the extent of abuse they were exposed to while in foster care, the circumstances in
which the abuse occurred, and the outcome of their disclosures at the time.5
Relationships
15.103 Eleven (11) witnesses were married at the time of their hearings and another three were
widowed after marriages of over 20 years’ duration. While acknowledging difficulties, seven of
the witnesses reported that their marriages were stable, happy and supportive as did two of
those witnesses now widowed:
I am so, so lucky I met...wife..., such a lovely woman, I am sure I must have been a
terrible torment to her at times.
•
I was terrified of getting married, I didn’t know if I could love someone...my husband, he
put up with me. I wasn’t interested in sex, to me it was dirty, it had no nice romantic feel
about it. I feel I was a failure as a wife to him...sex was always a chore and that was
wrong, but I could do nothing about it. I tried to compensate... I kept a good home....
15.104 Six (6) witnesses reported that their marriages had been or were currently unhappy and
unstable, four of them reported living with violent and abusive partners and two were separated
from previous partners with whom they had children.
15.105 Three (3) witnesses had either married or become involved in a relationship and become
pregnant before they were 20 years old. They each described their early relationships as
unsuccessful attempts to have a life of their own away from their foster family.
15.106 Five (5) witnesses who were single stated that they had either not been able to sustain an
intimate relationship because they felt too ashamed of their personal circumstances or were
deterred from engaging in a close relationship by their experience of being sexually abused.
Three (3) other witnesses were separated.
15.107 Two (2) witnesses reported that they were co-habiting, one of whom had experienced long
periods of homelessness and emotional turmoil, while the other, younger witness reported a
briefer and more settled relationship history.
15.108 Several witnesses also commented on the general difficulty they experienced relating to people
they met socially, after they left foster care. They described social relationships as complicated
by their inexperience of normal social interactions and family relationships. Witnesses reported
learning how to cope by observing others and by being fortunate enough to have kind
employers who understood their difficulties. Some witnesses commented that they have
continued to struggle with this aspect of their lives.
I didn’t know how to function and I’d have to go around and ask people “how do I deal
with this?” I pick people and I latch on to them and I learn from them because I suppose
they have certain values I look for...I mean you can’t love unless you are shown love...
•
That,...(working as live-in housekeeper)... was the first time that I saw what a family life
was... to see how a family lived together, see how it could be.
5
This section contains some unavoidable overlap with the details provided by seven witnesses who also reported
abuse in other out-of-home settings.

Parenting
15.109 Twenty (20) witnesses, six male and 14 female, reported having a total of 76 children, not all of
whom they subsequently reared. One witness reported that she placed a child for adoption and
two others reported that their children were either placed in foster care or reared by their
biological fathers. Three (3) witnesses reported that they either adopted children or reared step-
children in addition to their own biological children.
15.110 One witness reported that one of her children was sexually abused by a violent partner, four
other witnesses commented that their parenting experience was negatively influenced by the
presence of violent and abusive partners, or by their own harsh and critical behaviour.
15.111 Two (2) witnesses reported that they had no children and there was no information available
regarding two other witnesses’ parenting experience.
15.112 Ten (10) witnesses reported that they enjoyed being a parent and had good relationships with
their children, most of whom were independent adults at the time of the hearings. Education and
family stability were important aspects of the parenting experience for these witnesses.
We reared the... children we had... it was a terrible struggle...financially...it wasn’t easy,
but it was joyful at the same time. We have a wonderful family of children and grandkids
now and I am so happy that I got to this stage because there were periods in my life
when I thought I was going to be killed or die and that is a fact.
15.113 Eight (8) witnesses reported that relationships with their children varied over the duration of their
parenting. Five (5) witnesses commented on the difficulties they experienced with their first child
compared with later children. The different experiences were attributed in some instances to
post-natal depression, immaturity, and the early death of a child.
15.114 Four (4) witnesses commented on their difficulty establishing emotional bonds with their own
children. One witness described herself as being a ‘terrified mother’, who, as a result of her
childhood experiences, lacked confidence in her ability to relate to her children. Another witness
described a close relationship with her family who learned to live with her difficulty expressing
emotion:
I’ve gone numb inside...it’s what it does to your feeling...I couldn’t say “I love you”, she
...(granddaughter) ...tells me she loves me and I can’t tell her... my son teases me
because he knows I can’t cope with emotions... they’re used to it.

15.115 Eleven (11) witnesses reported attending second or third-level education, while 12 others did not
proceed beyond primary school. As previously reported 11 witnesses reported being kept out of
school on a regular basis to work for their foster parents, five of whom reported receiving a
negligible education as a result of the expectations placed on them to assist with farm and
housework. Witnesses commented that their subsequent working lives were disadvantaged by
this early neglect of their education. Witnesses also reported being sent to work when they
reached school-leaving age in jobs that provided no prospects for their future employment but
that were seen to provide an extra source of income for their foster parents.
She...(foster mother)... never let me out of her clutches until I was 20 and went
away...(left Ireland).... When I was 15 she arranged for me to go into the commercial
laundry for 2 and a half years. She collected the money for that, I never saw it. There
was...X number...of us there and no records. I went to...named hospital...after that and I
have no records there either...invisible...I can’t get a pension you see because there is
no records and no contributions paid, they said that was because it was a training
school. I don’t know what we were training for...I was on men’s shirts, ironing them for 2
years.
15.116 Table 86, which follows, shows the highest level of education attended, but not necessarily
completed, by witnesses reporting abuse in foster care placements:
Table 86: Highest Level of Education Attended – Male and Female Foster Care
Primary 4 8 12
Secondary 3 4 7
Third level 1 3 4
Unavailable 0 1 1
Total 8 16 24
15.117 Seven (7) witnesses reported being employed at the time of their hearings, seven others were
retired, and a further three witnesses reported being actively engaged in home duties. Five (5)
witnesses reported being unemployed at the time of their hearing, having been previously
employed, and two witnesses had been out of work for several years and were in receipt of
disability income.
15.118 Thirteen (13) witnesses reported having been in stable employment for between 10 and 50
years. Male witnesses reported being principally employed in skilled trade and labouring
positions and female witnesses reported that they worked in a range of domestic and service
positions. Two (2) female witnesses trained in professional occupations and two others were
promoted to positions of responsibility in administrative occupations.
15.119 Six (6) female witnesses reported that they were occupied in home duties for most of their lives,
having worked briefly in unskilled positions before they married. Five (5) witnesses reported that
they never worked for any substantial period of time. They described themselves as unable to
deal with authority and/or cope with the demands and expectations of the workplace: ‘The only
thing I know is how to survive, I don’t know how to progress.’
Accommodation
15.120 Most witnesses reported having stable and secure living arrangements at the time of their
hearings. A small number of witnesses were dependant on the private rental market, community
support services, or the support of relatives. Three (3) witnesses reported having experienced
long periods of homelessness and instability in the past and four others reported having been
dependant on the goodwill of their foster families for shelter in later adolescence and adulthood.
I’ve never really had my own place, I’ve been just pushed and pushed around...I always
dream that I could have a home where I could put my head down and nobody could
come in through that wall...
•
The thing about orphans is that when we get into trouble the only place they can put us
is into prison...because we don’t have homes to go to, we don’t have people to latch
onto...
15.121 At the time of their hearing witnesses described their accommodation as follows:
• Ten (10) witnesses owned their own homes.
• Eight (8) witnesses lived in local authority housing.
• Four (4) witnesses were living in private rented or sheltered accommodation.
• Two (2) witnesses lived with relatives.
Health
15.122 During the course of their hearings witnesses provided general information regarding their health
and well-being, either directly or while describing other aspects of their lives. For the purpose of
writing this Report the Committee categorised the witnesses’ physical and mental health status
as good, reasonable or poor based on the information they provided about their past and
current health history.
15.123 All 24 witnesses reported either good or reasonable physical health circumstances, 10 of whom
described themselves as experiencing good physical health without any particular health
problems that affected their day-to-day functioning.
15.124 Fourteen (14) witnesses were categorised as having a reasonable level of physical health. They
reported histories of ongoing illness and physical complaints that have had some impact on their
everyday functioning, but were not debilitating. Three (3) of the witnesses reported having
digestive problems that required surgery. Two (2) other witnesses reported that they have been
treated for cancer and a further five witnesses reported suffering with arthritis, kidney problems,
and the physical symptoms associated with an eating disorder.
15.125 Four (4) of the14 witnesses who described reasonable health circumstances reported physical
impairments as a result of congenital deformities and childhood illnesses, including polio. In
each instance the witness reported that their physical disability has had negative consequences
and affected their availability for work to varying degrees.
15.126 Witnesses who reported being abused in foster care reported more mental health difficulties
than physical health concerns.
15.127 Seven (7) witnesses, three male and four female, described poor mental health circumstances
and reported being hospitalised for the treatment of depression and suicide attempts, recently
and in the past. Several witnesses described themselves as having nervous dispositions and
being in need of ongoing professional support. They also reported that their ability to work and
maintain positive social relationships has been restricted by their mental health difficulties.
15.128 Seven (7) witnesses reported their mental health as good, three of them described experiencing
low moods at times but being generally able to maintain a positive attitude. Ten (10) witnesses
gave accounts of reasonably stable mental health. They described themselves as suffering with
depression or anxiety attacks either currently or in the past, which they manage with the
assistance of counselling, medication and other types of support.
15.129 Among the witnesses who reported being abused in foster care a higher proportion of female
witnesses reported receiving in-patient psychiatric treatment and a higher proportion of male
witnesses reported having either considered or attempted taking their own lives.

15.130 Witnesses who reported being abused in foster care frequently commented on their inability to
trust people and the damaging effect this had on their interpersonal and social relationships.
They also reported feelings of loneliness, isolation and worthlessness. Witnesses who had spent
most of their childhood and adolescence in foster care reported being ‘alone in the world’ when
they left their foster homes, accentuating the sense of isolation they had previously experienced:
A lot of people think it’s just talk is going to solve the problem but it’s not, who are you
going to talk to?... I’ve had flats years ago but I’ve walked out of them because of
loneliness. A lot of people go to the drink... if I had a wish I’d wish I could have a home
that nobody could put me out of, and I’d wish I could have people around me. I can’t go
to the foster parents and say “will you be my friend?”... there’s no place for me, not
even on the streets.
15.131 The following table highlights the areas of difficulty described by eight male and 16 female
witnesses, in the order of frequency reported:
Table 87: Reported Effects on Adult Life – Male and Female Witnesses Foster Care
reports reports
Counselling required 5 Counselling required 12
Abuse not easily forgotten 4 Lack of self-worth 9
Lack of trust 4 Lack of trust 9
Loner 4 Loner 8
Suicidal feelings or attempt 4 Tearfulness 7
Aggressive behaviour – verbal 3 Feeling isolated 7
Angry 3 Post-traumatic effect 7
Feeling different from peers 3 Anxious and fearful 6
Feeling isolated 3 Mood instability 6
Lack of self-worth 3 Feelings related to being a victim 5
Substance abuse 3 Nightmares 5
Withdrawal 3 Suicidal feelings or attempts 5
Aggressive behaviour – physical 2 Withdrawal 5
Anxious and fearful 2 Abuse not easily forgotten 4
Mood instability 2 Issues of needing approval 4
Overprotective of children 2 Overly compliant behaviour 4
psychological 1 Sexual problems 4
Alcohol abuse 1 Somatic symptoms 4
Tearfulness 1 Alcohol abuse 3
Fear of failure 1 Angry 3
Feelings related to being a victim 1 powerless 3
Nightmares 1 Issues of self-blame 3
Post-traumatic effect 1 Sleep disturbance 3
Sexual problems 1 Unable to settle 3
Sleep disturbance 1 children 3
Unable to settle 1 Feeling different from peers 2
children 1 Substance abuse 2

*Witnesses could report more than one effect and female witnesses reported a wider variety of effects
15.132 Nine (9) witnesses reported experiencing suicidal thoughts or behaviour in addition to
descriptions of mood fluctuations and tearfulness. Problems associated with sleep disturbance,
anxiety, social withdrawal and anger were reported by more than a quarter of all the witnesses.
If I had an argument with somebody,... (I would think)... should I hit the person or...Now
I wouldn’t, I think it could be to do with maturity. Years ago if somebody stood in my
path, yes... (I would hit them)...and I’m amazed that I haven’t ended up in prison.
•
I suffered depression... I have attempted suicide. When I was 15...I took a load of
tablets belonging to ...foster mother...I didn’t know what half of them were. I went to bed
and took them and said “this is it” in my own head and the following morning then I
woke up and I’m still here...and then about 2 or 3 years ago everything got on top of me
again and I took an overdose again.
15.133 Seventeen (17) of the 24 witnesses reported having received counselling to help them deal with
these and other issues. Many witnesses commented that access to counselling has only been
available to them in recent years, with generally positive effects. Witnesses also remarked they
became more aware of their need for help to deal with their past experiences as they got older,
while stating it was often difficult to take the first step
I just completely suppressed everything, had forgotten everything... then everything
started coming back to me. I never had counselling, I never had anyone to talk to... I
was threatening for some time that I was going to do something... (about it)... I needed
to get my head sorted out... and I suppose I didn’t want to face up to it either at the
same time.
15.134 With the exception of a small number of instances where social workers were reported to have
been involved in supervising foster placements in more recent years, the Committee heard
consistent reports of widespread neglect of witnesses’ physical, emotional and developmental
needs while placed in foster care. This neglect was compounded by a lack of assistance and
support in the process of leaving care.
When I was 15 I thought someone, other than...foster mother...would plan my life, or
say “we’d get you a decent job” or say “this is what happens now”...
15.135 Eleven (11) of the 16 witnesses who were discharged from foster placements when they were
15 years old reported that few arrangements or provisions were made for their subsequent
support. They described being treated, in some instances, as ‘slaves’, without any regard for
their developmental and emotional needs. There were eight accounts of witnesses being placed
with elderly, childless foster parents for the purpose, they believed, of providing assistance and
company for the foster parents. Accounts were heard of relatives ejecting witnesses from the
foster homes where they had been placed as young children, when a foster parent died, without
regard for their future welfare. In those instances where the witnesses were over 16 years old
they were no longer the responsibility of the social services. They had remained living in their
foster homes because they had nowhere else to go or it was mutually convenient for them to
remain with their elderly foster parents.

Chapter 16
Hospitals
16.01 This chapter summarises witness reports given in evidence to the Confidential Committee in
relation to 18 different facilities categorised under the general heading of Hospitals. Among the
facilities reported to the Committee and categorised as hospitals for the purpose of this Report
were general hospitals, specialist and rehabilitation hospitals, and county homes. The facilities
reported in this section were funded to provide a service to the public and were managed by a
variety of organisations including religious communities, boards of management and State
bodies.
Witnesses
16.02 The Report refers to hospital admissions between 1935 and 1991. The 56-year period covers
the date of earliest admission and latest discharge of witnesses who reported abuse in hospital
settings. Seven (7) of the facilities were city based and 11 were in provincial and rural areas.
16.03 There were 33 reports of abuse made by 31 witnesses, 17 male and 14 female, in relation to
the 18 hospitals or other facilities categorised by the Committee as hospitals. One witness
reported abuse in three different hospitals. There were between two and seven reports in
relation to four of the hospitals and the remaining 14 hospitals were each the subject of single
reports.
16.04 Four (4) witnesses reported abuse in other settings in addition to hospitals, two reports were
made in relation to Industrial Schools and one each in relation to a Children’s Home and
another residential facility. The abuse details regarding those accounts are recorded in the
relevant chapters of this Report.

16.05 Family of origin, place of birth and current residence details will be differentiated by gender
when there are notable differences. Among the witnesses who reported abuse in hospitals, eight
were born in Dublin and, of the remaining 22 witnesses, 21 were from 15 other counties in
Ireland and one was born outside the State. All 31 witnesses reported that they came from two-
parent households, although at the time of admission six witnesses reported that their parents
were either widowed or had separated.
16.06 Witnesses reported their parents’ occupational status as shown in Table 88:1
1

Table 88: Occupational Status of Witnesses’ Parents – Male and Female Hospitals
Non-manual 0 1 1
Semi-skilled 1 2 3
Unskilled 10 5 15
Unavailable 2 3 5
Total 16 15 31
16.07 Information regarding parents’ occupational status was not reported, or available, in five
instances.
16.08 Twenty four (24) of the 31 witnesses reported having ongoing contact with their parents and/or
other family members during their time in hospital and when they were discharged. Four (4)
other witnesses reported having little or no family contact following their admission and feeling
abandoned by their parents in the process. Information regarding family contact was not
available about the remaining three witnesses.
16.09 All 31 witnesses reported having siblings and 27 came from families of more than four children.
16.10 Six (6) witnesses reported having siblings who were also in out-of-home care. Five (5) of those
witnesses reported that they and their siblings were admitted to out-of-home care in the context
of parental death, illness or impoverished circumstances and neglect. They were admitted to
Children’s Homes, Industrial Schools or county homes. Another witness reported having a
sibling who was also in a long-term hospital placement for medical reasons.
16.11 At the time of their hearing most witnesses were aged between 40 and 59 years and three
witnesses were aged under 40 years, as the following table indicates:
Table 89: Age Range of Witnesses at Time of Hearing – Male and Female Hospitals
20–29 years 1 1 2
30–39 years 1 0 1
40–49 years 6 3 9
50–59 years 6 6 12
60–69 years 3 3 6
70 + years 0 1 1
Total 17 14 31
16.12 Twenty three (23) witnesses were living in Ireland at the time of their hearing and eight were
resident in the UK.
16.13 Witnesses reported being admitted to hospital in various circumstances for both brief and
lengthy periods of time. Among the reasons stated for admission to these facilities were acute
and chronic illness, physical disability, convalescence, and for social reasons such as parental
abandonment and family crises caused by illness, death and marital separation.
16.14 Sixteen (16) witnesses reported being hospitalised for the treatment of illnesses and disabilities
that necessitated lengthy admissions and that, in a number of instances, resulted in life-long
health and mobility impairments.
16.15 Eight (8) of the 16 witnesses reported having serious injuries, illnesses and physical disabilities
including spina bifida and polio, which required medical treatment not available to them at the
time on an outpatient basis. Five (5) other witnesses who were hospitalised for the treatment of
chronic conditions reported being diagnosed with tuberculosis and were in-patients for between
one and 14 years. Three (3) witnesses reported that they were admitted to hospital as a result
of a combination of illness/disability and what they believed was their family’s inability to care for
them. Some admissions that were believed to have been initiated as family respite placements
extended into long-term admissions due to the unavailability of out-patient facilities, especially in
rural areas.
16.16 Eight (8) witnesses reported being hospitalised for the treatment of acute medical illnesses or
injuries, including pleurisy, diphtheria, rheumatic fever, appendicitis and sports injuries. These
witnesses had relatively brief admissions, of between a few days and several months’ duration.
16.17 A further six witnesses were admitted to hospital facilities because their respective families were
reported to be unable to cope with their child’s illness or disability and/or associated parental
responsibilities. In three instances witnesses reported being placed in county homes following
the death of a parent while awaiting longer term residential placements. Two (2) of the
witnesses were then transferred to Industrial Schools and one witness reported being retained in
a county home until sent out to work at 14 years of age.
16.18 One witness reported that he was transferred to an adult psychiatric hospital from an Industrial
School following an altercation with staff in the context of physical abuse.
16.19 The evidence presented by witnesses would indicate that the age of admission to these hospital
facilities varied according to the reason for admission. Most admissions were at relatively young
ages, with 18 of the 31 witnesses admitted to hospital facilities when they were aged five years
or less, as shown in the following table:
Table 90: Age on First Admission to Out-of-home Care – Male and Female Hospitals
Age of first admission Males Females Total witnesses
0–5 years 9 9 18
6–10 years 4 3 7
11–15 years 3 1 4
16–17 years 1 1 2
Total 17 14 31
16.20 Four (4) witnesses reported being admitted to hospitals at birth or in early infancy as a result of
their physical disabilities and that they remained in residential facilities for the duration of their
childhood and adolescence. Other witnesses reported that, as a result of their disability, they
were unable to attend their local primary school when they reached school-going age, and were
instead admitted to residential facilities.
16.21 The length of time the 31 witnesses reported being in out-of-home care varied between five
days and 18 years. Fifteen (15) of the 31 witnesses reported spending five years or less in
hospital for treatment of their particular illness or disability. Table 91 illustrates the range of time
witnesses reported being hospitalised and in out-of-home care:
Table 91: Length of Stay in Out-of-Home Care – Male and Female Hospitals
Length of stay in care Males Females Total witnesses

<1 year 4 4 8
2–5 years 3 4 7
6–10 years 3 5 8
10+ years 7 1 8
Total 17 14 31
16.22 The average length of stay reported by witnesses in the hospital facilities was seven years for
male witnesses and four and a half years for female witnesses. Eight (8) witnesses reported
being abused during admissions of less than one year. There was a marked difference in both
the average length of stay and type of abuse reported by male and female witnesses. A higher
proportion of female witnesses reported abuse during brief hospital admissions and more male
witnesses reported being abused in the course of lengthy admissions. These differences were
reflected in the ages at which witnesses reported being discharged from out-of-home care, as
shown below:
Table 92: Age when Discharged from Out-of-home Care – Male and Female Hospitals
Age when discharged Males Females Total witnesses

<7 years 0 3 3
8–10 years 3 6 9
11–15 years 6 2 8
16+ years 8 3 11
Total 17 14 31
Record of abuse
16.23 As already stated, 31 witnesses, 17 male and 14 female, made 33 reports of abuse in relation to
18 institutions referred to as hospitals. One witness reported being abused in three different
hospitals in the course of consecutive admissions. The 33 reports covered a 56-year period and
included all types of abuse defined by the Acts, specifically physical and sexual abuse, neglect
and emotional abuse.2 A report of abuse made by a witness may either refer to a description of
a single episode or to multiple experiences of being abused. In most, but not all, instances
reports of abuse in hospitals refer to more than one episode of abuse and more than one type
of abuse.
16.24 All four abuse types were reported with similar frequency as detailed below:
• Nineteen (19) witnesses reported physical abuse.
• Sixteen (16) witnesses reported neglect.
• Fifteen (15) witnesses reported emotional abuse.
• Fourteen (14) witnesses reported sexual abuse.
16.25 Sixteen (16) witnesses reported that abuse was a regular occurrence and was most frequently
reported as a combination of abuse types, as outlined in Table 93:
2

Table 93: Abuse Types and Combinations – Male and Female Hospitals

Sexual 8

Physical 1

Total 33
16.26 Twenty four (24) reports were of combinations of abuse, 21 of which included physical abuse.
The most frequently reported combination of abuse was physical and emotional abuse and
neglect, reported by nine witnesses. It is notable that eight reports were of sexual abuse alone.
In those eight instances witnesses described their experience of being sexually abused as
isolated events in the course of their hospital admission.
16.27 Fourteen (14) of the 18 hospital facilities reported to the Committee were each the subject of
single reports. The other four hospitals were each the subject of between two and seven
reports, totalling 19 reports.
Physical abuse
16.28 Reports of physical abuse included descriptions of incidents of physical abuse, non-accidental
injury and lack of protection from such abuse. Accounts were heard of witnesses being hit,
beaten with implements, and kicked. Accounts were also heard of witnesses being immersed in
water, physically restrained and isolated.
16.29 There were 22 reports of physical abuse by 19 witnesses in relation to 10 hospital facilities, as
follows:
• Four (4) hospital facilities were each the subject of two to four reports, totalling 16
reports.
• Six (6) hospital facilities were the subject of single reports.
16.30 Nine (9) reports related to witnesses discharged in the 1950s and five related to witnesses
discharged in the 1970s. The remaining eight reports were related to discharges in the 1940s,
1960s and 1990s, in diminishing frequency.
3
Section 1(1)(a).

