Cassidy 2012 Annual Rrview Lives With Others Climae Change and Human Animal Relations

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Lives With Others: Climate Change and Human-Animal Relations

Rebecca Cassidy
Department of Anthropology, Goldsmiths, University of London, London SE14 6NW, United Kingdom; email: r.cassidy@gold.ac.uk
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:21-36. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org by University of Arizona - Library on 05/20/13. For personal use only.
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012. 41:2136 First published online as a Review in Advance on June 28, 2012 The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at anthro.annualreviews.org This articles doi: 10.1146/annurev-anthro-092611-145706 Copyright c 2012 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved 0084-6570/12/1021-0021$20.00
Keywords
anthrozoology, perspectivism, applied anthropology, climate politics
Abstract
This review assesses the contribution that a holistic, multisited, and multiscalar anthropology can make to the investigation of climate change and its impact on various human-animal assemblages. Anthropologists have a long-standing interest in animal management under changing environmental conditions. I focus on recent material that investigates the impact of anthropogenic climate change on human-animal relations using ethnography from Africa, Amazonia, and the circumpolar rim. I argue that the value of juxtaposing work in diverse settings and across various scales is to highlight the asymmetry of encounters between different perceptions of climate change and the responses they require. Anthropologys critical, holistic approach is especially valuable in places where people, animals, landscapes, the weather, and indeed climate change itself are aspects of an undifferentiated, spiritually lively, animate environment.
This article is part of a special theme on Climate Change. For a list of other articles in this theme, see this volumes Table of Contents.
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INTRODUCTION1
Adaptation: adjustments in ecosystems that ameliorate the harm caused by, or make use of, actual or expected changes in climate Applied anthropology: the use of anthropological approaches to solve problems
Perspectivism: the idea that humans, animals and sprits see themselves differently depending on the body they inhabit
Anthropologists have recently begun to engage with climate change as a global process informing our understanding of every eld site, whether at the core, where climate change is produced, or on the periphery, where many of its effects are experienced (Crate 2011). Changes in human relationships with animals have been one of the key drivers for the increased attention paid to climate change in many regions, but particularly in the Arctic, where reindeer herders occupy the front line (Anderson & Nuttall 2004, Hovelsrud & Smit 2010, Vitebsky 2005), and among the island and coastal shing communities, whose very existence is under threat (Kelman & West 2009, Rudiak-Gould 2009). The anthropology of climate change is currently exploring two different paths. The rst catalogs the adaptation of vulnerable communities. The second explores climate change as a process that is generated by an exploitative set of world historical relationships between people, the effects of which are experienced unequally. Its purpose is to expose these inequalities in order to change them and save the world (Connor 2010, Lindisfarne 2010). The rst approach is epitomized by articles that invite us to learn from Siberian Nomads Resilience, for example (Kalaugher 2010). Kalaughers article describes adaptations to climate change and industrialization by the Yamal Nenets but is silent about the production of these conditions or how they might be changed. Warming temperatures, the incursions of oil and gas companies, and the accompanying degradation of rivers and lakes are challenges overcome by avoiding disturbed and degraded areas (p. 1). A critical environmental approach, on the contrary, considers climate change and environmental degradation as global political/ecological phenomena. It requires us not only to increase our
understanding of the variety of local contexts in which climate change occurs and is produced but also to open the black box of regional and international debate, which frames the problem (Lahsen 2010, Marino & Schweitzer 2009). Early anthropological engagements with the effects of climate stress on human-animal relations focused particularly on animal management and social organization in semiarid and arid regions of Africa. More recently, anthropologists have used political ecology and applied anthropology to interrogate climate change as an instantiation of global inequality and to advocate for change. Others have explored the perspectivist ethnographic record in order to expose the capitalist logic embedded in climate discourses and to imagine how climate change might appear from within other-thancapitalist cosmologies. This approach combines the latest approaches in human-animal relations, including multispecies ethnographies, with the longer tradition of holistic anthropology, which considers people and animals, weather, and landscape as elements of a single environment (Bateson 1972, Ingold 2000).