Description of abuse
16.31 The most frequently reported form of physical abuse was being hit as punishment for perceived
misdemeanours, examples of which included bed-wetting, talking, crying, and not knowing the
answers to a question. Witnesses reported that physical abuse was also precipitated by refusing
to demonstrate functional abilities for visiting experts and medical consultants, not eating the
food provided, and not following staff instructions.
16.32 Witnesses reported that they were hit with sticks, canes, straps, scissors, hair and hand
brushes. Witnesses also reported having their hair pulled, being punched, kicked, immersed in
cold water and being subjected to painful treatment procedures with little care or consideration.
They reported being force fed, left lying in wet beds or on bedpans for lengthy periods, and
being made to kneel on the floor or stand with their arms raised for extended periods of time.
I would have been about 9 or 10, there was this ...named female nurse... and she used
to go around with this plastic ...implement... hitting children for stupid things, such as not
standing in a queue, not going to school, not being on time. You might be at physio ...
(physiotherapy)... and not be able to get to your classroom on time.... She hit ... across
the hand, across the head, across the back of the legs. Everybody would know about it.
I seen children with marks on the backs of the legs, blood and everything. She was
really evil. I got a belt one day with her hand and with her...implement.... I retaliated
once. I hit her in the chest with my head and got a real walloping off the staff then....
The staff did not care what way you were treated....
16.33 Witnesses described being physically abused in their hospital beds, on the wards, in bathrooms,
dining rooms, classrooms, treatment and consulting rooms, and other areas within the hospital
environment.
16.34 The majority of witnesses who reported abuse in this section were bed-bound either because of
the traditional practice of a hospital ward where patients were kept in bed, or because of the
nature of their disability or illness. Immobile patients were described as especially vulnerable
and dependant. Several witnesses reported being subjected to painful treatments and
interventions while they were unable to move. A witness described having partially healed cold
sores pulled repeatedly from her lips while she was restrained in bed. Another witness reported
that the Sister in charge dropped him to the ground as a punishment:
I remember one morning ... I was about 5 and I was sat up in the bed ... and I heard a
voice behind and there’s a very tall nun looking down on me and she’s not pleased, I
can tell by her face. She said I’d offended God, she called me a cripple. I remember it’s
the first time I was ever called a cripple. ... She said before I was fit to meet him ...
(God)... again, I’d have to be broken and she just picked me up out of the bed and she
threw me down onto the ground ...distressed.... She’d just kick the shit out of me, picked
me up and punched and beat me. That was not the first time ... (to be beaten)..., but it
was the first time I was conscious that this is serious. ... After that I kept very, very quiet
... invisible ... where you think if you don’t speak you’re not going to get beaten, if you’re
quiet there’s no excuse to beat you.
16.35 Other witnesses who were subjected to routine and painful physical interventions including
injections, joint manipulation and surgery, reported being punished if they resisted or objected to
the treatments. Being unable to move independently created particular difficulties in these
circumstances.
I couldn’t run away, but I could hide under the bed in the corner, where they couldn’t get
at me. They used to have to beat me out with a stick.
•
In all the time there I never remember getting a painkiller, the nuns used have this thing
about pain where they’d believe you could be redeemed through pain. ... I remember a
lot of pain, you didn’t complain because you knew you weren’t going to get anything for
it, you’d grin and bear it, that’s the way it was.
16.36 Witnesses who were physically disabled or who had restricted mobility described being roughly
treated by staff, causing injury in two instances. One witness described a member of the
hospital care staff throwing her from one bed onto another in anger, which resulted in her falling
and cutting her head. Another witness reported that a staff member pushed a trolley at her that
knocked her over and caused an injury to her head that required medical attention. On both
occasions the incidents were reported to staff in authority as ‘accidents’ within hearing of the
witnesses.
16.37 Witnesses reported being punished for bed-wetting by having wet sheets draped over their
heads, being left lying in wet sheets for long periods, and left sitting on bedpans, they believed,
to avoid having to change wet or soiled sheets. Two (2) witnesses reported being forced to
kneel or sit partially clothed against a wall with their arms extended ‘for hours’ as a punishment
for bed-wetting. Another witness reported being smacked on his bared bottom in front of adult
male patients on the ward where he was the only child.
All the kids were frightened of calling on the nurses...we were not allowed out of bed on
our own, we couldn’t put a foot out of bed...there were terrible punishments, if you
wee’d ... (urinated)... the bed, they made you remove the jacket of your pyjamas and
they made you kneel against this wall, supplicate against this white clinical wall with
your arms in the air until they decided it was time to go back to bed. If you defecated
you lost your top and bottom and you’d be naked, kneeling against this wall ... with your
hands above your head.
16.38 Five (5) witnesses reported being physically restrained by staff. Two (2) of those witnesses
described being forcibly medicated while restrained and another witness described being tied to
the rail of the hospital bed to curtail any movement. The other three witnesses reported being
locked in cupboards or confined spaces overnight. Witnesses reported being restrained in these
ways for reasons such as refusing to co-operate with a treatment procedure, for retaliating to a
physical assault by staff or for indiscipline.
16.39 Three (3) witnesses reported being physically abused and beaten by older co-patients whom
staff entrusted with the task of ‘minding’ younger patients on the ward in their absence.
Witnesses stated that the older patients regarded this as an opportunity to hit them without fear
of reproach. One witness reported being ‘terrorised’ by an older patient whom he believed the
staff were unable to control on the ward and at times had to restrain. The same witness
reported being abused and threatened by another co-patient in the absence of adequate
supervision.
Reported abusers
16.40 Witnesses reported 23 individuals as physically abusive, 10 of whom were named female staff
members. Six (6) of the named physical abusers were identified as lay nurses and four as
religious Sisters who were believed to be nurses. One religious Sister was identified by name as
physically abusive by four witnesses and a female lay nurse was similarly identified by two
witnesses. The other eight named female staff were the subject of single witness reports.
16.41 There were another nine accounts of abuse by unnamed religious and lay care staff, including
nursing staff, and three reports of older patients physically abusing witnesses. There were three
accounts of groups of care staff being abusive without an individual perpetrator being identified.
Two (2) reports of unnamed abusers refer to male nursing staff and co-patients. One witness
reported being physically abused by the husband of a lay care worker to whom he had been
sent to work from the hospital. It is possible that there is some overlap between those named
and not named as abusers.
Sexual abuse
or another person.4
16.42 Witness reports of sexual abuse given in evidence to the Committee referred to both contact
and non-contact abuse, with the majority referring to contact sexual abuse, predominantly rape.
Reports of sexual abuse from male and female witnesses in relation to hospital facilities were
noteworthy as most often single or infrequent incidents.
16.43 Fourteen (14) witnesses reported being sexually abused, eight of whom reported sexual abuse
as the only category of abuse experienced. A further six witnesses reported being sexually
abused in combination with other forms of abuse. The 14 reports of sexual abuse refer to 12
different hospital facilities, as follows:
• Two (2) hospitals were each the subject of two reports, totalling four reports.
• Ten (10) hospitals were each the subject of single reports.
16.44 There were five reports of sexual abuse by witnesses discharged in the 1960s, and two each in
relation to the 1940s, 1950s, 1970s and 1980s. There was one report in relation to the 1990s.
Description of abuse
16.45 Witnesses described being subjected to contact sexual abuse including fondling, digital
penetration and rape. Female witnesses also reported being subjected to painful internal
examinations and male witnesses reported being fondled and masturbated under the pretext of
medical examinations in hospital settings.
16.46 Witnesses reported that they were sexually abused in their hospital beds, in examination rooms
and cubicles, doctors’ offices, bathrooms, and toilets. Incidents of sexual abuse were described
as unobserved by others and generally as occurring in discrete and isolated locations.
16.47 Six (6) of the reports of sexual abuse were single incidents, including four accounts of rape or
penetrative assault. The witnesses described being confronted in their beds by men they did not
recognise who motioned to them to keep quiet while they digitally penetrated and/or fondled
their breasts or genitals.
I was awakened by this guy and he was half into the bed, he was at me down there...
(genital area) ...I tried to move up in the bed and he punched me pretty hard around the
body. I kept quiet then. I don’t know how long he was there...I don’t know who it was,
there was no word spoken at all...distressed ...I found that the worst of all, I can see him
looking at me. I thought he had a short white coat on...I couldn’t be sure...any doctor
who ever came in there... (to the hospital)... had a longish coat... I was wishing I could
meet him, and if I had a shotgun...
16.48 Four (4) witnesses described being inappropriately fondled and penetrated, both digitally and by
objects, in situations where there was inadequate supervision. The witnesses reported being
isolated by older patients who abused them. One witness reported being forced into a toilet
cubicle by an older boy on three occasions where he was inappropriately fondled and anally
4
Section 1(1)(b).

penetrated with an object. A female witness admitted to hospital with an acute illness at six
years of age reported being fondled and abused on several occasions by an older boy while
another male patient kept watch. The witness reported that the ward was generally well
supervised and she was well cared for by the staff. She had no family contact during her
hospital admission. Another witness reported being sexually abused by fondling by an adult
male patient in circumstances where the witness was not adequately supervised.
Reported abusers
16.49 There were three male staff members identified by name as sexually abusive by witnesses, two
of whom were reported to have been medical doctors, and a third was described as a hospital
orderly.
He ... (named doctor)... proceeded to open my trousers and pulled me pants down to
me knees and started to masturbate me and ask me questions, “when did I last have
sex with a girl?” ... And then he asked me to stand up and turned me around and
...witness described anal penetration....
16.50 Six (6) witnesses reported being sexually abused by unnamed male and female nursing, care
and ancillary staff. As previously stated another witness reported being raped in a hospital ward
as a young child by an unidentified man whom he believed was the priest who provided a
pastoral service to the hospital.
I had been sexually abused in that home ... (named hospital).... My memory is of
somebody taking me by the hand.... I can remember the sound of the cassock that they
wear whenever they are walking, I remember the swishing that it makes.... They would
have been big and strong, maybe like a father figure.... He took me into a room where
the curtains were pulled, there was a light shining through the curtain.... The name of
the person, I wouldn’t have a clue.
16.51 In one instance a witness reported being raped and inappropriately fondled by an unidentified
male wearing a white coat. Another male witness reported being inappropriately fondled and
subject to inappropriate attention including sexually explicit talk by a female nurse.
16.52 Four (4) other witnesses, two male and two female, reported being fondled and/or anally
penetrated with objects by unnamed older co-patients, both male and female.
16.53 Two (2) female witnesses reported being subjected to internal examinations by female lay and
religious staff when they were found talking or interacting with male co-patients. One witness
reported that she was restrained by two nuns while another nun conducted a painful internal
examination on her for reasons that were not explained to her at the time. The second witness
reported being abused in the same manner on three separate occasions by female lay staff. A
third female witness reported being fondled, internally examined and digitally penetrated by an
unnamed medical doctor while she was in hospital for treatment of a viral illness.
Neglect
16.54 The following section refers to the evidence of neglect provided by witnesses to the Committee
including neglect of their education, inadequate provision of food, poor hygiene and poor
supervision. A further aspect of neglect reported by witnesses was the placement of children
5

and juveniles in treatment facilities for adults, including a psychiatric hospital, without provision
for their developmental and educational needs.
16.55 Seventeen (17) witnesses made 19 reports of neglect. One witness made reports of neglect in
relation to three hospitals. The reports related to nine hospital facilities, as follows:
• Four (4) hospital facilities were each the subject of two to four reports, totalling 14
reports.
• Five (5) hospital facilities were each the subject of single reports.
16.56 Nine (9) witnesses reported being physically and sexually abused in the absence of adequate
supervision, for example being a child left in a ward of adult patients and being left unobserved
and unsupervised in hospital rooms and cubicles. One witness was sent out to work for local
farmers as a day labourer from the county home where he was placed as a young child. He
reported being both physically abused and neglected in these work placements where nobody
ever called to check on his welfare.
16.57 Five (5) of the eight hospitals about which the Committee heard reports of neglect were adult
hospitals or county homes to which witnesses were admitted as children, and where, as one
witness remarked: ‘there was no one there to protect me, no one to look after me’. They
reported that they had no contact with other children and no provision was made to address
their childhood fears and anxieties. One witness gave the following account of his transfer to a
psychiatric hospital when he was 14 years old:
The nuns sent me into a mental home for about 2 years. ... I had a fight with one of the
lads ... (co-residents)..., they thought I was a bit of a bully. ... Sr ...X... said “you are
going away for a bit of a holiday somewhere”. ... I landed up in ...named psychiatric
hospital.... She ... (Sr X)... was gone out the door and I couldn’t get out the door and the
windows was all locked. ... I was the youngest patient in the hospital, locked in, I was
there for about 2 years. It was worse than hell. They gave me shock treatment and
drugged me up to the last. Three or 4 of them would tie me down when they were trying
to give me injections. They locked me into a padded cell for about a day and night ...
when I tried to put my hands through a window.
16.58 Nine (9) witnesses reported that the food in the hospitals where they were patients was
‘appalling’, ‘disgusting’, ‘terrible’ and that there was ‘very little of it’. One witness described being
nauseated by the food and was force fed when he refused to eat it. Another witness reported
being made to eat his food from the floor if he spat it out.
16.59 Six (6) witnesses reported that they received little or no education during their time in hospital;
one witness believed that due to his physical infirmity he was regarded as intellectually disabled
and was consequently not allowed to proceed to second-level education. Another witness was
completely bed-ridden for three years during which time she stated she received no schooling or
intellectual stimulation of any kind. A witness from one hospital commented that all the children
were treated as if they had a ‘mental disability’, and there was no proper assessment of
individual needs.
16.60 Five (5) witnesses reported that they wet and soiled their beds, dressings and clothing because
their toileting needs were not properly attended to by staff and four witnesses reported that
because they wet their beds their personal hygiene was neglected; they were left in wet beds for
long periods and not assisted to the toilet when required.
There’s little things, that for a child they’d be a big thing, but for an adult maybe not, like
wanting to go to the toilet and they ... (lay staff)... not listening to you. I’d called a couple
of times and they just ignored you and would be giving out to you ... and then I’d have
an accident in the cot and they’d beat you.
Emotional abuse
16.61 This section refers to witness evidence of emotional abuse including; lack of affection and
approval, deprivation of family contact and personal denigration which had an effect on
witnesses social, emotional and physical functioning and development.

16.62 The forms of emotional abuse reported included; exposure to frightening situations, lack of
affection, criticism, humiliation, deprivation of family contact, witnessing the abuse of others, and
the failure to provide for their emotional needs as children, particularly while in adult hospital
facilities. Loss of identity and lack of safety and protection were other components of the
emotional abuse reported by witnesses:
It’s something you won’t forget, them iron-bar cots... the little one beside me, she was
crying, God love us we used put our hands out between the bars and hold her hand for
comfort, you know... I never remember any kindness, never heard my name.
•
I didn’t know what affection was, anyone to put their arm around you, you’d no
support....
16.63 Seventeen (17) witnesses made 18 reports of emotional abuse. One witness reported being
emotionally abused in two different hospital facilities. The 18 reports referred to nine hospital
facilities, as follows:
• Five (5) hospital facilities were each the subject of two to four reports, totalling 14
reports.
• Four (4) hospital facilities were each the subject of single reports.

16.64 The anticipatory fear experienced by witnesses in relation to medical procedures was one of the
most frequently reported abuses in this category. Several witnesses emphasised the fear
associated with waiting for the day when the treating doctor would come. They recalled a lack of
information and reassurance provided by nursing and other staff regarding their painful
treatments.
I couldn’t understand why people could send you different places and you don’t know
what they’re like. ... Nobody told me nothing. ... I had a friend who told me he had to go
to hospital himself when he broke his leg ... he was a soccer man. ... He explained to
me that he had to go to get his leg fixed up ... (similar medical treatment as witness)...,
but nobody else told me anything. ... People used run me life for me, used tell me what
to do and where to go.
16.65 Many witnesses commented on the frightening reality of being children in a hospital, particularly
those who reported being placed in county homes or those who were on wards shared with
adult patients. They described observing the pain and, at times, death of other patients without
6

any acknowledgement by staff of the distress it may cause them, as recalled in the following
three witness accounts:
They ... (co-patients)... were put into beds with old men in the county home, we all
shared a big dormitory, old men, boys, all. The old men went in there to die. There
wasn’t a week or a day when someone didn’t die. They came in there to die.
•
The ward that we would have been in you would have had geriatrics, Downs Syndrome
people and children, everyone would have been in these big wards ... no segregation or
anything. People would have died roaring absolutely roaring during the night, they would
have been dead in the morning and taken out then
•
Then you’d hear the other kids, you’d hear them crying and you’re thinking “what’s
happening?”...The thing is you’re a cripple and why should a cripple have to go through
that?
16.66 Isolation was a form of punishment reported by six witnesses and included being locked in a
darkened room, a linen cupboard, an outside shed, being ignored, not spoken to, put to bed
early, and excluded from recreational activities and the company of co-patients. Witnesses
described such punishments:
There was a change of Reverend Mother ...named religious staff .... She came in with a
whipping attitude.... I did not want to be an exhibition to someone who was coming in.
She came in this afternoon with Health Board people and she says “now show these
people what you can do” ...(witness instructed to demonstrate unusual physical
dexterity).... I said “no, I don’t want to do it”.... That evening I was summoned to the
convent, she came in and she’d tell the nurse to leave, she ridiculed me then for not
doing this exhibition. I was banned from everything. ... I wasn’t allowed out anywhere, I
had to come straight back to my ward from school, if there was homework I was to do it
and then be put to bed, no telly ... the curtains were to be pulled around the bed ... they
couldn’t turn off the telly for the other lads. I wasn’t to play with anybody or go around
with friends, nothing for 2 weeks.
•
If you were sick in school and got sent back up to the ward ... you’d have hell to pay. ...
They ... (lay staff)...were like the priests, they’d give you penance ... (for being sent back
to the ward).... Like one day she ...(lay ancillary worker)... locked me in the ...(linen)...
room and she wouldn’t let me out, locked me in ... and I didn’t get out until the following
morning, left me there in the dark and I was petrified. ... One of the orderlies came
down in the morning to get the linen to make the boys’ beds and he said “Jesus, Mary
and Joseph, what are you doing in there?” I was sitting in there on a pillow and she’d
taken away my chair ... (wheelchair)....
16.67 Witnesses also reported being punished for behaviours over which they had no control. For
example witnesses who were immobile reported being punished for bed-wetting.
16.68 Witnesses who were placed in adult hospital wards, where they were the only child among a
large number of elderly patients, also reported that experience as frightening. Witnesses
commented that no allowance was made for the fact that they were children, there were no toys
to play with and there was no acknowledgement of childhood fears and anxieties. Several
witnesses described being treated as objects of amusement by staff, without respect for their
feelings: They’d... (lay staff)... make fun of you because of how you spoke and they’d call you
names to do with where you’re from. I was from...X... and they’d call you...X..., it sounds funny
but it wasn’t funny to a child.
You never had the confidence to ask them what are they talking about...it just went over
your head, what they said, you weren’t allowed to speak, you just had to go and find
out.
16.69 A witness who was placed in an adult psychiatric hospital at 14 years of age described being
placed in a locked ward with disturbed and institutionalised adults, and told the Committee: ‘I
saw things and things happened that I can never talk about.’
16.70 Witnessing co-patients being beaten, force-fed and humiliated was reported by five witnesses as
a frightening experience.
There was a nun called Sr ...X ... she was the worst, most violent, most terrifying person
I have come across in my life. ... She had a number of sticks of different shapes and
sizes. ... (One day) ... when she called in a lad to her room ... she didn’t close the door
and I just remember seeing him ...(co-patient)... get a crack across the side of the head
and he didn’t fall backwards and he just slumped like a rag doll, unconscious, and I just
knew that one day I’d have to go in there.
16.71 Two (2) other witnesses commented on the fact that they believed they were in hospital
because they were going to die, although nobody spoke to them directly about this or provided
any reassurance to allay their childhood anxieties.
Personal denigration and humiliation

16.72 Witnesses spoke about the indignity they experienced at the hands of staff, especially in relation
to personal hygiene and toileting.
I used to go home for the summer and used to come back for the head shaving and the
sheep dipping ... for lice. ... I suppose we weren’t as health conscious then as we are
now. The bus used to collect us in the afternoon and drop us back to ...(named
hospital)... and a male orderly that was on would be there, there was no “welcome
back” or greeting or anything, just fuck them all in the bath and the disinfectant piled in
and you’d be brought out and your head shaven completely. ... The staff didn’t care
what way you were treated, every kid went through it.
•
When we didn’t have wheelchairs we had to crawl up the steps on our knees, to go to
the toilet out in the yard, and in the wintertime that is terrible when you’re not able to
walk. ... But they treated us any way they liked, that was their idea, we had to do what
they wanted, not what you wanted yourself.
16.73 One female witness reported being prevented from using her wheelchair to go the bathroom by
herself, although she was capable of managing the task independently. The witness commented
that, instead, she was ‘manhandled’, in and out of the toilet. Similarly, she reported not being
allowed to feed or dress herself as she was considered too slow. Another witness described the
way in which toileting was managed on the ward of a hospital where children were bed-bound
but not immobile:
They ... (staff)... hated to be disturbed at night.... If one wanted to go the bathroom we
defecated or wee’d ... (urinated)... into our face flannels and we’d all rush to the loo in
the morning to get rid of it.... Scrubbing and scrubbing the face flannels.... The smell of
it was appalling.
16.74 Three (3) male witnesses reported being bed-bound and having to pass a urine bottle around
from one to the other and being punished if it was dropped.
There was this pee jar ... (urine bottle)... it was passed from bed to bed between the
lads. ... This morning I dropped it and she ... (Sr X)... came around with the stick.... I got
24 slaps on the hand, she couldn’t hold my hand in front, to hit me on the hand in front
...(due to disability)... and what did she do but she pulled the hand behind and hit me
like that ...distressed... I got 24 slaps.
16.75 Other witnesses reported being reluctant to request assistance from certain staff who
complained when asked to take them to the toilet. The witnesses reported they were
subsequently punished for wetting or soiling themselves. One witness who wet her bed was put
outside at night to await the ‘special ghost train that comes to take children who wet their bed’.
Another witness gave the following account of being punished because his physical disability
prevented him from being able to perform certain functions:
The abuse was unbelievable, Jaysus, like, the beatings for no reason. I was beat for
being unable to tie my shoes.... This particular nun... (distressed) ... was most abusive,
it was one of them ... (wooden stick)... she had.... I could not put down my hand...
Witness described particular physical disability....They beat me the whole day the day of
the Communion because I could not put my hand down, for the photograph for my
mother.... You were afraid of your livin’ daylights.
16.76 Tensions between staff members were described as, at times, influencing how patients were
treated. A witness reported overhearing an argument about her admission to the ward. She was
aware that certain staff objected to her admission and she believed she was treated harshly as
a result. Other witnesses reported overhearing staff discussing their personal attributes and
medical conditions as if they were not there, without any direct discussion with the witnesses
themselves.
They used have a discussion when they were bathing me, on my head, the size of me
head and I remember them saying “this one has a very small head, I wonder will she be
alright”. I remember thinking “what am I going to do about my small head?”...
Deprivation of family contact

16.77 Many witnesses were admitted to hospitals that were located long distances from their family
home, and as a result family contact was unavoidably disrupted. Those who had lengthy
admissions frequently reported feeling alienated from their family as a result.
I was in ...X... hospital from birth. I was born with a disability called ...named condition....
I spent all my life in and out of institutions. ... I had a lot of operations, I was going for
experimentation because they didn’t know a lot about it ... (named condition).... I was
very little at home, they sent me home once for a holiday but I had to come back
because I didn’t know what home was. My mother would visit about once a fortnight, but
I knew very little about brothers or sisters.
16.78 Limited access to transport and telephones at the time contributed to the witnesses’ sense of
isolation. The hospitals’ rules regarding visiting arrangements were described as an additional
deterrent to family contact in these circumstances.
16.79 One witness described her mother regularly making a long journey by bus to visit her and on
each occasion being obliged to wait outside for several hours after the official visiting time was
over, until the return bus arrived. On one occasion when the witness’s mother could not visit,
her sisters made the journey instead. They were not allowed to visit the witness and had to wait
outside the hospital until their transport arrived at the end of the day. Another witness described
her parents waving to her through a window when they arrived outside the regular visiting hours
and were denied admission to see her.
16.80 Eight (8) witnesses reported that their lengthy admissions to hospitals or county homes were in
the context of social or family difficulties, combined in most instances with specific health
problems.
I hope to God that anyone, ... never has to go to a place like that anymore ... you see
you don’t know what places are like when you don’t know nothing about them, when
you are just landed in and they ...(family members)... say “I have to leave you here now
and I’ll be up ...(to visit)... and I’ll write and I’ll ring you and see what happens”, and
there’s me left sitting there thinking “what’s next?”
16.81 Marital separation, illness and family disharmony were described as factors that contributed to a
number of protracted hospital admissions. Six (6) of the witnesses reported having little or no
subsequent contact with their parents or other family members. They reported that staff told
them that they were in hospital because they were not wanted or because their parents could
not look after them.
16.82 Letters, food parcels and presents from family members were reported to have been periodically
retained by staff in some hospitals. A witness reported that food and toys she received from
home were often taken by staff members who either kept them or gave them to other patients.
Another witness reported being teased by care staff who openly consumed the sweets and
other food she had been given by visitors.
Knowledge of abuse
16.83 Evidence was given of witnesses disclosing details of abuse to parents, relatives, care staff, and
other professionals both within and outside the institutions. The investigation and outcome of
abuse disclosures varied. Witnesses also commented that the public nature of certain aspects of
the abuse they experienced made awareness unavoidable. They reported being abused in front
of both other patients and staff members. A number of witnesses also remarked that the manner
in which they were treated by staff was seen by many who visited the hospitals. Three (3)
witnesses reported attending secondary schools in the local community where teachers were
supportive and were believed to be aware of the deprivations and abuse the witnesses
experienced in the hospital facilities where they resided.