CHANGING CLIMATE AND HUMAN-ANIMAL RELATIONS

In 1928, Vere Gordon Childe argued that the drying of the climate in North Africa at the end of the Pleistocene led to the concentration of people and animals around oases and created the necessary conditions for the beginnings of agriculture. This hypothesis, known as the oasis theory, was criticized by Braidwood who argued that earlier warming periods had not led to domestication (1951) and also that conditions in Iraqi Kurdistan had changed little during the transition from the Pleistocene to the Holocene (1960). Although archaeologists have continued to describe the effects of changing climate on prehistoric cultural systems (Burroughs 2005, Hunter-Anderson 2010), grand schema have been rejected in favor of local explanations, which use a variety of methods to assess multiple kinds of evidence to explain localized, temporally limited events
1 The article is based on the current consensus that the climate is changing and that this is likely to be as a result of human actions and inactions (IPCC 2007).
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(Maher et al. 2011). In North West Europe, for example, a combination of archaeological, paleoecological, and paleoclimatic data has been employed to suggest that changes in climate contributed to the emergence of a Neolithic mixed farming economy from a Mesolithic hunting-and-gathering economy based primarily on shing (Bonsall et al. 2002). The most studied of the prehistoric climate coolings is the so-called 8.2 ka event, which took place when the North Atlantic currents shifted and the Northern Hemisphere experienced a short dry and cold spell. The impact of this cold snap on human-animal relations is the focus of a study at Tell Sabi Abyad in Syria conducted by a team from Leiden University. Akkermans et al. (2010) analyzed 15,000 animal bones and found that, in this location, 8.2 ka coincided with a change from pig to cattle husbandry. Milk traces in pottery and spindles also appeared suddenly; the secondary products of sheep and goats are easy to store and may have been particularly useful during a time of climatic stress (Russell 2010). In addition to a focus on sites such as Tell Sabi Abyad, where the archaeological record straddles signicant and relatively well-dened climatic events, an approach that concentrates on the impact of climate changes on particular species has emerged. Santangelo (2011), for example, focuses exclusively on the hamsi or Black Sea anchovy. Ogilvie et al. (2009) have explored relationships between seals, ice, and climate change in medieval Norse Greenland, and Jing & Flad (2002) describe pig domestication in ancient China. Zooarchaeology has thus presented evidence for systemic changes associated with climate with the constant proviso that causation cannot be extrapolated from correlation. Most recently, the use of biomolecular data has transformed the discipline. DNA analysis may eventually answer questions about the origin and distribution of distinctive human-animal relations under various climatic conditions (Conolly et al. 2010). Social anthropologists also have a longstanding interest in the effects of extreme climates and catastrophic climatic events that
predates the recognition of anthropogenic climate change. This interest was developed among pastoralists in arid and semiarid regions in Africa during the 1950s and 1960s (for a review of this material, see Dyson-Hudson & Dyson-Hudson 1980). In these studies, the signicance of relations with animals is found in their impact on human social arrangements. The seasonal dichotomy between ood and drought, for example, was the dynamic at the center of Evans Pritchards (1940) structural functionalist study of the Nuer (p. 272). His characterization of the Nuer as deeply democratic and easily roused to violence was based on their conicts with the Dinka over the control of pastures and annexation of grazing grounds (1940, pp. 16, 48) during times of ecological stress. Subsequent studies of the relationship between the Nuer and the Dinka suggest that conict was exacerbated by the expansion of the Ethiopian empire and colonial invasion, rather than an inevitable result of competition for grazing land ( Johnson 1981). Spencers (1973) work with Rendille camel herders and Sambru cattle herders in Kenya, who formed a symbiotic relationship based on the complementary properties of their respective charges, supported the idea that scarcity of resources can prompt cooperation as well as conict.