16.84 Twenty (20) witnesses reported that their abuse was directly observed by others during their
admission, mainly by other patients and nursing and care staff. Two (2) witnesses reported that
physical abuse of patients was witnessed by a doctor on one occasion and by various staff
members on an ongoing basis in another facility. One witness described the look of shock on a
visiting doctor’s face when he walked into a ward to see a patient being hit by a staff member. A
witness reported that staff members attempted to compensate for the charge nurse’s harsh
treatment of patients by being discreetly kind afterwards.
16.85 As previously mentioned the public nature of daily routines on a hospital ward where patients
were confined to bed resulted in many witnesses being aware of abuse through direct
observation. Witnesses believed that staff were similarly aware of what occurred.
Disclosing abuse
16.86 A number of witnesses commented that there was nobody they could talk to about the abuse
they experienced. Some witnesses had no visitors and others remarked that there was no
opportunity to talk privately when visitors did come. Witnesses with communication difficulties
were particularly disadvantaged in relation to disclosing the abuse they were experiencing at the
time. Witnesses also commented on the fact that they did not understand what was happening
to them and were afraid to talk to anyone about it:
I kind of know why I didn’t tell my mother what was going on, because I didn’t know
what was right and what was wrong, so if I’d have told my mother she’d have gone
mad.
•
I used hear the nun saying “are you going to tell your mammy, are you going to tell your
mammy?”...then it clicked, I said to myself that if I tell my mother then I’ll get another
hiding.
•
I couldn’t tell my parents ... (about sexual abuse) ...you just done what you were told.
There was very little communication ... I didn’t know what the hell was going on, I
thought it was all medical and you’d be thinking what were they at?
16.87 Ten (10) witnesses reported telling someone about the abuse they experienced. Seven (7) of
the reported disclosures were to parents or relatives and three were made to external
professionals, including social workers, gardaı́ and a school counsellor. A number of other
witnesses reported that they disclosed the abuse they had experienced for the first time when
they attended the Commission.
It is so important to tell someone about my experience...about what happened to me in
hospital. The only time I ever talked about it before was to my wife... (recently)...not all
the details. I wanted to tell someone, I didn’t know who to tell. I was going to tell the
guard... (gardai)..., but that would upset all my family...I dearly wanted to tell someone,
in case I passed away and it would never be told.
16.88 Seven (7) witnesses reported that they were believed by those to whom they disclosed their
abuse, including staff, other professionals and family members. In six instances the witnesses
received positive responses to their abuse disclosures including the dismissal of an abusive staff
member. In two instances, witnesses’ subsequent reports to the gardaı́ were stated to be have
been investigated without any charges being made against the reported abusers.
16.89 One witness reported that staff members both within the hospital and through external services
defended him in disputes with the religious Sister in charge. They attempted to protect him from
abuse by her and complained to the higher authorities about the mistreatment to which he was
subjected. The witness understood that staff members were initially threatened with dismissal for
taking this stance on his behalf. He was subsequently transferred to a more supportive
environment with the assistance of professionals external to the hospital.
16.90 Another witness told a relative that he was being beaten. When a complaint was made to the
religious Sister in charge about the witness’s treatment the relative was sent a written request to
stop visiting, which he ignored. The witness commented that he subsequently received better
treatment, especially when he had visitors.
It was worse for others, I had ...relative... who visited me, they... (relatives)... took me
out and I told them.... Relatives... confronted staff ... to an extent it made a difference, I
was left alone for the day they knew ...relative... was coming. Sr ...X...wrote to my
mother to stop... relative... coming to visit me.
16.91 Two (2) witnesses told their parents about isolated experiences of being sexually abused in the
course of brief admissions. They reported their parents believed them and advised on how to
protect themselves from further abuse; the witnesses were not aware of further action being
taken.
16.92 Two (2) other witnesses who reported that their disclosures were not believed commented that
their parents were unable to accept that sexual or physical abuse would occur in a place such
as a hospital, where people were being looked after. Another witness reported being punished
when she told a member of staff that she was being physically abused by another staff member.
16.93 This section summarises the information provided by witnesses during their hearings regarding
their adult lives. It contains information about relationships, parenting, employment, general
health, and the continued effect of childhood abuse on their adult lives, including some
unavoidable overlap with the details of four witnesses who reported abuse in other institutions.
Relationships
16.94 Fifteen (15) witnesses reported having happy marital and personal relationships, including three
witnesses who are now widowed. Six (6) witnesses were in unhappy relationships, two of which
were characterised by violence. Ten (10) witnesses reported that they have been unable to
establish or maintain an intimate relationship.
16.95 Thirteen (13) witnesses returned to live with their parents when they were discharged, most of
whom had been in hospital for relatively brief periods for the treatment of acute medical
conditions. Witnesses who spent lengthy periods of time in hospital reported having difficulty
adjusting to life at home or in the community following their discharge. Parents and siblings
were described as strangers by a number of witnesses who had spent their entire childhood in
hospital.
16.96 Seven (7) witnesses reported that they were discharged from hospital to live with extended
family members who had maintained contact with them throughout their admission. They
reported that their relatives kept in contact with them in the absence of parental contact due to
death, illness or abandonment.
16.97 Eight (8) witnesses reported that following their discharge from the hospital setting they
continued to live in some form of institutional or supported accommodation as adults. The
witnesses all reported that they have been unable to live independently or sustain formal paid
employment. The following table outlines the witnesses’ relationship status at the time of their
hearing:
Table 94: Status of Witnesses’ Relationships at the Time of Hearing 2000-2006 – Male and
Female Hospitals
Relationship status Males Females Total witnesses

Married 9 6 15
Single 4 4 8
Widowed 0 3 3
Co-habiting 1 1 2
Separated 2 0 2
Divorced 1 0 1
Total 17 14 31

Parenting
16.98 Nineteen (19) witnesses reported having children and for the most part described their parenting
experiences as happy. The witnesses had between one and seven children. Two (2) witnesses
reported that their children were raised by their partners and that they have not maintained
close contact with them.

16.99 Fourteen (14) witnesses reported having a stable work record with regular employment in a
variety of occupations including nursing, teaching, management, shop and factory work, and
skilled trades. Five (5) witnesses reported being actively involved in the disability sector. Nine
(9) other witnesses reported having erratic work histories as unskilled and casual workers.
Others who had been in hospital for long periods of their childhood commented that the lack of
formal education, training and preparation for independent living made it initially difficult for them
to find employment or to progress beyond unskilled or casual work.
I had no education, my work wouldn’t involve money, I wouldn’t be able to make up
money or fill books, so all my work was on a building site... with the shovel and pick.
•
My first job, I felt so stupid... this woman said to me “what time is it?” and I said “I
haven’t got my glasses with me”...so she said “how can you do your stitching
then?”...she knew I couldn’t tell the time and she helped... (taught)... me.
16.100 Table 95 shows the witnesses’ occupational status7 as reported at the time of their hearing:
Hospitals
Unskilled 6 3 9
Non-manual 2 3 5
Semi-skilled 1 0 1
Other 4 3 7
Unavailable 1 0 1
Total 17 14 31
16.101 Seven (7) witnesses categorised as ‘Other’ in the above table reported that their disabilities and
personal circumstances have precluded them from formal employment. There was no
information available regarding one witness’s occupational status.
Accommodation
16.102 Most witnesses lived independently and had stable housing arrangements. Fifteen (15)
witnesses owned their own homes and another six witnesses were living in local authority
housing. Five (5) witnesses were living in supported accommodation facilities such as sheltered
housing for people with disabilities and facilities run by government and non-government
agencies. A further three witnesses described their living arrangements and other aspects of
7

their personal lives as uncertain and that they relied on the support and assistance of
community agencies. There was no detailed information available for two witnesses.
Health
16.103 The health status of witnesses who reported abuse in hospital facilities reflected the fact that
many were initially admitted to hospitals as a result of serious illness or significant disability.
Information regarding health was provided by witnesses both directly and in the course of
describing their current life circumstances. For the purpose of writing this Report the Committee
categorised the witnesses’ physical and mental health status as good, reasonable or poor based
on the information provided about past and current health history. Table 96 illustrates the
physical health status of witnesses at the time of their hearing:
Table 96: Current Physical Health Status – Male and Female Hospitals
Good 1 6 7
Reasonable 12 7 19
Poor 4 1 5
Total 17 14 31
16.104 Seven (7) witnesses described their current physical health as good and reported no particular
concerns. They reported making good recoveries from tuberculosis or other illnesses for which
they had been hospitalised as children.
16.105 Nineteen (19) witnesses described having reasonable physical health. They reported current
physical health problems that were age related and/or the manageable consequences of their
particular medical condition.
I’m on an invalidity pension, it seems when you have my complaint it can affect a lot of
things so I have to see a specialist a couple of times a year.
•
I had a discharge in me ear, all that banging around the head and pulling your hair gave
me a mastoid, I’m sure it did...all the smacking around and the noise over not speaking
up...
16.106 Six (6) of the 19 witnesses were wheelchair dependant or required mobility aids. Six (6)
witnesses reported experiencing ongoing health difficulties that required surgery and other
treatments. They reported that their mobility was restricted and that their lives were affected on
a daily basis by the ongoing effects of their childhood illnesses and congenital conditions.
16.107 Five (5) witnesses reported having poor physical health that curtailed their daily functioning and
independence. The witnesses reported their difficulties to be a consequence of their
impairments, inadequate treatment, negligent care, physical abuse and associated injuries in
childhood.
16.108 More witnesses reported good mental health than good physical health circumstances, as the
following table indicates:

Table 97: Current Mental Health Status – Male and Female Hospitals
Good 8 9 17
Reasonable 4 4 8
Poor 5 1 6
Total 17 14 31
16.109 Seventeen (17) witnesses reported having no particular mental health problems in their adult
lives. A number of witnesses acknowledged experiencing both anger and sadness when
reflecting on the treatment they were subjected to as hospitalised children, but do not consider
that their mental health was adversely affected as a result.
16.110 Eight (8) witnesses reported experiencing a notable level of depression, for which four witnesses
reported receiving treatment including medication and hospitalisation. They reported their
difficulties to have lessened as they got older and also in response to treatment and counselling.
I was cracking up except I didn’t know it...I remember I was working in...X company...I
remember crying and not knowing why, and not being able to stop it and I knew that I
was in trouble....The best decision ever was to accept responsibility for my life, that I
was the only one who could do anything about it...
•
I had to go for a lot of therapy then...I was very angry, very aggressive. I was
depressed, I didn’t know what was happening to me...I went for a long time, I found it
very helpful.
16.111 Six (6) witnesses were categorised as experiencing poor mental health, which was signified by
depression, hospitalisation, suicidal thoughts, and alcohol abuse. In some instances witnesses
reported these experiences being also associated with violence. One witness reported life-long
emotional and mental health difficulties that he believed were the result of the treatment and/or
abuse he was subjected to in a psychiatric hospital as an adolescent.

16.112 Approximately half the witnesses who reported being abused as children in hospital facilities
described life-long negative effects of the abuse they experienced, including being hospitalised
and treated for depression and suicidal behaviour, abusing alcohol, and experiencing
relationship difficulties, social isolation and continued feelings of anger.
The nightmares were there but gradually they stopped... I lost me childhood, I lost me
schooling, and I lost me confidence.
16.113 The following table lists the difficulties described by the 17 male and 14 female witnesses in
their adult lives, in order of frequency. They are not mutually exclusive and were not prioritised
by witnesses, who could report more than one effect.

Table 98: Reported Effects on Adult Life – Male and Female Hospitals
reports reports
Angry 10 Abuse not easily forgotten 10
Counselling required 8 Anxious and fearful 5
Abuse not easily forgotten 7 Lack of self-worth 5
Alcohol abuse 7 Counselling required 4
Feeling isolated 6 Angry 3
Lack of self-worth 6 Tearfulness 3
Mood instability 6 Feeling different from peers 3
Aggressive behaviour – physical 5 Feelings related to being a victim 3
Lack of trust 5 Lack of trust 3
Post-traumatic effect 5 Post-traumatic effect 3
Anxious and fearful 4 Unable to show feelings to partner 3
Feelings related to being a victim 4 Loner 2
Loner 4 Nightmares 2
Suicidal feelings or attempt 4 Overprotective of children 2
Aggressive behaviour – verbal 3 Overly compliant behaviour 2
powerless 3 Sexual problems 2
Nightmares 3 Somatic symptoms 2
Overprotective of children 3 Suicidal feelings or attempt 2
Sleep disturbance 3 Withdrawal 2
Unable to settle 3 Alcohol abuse 1
Withdrawal 3 Fear of failure 1
psychological 2 Feeling isolated 1
Gender identity and sexual Feelings related to being
problems 3 powerless 1
Somatic symptoms 2 Issues of needing approval 1
children 2 Mood instability 1
Unable to show feelings to partner 2 Sleep disturbance 1
Tearfulness 1 Not applicable
Fear of failure 1 Not applicable
Over harsh with children 1 Not applicable

16.114 The experience of feeling abandoned by parents and family was frequently reported by
witnesses in relation to their hospitalisation. Thirteen (13) witnesses, especially those who
remained in hospital for a substantial period of their childhood, remarked on the sense of loss
they experienced. Several witnesses commented that their admission to hospital was a
distressing experience for their parents, and in some instances led to a sense of alienation from
the family members who had remained at home. Many witnesses commented that, as a result of
being hospitalised, they felt different from their siblings and less a part of their family:
I had my own ways of doing things, I was bold...what they... (family) ... would call bold,
because in the hospital you had to fight, I had to fight for whatever...to be myself,
whatever that was, They ...(family) ... found that difficult.
•
I remember losing any sense of belonging, or any sense of family at quite an early age.
•
It was very difficult to fit back into the family when discharged from hospital, I remember
being brought home and remember there was a party and I was taken around to each
one of them ... (siblings) ... and I didn’t know any of them...distressed...and that was
hard.
16.115 Witnesses commented that childhood experiences of separation and isolation made it more
difficult to form close attachments with their own partners and children. Witnesses who were
sexually abused described a particular difficulty in relation to intimate relationships in adulthood.
I was very angry with my husband and then I said “He doesn’t deserve this”... I had to
let him alone...he was a good man ... I had to look at my own issues... we are still
together anyway!
16.116 Witnesses who were admitted to hospital from families where there were close and affectionate
relationships described being shocked to find themselves both witnessing and being subject to
abuse they had not previously encountered. A number of these witnesses described being now
fearful of authority and generally more anxious in their adult lives than their siblings who had
remained at home. Two (2) of these witnesses commented on the reactivated trauma they
experienced when their own children were admitted to hospital many years later.
16.117 The lack of formal education combined with years of being treated as a sick and disabled
person while in hospital was reported by many witnesses to have had a long-term negative
impact on their lives. Alcohol abuse, depression and suicidal thoughts were reported by
approximately one quarter of the witnesses as life-long consequences of their childhood abuse
experiences. Counselling was reported to have helped some witnesses address issues related
to their past.

Chapter 17
Primary and second-level schools
17.01 Children’s education in Ireland is provided for at primary and second-level through the primary,
vocational and secondary school system. Attendance at full-time education was compulsory for
all children between six and 14 years until 1969 when the official school-leaving age was
increased to 16 years. Primary education has been universally free in Ireland since the
nineteenth century, and second-level education became universally free in 1967. There are also
private fee-paying day and boarding schools at both primary and second-level.1
17.02 The majority of primary schools are publicly funded parish schools. Prior to 1975 the schools
were managed by an individual manager, usually the parish priest. In 1975 the administration
and management of the schools were transferred to boards of management, who included
representatives of the parents, teachers, school patrons and the local community. School
patrons were usually the local bishops. In recent years multi-denominational and non-
denominational schools have been established.
17.03 Second-level education is provided through secondary, vocational, community and

comprehensive schools. Secondary schools are generally State funded and are privately owned
and managed, generally by boards of governors or trustees, the majority of whom are religious
communities. Vocational schools are State funded and administered by vocational education
committees. Community and comprehensive schools are State funded and managed by boards
of management.
Witnesses
17.04 This chapter presents evidence given to the Confidential Committee by 70 witnesses, 56 male
and 14 female, of their experiences of abuse in schools in Ireland between 1932 and 1992.
Witness accounts of the abuse they experienced, the circumstances in which the abuse
occurred, and the response of others to the abuse is reported. The information provided by
witnesses at their hearings regarding their current life circumstances and the reported impact of
childhood abuse on their subsequent physical, psychological and social development is also
recorded.
17.05 There were 82 reports of abuse by 70 witnesses in relation to 73 different schools over a 60
year period between 1932 and 1992. Fifty five (55) primary schools were the subject of witness
reports, 22 of which were mixed gender schools under the auspices of the local parish. A further
33 schools were under the auspices of Catholic religious communities, other denominations and
secular management structures.
17.06 Eighteen (18) second-level schools were the subject of reports of abuse by 22 witnesses.
Fourteen (14) of these schools were second-level schools for boys, two were second-level
schools for girls, and two were mixed gender vocational and technical schools. Four (4) second-
level schools were each reported by two male witnesses. Nine (9) male witnesses reported
being abused in both primary and second-level schools. Twelve (12) of the 22 witnesses
reported abuse in second-level schools prior to 1967.
1
Department of Education and Science: www.education.ie.

17.07 Eleven (11) schools were fee-paying boarding schools, three of which were primary and eight
were second-level schools.
17.08 The reports related to abuse in 36 city schools, 25 schools in provincial towns and 12 rural
schools.

17.09 The majority of witnesses were between 50 and 60 years of age at the time of their hearing.
Three (3) witnesses were aged over 70 years and two were less than 30 years of age, as
shown in the following table:
Table 99: Age Range of Witnesses at Time of Hearing – Male and Female Primary and
Second-Level Schools
20–29 years 2 0 2
30–39 years 7 0 7
40–49 years 11 4 15
50–59 years 21 6 27
60–69 years 13 3 16
70 + years 2 1 3
Total 56 14 70
17.10 Fifty nine (59) witnesses, 45 male and 14 female, were residing in Ireland at the time of their
hearing. Eleven (11) witnesses were living in the UK and one witness was living in North
America.
17.11 Twenty three (23) witnesses reported that they were born in Dublin and 43 witnesses were born
in 18 other counties in Ireland. Four (4) witnesses were born outside the State.
17.12 Sixty four (64) witnesses, 50 male and 14 female, reported that their parents were married at
the time of their birth. Four (4) male witnesses reported being born to single mothers and two
male witnesses’ parents were separated or widowed at the time of their birth.
17.13 In most instances witnesses provided information to the Committee about their parents’
occupational background as described in Table 100.2
Table 100: Occupational Status of Witnesses’ Parents – Male and Female Primary and
Second-Level Schools
Non-manual 6 6 12
Semi-skilled 10 1 11
Unskilled 13 0 13
Unavailable 4 1 5
Total 56 14 70
2

17.14 It is of note that the majority of female witnesses reported that they were from a non-manual or
skilled manual background. The majority of male witnesses reported being from semi-skilled or
unskilled backgrounds. Information was not available regarding the parental occupational status
of five witnesses.
17.15 Sixty two (62) witnesses reported that they had siblings, and the majority were from families of
under six children.
Family and care circumstances

17.16 Sixty seven (67) of the 70 witnesses who reported abuse in primary and second-level schools
were in the care of their parents at the time they experienced abuse in school. Fifty eight (58)
witnesses lived at home with their families and attended day school and nine witnesses were in
fee-paying boarding schools. Three (3) male witnesses were in out-of-home care, two of whom
reported that they were placed in boarding schools by the authorities in their Industrial Schools.
The other witness was resident in a Children’s Home and attended a primary school.
17.17 The official school leaving age prior to 1969 was 14 years. Table 101 illustrates the witnesses’
school leaving age reported at their hearing:
Table 101: Age on Leaving School – Male and Female Primary and Second-Level Schools
Age on leaving school Males Females Total witnesses
<13 years 4 0 4
14 years 11 2 12
15 years 7 1 8
16 years 12 2 14
17 years 9 3 12
18+ years 13 5 18
Unavailable 0 1 1
Total 57 14 70
17.18 Three (3) of the four witnesses who reported leaving school at 13 years or under stated that
they left for reasons associated with their special needs and the fourth left on completion of
sixth class.
Record of abuse
17.19 The Committee heard 82 reports of abuse from 70 witnesses in relation to 73 different schools.
The 82 witness reports of abuse in primary and second-level schools heard by the Committee
related to a 60-year period between 1932 and1992. The report of abuse by a witness may either
refer to descriptions of single episodes or to multiple experiences of being abused over time in a
school. Witnesses reported physical and sexual abuse, neglect and emotional abuse. The
frequency of witness reports about each school is as follows:
• Fifty one (51) primary schools were each the subject of a single report, the majority of
which were mixed gender schools.
• Fourteen (14) second-level schools were each the subject of a single report, 12 of
these were boys’ schools.
• Three (3) boys’ primary schools were the subject of two reports each, totalling six
reports.
• Four (4) boys’ second-level schools were the subject of two reports each, totalling
eight reports.
• One boys’ primary school was the subject of three reports.
17.20 Twelve (12) male witnesses reported abuse in more than one school. Nine (9) witnesses
reported abuse in national and secondary schools and three reported abuse in two national
schools. Evidence from five witnesses who also reported abuse in Children’s Homes, foster care
and Industrial Schools is included in the relevant chapters of this Report.
17.21 The 82 witness reports of abuse varied over a period of seven decades, as follows:
• Twenty three (23) witness reports refer to witnesses who left school prior to 1960.
• Thirty four (34) witness reports refer to those who left school during the 1960s.
• Sixteen (16) witness reports refer to those who left school during the 1970s.
• Nine (9) witness reports refer to those who left school during the 1980s and 1990s.
17.22 Twenty five (25) of the 70 witnesses described experiences of abuse between 1970 and 1992,
and more than half of the witness reports of sexual abuse relate to that period. Combinations of
abuse types reported by the witnesses are illustrated in Table 102:
Table 102: Abuse Types and Combinations – Male and Female Primary and Second-Level
Schools
Physical 21
Sexual 17
Emotional 2
Total 82
17.23 The most frequently reported types of abuse were of physical and sexual abuse alone, of which
there were 21 reports, 20 male and one female, and 17 reports, 15 male and two female,
respectively. In addition there were high numbers of reports of physical abuse combined with
either sexual abuse or emotional abuse. Many of the witnesses reported being abused on a
daily basis while they were pupils in the class of particular teachers, including school Principals.
Others reported acute single episodes of abuse in circumstances where they were isolated from
their peer group.
Physical abuse
3
Section 1(1)(a).

17.24 This section describes witness reports of incidents of physical abuse, non-accidental injury, and
lack of protection from harm. Witness evidence included reports of both single incidents and
multiple episodes over time in a school. The forms of physical abuse reported included: beating,
kicking, punching, and other bodily assaults.

17.25 The Committee heard 57 reports of physical abuse by 50 witnesses, 40 male and 10 female.
The reports were in relation to primary and second-level schools, both day and boarding. Thirty
nine (39) primary schools and 14 second-level schools, including one vocational/technical
school, were the subject of physical abuse reports. Seven (7) witnesses reported physical abuse
in two schools. Four (4) schools were each the subject of two reports of physical abuse.
17.26 In the majority of instances the abuse was reported to have occurred in the classrooms,
corridors, and within the general school environs. Witnesses commonly reported being
physically abused as a punishment for mistakes in lessons, not giving the correct answer in
class, being unable to do school work to the required standard or for no reason they could
understand. A witness described being punched, kicked and hit for failing to give a correct
answer in class. Witnesses also reported being punched, beaten and stood on in the context of
being sexually abused or for disclosing sexual abuse.
There was a priest in ...named boarding school.... I was tiny, he beat the living crap out
of me from the time I went in, for 3 years. He was Fr... X ... (Principal).... He was a bully
and picked on me for no reason, he battered me for fun.
17.27 Witnesses described being beaten with leather straps, canes, wooden dusters, cricket bats, sally
rods, and wooden sticks including chair legs and map poles. They reported being beaten on
their hands, legs, on both covered and bare buttocks, and while held down on the desk. In
addition to being hit with implements, male and female witnesses also reported being punched
in the face, hit around the head, back and shoulders, pulled and lifted by their hair and ears,
and kicked to the ground. The following is a report of physical abuse by a male religious
teacher:
He’d grab you by the hair like that and he’d pull you up to the blackboard by the hair.
He’d grab me by the nose, eventually my nose was broken, the doctor confirmed for me
the nose was broken .... He’d slap you on the bottom, pants was down, 4 slaps and he
would always go up higher on the spine for the last 2 slaps. He’d tell you to pull trousers
down and if you did not pull it down he’d pull it down ...
17.28 Witnesses commented that pupils who appeared to have learning difficulties or were from
disadvantaged backgrounds were beaten and punished more severely than others. One witness
described a pupil with learning difficulties being beaten regularly on the back of the hands for
not holding his hand up high enough. Another witness stated that ‘...it depended on your family,
or where you came from, ... maybe people that were not that well-educated, or that were not
that assertive...’ were more vulnerable to abuse.
17.29 Ten (10) male witnesses reported being distressed while in the class of specific teachers in
primary school due to the constant, and at times severe, physical abuse. They described a
general atmosphere of fear where physical abuse was unpredictable, for reasons they could not
understand, and at times in association with sexual abuse. Four (4) male witnesses gave
accounts of being beaten or kicked to the ground. One witness stated that he and another pupil
were often selected for beatings because they were the biggest boys in the class ‘I was beaten
into a heap on the floor for no reason except my height’. Another witness reported that on an
occasion when a leather strap was not available the teacher tore the wooden roller from the wall
map, broke it in half and hit everyone in the class.
17.30 Two (2) of the above witnesses who gave evidence of severe physical abuse described
constant beatings. One stated that the teacher insisted that he sat at the end of a row of desks
and as he passed said; ‘Are you paying attention? ... and with that his foot would go out and
he’d give me a kick on the shin’. The witness reported the Brother said prior to beating him on
the bare buttocks ‘I hate your guts. I’ll give you something to remember for the rest of your life’.
The other witness stated that he and his fellow pupils were either made to stand at the back of
the class or lie across their desks waiting to be beaten.
17.31 Thirteen (13) witnesses reported to their parents or others that they were physically beaten in
association with sexual abuse or in the context of disclosing sexual abuse. One witness
described his experience of persistent physical and sexual abuse:
While this...(sexual abuse)... was going on I used to get some pretty bad beatings from
him in the classroom. One day he was beating me really badly across the back and on
the shoulders with the leather and I remember wetting my trousers with the fright of it... I
could never tell anyone, no one would really believe you... and I started getting some
bad beatings in the yard and the cloakroom from other boys and that was it. I just kept
moving, stayed away from everyone as much as I could.
Injuries
17.32 Thirteen (13) witnesses, 11 male and two female, reported sustaining injuries as a result of
physical abuse following which a number were temporarily unable to walk or write. The injuries
reported included: head and leg injuries, lacerations to hands and backs, bruising, and loss of
teeth. One witness reported that he suffered a lacerated skull and damage to one eye, which
led to partial blindness. Another witness reported being taken to hospital after he had been
beaten unconscious. A female witness described being beaten on the tips of her fingers, palms
and backs of her hands on occasion until her ‘hands were red raw’.
Reported abusers
17.33 Witnesses reported being physically abused by teachers including school Principals. They also
reported being physically abused by older pupils, care staff in boarding schools, and by a
visiting priest. Of the 80 individuals reported to be perpetrators of physical abuse witnesses
identified 57 by name, while others were identified by their role or position in the school, as
illustrated in the following table.
Table 103: Position and Number of Reported Physical Abusers – Male and Female
Primary and Second-level Schools
Religious
- Principal 6 0
- Teacher 29 6
Lay
- Principal 4 0
- Teacher 23 6
- House-parent 1 0
Other pupil 4 0
Total 68 12

17.34 Forty one (41) religious teaching staff, six of whom were priests, were named by witnesses as
perpetrators of physical abuse. Thirty three (33) lay teaching staff were also named as abusive.
Ten (10) of those named as abusers were identified by witnesses as the schools’ Principals.
Two (2) other individuals reported as abusers were a visiting priest and the house-parent in a
boarding school.
17.35 Four (4) male witnesses reported being abused by other pupils, one of whom stated that he was
caned by older boys and that when he became a prefect he caned younger pupils himself. The
other three witnesses gave accounts of being beaten by older boys whom they believed were
forced by two religious and one lay teacher to ‘deliver’ punishments. One of these witnesses
described being made to kneel with his hands on the floor while a fellow pupil was instructed by
his teacher to take his trousers down and beat the witness in front of the class.
17.36 Three (3) witnesses reported being abused by male and female lay teaching staff. The abuse
described was beating with a stick on the hands and legs for being late for school or for
academic failure. A female witness gave an account of being beaten by a male lay teacher
when she attempted to disclose that he had sexually abused her. Another witness stated that a
lay teacher stood on her toes and punched her in the chest in order to intimidate and restrain
her while he sexually abused her.
Sexual abuse
or another person.4
17.37 This section presents evidence reported by witnesses to the Committee of their experiences of
sexual abuse in primary and second-level schools. The abuse reported ranged from contact
sexual abuse involving vaginal and anal rape and sexual molestation to non-contact abuse
including voyeurism and exhibitionism. Some witnesses provided detailed accounts of the
sexual abuse they experienced. Other accounts were sufficient to clarify the acute or chronic
nature of the abuse.
17.38 Forty (40) witnesses, 34 male and six female, made 40 reports that they were sexually abused
in 35 schools: 23 primary, 11 second-level and one vocational/technical school. Nine (9) of the
schools that were the subject of reports of sexual abuse were fee-paying boarding schools, two
of which were primary-level schools. One male witness reported being sexually abused in both
primary and second-level schools. Five (5) primary schools were each the subject of two reports
of sexual abuse. The reported abuse in these schools was perpetrated by religious teaching
staff, five of whom were identified by name.

17.39 The Committee heard reports from witnesses that they were sexually abused by various means
including rape, fondling, oral/genital contact and masturbation. Witnesses described being
abused in various locations including classrooms, dormitories, toilets, recreation areas, and staff
rooms. Witnesses also reported being abused outside the schools in places such as hotels,
private homes, and while away on school outings or holidays.
17.40 Twenty seven (27) witnesses reported chronic sexual abuse continuing over a number of years
by a named abuser, generally a class teacher. Others described single acute episodes of
abuse, including vaginal and anal rape.
4
Section 1(1)(b).

17.41 Of those witnesses, 22 described being sexually molested in public situations, including
hallways, corridors and classrooms. Witnesses described teachers fondling their breasts and
genitalia while reading to the class. A number of female witnesses described male teachers,
including a school Principal, moving from pupil to pupil, at the back of the class on the pretext of
helping or checking schoolwork while fondling their breasts. ‘He would lean over you, down on
top of you, you can’t even think.’ The following witness accounts refer to abuse in primary
schools:
I was around 10 or 10 and a half, it was ...named primary school.... He'd ...(Br X)... used
ask me up to the desk, he’d start putting his hand up my trousers fondling my genitals
and backside and he would stand up in front of all the pupils who were about the same
age as myself. ... He’d stand up behind me and rub himself up against me at the back.
This went on for about a year that I was in that class, it happened everyday, maybe
twice a day....
•
We went to the local school ...named primary school... there. We grew up with the fact
that the Principal was always very interested in girls. We came to accept it as normal
even though deep down in our heart we knew it wasn’t normal. Growing up through
those years, trying to avoid him.... We’d sneak in in the morning and try to hide ... and
sneak down to our classroom without confronting him. In the morning he would expect
you to come up and say “Dia is Muire dhuit”, and hold us, as girls, in between his legs
and you know, hold us into him. ... The same would happen with play.... He’d hold you
into himself.... You would try to run and he would catch you ... hiding from him, you
would be ashamed of yourself if you were the one picked on....There was a lot of
fondling that you didn’t want. You ran and looked for cover, dodged at every
opportunity.
•
This Brother, I can’t remember his name ... after he saw I was interested in learning
about the equipment used to take me into a corner behind the stage where he would
take my penis out and play with it and then I’d have to take his out ... (witness
described oral/genital contact) ... It just went on like that...
17.42 Other witnesses gave accounts of being forced to watch their abuser masturbate or being
masturbated by their abuser. One female witness reported that her abuser put her under his
desk, blocked her from view of the class and then exposed and masturbated himself.
17.43 A total of nine witnesses, seven male and two female, reported being raped while pupils in
primary or second-level schools by seven named male religious teaching staff, one lay teacher,
older unnamed pupils and by a visiting priest. Witnesses reported being raped when they were
isolated from their peer group and other staff, including when they were locked into classrooms,
when they were taken away from home overnight by religious teaching staff, when visited in
hospital, and in the dormitory of a boarding school. One witness who reported being raped when
taken from the classroom gave the following account:
He took down his trousers and raped me. There was blood ... he took out his hanky and
wiped it off and folded it and put it in his pocket. I was very quiet, I said nothing. He
brought me back to the class, I could hardly walk, I sat down beside ...named
classmate... and was asking her if she had this test, he heard me talking to her and he
... he hit me .... I had never been hit before.... I was terrified.
17.44 The Committee heard accounts from two witnesses of attempted rape, both witnesses described
using physical force to resist the sexual assault.
17.45 Five (5) witnesses, four male and one female, reported digital vaginal and anal penetration. The
reports described such abuse taking place ‘quietly’ at the back of the class and in private
locations when they were coerced to comply with the abuse either by physical force or explicit
verbal threats. In one instance a witness described the religious teaching staff member in a
primary school putting a cloak over his head and holding him close with the belt of his cassock
while abusing him. Other reported experiences of abuse included:
It began, I thought the priest was just being friendly, arms around you kissing you. He
used to come into the showers after a game.... First of all I should say I didn't know
what sexual abuse was at that time, I didn't know what physical abuse was. I might use
the phrase “he hit me”.
•
He ...(Fr X)... he used to come to the dormitory at night and he would attempt oral sex, I
didn't know what he was doing, like kissing and all this.... The next thing he’d say “I
hope you haven’t got any dirty photographs in your locker”. I didn't even know what a
dirty photo was at the time. The next thing he started showing me pornography
photographs, he’d say he found them in so-so’s locker. It wasn’t homosexual nature, it
was heterosexual. I couldn’t tell my mother, the priest could do no wrong, she said “a
priest wouldn’t do a thing like that”. ... He was waiting for me and attempted a serious
assault ...witness described attempted rape....
17.46 Six (6) witnesses reported that sexual abuse, including oral/genital abuse and masturbation, was
associated with physical violence. A number of those witnesses described being forcefully
coerced to submit to sexual molestation. Seven (7) other witnesses stated that they were beaten
if they disclosed or resisted the assault. A male witness who reported being sexually abused by
a teacher stated that threats not to tell were reinforced by physical violence ‘he...(Br X)... gave
me terrible beatings, he destroyed my life’.
17.47 Reports of non-contact sexual abuse included three accounts from male witnesses of being
watched by a religious staff member while urinating or being forced to watch their abuser
urinate. Other witnesses reported being photographed and shown pornographic pictures.
17.48 Six (6) witnesses described being sexually abused when taken out of the school. Five (5) of
those witnesses stated that they were taken away overnight by teachers. This abuse included
masturbation, fondling and attempted rape. Three (3) of the male witnesses reported that the
teachers became friendly with their parents and were allowed to take them away overnight for
trips during which they were abused. One male witness reported being blindfolded and being
forced to touch the genitalia of a lay male teacher who had taken him to his home and locked
him in a room. The abuse reported in these instances was extensive and continued over a
period of years. Two (2) witnesses who reported being sexually abused over a number of years
in primary and second-level schools described their experiences:
He ...(Br X)... took me to ...named isolated place.... I can remember the place vividly,
there were lots of hedges, protruding rocks and that sort of thing. He would be fondling
me, he’d take my trousers down, he turned me around and sodomised me, he did other
things as well. Br ...X... he had a camera, he photographed myself naked, primarily
around the genitals.... It was horrendous, absolutely horrendous up there with him.
•
He ...named lay Principal... would give me tasks to do and follow me into a room or a
corner. ... He opened his trousers, masturbated himself and held on to me with the
other hand.... On another occasion ... he pushed me into a cubicle, took down his
trousers and underwear... witness described attempted rape.
17.49 Six (6) witnesses described being selected by a teacher to help with tasks after school, being
given treats, extra tuition and other privileges. These witnesses reported being abused including
by oral/genital contact, masturbation and anal rape. One female witness reported sexual abuse
that was perpetrated both in the school and at outside venues when a teacher took
inappropriate photographs, and allowed his male friends to molest the pupils. Aspects of the
abuse perpetrated by a Principal was described ‘he put his arms around me and pulled me
close ...breathing on you...he kissed me on the lips. He would lean over girls to help with
homework, everyone disliked it’. Other male and female witnesses stated:
He had a pupil every year that he picked out to collect the roll book; they were always
seen as the teacher’s pet, he was the Principal. There were 2 other teachers in the
school, who were women; they were in the junior classes. I had him in 5th and 6th class.
I’m sure I wasn’t the only one but I was that person one year. I had to collect the roll
book and when I was coming back he would be waiting for me in the corridor.
•
He gave me ... (gifts)... to give to my dad. At that stage he was getting to know the
family.... He brought me into town, into ...named hotel.... That was after he got to know
my mum and dad. All I can remember was going up a stairs, a passage.
17.50 A number of witnesses commented on the disparity of power between them and their abusers.
They stated that children of widowed or lone mothers, parents of devout religious background
and families in poor circumstances were more vulnerable and a number of witnesses described
being abused in such circumstances.
Reported abusers
17.51 The Committee heard evidence from witnesses of sexual abuse by religious and lay teaching
staff, including school Principals, external priests, external professionals, and house-parents.
Thirty eight (38) of the 40 reported perpetrators of sexual abuse were identified by name. The
two unnamed abusers were described as older pupils. Table 104 illustrates the position and
number of abusers reported:
Table 104: Position and Number of Reported Sexual Abusers – Male and Female Primary
and Second-level Schools
Religious
- Teacher 16 1
- Principal 6 0
- External Priest 3 0
Lay
- Teacher 4 0
- Principal 5 0
- Vice-Principal 1 0
- House-parent 1 0
External professional 1 0
Other pupil 2 0
Total 39 1

17.52 Male and female witnesses reported being sexually abused by 17 religious teaching staff and by
four lay teachers. Eleven (11) school Principals, six religious and five lay, were also identified by
witnesses as perpetrators of sexual abuse. Three (3) witnesses reported being abused,
including by vaginal and anal rape, by external priests who had an association with the school in
a pastoral role. Two (2) witnesses reported being sexually abused by unnamed older pupils in
two boarding schools, including one report of rape. One female religious staff member in a
boarding school was reported by a male witness to have sexually abused him by inappropriate
fondling.
17.53 A male witness reported that he was abused both in primary and second-level school by two
religious Brothers from the same Community. He described being first abused before he was 10
years old while isolated from other pupils. The reported abuse progressed to masturbation and
oral/genital contact. The witness stated that in the course of being sexually abused he was
severely physically abused and was hospitalised as a result. The witness also reported that
when he moved to the second-level school he was subjected to various forms of sexual abuse,
including rape, by a different teacher who was also a religious Brother attached to the same
Community. The witness reported that in both schools he was deliberately separated from his
peers by his abusers prior to being abused.
Neglect
17.54 This section presents the evidence of witness reports of neglect in primary and second-level
schools. The reports referred to the neglect of safety and failure to protect witnesses from
abuse, contributing to neglect of their education and welfare.
17.55 Nine (9) witnesses, five male and four female, reported neglect in relation to nine primary and
second-level schools. The accounts were combined with reports of physical, sexual and
emotional abuse. The most frequently reported combination of abuse with neglect was
emotional abuse.
17.56 Neglect of education and lack of protection were the most commonly reported areas of neglect
by witnesses from primary and second-level schools, the majority of whom were in the care of
their parents and living at home.
17.57 A number of witnesses commented that their abusive experiences left them lacking confidence
and fearful of teachers. They reported being unable to benefit from further educational
opportunities, were unsuccessful in exams and in some instances withdrew from school. Two (2)
of those witnesses stated that a pattern of truancy and school avoidance developed in an effort
to avoid abuse and that their persistent absences left them without skills or academic
achievements.
17.58 Other witnesses reported that their education was neglected as a result of abuse, criticism and
fear in the classroom. Six (6) witnesses stated that they were stigmatised because they had
learning difficulties or were from socially deprived backgrounds and, therefore, were considered
to be undeserving of an education. Three (3) of those witnesses reported that they left school
before the official school leaving age and that no assessment was made of their specific
5

learning needs. One male witness commented that he was illiterate when he left school having
been ignored by his teacher who regarded him as ‘riff-raff’.
17.59 Most of the nine witnesses reported that teachers and other lay and religious staff did not
protect them, despite having observed inappropriate behaviour or having been informed of
physical and sexual abuse.
17.60 In a number of instances witnesses believed their parents were prevailed upon by their abusers
to dismiss the witnesses’ reports of abuse. One witness commented ‘no one asked me what
was wrong, I wanted to die so badly’. A male witness who stated that his mother reported his
persistent and severe physical abuse to the religious Principal in charge of the school was
subsequently beaten and warned not to make any further complaint.
17.61 Others believed that their safety and welfare was neglected by school staff and external
professionals due to the status of their abusers as religious persons, teachers or prominent
members of the community.
Emotional abuse
17.62 This section describes witness accounts of emotional abuse by failure to protect from abuse and
harm resulting in fear for their own and others’ safety. Emotional abuse refers to both actions
and inactions by school staff who had responsibility for the safety of pupils. The Committee
further heard reports of being verbally abused by critical, hostile and demeaning comments.
Witness experiences of humiliation and ridicule were also described. Emotional abuse was
reported to have had a negative impact on witnesses’ social, psychological and emotional well-
being and to have had an enduring effect on their lives.
17.63 The Committee heard 32 reports of emotional abuse from 24 male and eight female witnesses.
Two (2) primary schools were each the subject of two reports of emotional abuse and the
remaining 28 schools were the subject of single reports. Twenty one (21) of the 28 schools were
primary schools and seven were second-level schools.
17.64 There were 30 witness reports of emotional abuse in combination with other forms of abuse.
The majority of accounts of emotional abuse referred to the circumstances in which the
respective witnesses reported being either physically or sexually abused.

17.65 Witnesses from a number of schools reported that they experienced persistent emotional abuse
in the context of being exposed to criticism, ridicule and humiliation. They also described being
constantly vigilant about the next episode of physical abuse and of feeling ashamed and fearful
regarding their experiences of sexual abuse.
Humiliation
17.66 Twenty four (24) witnesses described being routinely humiliated and ridiculed for reasons
including being the child of single parents or of impoverished background, academic failure,
poor hygiene, having an unusual name or accent and having a physical disability. A male
witness reported that he was made to wear a girl’s dress while he was publicly beaten. A female
6
Section 1(1)(d) as amended by section 3 of the 2005 Act

witness stated that she was forced to stand in a corner wearing a placard declaring that her
family were poor. The religious Sister who taught her repeatedly told the class ‘you don’t want to
turn out like ... (witness’s name)...’.
17.67 Two (2) male witnesses who described being exposed to ridicule and humiliation in front of the
class gave the following accounts of their experiences:
The rubbish bucket was a thing that was put on your head and left on it all day, and you
were left standing in the corner. The headmaster came in ...(to the classroom and
said)... “He’s going nowhere and don’t you know he never will go anywhere, don’t you
know his mother wasn’t married”.
•
Br ...X ... constantly picked on me in front of the whole class.... He made disparaging
comments about my clothes, hygiene and general appearance. He did not like me, he
beat me from one end of the school to the other and dragged me about by the ears and
hair.
17.68 Two (2) witnesses described being humiliated by the attentions of a teacher who sexually
abused them in public places. Others recounted the humiliation of being beaten on their bare
buttocks in front of the other pupils, or being ostracised by being made to kneel or stand while
being physically abused in public by their teacher, as one witness explained:
He was cruel ... he knew I wasn’t bright and I knew he knew I wasn’t bright so
whenever he wanted a victim ... he’d bring you up and slap you across the face in front
of everyone.
Fear
17.69 Nineteen (19) witnesses described an atmosphere of fear in the school that contributed to the
overall experience of abuse and made it difficult to learn. A witness who reported being abused
in the classroom commented ‘fear was every day, will I be abused today?’
17.70 Seven (7) witnesses reported that witnessing the abuse of others was disturbing, and in a small
number of schools they described a general atmosphere of intimidation and threat. One witness
reported that he was ‘terrified’ at the prospect of moving to a senior class where he could hear
the teacher administer severe beatings. Another witness commented on the atmosphere created
by a teacher who was verbally and physically abusive: ‘what was particularly traumatic was his
shouting all day, which struck terror into the pupils’. A male witness described witnessing a
fellow pupil having to be carried home following a ‘severe assault’ by a lay teacher.
17.71 Five (5) witnesses described being constantly vigilant in the context of being sexually abused
and told that if they did not behave in a particular way and comply with their abusers’ wishes
they would be punished, shamed and blamed for participating in the abuse. A male witness
stated that over a two-year period he was repeatedly raped and was constantly threatened that
he would be sent away. He stated that he was ‘kept in terror by Br ...X...’ in case the secret of
his sexual abuse became public.
17.72 A number of witnesses who reported being sexually abused also described an accompanying
sense of guilt and shame that was reinforced by being told that behaviour of a sexual nature
was sinful. One female witness who reported being raped by a visiting priest said ‘he told me I
would go to hell, I thought maybe he was right’. A male witness described his distress in this
regard:
It was the mortal sin of it ...distressed ... you had all this stuff about being prepared to
die and dying in your sleep. Even still I don’t go to sleep, would be 2 or 3 in the
morning. I think maybe it’s connected in some way in having to go into Mass the next
morning and go to Communion, that was an even bigger sin, I already had a sin on my
soul, a mortal sin ... distressed ...
17.73 Four (4) witnesses described being made a scapegoat by religious staff in boarding schools
through being segregated from their peers, constantly verbally abused, deprived of family visits
and subjected to various threats. A witness who reported being sent to a boarding school from
the Industrial School where he was placed commented:
He ... (Fr X)... threatened to send us back to ...named Industrial School.... We were
scared, you spent all your life in fear. For us ... (pupils from Industrial School)... I got
more of the leather strap, you rarely saw any of the other boys get hit by Mr ...Y... (lay
teacher).... Fr ...X... would hit you ... all over, the hands, the legs, the backside, all over
the body.... Always up in his room. There was not many days in the 3 years that I
wasn’t hit by him. I’d be black and blue all over. I used to be crying with fear.
Knowledge of abuse
17.74 Witnesses consistently commented that the public nature of the abuse, in the presence of staff
and other pupils, made awareness inevitable. The Committee heard evidence of abuse
disclosures to family members, staff and professionals, both within and external to the schools.
A small number of witnesses commented that their parents were highly vigilant and protective
due to the level of awareness in the local community about certain teaching staff who were
abusing pupils. A number of other witnesses who were subject to persistent sexual abuse
described being ridiculed, or shunned by other pupils leading them to believe that there was a
general level of awareness about the abuse in the school. Witnesses believed there was
awareness among school staff due to the inappropriate attention they received publicly from
particular male teachers. Sexual abuse was believed to be known to female teachers who in
some instances ‘shielded girls’.
The other teachers must have known something but they couldn’t say anything, you
know how it was then with jobs. But I remember some of them hanging around
sometimes and taking you out of his ...(abusive teacher)... way.
•
The female teachers were lovely but they never took a stand against this, I don’t know if
they were able to or not. They would try to protect you, they were grand, they were
lovely. When we were away ...(on school related activity)... we were staying in a hotel
he came up into the room, you pretended you were asleep. The female teacher was
there she stayed with him to make sure, like, that he didn’t do anything to us, they
protected us. What he did was take some photographs of girls asleep. He started sex
education with us, it was unusual at the time. I remember the female teachers saying
“they’re not ready”. They were trying to verbalise their own disapproval.
17.75 Witnesses commented that where abuse was perpetrated by more than one abuser or in the
presence of a second adult awareness was inevitable. Two (2) witnesses gave accounts of
being abused by more than one male religious staff simultaneously. Another witness reported
that he was raped by a teacher outside the school in the presence of another religious Brother.
Disclosing abuse and outcome of disclosure

17.76 Twenty eight (28) witnesses reported that they disclosed the fact that they were being abused.
The majority of witnesses who disclosed abuse were male. The reports related to 22 primary
and six second-level schools. Witnesses stated that the response to the disclosure of their
abuse ranged between being listened to and protected, to being punished, and in a number of
instances the reported abuse was investigated.
17.77 Eighteen (18) witnesses stated that they told their parents that they were being abused. In 10
instances witnesses reported that their parents believed them and some stated that physical
abuse was seen as part of the culture of the school, where parents accepted physical abuse as
routine punishment for misbehaviour:
You couldn’t go home and tell your mother, my father was in England. There was no
work here at the time ... if I went home and told my mother she’d say “well you must
have done something to deserve it”. You wouldn’t be given your sixpence for the
cinema. I didn’t say very much. She’d say “were you bold in school today?”
17.78 Seven (7) male witnesses reported that their parents confronted the abusers or the school
authorities. One of the witnesses reported that his parents were asked by two priests to ‘hush
up’ the abuse, another witness reported that his mother was verbally abused by the Principal
following her complaint about his abuse. The mother of another witness who attended part of
her son’s hearing with the Committee described her encounter with the school authorities:
I went to see Fr ... X ... (named priest) ... he was walking up and down in the church
grounds. I was walking behind him telling him the story. “All lies, all lies” he says. I says
“my children has no need to tell lies, they can come home and talk about it and they’re
not beaten”. I said “Am I going to send for the father or are you going to do
something?”...the priest said... “Oh, don’t tell...(her husband)...”...So anyhow I left it to
him. He...(lay teacher)...was brought up before them, they knew what was going on.
17.79 The Committee heard evidence that in some instances while the abuse was initially denied,
following the intervention of parents the witnesses were protected from further abuse. In five
primary schools witnesses reported that abusers were removed. Other reported responses by
parents to disclosures of abuse included a parent threatening to make a report to the Gardaı́
and two witnesses being moved from the school by their parents and sent to another school.
17.80 Nine (9) other witnesses reported disclosing their experiences of abuse to adults in positions of
authority including, school Principals, religious staff, Gardaı́ and staff in a Children’s Home. Five
(5) of these witnesses reported being punished or further abused following their disclosure. One
witness reported that when he disclosed abuse in Confession, he was assaulted and raped by
the confessor. The other four witnesses commented that their reports of abuse were
investigated and that they were protected either immediately or at a later time.
17.81 Six (6) witnesses who disclosed abuse in second-level schools reported that no protective action
was taken and the abuse continued. Five (5) of the reported disclosures were to persons in
authority. One witness stated that he told another pupil of his experiences of abuse. Two (2)
witnesses reported being punished for what were regarded as false allegations. A female
witness commented that she was ‘really, really annoyed that other teachers never said
anything’.
17.82 One male witness reported that following ongoing sexual abuse over two years he refused to
continue attending school. The witness stated that investigation by the school attendance officer
led to him being threatened with being sent to an Industrial School. On returning to school his
abuser kept him in the classroom during break time and continued to abuse him on a more
frequent basis. Another male witness reported that when he attended hospital for treatment
following both sexual and physical assault no enquiries were made regarding how he had
sustained his injury. The witness reported that the school Principal who had sexually abused
him had ‘an air of authority and high standing in the community’ and that, when he was
confronted by the witness’s parents, he denied the abuse. A witness who reported abuse in both
national and second-level schools stated that as an adolescent he took an overdose in order to
avoid persistent abuse and that he tried to tell others but was unable to describe what
happened. Another witness commented that he developed skills ‘by crying, mitching, avoiding
confrontation and cheating ... to survive the regime of brutality on a daily basis’. He stated that
he attended the Committee because he wished to speak about what ‘surpassed even that ...
(daily brutality).’
17.83 Seventeen (17) witnesses reported being unable to tell their parents at the time about the abuse
they experienced. They believed their parents thought the abuse was justified punishment for
some misconduct. Other witnesses described being ashamed of being abused, and thought that
their parents would not believe they were being sexually abused as ‘priests would not do that’. A
male witness who reported being physically and sexually abused stated that he wished the
teacher who abused him would disfigure him in some way so that people could see something
happened to him, and that they would then believe him.
I wanted him to burst my hands so that everyone would see. I’d hoped he’d break my
fingers or my face, that someone would believe me. He’d ...(Br X)... call us in and give
out, say he would call the guards ...(Gardaı́).... We hoped he would but he never did....
He bought me lots of things but it was never worth it... (witness reported sexual
abuse) ...
17.84 A number of witnesses stated that on occasion they were protected from abuse and removed to
safety by teachers who were not directly involved in the abuse. Other witnesses commented
that due to their parents’ care and diligence they were protected from abuse.
17.85 Five (5) witnesses reported that a number of years after leaving school, investigations were
carried out by the Gardaı́ following official complaints of abuse. Two (2) other witnesses stated
that they were offered money as compensation by or on behalf of their abusers subsequent to
disclosures of abuse.
17.86 The Act enabled the Committee to hear both evidence of child abuse and the enduring effects
on those who suffered abuse. Seventy (70) witnesses who reported abuse in primary and
second-level schools gave accounts to the Committee of their adult life circumstances. In the
course of their hearings witnesses provided information about their social circumstances,
relationships, and the enduring effects of abusive experiences on their psychological, emotional
and physical health7.
Relationships
17.87 Many witnesses stated that their experiences of abuse had a traumatic impact on their
subsequent relationships and made it difficult to sustain secure, stable attachments in adult life.
Others described having partners who had been supportive and understanding and that they
had achieved some happiness, notwithstanding occasional difficulties. A number of male
witnesses commented that they were unable to sustain close relationships and had a tendency
to ‘run from relationships’ or felt ‘unable to love people’.
17.88 Thirty nine (39) witnesses reported being married at the time of their hearing, 21 of whom
described being happily married. Others described being involved in satisfying second
partnerships having had difficulties in earlier marriages. Table 105 outlines the relationship
status of witnesses at the time of their hearing:
7
This section contains some unavoidable overlap with the details provided by five witnesses who also reported abuse
in other out-of-home settings.