Anthropogenic climate change: changes in the climate caused by human activity Human-animal assemblage: a particular instantiation of uid and responsive relationships among people, animals, and the environment
POLITICAL ECOLOGY AND PASTORALISM

In the 1970s, the environmental determinism of cultural ecology was rejected. It no longer seemed useful or important to match ecological conditions to increasingly narrowly dened human-animal assemblages (Fratkin 1997, Kottak 1999). Alternatives and exceptions abounded, and it became impossible to explain this variation without regard to the wider structures that enabled or limited change. Initially strongly inuenced by world systems theory (Wolf 1972), political ecology has assimilated other inuences including feminism (Elmhurst 2011) and poststructuralism (Biersack & Greenberg 2006). The approach
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Pastoralism: a form of agriculture focused primarily on the rearing of livestock
has provided a critical perspective on those human-animal relations most affected by changing climate, from the drylands of Africa (Batterbury 2001, Mamdani 2009, Turner 2004) and Asia (Humphrey & Sneath 1996a,b, 1999; Sneath 2000) to the Arctic (Anderson & Nuttall 2004, Cruikshank 2005), Amazonia (Rubenstein 2004), Southeast Asia and Oceania (Lowe 2006, Tsing 2005, West 2006), and the New American West (Sheridan 2007). People with animal-centered livelihoods experiencing even minor changes in climate may nd the ability of their animals to fulll existing functions compromised or even negated. The effects of a changing climate have thus been compared with those of forced migration: Whether changes result in physical relocation or not, they require adaptation to novel ecological conditions to which certain human-animal assemblages may be more or less suited. Having established this comparability, nongovernmental organizations have mobilized behind a new and controversial category of climate change refugee (Christian Aid 2007). Pastoralists in areas of high rainfall variability are among the strongest candidates for this fate ( Jonsson 2010) alongside island dwellers and the coastal poor (Kempf 2009). In all cases, the impact of climate change on animals and their dependents cannot be isolated from other social, political, and environmental challenges facing societies who are frequently marginalized both geographically and politically. Morton (2010) describes pastoralists as people who depend on livestock or the sale of livestock products for most of their income and consumption, whose livestock is mainly grazed on communally-managed or open-access pastures, and who show at least some tendency, as households or individuals, to move seasonally with livestock (p. 3). He intends this denition to remain fuzzy enough to accommodate those who would prefer to practice this way of life but are prevented from doing so and those who gain more of their livelihood from crops but place more importance on livestock than cropping. Pastoralists have been treated with suspicion by governments of all kinds, and deCassidy
velopment policies until the 1980s reinforced the idea that pastoralism was an unsustainable and primitive way of life and that pastoralists should become modern by settling in one place. An anthropogenic notion of desertication entered into development discourses based on research undertaken in the 1970s (see, for example, UNCOD Secr. 1977), when it was conventional to portray food shortages in Africa as man made disasters and desertication as the consequence of the tragedy of the Commons (Hardin 1968): the natural desire of pastoralists to enlarge their herds. In 1979, Horowitz wrote that the notion of pastoral responsibility for environmental degradation had achieved the status of a fundamental truth that no longer required evidence or support (p. 27; see also Warren 1995). This fundamental truth was used to support policies including the settlement of pastoralists, the reduction of common-property land tenure, and privatization (Fratkin 1997, p. 241). Beinart & McGregor (2003) have shown how environmental research in Africa has made implicit and explicit claims about who best understands African environments, and who should have the right to control them (p. 2). In the late 1980s and 1990s, Behnke et al. (1993) and Scoones (1995) combined insights from a variety of disciplines including anthropology to rethink rangeland ecology and pastoralism. Contrary to the fundamental truths of anthropogenic desertication and the tragedy of the Commons they found that pastoralism was, in fact, a rational and sustainable strategy for exploiting rangelands in semiarid regions. However, policies that restrict pastoralist livelihoods have endured. A Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) report describing the political economy of propoor livestock policy making in Ethiopia, for example, showed that although livestock contribute to the livelihoods of 6070% of the population, government policy focuses some might say exclusively on draught oxen (Halderman 2004, p. x). In Ethiopia, the strong antipastoralist bias of the core highland culture seems to prevent recognition