Table 105: Status of Witnesses’ Relationships at the Time of Hearing 2000-2008 – Male
and Female Primary and Second-level Schools
Status of relationship Males Females Total witnesses
Married 29 10 39
Single 14 1 15
Separated 4 0 4
Widowed 2 2 4
Co-habiting 6 1 7
Divorced 1 0 1
Total 56 14 70
17.89 Twenty six (26) witnesses reported having had difficulties establishing and maintaining
relationships. They commented that they lacked confidence, found it difficult to socialise and had
trouble trusting others, as one witness remarked: ‘I don’t trust no one’. Other witnesses reported
being isolated, withdrawn and being preoccupied by details of past abuse to the detriment of
adult relationships.
17.90 Fifteen (15) witnesses stated that they had difficulties in intimate relationships, generally
attributed to childhood experiences of sexual abuse. Some witnesses described ambivalence
about sexual and gender identity at some point in their lives. Others described life-long
difficulties in their intimate relationships:
I had relationships, there was one getting very close to marriage. I bailed out .... I had
great difficulties in sexual relationships. I had a lot of anger in myself...
•
There’s a lot of frustration there and my marriage is not particularly great ... (sexual
relationship) ... because of this whole thing ....
Parenting
17.91 Witnesses described having variable relationships with their children ranging from being
overprotective to being harsh, and in some instances abusive. Others commented that
relationships with their children changed over time depending on the developmental age of the
child and their own development as parents. Witnesses commented that their confidence as
parents was linked, at times, with their own progress and recovery from past abuse. A number
of witnesses reported parenting difficulties to be the result of their depression or in the context
of marital disharmony.
17.92 Forty nine (49) witnesses, 39 male and 10 female, reported having children. Twenty four (24)
described their children as doing well in many aspects of their lives. They enjoyed regular
contact, supportive and mutually rewarding relationships with their children.
I did try to commit suicide ... I was on a bridge and the light of my children’s faces...
(prevented suicide attempt) ... that’s probably why I’m here today ...
17.93 Nineteen (19) witnesses described being strict, overprotective and at times harsh parents,
leading to relationship breakdown with their children. One witness commented: ‘I became a
bully, I became an abuser too. My boy, I clattered him. I hurt my wife, I hurt everybody’. Another
witness stated: ‘In the last year or so I have been angry with... (children).... I’ve never hit my...
(children)... but I shout. They’re great, lovely...’.
17.94 Two (2) witnesses reported that three of their children were sexually abused, both within and
outside the family.
17.95 Five (5) male witnesses were non-custodial parents and generally described inconsistent
contact with their children. A small number of witnesses reported that they co-parented their
partners’ children.
17.96 Six (6) witnesses did not provide details about their parenting experiences.

17.97 Forty three (43) witnesses reported a stable and consistent history of employment in a wide
range of occupations. They reported successful careers in trades, professional and managerial
positions, factory and labouring work, and a number were self-employed. Seventeen (17) of the
43 witnesses reported that they had successful careers following further education and training
as adults. Table 106 outlines the employment status reported by witnesses at the time of their
hearing:
Table 106: Witnesses’ Employment Status at Time of Hearing – Male and Female Primary
Employment status Males Females Total witnesses
Employed 24 9 33
Retired 11 0 11
Self -employed 10 0 10
Unemployed 6 1 7
Total 56 14 70
17.98 Six (6) male witnesses reported difficulties maintaining stable employment due to alcohol or
drug abuse and two witnesses reported that they had never been employed. Four (4) female
witnesses reported having worked in the home since they married. Others reported that they
were no longer employed, were retired or were in receipt of disability income.
17.99 Table 107 illustrates the level of education attended, but not in all instances completed, by
witnesses who reported abuse in schools:
Table 107: Highest Level of Education Attended – Male and Female Primary and Second-
level Schools
Primary 13 1 14
Secondary 26 7 33
Third level 17 6 23
Total 56 14 70
17.100 A number of witnesses reported that they attended second-level school but were unable to
successfully complete their education due to the trauma of their abusive experiences. They
described being fearful, unable to concentrate and distracted by the risk of further abuse or
memories of past abuse. Seventeen (17) witnesses gave accounts of attending third-level
education as mature students.
Accommodation
17.101 Most witnesses reported having stable and secure housing arrangements as illustrated in the
following table:
Table 108: Accommodation of Witnesses at Time of Hearing – Male and Female Primary
Owner occupiers 36 12 48
Local authority/council housing 7 0 7
With relatives 4 1 5
Sheltered housing 1 0 1
Hostel 1 0 1
Unavailable 2 1 3
Total 56 14 70
17.102 Fifty five (55) witnesses described having stable accommodation arrangements at the time of
their hearings, either as home owners or as council housing tenants. A number of the 15
witnesses in other types of accommodation reported a history of unsettled lives, broken
relationships and periods of ill-health.
Health
17.103 During the course of their hearings witnesses provided general information about their physical
and mental health, either directly or in the context of describing their current life circumstances.
For the purpose of writing this Report the Committee categorised the witnesses’ physical and
mental health status as good, reasonable or poor based on the information they provided
regarding their past and current health history.
17.104 Witnesses more frequently reported experiencing good physical health than good mental health.
The following table illustrates the status of physical health described by witnesses:
Table 109: Current Physical Health Status – Male and Female Primary and Second-level
Schools
Good 32 9 41
Reasonable 20 4 24
Poor 4 1 5
Total 56 14 70
17.105 The majority of witnesses indicated that they experienced good physical health, while some may
have had age-related conditions that required treatment. The five witnesses who described poor
physical health reported chronic illness, some of which they associated with trauma and their
childhood abuse experience or with disability. Others described poor health in the context of
recent illness, surgery or accident. Witnesses who described having reasonable physical health
described some stress-related conditions including chronic fatigue syndrome, irritable bowel
syndrome and physical conditions associated with alcohol abuse. The most commonly reported
areas of physical ill-health for this group of witnesses were: arthritis, diabetes, back pain, heart,
gastric and thyroid conditions. Two (2) witnesses reported having had hepatitis.
17.106 The following table illustrates the witnesses’ current mental health status as described by them:

Table 110: Current Mental Health Status – Male and Female Primary and Second-level
Schools
Good 23 5 28
Reasonable 17 7 24
Poor 16 2 18
Total 56 14 70
17.107 Witnesses whose mental health was categorised as good gave accounts of being generally able
to leave the memories of their past abuse behind, and being sustained by supportive
relationships and a fulfilled work life. Six (6) of those witnesses who described generally good
mental health also reported a past history of depression and alcohol abuse, and had attended
mental health services and counselling in relation to their past difficulties.
17.108 Twenty four (24) witnesses gave accounts of having reasonably good mental health while they
also reported histories of depression, suicidal thoughts and attempts. Many described a level of
continued distress and alcohol abuse leading to some day-to-day difficulties that were
manageable.
At that stage of my life I was heavy into drink ... huge problem. I was into drugs as well
... I was going downhill. I started stealing for my habits ... The drinking got so bad I
decided myself I had to do something about it,...(I was drinking )... a bottle of whiskey or
brandy a day ... It was great for me at the time to get over those years, it helped me
black out... (memories of abuse)....I went away to ...treatment centre... When I was
there drying out ... I told part of my story ... (of sexual abuse) ...
17.109 There was a marked gender difference between witnesses who described poor mental health.
Sixteen (16) male and two female witnesses, reported a history of repeated admissions to
psychiatric hospitals, many suicide attempts, disabling anxiety and depression, leading at times
to isolation and withdrawal from social and family life. A number of witnesses reported that their
past abuse had a profound impact on all areas of their lives and that they were unable to benefit
from the help that they had repeatedly sought. Six (6) male and one female witness gave
accounts of substance abuse.

17.110 The most frequently reported effect of childhood abuse on the adult lives of witnesses who
reported abuse in primary and second-level schools was the impact on their emotional wellbeing
and the consequences for their personal, family and social relationships. Table 111 illustrates
the effects described by the 56 male and 14 female witnesses. The effects are not mutually
exclusive and were not prioritised by witnesses.

Table 111: Reported Effects on Adult Life – Male and Female Primary and Second-level
Schools
reports reports
Counselling required 38 Lack of self-worth 9
Alcohol abuse 28 Anxious and fearful 8
Lack of trust 25 Counselling required 8
Angry 24 Abuse not easily forgotten 7
Loner 24 Feelings related to being a victim 7
Abuse not easily forgotten 23 Feeling isolated 6
Lack of self-worth 21 Issues of self-worth 6
Suicidal feelings or attempt 21 Angry 5
Feelings related to being a victim 18 Mood instability 5
Unable to settle 18 Somatic symptoms 5
Post-traumatic effect 17 Suicidal feelings or attempt 5
Anxious and fearful 15 Alcohol abuse 4
Mood instability 15 Feeling different from peers 4
Withdrawal 14 powerless 4
Feeling different from peers 13 Loner 4
Nightmares 12 Post-traumatic effect 4
Feeling isolated 11 Sexual problems 4
Gender and sexual identity
problems 11 Overprotective of children 3
Sleep disturbance 11 Withdrawal 3
Aggressive behaviour – physical 10 Tearfulness 2
Aggressive behaviour – verbal 10 Eating disorder 2
Sexual problems 10 Issues of self-blame 2
Unable to show feelings to partner 9 Overly-compliant behaviour 2
Somatic symptoms 8 Substance abuse 2
Over harsh with children 6 Aggressive behaviour – physical 1
Substance abuse 6 psychological 1
children 6 Aggressive behaviour – verbal 1
Tearfulness 5 Fear of failure 1
powerless 5 Issues of needing approval 1
Overprotective of children 5 Nightmares 1
Issues of needing approval 5 Over harsh with children 1
Eating Disorder 4 Unable to settle 1
Issues of self-blame 4 children 1
psychological 3 Unable to show feelings to partner 1
Source: Confidential Committee of CICA, 2009.


17.111 Many witnesses reported difficulties encountered in their day-to-day lives, and stated that
enduring anger and distress continued to affect them. A female witness stated ‘there was
nothing normal about life’. Another witness described herself as an angry person who puts on a
mask to hide her pain, sadness and loneliness: ‘You are never sure when it ... (memories of
abuse)... will raise its ugly head’. A number of male witnesses commented that they had
suppressed memories of abuse at a cost to their personal and family relationships: ‘You put up
a front, I blanked it out’. Another witnesses commented:
The anger started coming at me again. I went on an anger management course... the
anger went on and on. I was still saying nothing ... (to spouse) ... I broke down and told
her the whole thing .... It explained to her a lot of the behavioural problems I had,
because I had good positions...(employment)... but I never let anyone come near me...
17.112 Witnesses consistently reported that the damaging consequences of their childhood abuse also
affected the next generation. Twenty two (22) reports were heard by the Committee of
witnesses being excessively harsh, overprotective or of being unable to demonstrate affection to
their children.
They’ll have a good childhood ... I’ll find a balance. I’m sure it shows through sometimes
... (spouse) ... thinks I’m too liberal with them ...
•
I don’t think I’ve ever damaged them since... I love them ... they treat me now as the
child ... I love it ... we’ve had some hard times together but we get on and they’re great.
17.113 Twenty seven (27) witnesses reported that the traumatic effect of their abusive experiences had
led to significant distress and reported that they suffered from panic and anxiety attacks.
Witnesses also described other continuing effects that had a negative influence on work, social
and personal areas of adult life. Many witnesses commented on struggling with anxiety, feelings
of guilt, fear of failure and powerlessness. Twenty six (26) witnesses reported that they
experienced impulsive anger and at times were aggressive in their behaviour. A male witness
who reported sexual abuse over a number of years gave the following description of its enduring
effect on many areas of his adult life:
I just ran and ran and I’m running since.... I was on the move and have stayed on the
move for last 35-40 years. A lot of jobs, a lot of places, big jobs, small jobs, dirt jobs,
high jobs.... business is gone, no money... You feel so powerless,... a non-entity...
17.114 Forty six (46) witnesses reported that they had required counselling and psychiatric treatment in
order to enable them cope with the enduring effects of their childhood abuse. Thirteen (13) of
these 46 witnesses reported having received in-patient psychiatric treatment. Eleven (11) of the
46 witnesses reported actively attempting to take their own lives and a further 15 reported that
they experienced suicidal thoughts currently or in the past. A witness stated that he had ‘a lot of
problems with health... I was in hospital... I spent a year really suicidal.’
17.115 Thirty two (32) witnesses reported abusing alcohol, and described other associated distress,
including disturbed sleep and at times excessive vigilance and suspicion: ‘If I see people talking
I wonder is it about me, I am still running away from it ... (memories of abuse) ...’
17.116 Many witnesses commented on the benefit for them of being believed, understood and
supported by their counsellors, others in the health services and fellow survivors of abuse. A
witness commenting on the value for him of group support stated: ‘... I feel when I come out of
the group I’m not on my own, I’m not a freak ...’
17.117 Others who reported being repeatedly subjected to severe sexual and physical abuse over a
sustained period of time reported that, in spite of their abuser’s criminal conviction, monetary
compensation or family support their lives continued to be troubled by feelings of anger and
despair. A small number of male witnesses expressed anger that their abusers were transferred
to other schools: ‘The rate at which they were moved, I don’t understand why.’
The thing that hurts most is that there was a paedophile ring running in that school, I
know 5 guys that were abused and are now dead. Nobody did anything ... dead pupils
don’t count .... If they put their hands up and said “what happened was well out of order,
what can we do to help?” ...(but)... nobody gives a shit, they do nothing.
17.118 A number of witnesses commented that adversarial processes and criminal investigations in
recent years had both reactivated the trauma of past abuses and brought some relief and
validation.
It isn’t like as if it was all those years ago, it’s like as if it was 5 minutes ago ...crying....

Chapter 18
Residential Laundries, Novitiates,

Hostels and other Out-of-home
Settings
18.01 This chapter of the Confidential Committee report presents evidence from witnesses about a
range of other settings that were outside the main groupings already covered in this Report.
These included residential laundries, hostels, Novitiates, short-term residential services for
children and adolescents, and other residential settings. The facilities were generally funded and
managed either by the State or by voluntary agencies.
Witnesses
18.02 Twenty five (25) witnesses, 12 male and 13 female, made 26 reports of abuse in relation to 15
facilities, including five Novitiates, four residential laundries, and three hostels over a period of
52 years between 1948 and 2000. Sixteen (16) witnesses were either discharged, or left the
settings of their own accord in the 1960s and four in the 1950s.Five (5) witnesses were
discharged between 1970 and 2000.
18.03 Eight (8) of the reported facilities were located in Irish cities and seven were in provincial towns
or rural areas.
18.04 Sixteen (16) witnesses reported that they had also been admitted to other institutions, including
Industrial and Reformatory Schools, hospitals, and Children’s Homes, 13 of them reported
abuse in the other institutions. Six (6) witnesses reported that they had been in more than one
Industrial School.

18.05 Family of origin, place of birth and current residence details will be differentiated by gender
when there are notable differences, otherwise they are reported collectively. Nine (9) of the
witnesses who reported abuse in residential work and other out-of-home settings were born in
Dublin and the remaining 16 were from 10 other counties in Ireland.
18.06 At the time of their hearings six witnesses were over the age of 60 years, 15 were between 50
and 60 years and a further two were between 40 and 50 years. Two (2) witnesses were under
30 years of age.
18.07 Table 112 illustrates the marital status of witnesses’ parents at the time of their birth, the
majority of whom were reported to be married:

Residential Laundries, Novitiates, Hostels and Other Out-of-home Settings
Married 11 8 19
Single 0 4 4
Separated 1 0 1
Co-habiting 0 1 1
Totals 12 13 25
18.08 Seventeen (17) witnesses reported the occupational status of their parents at the time of
admission to out-of-home placement as unskilled. Four (4) witnesses reported their parents as
occupied in managerial, clerical or skilled manual positions. Information is not available
regarding the occupational status of the remaining four witnesses parents.1
18.09 All 25 witnesses said they had siblings, 11 of whom had brothers or sisters in Industrial or
Reformatory Schools and two others had siblings in Children’s Homes.
18.10 Witnesses gave accounts of a range of social circumstances prior to their admission, including
being in the care of their parents or in out-of-home care. The average age of admission to the
institutions was 14 years. Three (3) witnesses were admitted under 14 years of age.
I was being abused by my step-father. When I approached my mother, she went to the
priest and the nuns and it was decided that I was the one to be sent off.... I was put into
the laundry, I was only 10. The people there were horrified, they would say “what are
you doing here, sure you're only a child?” The nun said “it’s best you don’t talk about
this, your family will be disgraced”. I was to forget about it...(sexual abuse)... and it
wasn’t to be discussed.... I came down with my case, it was tied with twine, and I was
put into a laundry van. My mother said “why is she going in a laundry van? She is
definitely going to get educated?” They told her I would get an education.
18.11 The typical length of stay in these institutions was relatively brief, compared with admissions to
Industrial and Reformatory Schools and other facilities. The average length of admission was
two years. Five (5) witnesses reported they were resident for less than one year. Witnesses
reported being aged between 14 and 22 years on leaving the residential facility as shown. It
should be noted that the accounts of abuse included in this report occurred when the witnesses
were less than 18 years of age, in accordance with the provisions of the Acts.
• Seven (7) witnesses were 15 years or under.
• Four (4) witnesses were 16 years.
• Seven (7) witnesses were between 17 and 18 years.
• Seven (7) witnesses were between 19 and 22 years.
18.12 Ten (10) witnesses, one male and nine female, said they had been transferred from Industrial
Schools to these settings and others had subsequent admissions to Industrial or Reformatory
Schools. Two (2) other witnesses were transferred from a hospital and a Children’s Home.
1

18.13 Three (3) female witnesses said they were transferred to residential laundries from Industrial
Schools following confrontations with religious staff whom they challenged about abuse of
themselves or of their co-residents. Another female witness stated that she was transferred to a
laundry at 13 years to work. She stated that she was told by the Sister in charge that she was
being sent to work in order to compensate the Order as her mother had been unable to meet
the required payments for her keep in the Industrial School.
18.14 Nine (9) witnesses reported being placed in residential settings from their family home by or with
the support and consent of their parents or other family members. Five (5) male witnesses
stated that they entered Novitiates with their parents’ support in circumstances of financial
hardship. They said that they learned about the opportunity of a religious life and receiving an
education when members of particular religious Orders visited their primary schools to recruit
boys to join their community. Four (4) female witnesses stated that they were placed in
residential laundries or other work settings with the knowledge or support of parents or relatives
in the context of poverty, death of a parent and personal or family crisis including familial abuse.
Two (2) of these witnesses stated that they or their relatives were told, prior to admission, that
they would receive an education that never materialised as they were involved from the outset
in full-time work within the institution.
Me Dad died and we were that poor me mam went off to England to get a living, you
couldn’t get a living around there...(local area) I was with an aunt, we were at school but
you had to buy everything and there wasn’t the money. I was working in the fields,
trying to help out, that’s what I was mostly doing. A priest came by and he said I wasn’t
doing good at school and he said he would find me a good place. He rang my mother
up in England and she was delighted, you know, a convent ...crying... she was grateful.
My mother agreed to it, she said the nuns were so holy, they done good in there, I
would get a good education and be well looked after.
•
My mother and father would have wanted the best for me. I was happy as Larry, I’d be
down the fields playing football. I’d have my lessons done because they said I was
bright.... There was a lot expected of me.... The Brothers came around to the school, 4
of them came round, and sure when I seen the pitches,...(pictures of facilities in
Novitiates)... the hurling and football I thought this was great. ... The only one in the
school that was picked ... (selected to join Noviciate)... was myself. My mother and
father were very poor, they sold a sow and a litter of bonbhs to kit me out.... I was
reminded in the school that they were short of money and that really and truly I should
be very grateful I was there. I was told that by Br ...X.... Going back that time to have
someone... (in the family)... in the religious was a big thing. I was 13.
Record of abuse
18.15 Twelve (12) male and 13 female witnesses gave evidence of 26 reports of abuse in 15
institutional settings. One witness reported abuse in two institutions in this category. Witnesses
reported all four types of abuse: physical and sexual abuse, neglect and emotional abuse, as
defined by the Act. Thirteen (13) witnesses, five male and eight female, also reported abuse in
Industrial and Reformatory Schools, in Children’s Homes and hospital. Witness accounts of
abuse were descriptions of single incidents of abuse or multiple episodes of abuse experienced
over a period of time.
18.16 The number of witness reports of abuse in different residential facilities varied as follows:

• Five (5) residential facilities were the subject of two to five reports, totalling 16
reports.
• Ten (10) residential facilities were each the subject of single reports.
18.17 The most frequently reported abuse types were physical, sexual and emotional abuse, as
follows:
• Fourteen (14) witnesses reported physical abuse.
• Fourteen (14) witnesses reported emotional abuse.
• Ten (10) witnesses reported sexual abuse.
• Eight (8) witnesses reported neglect.
18.18 Fourteen (14) witness reports referred to more than one type of abuse and to combinations of
abuse, as shown in the following table:
Table 113: Abuse Types and Combinations – Male and Female Residential Laundries,
Novitiates, Hostels and Other Out-of-home Settings
Sexual 5
Physical, emotional and neglect 4
Physical 4
Emotional 3
Total 26
18.19 Twelve (12) witness reports were of single abuse types, either sexual, physical or emotional,
and all other witnesses reported combinations of abuse types.
Physical abuse
18.20 This section of the chapter presents evidence heard by the Committee regarding witnesses’
experience of being physically abused and the lack of protection from physical harm while in
these residential settings. The nature of physical abuse reported included being beaten with
implements, punched, kicked, and subjected to bodily assaults.
18.21 The Committee heard evidence from 14 witnesses of physical abuse they experienced in seven
institutions.
• Three (3) institutions were the subject of multiple reports, totalling 10 reports.
• Four (4) institutions were each the subject of single reports.
2
Section 1(1)(a).

18.22 Witnesses reported that factors precipitating physical abuse included attempts at resisting
sexual abuse, disclosing abuse to parents, breaking the rule of silence, protecting co-residents
from punishment, and general lack of control exercised by staff. Witnesses were beaten with
sticks, hurleys, batons, keys and leather straps and stated that they were punched, kicked,
forced to stand while taking meals, forced to kneel for long periods, locked out overnight, and
having their hair cut off. The physical abuse occurred within different areas of the institutions’
buildings including refectories, dormitories, bathrooms, yards and workrooms.
18.23 Five (5) male witnesses from one institution reported being severely beaten in an out-of-control
manner. Two (2) witnesses described severe and unpredictable beatings all over the body. One
witness reported being ‘thrashed with a leather’, and another reported that ‘they beat the lard
out of me’.
That night I got beaten up by the new staff... (lay staff member)... that came on.... He
dragged me out of the bed and he started beating with this baton and he was kinda
saying “you better not escape out of here” and he start whipping me across the legs,
dragging me out of the bed, pulled me around the floor. He banged the side of me teeth
off the bed and ... (I)... got a few wallops across the face. I got a right beating. He kept
beating me, I don’t know what kind of anger got into him, I couldn’t understand the
anger that came into him.... One of the lads roared “leave him alone”.... I told ...lay
ancillary worker ... the next morning, she asked me “what’s wrong?” I had a cut lip, me
teeth was chipped, my tooth was loose.
18.24 Two (2) institutions were each the subject of two reports of physical abuse. One male witness
described an incident of violence when his attempts to avoid sexual abuse were stopped by a
‘clattering around the face with open hands’ and having his head held in the toilet bowl.
18.25 Seven (7) female witness reports related to continuous hard physical work in residential
laundries, which was generally unpaid. Two (2) witnesses said that the regime was ‘like a
prison’, that doors were locked all the time and exercise was taken in an enclosed yard.
Working conditions were harsh and included standing for long hours, constantly washing laundry
in cold water, and using heavy irons for many hours. One witness described working hard,
standing in silence and being made to stand for meals and kneel to beg forgiveness if she
spoke. Another witness stated that she was punched and hit as a threat not to disclose details
of her everyday life working in the laundry to her family. Three (3) witnesses gave the following
accounts of physical abuse:
Every morning we were up at 5 o’clock in the summer and 6 o’clock in the winter. We
slaved all day.... They starved and worked us to death while they lived in luxury. The
nuns were all very hard and nasty, they used to shave our hair off ...distressed... we
had to suffer in silence. I hope no one has to suffer like us. We had nowhere to run or
no one would believe you.... I often burned myself...(while working, ironing) ... but got no
sympathy ...distressed.... One time I had a terrible arm, it didn’t heal up, I had burned it
and the dye of the uniform ran into it, and that was the first time I saw a doctor....
•
You couldn’t laugh or talk in there ’cos you were just battered. A nice nun in the convent
talked to us, Sr ...X... got to hear about it and she just battered us, on the back of the
hands, anywhere, and if she got the curtain rail that would go across you. It didn’t
matter what she had in her hand. She was like a Hitler ...crying.... My whole childhood
was gone in that place.
•
We were beaten regular, I have got a mark still on my back. Mth ...X... was the evil cow,
and then there was the helpers that would hold you down while she was battering you
and they would cut lumps ... out of your hair.... I was 11 ... years old. I was battered
with a big belt both by the nun and helpers....
Injuries
18.26 Three (3) male witnesses reported that they had sustained physical injuries as a result of
assault. One witness stated that his hand was caught in a door as he attempted to escape
being sexually abused. Two (2) witnesses from another institution were punched and severely
beaten, sustaining injuries to their noses, faces and backs. One witness reported that the
assault on him stopped when co-residents intervened to protect him.
Reported abusers
18.27 Witnesses reported being physically abused by staff in the institutions and by older co-residents.
It is possible that there is some overlap between those identified by name and those who were
not named but identified by their role or function within the institution.
18.28 Three (3) religious staff, one male and two female, were named as perpetrators of physical
abuse. Four religious staff, two male and two female, were not named but identified by
witnesses as authority figures. One male lay care staff was identified by name and five other lay
staff were identified by position, including a Resident Manager. The Committee heard two
witness accounts of abuse by older co-residents one of whom commented that he believed the
physical assault was instigated by the Resident Manager.
Sexual abuse
or another person.3
18.29 This section presents the evidence of sexual abuse heard by the Committee from witnesses in
residential training, work and other out-of-home facilities. The majority of reports were of contact
sexual abuse, including rape and associated physical violence. Witnesses’ evidence described
both single incidents of sexual abuse and chronic abuse over an extended period. Some
witnesses provided detailed accounts of the abuse they experienced. Other accounts were
limited to clarifying the acute or chronic nature of the abuse and whether it was contact or non-
contact abuse.
18.30 Ten (10) witnesses, eight male and two female, made 10 reports of being sexually abused in
eight residential settings. Five (5) reports from male witnesses relate to abuse in Noviciates and
three others relate to aftercare hostels and other residential facilities. One female witness
reported being abused in an institution where she was employed as a ‘live-in’ domestic worker
and another gave an account of being abused over an extended period by an older co-resident
in a laundry.

18.31 The Committee heard eight witness reports of sexual abuse, including inappropriate fondling,
masturbation, vaginal, oral and anal penetration with objects, oral/genital contact and rape.
Witnesses reported that the abuse was associated with physical violence in circumstances such
as when attempting to escape the abuser, as a threat against disclosure and as a component of
the sexual assault. Two (2) witnesses described non-contact sexual abuse in the form of
3
Section 1(1)(b).

inappropriate questioning about sexual relationships and being watched while attending to
personal hygiene.
18.32 Witnesses were sexually abused in a range of locations including, classrooms, recreation
rooms, dormitory cubicles, toilets, sacristies, bedrooms, offices of religious and lay staff, and
other locations outside the institution such as sports fields and sheds.
18.33 Five (5) witnesses described isolated incidents of abuse that happened in an opportunistic
fashion over short periods of time. Five (5) other witnesses gave accounts of being abused over
a period of up to three years, including the following:
We were living in a big dormitory, a kind of cubicle thing...he ... (named religious staff)...
came down to me in the middle of the night and started talking to me, maybe once a
week or twice a week ....He showed a bit of friendship to me, I remember getting ...(a
gift) ... from him, I was delighted at the time.... I think I was going out of my mind, I
couldn’t correlate religion and sex...
18.34 Four (4) male witnesses reported being raped; in addition there were three reports of oral,
vaginal and anal penetration with objects. Two (2) of the witnesses reported being repeatedly
raped over a period up to two years by religious superiors who were involved in pastoral,
educational and sporting activities. Two (2) other witnesses reported being raped by a visiting
professional and by a lay staff member in a position of authority.
18.35 Witnesses stated that physical violence, intimidation and threats were used in order to force and
restrain them while sexual abuse was perpetrated. Two (2) male witnesses stated that the force
used in sexual abuse caused bleeding and injury. Another male witness reported that his sexual
abuse by two religious staff was accompanied by violence and inducements. He stated that in
order to avoid persistent sexual abuse he was constantly vigilant and careful not to be caught
alone with the abuser. He described placing himself with others in the most public position
possible in order to protect himself.
18.36 Four (4) other male witnesses described contact sexual abuse including forced masturbation by
the abuser, fondling of genitalia, and digital penetration.
Br ...X... he escorted me to the dressing room. He closed and bolted the door. He
started by rubbing my knee first. He then started fondling my private parts. He then
masturbated me and made me masturbate him. ... I felt so bad, ashamed.
18.37 One female witness gave an account of being sexually abused over a three-year period by an
older female co-resident who was otherwise kind to her. The witness described being isolated
from her peers and being threatened that she would be sent away if she ever told anyone about
the abuse. Another female witness was sexually abused by masturbation and fondling by a
priest in the institution where she worked.
Reported abusers
18.38 The Committee heard evidence from 10 witnesses of being sexually abused by 12 staff and
others, including an older resident. Eleven (11) of the abusers were male, five of whom were
identified by name. Others were identified by their reported position or status in relation to the
institution, as outlined in the following table:

Table 114: Position and Number of Reported Sexual Abusers – Male and Female
Position of reported physical Males Females
abusers
Religious
- Teacher 2 0
Lay
- Resident Manager 1 0
Visiting professional 1 0
Co-resident 1 1
Total 11 1
18.39 Four (4) witnesses gave accounts of rape and violent assault by four named abusers, of whom
three were religious Brothers, in addition to a visiting lay professional. Six (6) male religious in
positions of authority, two of whom were priests, were reported by witnesses to have abused
them by masturbation, fondling and voyeurism. The lay individuals reported by witnesses as
perpetrators of rape were identified as a Resident Manager, and a visiting professional. Two (2)
witness accounts were heard of sexual abuse by co-residents.
Neglect
18.40 The witness reports refer to neglect of education, health, welfare and safety and the lack of
protection from harm. Witnesses reported that these experiences had an impact on their
physical and emotional health and welfare, both at the time and in later life.
18.41 The main areas of neglect reported by witnesses from these residential settings were lack of
safety and protection from abuse, neglect of developmental and health needs, including neglect
of education, inadequate supervision of everyday care, age inappropriate work, and lack of
adequate food. Witnesses also said that there was a lack of preparation for transition to
independent living following discharge.
18.42 Eight (8) witnesses, two male and six female, made reports of neglect in relation to seven
institutions. One institution was the subject of two reports and the remaining six institutions were
each the subject of single reports.
18.43 Five (5) witnesses reported that food was inadequate and insufficient, three of whom described
being constantly hungry or ‘starving’.
You got bread and dripping. You could not eat it, but it was left there and after 3 days of
no food you’d eat it.
4

18.44 Three (3) witnesses stated that their health was neglected. One witness reported that when he
was ill his requests for medical attention were ignored and he subsequently required emergency
surgery. Two (2) female witnesses reported neglect of other aspects of their healthcare,
including no treatment for injuries and burns.
18.45 Four (4) female witnesses reported that their education, social development and emotional well-
being were neglected as they were constantly forced to work without pay for long hours, with
limited time for education or recreation. The lack of safety, adequate food and a supportive
educational environment was frequently commented by witnesses. The following witness
accounts refer to areas of neglect already mentioned:
They called it education, you learned Irish and religion, but none of us could pick it up.
There you were, standing up by the wall and you’d get battered again. How could you
learn? It was the house of horrors, everyone screaming at night, how can you learn?
You were terrified, absolutely terrified. You were “a dope” and “a dunce” and ... (they
said)... your mother was no good. ... Then you would go up to the convent and you
would be washing their pots, scrubbing the floors. It was like manna there, ...(they
had)... the best of everything, their food, ... and you would be starving. I got ...(ill).... I
was locked in a room for 3 days. She ...(religious Sister)... would throw you food on the
floor like you were a dog...
•
The first day I was shown the laundry and the next day I was put in it.... I did starching, I
did priests’ cloaks, you know the long white things they wear? I did collars, you had to
keep ironing them until they become real stiff. There was a little wooden thing you could
stand on.... There was a little bit of relief that you got a night’s sleep ... but you knew it
was wrong that I wasn’t going to school.
18.46 Two (2) male witness reports in relation to one institution described a bleak atmosphere where
there was no daily routine. They commented that there was no structure, education or activity
programme for residents who were generally unsupervised for long periods. They reported being
abused by both staff and co-residents due to the lack of supervision by the Resident Manager.
18.47 Witnesses reported that the transition to independent living was difficult due to the isolation from
the outside world and lack of preparation for discharge. Four (4) witnesses stated that they were
provided with no life skills and no aftercare on leaving the residential institution. A number
described being vulnerable to further abuse in circumstances where they had no support, they
were confused and unsettled in work and in their accommodation. Witnesses also gave
accounts of being neglected and abandoned in some instances by both their family and the
institution.
Emotional abuse
18.48 This section describes witness evidence of abuse by emotional deprivation, exposure to
constant fear and a lack of safety and protection. Emotional abuse refers to both actions and
inactions by religious and lay staff who had responsibility for the care and safety of residents
and was described as constant and pervasive. Witnesses believed this abuse contributed to
difficulties in their social, emotional and physical functioning at the time and was identified by
them as negatively affecting their psychological well-being at the time and in their later life.
5
Section 1(1)(d) as amended by section 3 the 2005 Act.

18.49 The emotional abuse reported by 13 witnesses, four male and nine female, included deprivation
of contact with a child and other family members, loss of personal identity, social isolation,
constant fear, deprivation of liberty, public humiliation, loss of affection and secure relationships.
The Committee heard evidence of verbal abuse including ridicule, public criticism and
denigration.
18.50 Ten (10) institutions were the subject of 14 reports of emotional abuse by 13 witnesses, as
follows:
• Three (3) institutions were collectively the subject of seven reports.
• Seven (7) institutions were each the subject of single reports.
Public humiliation and personal denigration

18.51 Ten (10) witnesses, three male and seven female, reported that they were emotionally abused
by being publicly humiliated and/or demeaned in the following manner: by removal of items of
clothing in public signifying ‘disgrace’, having to make public confessions, and being ridiculed in
public for bedwetting. ‘There would be a big placard stuck on your back “wet the bed” stuck on
it, and there would be a placard out in the yard, a prison yard, and your name would be stuck
on that.’
18.52 A witness reported that she was ridiculed and shamed for three days as a punishment for
breaking crockery. Others described public ridicule for breaking the rule of silence. Another
witness described having to make a public Confession each month in front of his peers as
punishment for disrupting a class and a female witness gave the following account of her
humiliation:
Down in the laundry you slaved all day. Most of the day was strict silence.... ...Sr X...
would sit on the throne and God help you if you broke your silence. She would report
you to Mth ...Y... and you would have to stand when you went in for your food, your
chair was taken away and you ate off the floor.... After 3 days you would have to kneel
in front of Mth ...Y... and you would have to say these words, I will never forget them: “I
beg almighty God’s pardon, Our Lady’s pardon. Pardon, my companions, pardon for the
bad example I have shown”. I would then take a bow and ask her could I have my seat
back.
18.53 Both male and female witnesses commented on the difficulties they experienced when they
were leaving the institutions. A male witness stated that there was ‘a label of shame’ attached to
those leaving Novitiates and that the remaining residents were told that those who left had their
‘lives destructed’ and subsequently lived in poverty.
Fear
18.54 Nine (9) witnesses were constantly fearful in anticipation of episodes of further abuse. Three (3)
male witnesses from one institution commented that they were vigilant in an environment of
threat that was unpredictable and disorganised, where they felt trapped and powerless.
It was a big ... (building) ....There was one big room with nothing in it at the time, there
was nothing for the lads.. The ...lay authority figure... wielded the baton, he would say
“tell me who done it or yous are all getting it”.... It was bleak, no pictures, no TV,
nothing. He got me with a bunch of keys and he paralyzed me ...distressed... he got me
there ...(demonstrated being punched)... with the bunch of keys.... I later got lashed, he
beat me all over... (on the)...legs, back.
18.55 The fear of being sent to a more severe environment as punishment was a constant threat for a
number of witnesses who had previously been transferred and for others who were aware such
transfers were possible.
It was clear you were there for the rest of your life. The problem was there was a fear
hanging over you because if you went to a Sister to ask for a job outside you could get
sent to a worse place. There was a worse place ... that was known about...
18.56 One witness also described having to care for babies, including a terminally ill infant, without
support, supervision or training. She regarded these expectations as abusive.
Loss of liberty and identity

18.57 Six (6) female witnesses who were placed in residential laundries reported that the loss of
liberty, social isolation and the deprivation of identity had a traumatic impact on them.
Friendships were discouraged or forbidden, communication was severely limited by the rule of
silence and doors were constantly locked. Two (2) witnesses stated that restrictions on their
liberty contributed to a feeling of being treated like a prisoner. They described their punishment
for breaking the rule of silence as having their head shaved and being made to take meals
separately from their peers.
When I got there they... (religious staff)... took all your clothes off ...crying.... Cut all your
hair off and bandaged you ... (breasts)... up so that you wouldn’t look like a girl,
because your body was sin and belonged to the devil.
•
I was locked up in the...laundry, 6 years I was there. I was told I wasn’t capable of
holding down a job. I was put in the middle of older and middle aged women, I cried for
weeks and weeks on end, I was a nobody...I was 16.... I was locked away, working 6
days a week in the laundry and in the kitchen on Sunday.... I was never beaten there or
name- called.... It was like a prison, the very same as a prison, I done nothing...
(wrong)...
18.58 Two (2) female witnesses commented that when they were admitted to different institutions at
15 years of age they were ‘given’ a name and that their own name was no longer used.
On the day of admission ... the nun said to me “from today on your name is ...X... (not
own name)... don’t tell anyone where you came from or who you are”.
18.59 One witness reported that, having been observed talking with boys, she was not allowed out of
the institution for two years except under supervision to attend healthcare appointments.
Loss of affection and attachment

18.60 The lack of affection and opportunity for attachment was reported by six witnesses who
commented on living a suppressed life without adequate and safe care, closeness or
demonstration of affection. Witnesses reported feeling disconnected from their family and in
some instances were forbidden to establish friendships with co-residents. The lack of positive
regard or words of approval was frequently commented on.
18.61 Three (3) female witnesses reported that many of their older co-residents who had given birth
were constantly denigrated. The ‘constant warning against men’ and the loss of opportunity for
age-appropriate social development had a negative impact on their ability to establish
relationships later.

Deprivation of family contact
18.62 Eight (8) witnesses reported being deprived of contact with their families or relatives. Four (4)
male witnesses stated that when they were in Novitiates they were not allowed contact with their
own family members. The deprivation extended to a restriction on mail and the exclusion of their
parents from any involvement in decisions regarding their health, welfare or education. A
witness commented that he was ‘firmly dissuaded from an ongoing relationship with my parents’.
Another male witness commented that it was forbidden to have pens and paper and another
remarked that contact with parents was referred to as ‘scandalous’. Others described the
restrictions placed on communication:
Your letters were read... (by religious staff)... going out and coming in....One time I
wrote a letter ...(saying) ... “I have a very bad headache today” ... I got the letter
back...(and was told by religious staff)... “don’t be bothering your mother”.... It was fierce
unhappiness, you couldn’t tell anyone...The pressure not to leave was fierce heavy...
•
Once a month you would be made write a letter. They would be standing over you,
everyone wrote the same, you couldn’t tell ... (what was happening).... You were in
there and under them and that was it, your family wasn’t let near you....
18.63 A female witness reported that her child, who had been in the same institution with her as an
infant was later placed in foster care. The witness stated that she was not consulted about the
placement and that the arrangements were made without her consent or knowledge.
Knowledge of abuse
18.64 The pervasive and public nature of abuse in some institutions, the fact that it was on occasion
administered by more than one person raised awareness among staff and residents. Witnesses
believed that the structure of the work and the daily routine of some institutions were known to
many, both internally and externally. Witnesses gave accounts of being verbally abused
themselves in front of others and of observing others being humiliated, threatened and
physically punished. Witnesses also gave accounts of disclosing the abuse they experienced
both within and outside the institutions. The investigation and response to disclosures of abuse
varied.
18.65 One witness reported that co-residents were aware of his abuse and intervened to stop a lay
staff member physically assault him. Two (2) witnesses, who were abused by more than one
person simultaneously, believed that the lay Resident Manager instigated staff and residents to
abuse co-residents physically.
Disclosure of abuse and outcome

18.66 Nine (9) witnesses, three male and six female, reported that they disclosed the abuse both
within and outside the institution. Three (3) female witnesses reported telling family members,
others told co-residents. Two (2) female witnesses were punished by staff when they spoke
about sexual and physical abuse. Another witness stated that she was believed and removed
from the institution when she informed a family member of her abuse. A female witness reported
that she was physically abused and threatened by a religious Sister in the presence of her
mother as she attempted to talk about what happened to her:
I said I will have to tell her ... (witness’s mother)... about me not getting educated, that’s
when I got a few little thumps. She ... (religious Sister)... punched me into the stomach
first, and stamped on my toes and said “don’t tell your mother you are not getting
education, your night classes are starting soon”. I wanted to be able to read and write ...
(Witness reported receiving no further education).... She says “if you say anything to
your mother your life will be made unbearable”.... I was 10 ... (years old)....
18.67 Four (4) witnesses reported that their disclosures initially led to further punishment and
thereafter in three instances it also led to some protective action. Two (2) witnesses were
transferred and protected by religious staff members. In one instance the witness believed a
report was made to external authorities.
18.68 Two (2) male witnesses gave accounts of being raped in circumstances of disclosure. One
witness described confiding in a religious Superior that he was sexually abused prior to entering
the Novitiate, he reported that he was subsequently raped by this Brother. Another witness
stated that he was sexually assaulted by a Resident Manager who was investigating a prior
physical assault by another staff member:
He ... (lay Resident Manager)... took me into another room and asked me what was
going on ... (inquiring about physical assault by other staff).... I was roaring and crying.
All of a sudden he slipped his hand down the back of me trousers ...witness described
digital penetration.... He hurt me and after that I was bleeding. He hurt me he did, I
didn’t know what was going on. It was the man in charge who done that....
18.69 A witness reported that she was not believed and no action was taken when she told an
external professional that she was deprived of her freedom and age-appropriate socialisation in
the institution.
18.70 Fifteen (15) witnesses reported that aspects of their experiences in these out-of-home
placements were positive, and they had some good memories of their time in institutional care.
Five (5) witnesses reported that the general routine including educational, recreational and
social activities was positive and enjoyable.
18.71 Two (2) witnesses reported that kind nuns supported them, provided occasional treats, and
facilitated excursions outside the institutions. Two (2) male witnesses commented that,
notwithstanding the sexual abuse they experienced, they also had positive encounters with their
abusers. Other witnesses valued the opportunity for friendships with co-residents while in the
institutions.
18.72 Many witnesses reported that visits from their parents and contact with family were valuable and
sustained them while they were in the institutions. Others commented that any contact with the
outside world was appreciated.
18.73 Four (4) witnesses reported that the institutions provided them with respite and protection from
the physical or sexual abuse they had experienced prior to their admission while in the care of
their families.
18.74 The Act enabled the Committee to hear both evidence of child abuse and the continuing effects
on those who suffered abuse. In the course of their hearings witnesses provided information
about their social circumstances, relationships, and the enduring effects of their abusive
experiences on their psychological, emotional and physical health. This section contains some
unavoidable overlap with the details of 13 witnesses who also reported abuse in other
institutions.
18.75 Ten (10) witnesses reported that they returned to their family home when they left the residential
facility. A number of the witnesses described difficulties reintegrating with their family and left
home within a short period. Four (4) of the 10 witnesses stated that they were sexually or
physically abused by family members when they returned home.
18.76 Two (2) witnesses gave accounts of being placed in work situations by religious staff and seven
others were transferred to Industrial or Reformatory Schools or residential laundries. Others
described periods of homelessness and early involvement in criminal activity on leaving the
institution.
Relationships
18.77 Eighteen (18) witnesses reported having difficulties establishing stable adult relationships. They
described particular difficulties in relation to trust, intimacy and safe partnerships that were free
of violence.
I used to be roaring and bawling after I married...it was the first bit of love I was ever
shown in my life. I do try to be with people and get in contact with them, but something
gets in the way, I can’t do it...
18.78 Many witnesses gave accounts of ambivalent, unstable and disrupted relationships
characterised by conflict, abuse and unhappiness. Six (6) witnesses gave accounts of marital
violence, three of whom reported having histories of criminal convictions. Eleven (11) witnesses
reported that they were divorced or had separated from their original partner or spouse and a
number of those witnesses were in new relationships at the time of their hearing. Five (5)
witnesses reported a happy or stable marriage lasting many years, or a happy second
partnership.
Parenting
18.79 Nineteen (19) witnesses reported having children of their own. A number of witnesses
commented that relationships with their children who were born later in the witnesses’ lives were
less conflicted as they had achieved a greater degree of stability in their lives over the years.
Many witnesses who reported having their own children described variable parenting
relationships over different stages of their children’s development.
I did the best with what I had, which wasn’t a whole lot ...I feel guilty and I will do till the
day I die...It was partly my fault for the kids turning out that way, but I had no role model
as a mother I knew no better.... She...(daughter)... blames me for everything that went
wrong in her life, she says I was never there for her....The poor kids missed out on so
much, I did not know how to hug or kiss or cuddle them...
18.80 Seven (7) witnesses described having difficulties, including being unable to show affection,
being harsh, and at times abusive when their children were young. These difficulties were said
to have contributed to the subsequent loss of contact with children. Four (4) witnesses reported
that they were not involved in rearing their own children. Two (2) of these witnesses had
children placed for adoption and two others had children who were reared in out-of-home care.
18.81 Five (5) witnesses reported enjoying stable and happy relationships with their children.
18.82 Four (4) witnesses reported that their children had difficulties related to alcohol or drug
addiction, and two others stated that their children were ‘in and out’ of prison.
They had it terrible with me. One of them is a pure junkie and the other has a problem
with the drink, I think he has HIV. His children are in care. I never told them any of me
problems. She ...(his spouse)... used to hide the kids when I’d come in with the drink, I’d
be roaring and shouting.

18.83 At the time of their hearing most witnesses were or had been employed for a substantial period
of their lives. Table 115 illustrates the employment status of witnesses at the time of their
hearing:
Table 115: Witnesses’ Employment Status at Time of Hearing – Male and Female
Employment status Males Females Total witnesses
Employed 3 3 6
Retired 0 3 3
Unemployed 4 1 5
Self-employed 2 1 3
Total 12 13 25
18.84 Four (4) of the witnesses who were unemployed described a history of alcohol/drug abuse
and/or reported that they had served a period in prison. Others reported that they had periods of
employment but were unable to settle, had difficulties with authority in the workplace or with
peers, and as a result they changed jobs frequently. A number of witnesses reported that they
had been successful in their own businesses where they valued their autonomy and had control
over their work situation. Others sought work where they were isolated and did not have to mix
with colleagues: ‘It was after all the staff left, I had a cleaning job everyone was gone and I was
on my own, it suited me that way, I didn’t mix.’
18.85 The following table illustrates witnesses’ occupational status6 at the time of their hearing:

Professional 0 1 1
Non-manual 3 2 5
Semi-skilled 1 1 2
Unskilled 5 9 14
Managerial 2 0 2
Total 12 13 25
18.86 More than half the witnesses were categorised as unskilled, a number of them reported that
they had received an inadequate education and that their employment opportunities were
limited. Nine (9) witnesses reported that they were still working at the time of their hearing.
6

Accommodation
18.87 The majority of witnesses reported having stable housing arrangements, including more than
half who owned their own homes. The following table outlines witnesses’ accommodation type
reported by them at the time of their hearing:
Table 117: Accommodation of Witnesses at Time of Hearing – Male and Female

Owner Occupiers 5 9 14
Local authority/council housing 1 2 3
Institution 1 0 1
With friends 1 0 1
Unavailable 3 2 5
Total 12 13 25
18.88 Four (4) witnesses reported that they had periods of homelessness or had spent periods of time
in transient accommodation.
Health
18.89 Witnesses provided information about their general health and well-being either directly or in the
context of describing other aspects of their lives in the course of their hearing. For the purpose
of writing this Report the Committee categorised the witnesses’ physical and mental health
status as good, reasonable or poor based on their past and current health history provided by
them at their hearing.
18.90 The following table describes the current status of witnesses’ physical health:
Table 118: Current Physical Health Status – Male and Female Residential Laundries,
Good 6 5 11
Reasonable 4 4 8
Poor 1 4 5
No record 1 0 1
Total 12 13 25
18.91 Witnesses whose health was categorised as good described a range of arthritic, bronchial or
vascular conditions that were not considered by them to be debilitating. Those witnesses who
described reasonable physical health reported having conditions associated with arthritis,
circulation and back pain. Five (5) witnesses who described poor physical health reported
histories of hypertension and digestive disorders that had a significant impact on their day-to-
day lives.
I got lots of complications nervous tummy, that’s tension. I’m on tablets for blood
pressure and the tension...
18.92 Witnesses described considerable mental health difficulties that in many instances continued to
affect their everyday lives. The following table provides an overview of the mental health status
described by witnesses:
Table 119: Current Mental Health Status – Male and Female Residential Laundries,
Good 1 3 4
Reasonable 6 4 10
Poor 5 6 11
Total 12 13 25
18.93 Four (4) witnesses who described good mental health reported that their early adult lives were
marked by ‘turmoil’, including unplanned pregnancies, suicide attempts, and episodes of
depression. Those who said they were now living more fulfilled and independent lives stated
that among the factors that had contributed to their recovery were receiving counselling, hearing
apologies issued by their abusers and having their abuse acknowledged.
18.94 The witnesses whose mental health was categorised by the Committee as reasonable based on
the information provided reported suffering occasionally with anxiety, depression and problems
related to alcohol abuse. Witnesses also described feelings of sadness and resentment about
past abuse that at times led to tearfulness. Many witnesses reported that these concerns
continued to negatively effect their lives notwithstanding their attempts to suppress painful
memories.
18.95 The 11 witnesses whose mental health was categorised as poor reported a history of
depression, repeated suicide attempts, alcohol abuse and repeated hospital admissions. They
described high levels of anxiety, sleep disturbance, ongoing suicidal thoughts and attempts. Half
of those witnesses reported requiring continued medication. Other aspects of mental health
difficulties described were feelings of paranoia, volatility and at times feeling ‘tortured’ with
flashbacks. The witnesses reported that their experiences of childhood abuse continued to affect
their lives, contributing to trauma and ill health that impacted on their family and work
relationships.
I was very ill, I was hospitalised...I would be very edgy...the doctor asked me a few
questions. He recommended me to go to see the psychiatric unit.... I have been
attending counselling since, I am on medication...
18.96 More that half the witnesses who reported abuse in residential work and other settings reported
episodes of self-harm and suicidal thoughts; six had attempted to take their own lives.

18.97 Nineteen (19) witnesses described ongoing distress and difficulty coping with their personal,
family and work lives. They reported that they continued to suffer with a range of problems
associated with the trauma of their abuse. One female witness gave an account of a recurring
nightmare where she ‘is locked there for life’; her previous experience of being forced to stay in
a closed institution was described as having had an enduring effect on her adult life.
18.98 The following table illustrates the effects on their lives described by 12 male and 13 female
witnesses. They are not mutually exclusive and were not prioritised by witnesses.

Table 120: Reported Effects on Adult Life – Male and Female Residential Laundries,
Effects on adult life* Number Effects on Adult Life* Number
of of
reports reports
Counselling required 9 Lack of trust 9
Alcohol abuse 8 Mood instability 8
Suicidal feelings or attempt 8 Suicidal feelings or attempts 8
Lack of trust 7 Counselling required 7
Aggressive behaviour – physical 6 Nightmares 7
Angry 6 Angry 6
Loner 6 Tearfulness 6
Mood instability 6 Feelings related to being a victim 6
Post-traumatic effect 5 Lack of self-worth 6
Aggressive behaviour – 4 Abuse not easily forgotten 5
psychological
Aggressive behaviour – verbal 4 Anxious and fearful 5
Feeling different from peers 4 Feeling isolated 5
Gender and sexual identity problems 4 Loner 4
Nightmares 3 Unable to show feelings to children 4
Sexual problems 3 Unable to show feelings to partner 4
Sleep disturbance 3 Feeling different from peers 3
Abuse not easily forgotten 2 Sleep disturbance 3
Anxious and fearful 2 Unable to settle 3
Fear of failure 3 Withdrawal 3
Feeling isolated 3 Aggressive behaviour – verbal 2
Feelings related to being a victim 2 Alcohol abuse 2
Feelings related to being powerless 2 Feelings related to being powerless 2
Issues of needing approval 3 Issues of self-blame 2
Over harsh with children 2 Over harsh with children 2
Unable to show feelings to partner 2 Overprotective of children 2
Withdrawal 2 Aggressive behaviour – 1
psychological
Tearfulness 1 Issues of needing approval 1

*Witnesses could report more than one effect
18.99 The Committee heard accounts from many witnesses of difficulties settling in employment or
relationships following their discharge, which in many instances continued through their later
adult lives. They described frequent movement between Ireland and the UK, life-long isolation
and loss of family contact.
When I came out I was like a wild cat, I did not know what way to turn.... My life is
destroyed. I never go outside the door...
•
I used to go down with the drink, I kept moving jobs.... All my life I blamed myself, I had
the guilt of it....When I realised I was a victim, in counselling, in the last few years up to
that I blamed myself....I blame myself for not being that friendly with any of my brothers
and sisters....
•
Once you have been there ... (abused)... you never get out of their sights. I never come
back since the day I left this country....
18.100 Witnesses gave accounts of physical or verbal aggression that affected their relationships.
Others described enduring feelings of anger and reported that their abusive experiences are not
easily forgotten.
When I drank no one could ever hurt me, no one could physically hurt me again. I drank
like a fish.... I’d get terrible flashbacks ... (to episodes of sexual abuse with violence)...
and then I’d get panic attacks. I had no respect for myself.... I had numerous
hospitalizations ...described attempts at self-harm.... I ended up in the ... (homeless
shelter).... There’s a child ... that I haven't seen for ... years. There was no point
because of the drink.
18.101 All male witnesses who reported abuse in Novitiates stated that they left the religious
Communities as young adults. They gave accounts of feeling disconnected for many years and
had difficulties settling in work, relationships and accommodation. Three (3) witnesses described
experiencing shame as having ‘let the whole family down’ or that they had brought shame on
both themselves and their families. One male witness commented that he found it difficult to live
in Ireland with the label of having failed to complete religious training. Witnesses reported that
treatment for depression, alcohol abuse, and issues related to trust and anger contributed to
more settled lives and relationships in later years.
18.102 Fifteen (15) witnesses reported that they required counselling and therapy currently or in the
past, a number of whom described the benefit for themselves and for their families.
My counsellor, she was a life-saver really. She understands, she was very conscious of
the fact of the effect it could have on me. She is the one person I don’t feel ashamed
with, I felt ashamed most of my life, I felt bad most of my life. I’m working hard at not
feeling bad again.... When I walk up the street I’m still very much on the edge....
18.103 Six (6) male witnesses reported that they had histories of involvement in criminal activity and
associated violence, four of whom gave accounts of having served custodial sentences. These
witnesses each reported being abused in more than one out-of-home facility as children.
...Thirty five years ago this happened to me.... I know I’m a decent person or I was a
decent person until I was 14 years of age, I didn’t know anything. I just feel bitter and
resentful, why I couldn’t have a better life, a better marriage and do the things a father
wants to be? I’ll never be their father because I’m not around.... It carried with me all my
life, the violence, which I’m not proud of...
18.104 Difficulties in work situations, overcoming poor self-image, lack of self-worth and educational
disadvantage was commonly reported. Female witnesses described being anxious, fearful,
lacking trust and having episodes of tearfulness. A number of those who had experienced abuse
in laundries and other residential facilities described effects such as claustrophobia, sleep
disturbance, enduring anger, and shame related to having been ‘inside an institution’. Other
witnesses described feelings of guilt and self-blame, which in some instances led them to feel
that they were responsible for the sexual and other abuse they had suffered:
I couldn’t have a man who showed friendship to me. Every time you had a good job I
moved....There was a man who ... (offered assistance with employment)...I couldn’t trust
him. That happened a lot of times in my life...
18.105 A number of witnesses commented to the Committee that the effects of their childhood abuse
‘are still felt’, and as one witness reported; ‘for several years I had nightmares of being drawn
back to the Institution’. Others remarked that coping with memories of childhood abuse is a
constant struggle:
The older I get I find these years haunt me, I will carry it to the grave with me.... The
nuns made you feel as if you’re a nobody and you never have any roots.... As the years
go by you try not to be spiteful, I try not to be bitter. ... I have bad days and then I have
good days.

Chapter 19
Concluding comments
19.01 This volume of the Commission’s report presents the compiled oral evidence of over 1,000
witnesses who attended the Confidential Committee to report their childhood experiences of
abuse in Irish institutions between 1914 and 2000. In most instances the reported abuse
occurred while witnesses were in the care of the State. They reported being physically, sexually
and emotionally abused and neglected by religious and lay adults who had responsibility for
their care, and by others in the absence of adequate care and supervision.
19.02 The following chapter highlights aspects of the recounted evidence of childhood abuse
including; the circumstances in which it occurred, the level of awareness of that abuse in society
at the time, the function of the reported abusers in the childrens’ lives and the intergenerational
consequences of the abuse witnesses experienced. Proposals for change in order to better
protect children in the future are summarised.
19.03 Witnesses gave many reasons for attending to give evidence to the Confidential Committee,
predominantly a wish to contribute to an official account of the abuse they experienced as
children in out-of-home care. Most expressed the hope that a formal record of their experiences
would contribute to a greater understanding of the circumstances in which such abuse occurs
and would assist in the future protection of children.
19.04 The Committee heard oral evidence of abuse in 216 different settings including; Industrial and
Reformatory Schools, primary and second-level schools, Children’s Homes, hospitals, foster
care, schools and residential facilities for children with special needs, hostels, residential group
homes, novitiates, laundries and other settings where children were placed away from their
families. There were multiple reports of abuse in relation to many of the identified settings.
19.05 Witnesses who reported abuse to the Confidential Committee were most often in out-of-home
care placements from an early age. Most witnesses were admitted to such care from parental or
extended family homes, generally for reasons associated with their social circumstances,
including; poverty, parental illness and death, marital separation, non-marital birth, special
needs, unemployment and lack of care and protection. With the exception of witnesses who
reported being abused in primary and second-level schools the majority of witnesses to the
Committee were deprived of contact with their parents, extended family or others to whom they
could confide while in the schools, institutions or settings where the reported abuse occurred.
19.06 More than 90% of all witnesses reported being physically abused while in out-of-home care. In
addition to being hit and beaten witnesses described other forms of abuse such as being
flogged, kicked and otherwise physically assaulted, scalded, burned and held under water.
Witnesses reported being beaten publicly in front of other staff, residents, patients and pupils as
well as in private. Many reports were heard of witnesses being beaten naked and partially
clothed, both in private and in front of others. They reported being beaten and physically
assaulted with implements that were for the specific purpose of inflicting pain and punishment,
such as leather straps, bamboo canes and wooden sticks. In addition, witnesses gave evidence
that everyday implements were routinely utilised for the purpose of striking children. Witnesses
described pervasive abuse as part of their daily lives.
19.07 Physical abuse was reported to have been perpetrated by religious and lay staff, older residents
and others who were associated with the schools and institutions. Detailed accounts were heard
of injuries received as a result of physical assaults perpetrated by staff in the institutions,
including broken bones, head injuries and lacerations that required medical treatment and
hospitalisation. Witnesses consistently commented on the fact that nobody spoke to them or
enquired about the cause of their injuries and that efforts were made to conceal injuries.
19.08 Sexual abuse was reported by more than half of all the witnesses. Acute and chronic contact
and non-contact sexual abuse was reported, including vaginal and anal rape, molestation and
voyeurism, in both isolated assaults and on a regular basis over long periods of time. The secret
nature of sexual abuse was repeatedly emphasised as facilitating its occurrence. Both
residential and day settings provided opportunities for perpetrators of sexual abuse to assault
children in the absence of adequate supervision and through the failure of individuals and
organisations to recognise potential risk to children.
19.09 Witnesses reported being sexually abused by religious and lay staff in the schools and
institutions and by co-residents and others, including professionals, both within and external to
the institutions. They also reported being sexually abused by members of the general public,
including volunteer workers, visitors, work placement employers, foster parents, and others who
had unsupervised contact with residents in the course of everyday activities. Sexual abuse was
reported to have occurred both within the institutions and when children were taken away for
excursions, holidays or to work for others.
19.10 Disclosing sexual abuse generally provoked disbelief and further abuse. Witnesses who
disclosed sexual abuse were subjected to severe recrimination by those who had responsibility
for their care and protection. Female witnesses described, at times, being told they were
responsible for the sexual abuse they experienced, by both their abuser and those to whom
they disclosed abuse.
19.11 Neglect was frequently described by witnesses in the context of physical, sexual and emotional
abuse. Neglect of a child’s care and welfare occurred both in the form of what was done to them
by those who were responsible for their care and what they failed to do to protect and nurture
them. Lack of adequate food, warmth, clothing, health care, hygiene and recreation are
indicators of neglect of the care of children. Failure to provide for their safety, education and
development are further indicators of neglect about which the Committee heard many reports,
and which had implications for health, employment, social and economic status in later life.
19.12 Emotional abuse was also reported by witnesses in the form of lack of attachment and affection,
loss of identity, deprivation of family contact, humiliation, personal denigration, exposure to fear
and the threat of harm. Furthermore, many witnesses recalled the devastating emotional impact
and feeling of powerlessness associated with observing their co-residents, siblings or others
being abused. This trauma was acute for those who were forced to participate in such
incidents.
19.13 Awareness of the abuse of children in schools and institutions was believed to exist within
society at both official and unofficial levels. Professionals, including Government Inspectors,
medical practitioners, and teachers had a role in relation to various aspects of children’s welfare
while they were in schools and institutions. Local people were employed in most of the
residential facilities as professional, care and ancillary staff. In addition, members of the public
had contact with children in out-of-home care in the course of providing services to the
institutions both at a formal and informal level. Witnesses commented that while many of those
people were aware that life for children in the schools and institutions was difficult they failed to
take action to protect them.
19.14 Contemporary complaints were made to the Gardaı́, the Department of Education and others by
witnesses, their parents and relatives, generally in the aftermath of an injury, when visible marks
of a beating were observed or when a child who had run away was being returned to a
children’s home, reformatory or industrial school. Gardaı́ were at times reported to request
leniency on the child’s behalf when they were returned, in the knowledge that absconders were
harshly treated.
19.15 Children with intellectual, physical and sensory impairments and children who had no known
family contact were especially vulnerable in institutional settings. They described being
powerless against adults who abused them, especially when those adults were in positions of
authority and trust. Impaired mobility and communication deficits made it impossible to inform
others of their abuse or to resist it. Children who were unable to hear, see, speak, move or
adequately express themselves were at a complete disadvantage in environments that did not
recognise or facilitate their right to be heard.
19.16 The enduring impact of childhood abuse was described by many witnesses who, while reporting
that as adults they enjoyed good relationships and successful careers, had learned to live with
their traumatic memories. Many other witnesses reported that their adult lives were blighted by
childhood memories of fear and abuse. They gave accounts of troubled relationships and loss of
contact with their siblings, extended families and with their own children. They also described
lives marked by poverty, social isolation, alcoholism, mental illness, sleep disturbance,
aggressive behaviour and self harm.
19.17 Seventy percent (70%) of witnesses reported receiving no second-level education and, while
many witnesses reported having successful careers in business and professional fields, the
majority of witnesses heard by the Committee reported being in manual and unskilled work for
their entire working lives.
19.18 Testimony provided by over 1,000 men and women who attended the Confidential Committee to
report their accounts of childhood abuse gave rise to the following proposals for consideration in
the Commission’s overall recommendations for the future:
• The promotion of a child’s health and well-being are dependent on their physical,
emotional, educational and social needs being met. Children in out-of-home care
require a comprehensive care plan to address those needs.
• An extra duty of care exists in relation to children and young people who are cared
for in loco parentis. The history, patterns and risk factors in relation to the abuse of
vulnerable children need to be acknowledged, understood and recorded.
• Children from a background of deprivation and poverty are at greater risk of abuse.
Effective early intervention programmes which support and assist parents to maintain
their children in safe environments minimise the risk of abuse.
• As physical abuse continues to be a commonly experienced form of child abuse, it is
essential that education, training, and support services are availabel to assist those
with responsibility for the care of children. The legality of physical abuse requires
review.
• Fear, shame, guilt, and loyalty to family and carers militate against disclosing sexual
abuse. Grooming and the predatory behaviour of sexual abusers combined with the
secret and isolated nature of the abuse itself are common features of the sexual
abuse of children, most notably in closed systems.
• Failure to speak directly to children about what happened to them allowed abuse to
continue. In order to properly promote the safety and welfare of children and young
people services need to take considered account of the childs’ perspective and
enable their voices and wishes to be heard.
• The need for a secure attachment and affectional bond with a consistent care-giver is
critical to the emotional well-being of a child. Institutional care and the associated
frequent changes of care-giver and multiple foster care and other placements fail to
meet this fundamental need.
• Children need to know who they are, where they came from and the details
necessary to establishing their individual identity, such as their birth and health
records, photos of people close to them and of themselves at different stages of their
childhoods.
• The absence of official records, information and documentation that validate identity
had a detrimental effect on the lives of many men and women who were reared in
out-of-home care. Contact with parents and extended family and their involvement in
planning and decision making regarding all aspects of children’s and young people’s
development is critical to their sense of belonging and identity.
• Civil society has a responsibility to ensure the safety of children. Many people,
including extended family members, neighbours, staff in schools, hospitals and other
health services, had some awareness of the abuse of children in schools and
institutions in the past and failed to act to protect them.
• Procedures to facilitate access to services with a statutory responsibility for the
protection of children are required. Raising public awareness regarding the reality of
child abuse and establishing clear procedures which enable children, staff and others
to make complaints and raise concerns about the welfare of children would assist in
the prevention of child abuse.
• Policies that recognise the reality of child abuse are vital to ensure that disclosures of
harm and abuse by children and young people are not ignored. Procedures for inter-
agency cooperation, including clarification of roles and responsibilities, need
comprehensive review, continuous monitoring and evaluation to ensure they remain
relevant and effective.
• Children and young people with special needs may be particularly vulnerable due to
a disability and require the expertise of specifically trained staff to assist
communication and assess risk of abuse. Dedicated in-patient facilities for children
and young people with mental illness should be developed.
• The duty of care for children and young people reliant on the care and protection of
the State extends beyond the time of discharge. Comprehensive aftercare services
that assist young people in the transition to independent living are vital.
• All out-of-home placements for children and young people, whether in primary,
secondary or tertiary care, require regular inspection on a statutory basis to ensure
the proper duty of care is being fulfilled by those in charge.
• Services where children and young people are cared for away from their families
require independent inspection and oversight to ensure that their needs are not
compromised. Witness evidence points to the fact that when services are not
independently inspected and monitored abuse occurs and continues.

Appendix 1
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AN BILLE UM CHOIMISIÚN CHUN DROCHÚSÁID LEANAÍ A FHIOSRÚ, 2000

COMMISSION TO INQUIRE INTO CHILD ABUSE BILL, 2000
————————
EXPLANATORY MEMORANDUM
————————
General
The purpose of the Bill is to establish a commission to be known as the Commission to
Inquire into Child Abuse. The Commission will have three primary functions. Firstly, to provide
for people who suffered abuse in childhood in institutions a forum in which they can tell of that
abuse. Secondly, to inquire into allegations of abuse and to determine its nature, the
circumstances in which it occurred and its extent as well as establishing the extent to which
institutions, management and regulatory authorities had responsibility for the abuse. Thirdly, to
publish a report to the public. In its report the Commission may identify institutions in which
abuse occurred, and the persons who committed it. It may also make findings as to the
responsibility in respect of abuse of the management, supervisory and regulatory authorities and
may identify persons who carried out, or failed to carry out, their functions. The report may also
contain recommendations relating to the measures necessary to address the continuing effect of
abuse on people who suffered it and recommendations relating to the prevention of child abuse
in institutions.
Provisions of the Bill
Section 1 defines the terms used in the Bill:
“abuse” is given a broad definition and includes causing physical injury to a child; using a child
for sexual gratification; failure to care for a child where this seriously affects a child's health,
development, behaviour or welfare and any other act or failure to act which results in serious
damage to the health, development, behaviour or welfare of a child;
“child” is defined as a person who has not reached 18 years of age at the time the abuse was
committed;
“institution” means any place where a child is cared for other than in the family setting. It
includes a school, an industrial school, a reformatory school, an orphanage, a hospital or a
children's home;
“relevant period” is defined in such a way as to allow flexibility to the Commission to decide
what period its inquiries will cover. The definition specifically refers to the period from 1940 up to
1999, but the Commission can investigate incidents of abuse before and indeed after this date if
it so decides.
The definitions section also provides in subsection (2) that references to abuse in institutions
include abuse which occurred outside an institution to a child who was at the time resident there
and which was assisted or contributed to in any way by a person connected with the institution.
Section 2 provides that the Minister for Education and Science will by order determine the day
when the Commission is to be established.
Section 3 provides that the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse will be established on a
day decided by the Minister for Education and Science. It will have corporate status with a
separate legal identity. Subsection (3) specifically provides for the independence of the
Commission, and its members, in the performance of their functions. Once the Minister is
satisfied that the Commission has completed its task, he or she may by order dissolve it. This
will not be done without consulting the Chairperson of the Commission.
Section 4 sets out the main functions of the Commission. These can be broadly divided into
two main areas. Firstly, the Commission will give an opportunity for people who have suffered
abuse in an institution to tell of that abuse. The other main function of the Commission will be
investigative in nature. The Commission, through its Committees, will investigate the abuse of
children in institutions; determine the causes, nature, circumstances and extent of the abuse;
and determine the extent to which the institutions, their management, administration and
regulation contributed to abuse. The Commission will also prepare and publish a report on its
findings (for more details on the report see section 5). Investigations carried out by the
Commission will be conducted in whatever way the Commission decides is most appropriate.
Subsection (4) provides that the Government may confer additional powers on the Commission
which are connected with the functions provided in the Bill. The purpose of this provision is to
allow for some flexibility should the Commission find as it progresses in its work that it needs
additional functions to carry out its mission effectively.
Subsection (6) of this section addresses the unique circumstances and difficulties associated
with a commission inquiring into abuse of people in childhood. The Bill requires the Commission
and its Committees to bear in mind the need of people who have suffered child abuse to tell
others of that abuse, the difficulty they may experience in doing this and the possible benefits
that may result in telling their story. The Commission is obliged to try to ensure that the
atmosphere in which the telling of abuse occurs is one which is as sympathetic and informal as
possible, given the rights of others and the requirements of justice. The Commission
proceedings are also to be as informal as is possible in all the circumstances.
Section 5 provides that the Commission will publish a report to the general public within two
years of its establishment setting out the result of its inquiries and its findings. In the report the
Commission may make recommendations on how the effects of abuse on victims can be
addressed and on measures to prevent abuse in institutions. If the Commission is satisfied that
abuse of children occurred in a particular institution, it can name the institution concerned and
the people responsible for the abuse. The report can also include findings in relation to the
management, administration, operation and regulation of the institution and the people who
exercised these functions. However, the report must not identify people who were abused or
contain findings in individual cases of alleged abuse. Subsection (4) provides that in the case of
findings based on findings of the Confidential Committee, the report must state that the
evidence relating to such findings was not and could not be challenged and was not
corroborated (unless it has been corroborated). These provisions arise from the fact that the
Confidential Committee (see section 15) will receive evidence in total confidence from people
who do not wish to have their allegations of abuse inquired into. The Commission may publish
interim reports if this is necessary.
Section 6 provides that the Commission will be composed of a chairperson and a number of
ordinary members. The Chairperson will be appointed by the Government. The ordinary
members will also be appointed by the Government, following consultation with the Chairperson.
Section 7 provides for arrangements for the holding of meetings and provides that the
Commission itself will determine the manner in which it will conduct its procedures and whether
meetings will be held in public or not. Subsection (4) provides for the making of a record of the
Commission's proceedings and how the records of the Commission are to be dealt with after the
Commission is dissolved.
Section 8 provides for the seal of the Commission.
Section 9 provides for the appointment and secondment of members of staff of the
Commission. The Commission may appoint its own staff subject to the consent of the Minister
for Education and Science and the Minister for Finance. In addition, the Minister for Education
and Science and the Minister for Health and Children may second members of their staffs to
assist the Commission.
Section 10 provides that there will be two committees established within the Commission — a
Confidential Committee and an Investigation Committee. Each member of a Committee will be a
member of the Commission and a person is prohibited from serving on both committees. It will
be possible for a Committee to hold hearings outside the State.
Section 11 provides for the meetings and procedures of Committees. Meetings of the
Confidential Committee will be held in private. Meetings of the Investigation Committee during
which evidence is given about individual cases of alleged abuse will be held in private. Other
meetings of the Investigation Committee will be held in public or in private as the Committee
decides. The Committees will determine their own procedures.
Section 12 provides for the main functions of the Investigation Committee — to give victims of
abuse an opportunity to tell their story; to investigate that abuse; to determine the nature of the
abuse and why it happened; to determine the extent to which the institutions, and the way they
were managed and regulated, contributed to the abuse and to report to the Commission as a
whole.
Section 13 provides that the Investigation Committee will prepare a report on the results of its
inquiries and present it to the Commission. If it is satisfied that abuse of children occurred in a
particular institution, the Committee can include this in its report, and can name the institution
and the people responsible for the abuse. The report can also include findings in relation to the
management and regulation of the institution and as to the people responsible for these
functions. The report will not contain findings on any particular case of alleged abuse. The
Committee may make interim reports.
Section 14 provides for the Investigation Committee's powers. These include powers to
compel witnesses to attend the Committee and to produce documents either in person or by
sending them to the Committee; to make discovery of documents in a similar manner as arises
in High Court proceedings and to give any other directions necessary for the carrying out of its
inquiries. In exercising these powers the Committee shall have the powers, rights and privileges
of the High Court. If a person fails to comply with a direction of the Committee, the Committee
may apply to the High Court for an order directing the person to comply. A person who fails to
comply with a direction of the Committee, who refuses to take the oath or refuses to answer a
question or who otherwise acts in a way which if done before a court would be contempt of
court will be guilty of a criminal offence and subject to the penalties set out in section 35. The
Committee may examine witnesses on commission outside the State. A person who gives false
evidence to the Committee will be guilty of an offence and will be liable to a penalty in the same
way as a person who commits perjury before a court.
Section 15 provides for the functions of the Confidential Committee. Its primary purpose is to
provide an opportunity for abuse victims who wish to tell of the abuse suffered by them but who
do not wish to have that abuse inquired into. This Committee therefore is largely therapeutic in
its functions and as a result it will make general findings only.
Section 16 provides that the Confidential Committee will prepare a report setting out its
general findings. The report must not identify people who were abused or contain findings in
individual cases of alleged abuse. The report will be presented to the Commission. The
Committee may make interim reports.
Section 17 provides that statements by members of the Commission or a person working for
the Commission will enjoy absolute privilege. This applies to statements made since the
establishment of the commission to inquire into child abuse established by a Government
decision of 11 May, 1999.
Section 18 provides that a person who provides evidence to the Commission, an inquiry
officer or to a person appointed by the Commission to interview witnesses outside the State will
be covered by the same privileges and immunities as a witness before the High Court.
Section 19 provides that, a victim of abuse may decide to stop giving evidence to a
Committee, decide not to give any evidence to any Committee or decide to change Committees.
If a victim decides to change Committees, the evidence given will be disregarded other than in a
prosecution for perjury or obstructing the Commission.
Section 20 provides that the Minister for Education and Science may draw up a scheme
whereby witnesses at the Commission or a Committee may be paid reasonable expenses.
Subsection (4) provides in particular for the paying of expenses relating to the discovery
process.
Section 21 contains a number of provisions relating to the giving of evidence to the
Commission or Committees. A person will not be entitled to refuse to answer a question or to
refuse to hand over a document to the Investigation Committee on the ground that the answer
or the document might incriminate him or her. On the other hand a statement or admission
made before the Commission or a Committee, to a person taking evidence abroad, to an inquiry
officer or in a document prepared for any of these bodies or people will not be admissible
against the person making it or his or her employer. These provisions are aimed at encouraging
maximum co-operation with the Commission's investigation functions.
Section 22 provides for the taking of evidence on oath.
Section 23 provides for the appointment of inquiry officers whose primary function will be to
carry out preliminary inquiries with witnesses and potential witnesses before the Commission or
the Committees. The purpose of this exercise is to assist the Commission and the Committees
by establishing in advance the kind of evidence which witnesses propose to give and the areas
where evidence of one person will be contested or agreed by others. The inquiry officers will
operate on the basis of the consent of the witnesses concerned. In effect, if a witness refuses to
co-operate, the Commission may rely on its compellability and other powers.
Section 24 enables the Commission to appoint advisers and researchers.
Section 25 empowers the Commission to seek the approval of the High Court for any act it
proposes to carry out or on any matter relating to such an act. The purpose of this provision is
to give legal certainty to the acts and decisions of the Commission and thereby avoid litigation.
The Court may make whatever order or direction it considers appropriate. In general the Court
is to give priority to such requests.
Section 26 provides that the High Court may order the disclosure of information to the
Commission or the Investigation Committee where it considers this to be in the public interest,
even if the disclosure is prohibited by law. The provision is an added guarantee that the
Commission and Committee cannot be hampered in their investigations.
Section 27 relates to information provided to the Confidential Committee. Since this
Committee will hear evidence of abuse only from people who do not wish to submit to the
investigation process and whose evidence will not be challenged or inquired into, the section
places a prohibition on any disclosure of information provided to the Committee. Subsections (2)
and (3) provide the only exceptions to this general prohibition — where the disclosure arises in
the course of the performance of a function under this Bill when enacted e.g. the making of a
report under section 16; where disclosure is to a legal representative and is necessary in judicial
review proceedings against the Committee; to the Garda authorities where the person making
the disclosure believes it is necessary in order to prevent a serious offence; to an appropriate
person under the Protections for Persons Reporting Child Abuse Act, 1998 (usually a Garda or
designated health board officer) if the person believes that the disclosure of the information is
necessary to prevent, reduce or remove a substantial risk to life or to prevent the continuance of
abuse of a child and to a court in judicial review proceedings involving the Committee and
where the court so orders. Subsection (5) provides a further and continuing protection for the
confidentiality of the Confidential Committee's proceedings by providing that the records of the
Committee will not come within the provisions of the National Archives Act, 1986.
Section 28 provides for much less restriction on the disclosure of information to the
Commission and the Investigation Committee than the restrictions in respect of the Confidential
Committee. A person cannot be obliged by law to disclose information provided to the
Commission or the Investigation Committee but a disclosure must be made to the Garda
authorities where the person making the disclosure believes it is necessary in order to prevent a
serious offence and to an appropriate person under the Protections for Persons Reporting Child
Abuse Act, 1998 (usually a Garda or designated health board officer) if the person believes that
the disclosure of the information is necessary to prevent, reduce or remove a substantial risk to
life or to prevent the continuance of abuse of a child.
Section 29 makes it an offence to obstruct the Commission, a Committee or a person taking
evidence abroad.
Section 30 imposes a duty on a person, who has documents in his or her possession or
control which is relevant to the work of the Commission, to preserve the document until the
Commission has completed its work and makes failure to preserve the document an offence.
Section 31 gives certain protection to the records of the Commission or the Committees from
discovery in legal proceedings. An order for discovery shall not be made against the
Commission or the Committees in proceedings to which they are not a party. In addition, where,
upon the dissolution of the Commission, it places documents in the custody of a person, other
than the original owners of the documents, a discovery order cannot be made against the
custodian of the documents. Finally, subsection (3) ensures that the mere fact that the
Commission is in possession of a document does not prevent discovery being made against the
owner of the document. The document is deemed to be in the possession and control of the
owner and the Commission is obliged to make it available to him or her.
Section 32 ensures that the Official Secrets Act, 1963, does not restrict the giving of evidence
to the Commission or a Committee.
Section 33 gives an exemption from the Data Protection Act, 1988, for data in the possession
of the Commission and a Committee. In the case of the Confidential Committee the exemption
is permanent and extends to any data given into the custody of a person after the dissolution of
the Commission.
Section 34 restricts the application of the Freedom of Information Act, 1997, as regards
records held by public bodies where access could prejudice the effectiveness of the
Commission. In reaching an opinion on the extent to which prejudice could be caused or where
the balance of public interest lay, the public body head must consult with the Chairperson of the
Commission. Where records of the Confidential Committee are transferred to a public body for
safekeeping on the dissolution of the Commission access shall not be given to them under the
Act.
Section 35 sets out the penalties which are to be imposed in respect of offences set out in
various sections of the Bill.
Section 36 is a standard provision relating to expenses which are to be met from public funds.
Section 37 provides for the short title of the Bill when enacted.
An Roinn Oideachais agus Eolaı́ochta,
Feabhra, 2000.

Appendix 2
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AN BILLE UM CHOIMISIÚN CHUN DROCHÚSÁID LEANAÍ A FHIOSRÚ (LEASÚ) 2005

COMMISSION TO INQUIRE INTO CHILD ABUSE (AMENDMENT) BILL 2005
————————
EXPLANATORY MEMORANDUM
————————
Introduction
The purpose of this Bill is to give effect to the recommendations of the Report to the
Government of the Review Group on the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse, and the
Report and subsequent recommendations of Mr Justice Ryan on the workings of the
Commission. The amendments proposed in the Bill will better enable the Commission to
complete a full inquiry into child abuse within a reasonable timeframe and at reduced cost. The
Bill will also establish a statutory framework for the operation of an Education Fund for former
residents of institutions and their families. Finally, the Bill will make a number of technical
amendments to the Residential Institutions Redress Act 2002.
Provisions of the Bill
PART 1
Preliminary and General
Section 1 sets out the short title of the Bill and that parts of it can be interpreted and cited in
combination with the legislation it is amending.
Section 2 defines “Principal Act” in the Bill as the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse Act
2000.
PART 2
Amendments of Principal Act
Section 3 amends certain definitions used in the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse Act
2000 (ie the Principal Act). The change to the definition of “abuse” is designed to allow the
Commission to make a finding of abuse where it might be reasonable to assume that the acts or
omissions concerned caused serious harm to the person.
Sections 27 and 28 of the Principal Act require the disclosure of information given to the
Commission or its committees to the Gardaı́ if the person is acting in good faith and reasonably
believes that the disclosure is necessary in order to prevent a serious offence occurring. The
new definition of “serious offence” will widen this obligation to prevent an offence carrying a
sentence of at least 1 year's imprisonment instead of the current requirement for the offence to
carry a 5 year prison term.
Section 4 amends section 4 of the Principal Act by changing the functions of the Commission
in a number of respects. It extends the functions to include a duty on the Commission to inquire
into the manner in which children were placed in institutions and the circumstances in which
they continued to be resident there. It also removes the requirement that it be satisfied that
abuse occurred in order to determine the nature, causes and circumstances of abuse. This will
remove the requirement for a two phase process in hearing evidence which would have led to
unnecessary delays and costs in the Commission carrying out its functions. In effect, the section
removes the obligation on the Investigation Committee to hear all complainants and gives it a
discretion as to which witnesses it considers should be called to a full hearing to ensure that the
Inquiry's functions are fulfilled.
Section 5 amends section 5 of the Principal Act by allowing the Commission to include in its
report findings that abuse of children occurred in a particular institution where it would be
reasonable to reach such a conclusion. This reduces the burden on the Commission which, at
the moment, must be satisfied that a particular person actually suffered serious harm as a result
of the acts they have complained of. The Commission will now be able to conduct its inquiry as
a whole in one phase in respect of any particular institution or period. The Commission will also
be able to identify the institution where the abuse took place and the person who committed the
abuse provided that he or she has been convicted of an offence relating to the abuse.
In preparing its report the Commission will be required, insofar as its report is based on
evidence recorded by the Confidential Committee, to have regard to the fact that the evidence
received by the Confidential Committee could not be tested, challenged or corroborated.
Section 6 changes section 11 of the Principal Act by permitting the Investigation Committee to
hold meetings in public if it considers this appropriate and to hold joint hearings which can be
attended by survivors and their representatives, and respondents and their representatives,
again where the Committee considers this appropriate. This will allow the Committee, for
instance, to jointly take the evidence of a number of survivors who have made similar
allegations in relation to particular individuals in a particular institution.
This section will also allow a Committee to sit in single member divisions. They could deal
with non-controversial matters and thereby speed up the work of the Committee.
Section 7 amends section 12 of the Principal Act by providing that the Investigation
Committee will provide an opportunity to survivors to recount the abuse they suffered in
institutions as far as is reasonably practicable. This amendment, in combination with the
amendment in section 4, will allow the Committee to call before it people whose accounts it
considers will provide it with the greatest possibility of arriving at the truth of what occurred.
This section will also permit the Investigation Committee to inquire into the manner and
circumstances in which children were placed and resident in institutions.
Section 8 amends section 13 of the Principal Act. It removes the obligation on the
Investigation Committee to satisfy itself that abuse took place in individual cases before
reporting its findings in relation to abuse of children in a particular institution. It also restricts the
capacity of the Committee to name individual perpetrators of abuse to where a person has been
convicted of a criminal offence involving abuse or has pleaded guilty to this kind of offence.
Finally, the section will allow the Committee to produce interim reports which are final in relation
to the issues they deal with.
Section 9 amends section 14 of the Principal Act by conferring additional powers on the
Investigation Committee in its taking of evidence. It will now be entitled to require the discovery
of documents, to furnish interrogatories (or questions) which must be replied to, and to require
parties to admit facts, statements and documents. The evidence obtained will be presumed to
be prima facie evidence of the matters it relates to. Where a person, without good reason,
refuses to comply with one of these requirements, or with a direction issued under section 14(1)
of the Principal Act requiring the giving of evidence to the Committee, the chairperson of the
Committee can award costs against him or her. Finally, the section provides that the
Investigation Committee will take evidence of a person's conviction for abuse of a child as
evidence before the Committee of that abuse.
Section 10 amends section 15 of the Principal Act. Following on from the findings of the
Supreme Court in the Abeylara case, it removes the power of the Confidential Committee to
make findings of a general nature. Instead, the Committee will have power to make general
proposals with a view to having them considered by the Commission in deciding what
recommendations it should make in its report.
Section 11 amends section 16 of the Principal Act by removing the power of the Confidential
Committee to include in its report findings of a general nature. Instead, the Committee will now
have power to prepare a report based on the evidence it has received and containing proposals
of a general nature.
Sections 12, 13, 15 and 20 amend sections 17, 18, 21 and 31 respectively of the Principal Act
by replacing the term “inquiry officer” with the term “authorised officer”. These amendments are
linked with section 16 of the Bill.
Section 14 amends section 19 of the Principal Act. It provides that a person may cease giving
evidence to the Investigation Committee subject to the consent of that Committee, the rights of
others and the requirements of justice and may, with the consent of the Confidential Committee,
give evidence to it of the abuse being alleged.
Section 16 amends section 23 of the Principal Act. “Inquiry officers” will now be known as
“authorised officers” and may be consultants as well as members of staff of the Commission. In
addition to their existing functions, they will also perform whatever other functions the
Investigation Committee determines in order to assist it or the Commission carrying out their
tasks.
Section 17 amends section 25 of the Principal Act by allowing applications to the High Court
by the Commission for a direction to be heard in public or private, which will be at the discretion
of the Court.
Section 18 allows the Commission to direct one committee to hear evidence in relation to a
longer period of time than the other committee. In performing its functions, the Commission
must take account of any reports made in relation to that longer period.
Section 19 provides a statutory procedure of judicial review in relation to Commission or
Committee decisions. A person may question a determination of the Commission or a
Committee by applying to the High Court for a judicial review within 2 months of the
determination. The High Court will grant leave if it is satisfied that there are substantial grounds
for believing that the determination is invalid or ought to be expunged. The 2 month period can
be extended if the Court considers that there are good reasons for doing this. An appeal of a
decision on a judicial review by the High Court may be brought to the Supreme Court only if the
High Court agrees that its decision involves a point of law of exceptional public importance and
that it is in the public interest for the Supreme Court to hear the appeal.
Section 21 ensures the smooth transition of the Commission's work pending the enactment of
this amending legislation.
PART 3
Education (Former Residents of Certain Institutions for Children) Finance Board
Section 22 provides for definitions to be used in this part of the Bill.
Section 23 requires that within one year of the Act being passed by the Oireachtas the
Minister must set a day to be the day the Education (Former Residents of Certain Institutions for
Children) Finance Board is established.
Section 24 provides for the establishment of the Education (Former Residents of Certain
Institutions for Children) Finance Board which will be a corporate body. The Board will be
independent in the performance of its functions. Provision is also made for dissolution of the
Board on completion of its work.
Section 25 states that the principal functions of the Board are to pay grants to former
residents of institutions and their relatives, to determine and publish criteria on which decisions
to pay grants will be based, and to provide information in relation to the educational services for
which grants are available.
Section 26 requires the Minister for Finance to pay to the National Treasury Management
Agency the sum of \12.7 million which was paid to the State as part of an agreement with
certain religious congregations, plus any interest which that sum has since earned, less any
sums paid before the Act is passed to former residents of institutions and their relatives to assist
them to avail of educational services. The Agency will deposit the money in an investment
account. The Agency will invest any monies not required in a given financial year in securities or
authorised investments and returns from those investments will be paid into the account. Each
year the Agency will pay a grant to the Education Finance Board to meet the Board's
expenditure.
Section 27 permits the Board to pay grants to former residents of institutions or relatives of
former residents to assist them to avail of educational services. The Board will have discretion
as to the amount of the grant, the educational service for which it is paid, the frequency of
payment, and the conditions to be attached to the grant. It will have to decide on criteria by
which decisions on grants will be made and will have to publish those criteria.
Section 28 requires the Board to develop and publish the procedures governing the
applications for grants, how the Board considers the applications, and how communication
between the Board and applicants will happen. Grants paid to applicants can only be used to
pay for the educational services specified by the Board. The Ombudsman will be entitled to
investigate decisions on grants made by the Board.
Section 29 provides that the Board will consist of a chairperson and 8 ordinary members
appointed by the Minister for Education and Science. Four of the members must be former
residents of institutions.
Section 30 provides for the employment of staff by the Board, their remuneration and terms
and conditions of service.
Section 31 provides for the keeping of accounts by the Board and for the audit of such
accounts by the Comptroller and Auditor General. The Minister will be required to have the
accounts and theC&AG's report on them laid before the Houses of the Oireachtas.
Section 32 requires the Board to publish an annual report and to provide a copy of it to the
Minister who must lay it before the Houses of the Oireachtas. The Board must provide the
Minister with such information on its activities as requested by him or her and may also provide
information relating to applications and decisions relating to grants to any other appropriate
person. However, the Board will be precluded from providing information that could lead to the
identity of an applicant being disclosed.
Section 33 provides for a procedure to remove the Board from office where the Minister
believes that it has failed, neglected or refused to perform any or its functions, has failed to
perform any of its functions effectively, or has contravened the Act in some other way. Provision
is also made for the appointment of a replacement Board by the Minister.
PART 4
Miscellaneous
Section 34 provides for a number of amendments to the Residential Institutions Redress Act
2002 including the following—
• The offence of giving false evidence to the Redress Board or the Review Committee
is extended to any person who gives such evidence, regardless of whether or not
they have made an application for an award
• In future, where an award is made but the applicant dies before deciding whether or
not to accept it, the award will not die with them. Where they are survived by a
spouse or child, he or she may proceed with the application on the deceased's
behalf. If the deceased does not have a spouse or child, the applicant will be
deemed to have accepted the award which will be paid to their estate
• The Board will have a discretion in deciding whether or not it needs to request a
medical report on the applicant and removes the obligation on the applicant to
appear in person at a Board hearing
• The Board will now have a discretion in relation to the evidence it is required to rely
upon in cases where an application is made on behalf of a deceased person
• The Board will have power to establish a committee to regulate its procedure and
business
• A cooling-off period will be provided for permitting an applicant who appeals an
award to withdraw the appeal within2 weeks of submitting it to the Review
Committee
• Where the Board directs that an award must be paid in instalments or some other
manner because the applicant is incapable of managing the monies, he or she will
have1 month to appeal this direction to the Review Committee
• The Board may arrange for awards payable in instalments to be administered by the
Courts Service for the applicant's benefit in accordance with the direction and rules
of court. The applicant will be entitled to apply to the Court to vary the terms on
which the award is administered
• A number of changes are made to the names of institutions to delete duplications
and correct errors in their names as they currently appear.
Section 35 provides for the Minister's power to make regulations and orders and the
requirement that they be laid before the Houses of the Oireachtas. It also confirms the
Government's power to extend the life of the Commission which will need to be extended by
Order in May 2005.
The Schedule is concerned with the membership and meetings of the Education Finance
Board. It provides for the seal of the Board, tenure of office, the offices of chairperson and
deputy chairperson, meetings of the Board, minutes of meetings and its power to act
notwithstanding vacancies and through standing orders or otherwise.
An Roinn Oideachais agus Eolaı́ochta,
Márta 2005.

Appendix 3
Members of the Confidential Committee
Confidential Committee Commissioners
Member Date of appointment Date of resignation (if

applicable)
Mr Bob Lewis CBE 23rd May 2000 19th July 2000
Retired Director of Social
Services Stockport
United Kingdom
Dr Patrick Deasy 23rd May 2000 30th April 2003
Retired Consultant Paediatrician
Dr Kevin McCoy 21st November 2000 30th April 2003
Retired Chief Inspector
Social Services Inspectorate
Northern Ireland
Ms Norah Gibbons 23rd May 2000
Childcare Director
Ms Anne McLoughlin 23rd January 2002
Social Work Senior Clinician
Ms Mary Fennessy 19th April 2004
Head Social Worker
Confidential Committee Administrative Staff
Member Date of appointment Date of resignation (if

applicable)
Ms Mary Durack 16th August 1999 12th August 2005
Witness Support Officer
Ms Helen Lynch 25th August 1999 2nd March 2006
Administrator
Ms Jacqueline Curran 8th April 2002 27th October 2003
Ms Melanie Hall 13th September 2004 11th March 2005
Ms Norella Broderick 21st February 2006 29th September 2006
Administrator
Ms Sandra Hoswell 9th October 2006 30th April 2007
Administrator
Ms Danielle Griffin 30th April 2007 29th August 2008
Administrator and
Research Assistant
Ms Catherine Mulligan 10th September 2008 15th January 2009
Administrator

Appendix 4
Picture of Confidential Committee Hearing Room

Appendix 5
Sample appointment letter
Mr X
Main St
Ballynew
Invitation to meet the Confidential Committee
Dear Mr X,
Thank you again for offering to help the Commission in its work by meeting the Confidential
Committee.
I am writing now to confirm that we are pleased to offer you an appointment to meet (named
Commissioners) of the Committee on:
at
Following our conversation I will take it that you are definitely coming unless something
unforeseen happens at your end. In that case please let me know as soon as you can.
Before you come to the Commission, please read the enclosed leaflet. If there is anything
in it that you would like to talk over, or if you have any questions, please don't hesitate to phone
me and I will do my best to help.
With regard to expenses please see information leaflet on the witness expenses scheme which
is enclosed .In relation to travel we will refund transport costs to and from your home. We will
also pay an allowance of 19 Euros each for you and a companion of your choice for meals and
refreshments. Payment will be made by cheque or postal order which we will post to you as
soon as possible after your hearing.
You are welcome to bring to bring any documents, papers, pictures etc., that might help you in
telling your story to the Committee. Other people have found this to be helpful.
I will be meeting you when you come to the Commission and will introduce you to (named
Commissioners).
I look forward to meeting you on
Yours sincerely,
——————————————————
Mary Durack,
Witness Support Officer.
Direct Phone Line =
Encl:
Information Leaflet
Expenses leaflet.
Photo of Confidential Hearing Room.
Map and directions to Commission

Appendix 6

Appendix 7

Appendix 8
Information on your visit to the Confidential
Committee
1. This booklet is being sent to you with your letter of appointment. If we have been
unable to reach you by phone to confirm that the date is suitable for you, we ask that
you contact us as soon as possible to confirm that you will attend. Once you accept
an appointment, that time is reserved for you and will not be offered to anyone else.
Requests for second appointments will go to the Commissioners of the
Confidential Committee for decision. They will grant second appointments only
in very exceptional circumstances. This is because of the number of people
waiting to meet the Confidential Committee, and the Committee is conscious of the
need to see all applicants as soon as possible.
2. The role of the Confidential Committee is to provide a place for you to tell your story
to experienced people who will understand you.
3. The following may help you to plan your visit to the Confidential Committee of the
Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse:
(i) the length of your visit will depend on how long you need to speak with us – we
would not anticipate any session lasting more than two hours;
(ii) do allow yourself sufficient time for travel;
(iii) you are welcome to bring a companion with you when you meet the
Confidential Committee. In most cases you can decide if you would like your
companion to sit with you during the hearing or to wait for you in our waiting
room. However there are 2 exceptions to this:
• If your companion is under the age of 18 he or she cannot go into the
hearing room.
• If your companion is a survivor who is going to the Investigation
Committee, it is not in their legal interests to sit in on your hearing
and we would ask that you make your companion aware of this.
Your companion will be asked to keep the hearing confidential.
(iv) you can arrange to come and see the offices in advance of your own hearing if
that would be helpful;
(v) on your arrival, the staff of the Commission will greet you and will answer any
queries you may have;
(vi) a person who is apparently under the influence of alcohol, other substances or
medication will have his/her hearing deferred;
(vii) you will be introduced to the members of the Confidential Committee who will
listen to your experiences;
(vii) you can speak in your own time and in your own words. If you would prefer it,
the Committee members will help you to tell your story by asking you some
questions. The Committee may also ask you some questions to be sure they
fully understand your story and to clear up any misunderstandings;
(viii) if you wish for a break during the hearing, that will be arranged for you;
(ix) the Commission has arranged with a local general practice group to provide
same day, by appointment, consultation for victims if the stress of the hearing
necessitates such care;
(x) a recording will be made of the hearing. A copy of that recording cannot be
taken away from the office and no other record can be made of the hearing;
(xi) you can come back, with the companion who comes with you to the hearing, to
listen to the recording at a later date if you wish. This must be arranged with
the staff of the Confidential Committee;
(xii) when the hearing has finished, a member of staff will be available to you as
part of the witness support programme of the Commission. They will have
information on special counselling services in your area if you would like to
receive that;
(xiii) the Commission is aware that speaking of your experiences to us may be very
distressing and driving afterwards can be especially difficult. It can be helpful to
arrange to have a friend collect you after the hearing if you are coming on your
own. You may wish to take the rest of the day off.
4. Reports to the Authorities:

No report on anything you tell the Confidential Committee will be given to the
authorities, except in the following circumstances:
If the Committee has reason to believe that:
• a serious crime is being committed;
• a serious risk to a person’s life exists; or
• abuse of a child is ongoing.
In any of those situations, the person is obliged to report the matter to the Gardaı́ or
to the health board.
5. Contact after your hearing:

The witness support officer will check if you would like her to call you in the days
following the hearing to check how you are. If you agree, she will call you. If you do
not wish her to contact you, that is fine. You can contact the Commission if you have
any enquiry.
6. After your hearing, you may discover or remember additional information that you
would like the Committee to have. You are welcome to send such information to the
Committee. Because this would be classified as confidential evidence, it is important
that you only address it to the Commissioners who were involved in your hearing.
7. Report of the Confidential Committee:

The Confidential Committee will write its report when all of its hearings are
completed. The Confidential Committee cannot name any individuals or places in its
report.

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Report of The (Irish) Commission To Inquire Into Child Abuse: Vol. 3

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Part 1

CICA Report Vol III Confidential Committee 1

Functions of the Commission

CICA Report Vol III Confidential Committee 3

1.07 The principal functions of the Confidential Committee were:

Defined categories of abuse

4 CICA Report Vol III Confidential Committee

CICA Report Vol III Confidential Committee 5

1.18 The Report is structured as follows:

6 CICA Report Vol III Confidential Committee

CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee 7

8 CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee

CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee 9

Transfers between Committees

10 CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee

Table 1: Location of Hearings – Male and Female Witnesses

Location of hearing Males Females Total witnesses

Source: Confidential Committee of CICA, 2009

CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee 11

• The audio recording discs were individually numbered and archived.

• The archive was managed in a secure and systematic fashion.

12 CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee

Table 2: Companions at Hearings – Male and Female Witnesses

Companions Males % Females % Total %

Source: Confidential Committee of CICA, 2009

CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee 13

14 CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee

Emergency counselling and medical services

CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee 15

Returning to hear evidence

Reasons given for attending the Confidential Committee

Reasons for giving evidence Males % Females % Total %

Source: Confidential Committee of CICA, 2009

16 CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee

18 CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee

Social and demographic profile of

CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee 19

Marital status of parents Males % Females % Total %

Source: Confidential Committee of CICA, 2009

Parental occupational status

20 CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee

Occupational status4 Males % Females % Total %

Source: Confidential Committee of CICA, 2009

Number of siblings Number of witnesses

Source: Confidential Committee of CICA, 2009

CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee 21

Residences prior to admission

Table 7: Number of Residences Prior to Admission to Industrial and Reformatory – Male

Number of prior residences Males % Females % Total %

Source: Confidential Committee of CICA, 2009

22 CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee

County – place of birth Males Females Total witnesses

Source: Confidential Committee of CICA, 2009

Table 9: Country of Residence of Witnesses at Time of Hearing – Male and Female

Country of residence Males % Females % Total %

Source: Confidential Committee of CICA, 2009

Age at time of hearing

Age range Males % Females % Total %

Source: Confidential Committee of CICA, 2009

24 CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee

CICA Report Vol. III Confidential Committee 25

Decade of discharge Males % Females % Total %

Source: Confidential Committee of CICA, 2009