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of the relevance and importance of pastoralism. The central governments strategy of settling pastoralists along the major rivers is, in part, a reection of this bias (2004, p. vii). The challenges facing livestock production in Ethiopia, including the recruitment of the ruling class from sedentary agricultural and/or urban groups, the fact that traditional sector livestock is difcult to quantify, and the relative poverty and impotence of pastoralists and other animal keepers (including the peri urban) are common to many other African states who are also faced with relatively low productivity, biological constraints (including genetic erosion, poor nutrition, and disease), and unequal terms of trade (TCA 2009). These shared challenges are refracted through local historical, ecological, and political conditions (Gausset et al. 2005). The impact of climate change on pastoralism is similarly contested. Some organizations and individuals stress the adaptability afforded by this way of life (de Jode 2010, Nozi` eres et al. 2011), whereas others emphasize its vulnerability (Mihlar 2008). As in the case of more general questions regarding sustainability, case studies suggest important local variations. Markakis (2004) describes pastoralism in the Horn of Africa as on the margin, both geographically and existentially owing to state agricultural policies and a lack of investment, exacerbated by climate change. Th ebaud & Batterbury (2001) also predict a grim future for pastoralists in the Sahel on the basis of detailed observations in eastern Niger. Wider problems of changing climate, difculties in negotiating access to resources, and inconsistent state policies are illustrated through the example of a secure watering holes scheme that prompted conict among ethnic groups (p. 70). More positively, Bradley & Grainger (2004) have compared the Wolof (primarily croppers) and the Peul (mainly pastoralists) of the silvopastoral zone of Senegal, nding that the Peul exhibit greater social resilience under environmental pressure. On the basis of climate change predictions in subSaharan Africa to 2050, Jones & Thornton (2008) have suggested that croppers in marginal zones may switch to livestock production.
Fratkin & Mearns (2003) provide a comparative analysis of the East African Maasai and Mongolia showing the global commonality of the pressures experienced by pastoralists, including those that emanate from the World Bank and other development organizations interested in a particular model of sustainable development. Disagreements about whether pastoralism in Africa constitutes a exible way of utilizing scarce resources in hostile environments or an unsustainable anachronism inuence (and are inuenced by) national policies and the ow of resources within the international community (Anderson et al. 2009). Livestock production in Africa has traditionally operated on a regional scale, but in the past decade, its interconnectedness within the global food system has intensied (Thomson et al. 2004). Several states and Pan-African organizations have ambitious plans to grow their livestock sectors (AU/IBAR 2004, FAO 2006, SWAC/OECD 2008) to benet from what has been described as the livestock revolution linked to increased meat consumption in developing countries (Delgado 2005, Owen et al. 2005, Scoones & Wolmer 2006). Against a background of intermittent bans on the export of livestock from East Africa to the Gulf States, the United Kingdom Department for International Development has called for a restructuring of the current certication of livestock exports from a disease- or veterinarybased model to the certication of commodities (Thomson et al. 2004). The disease model prevents Africa from exporting meat to Europe or the Gulf owing to foot and mouth, despite the negligible risk of spreading the disease through frozen meat. The impact and appropriateness of these policies are difcult to assess because of a lack of accurate data about the size and role of livestock in rural household economies and the effectiveness and accessibility of markets and supply chains. The relationship between this growth and climate change has been widely debated because pastoralists are seen as both vulnerable to and contributors to climate change (Foresight 2011, Herrero et al. 2009, Neely et al. 2009, Thornton et al. 2010, Thornton & Gerber 2010).
Sentient ecologies: Tim Ingolds notion of knowledge of the environment that is based on being in the world Animism: the idea that the universe, including animals and natural phenomena such as thunder, and certain objects are animated in a similar way to humans Symbiotic domestication: an account of domestication that explores both animal and human agency
ANIMISM AND CLIMATE CHANGE: AMAZONIA AND THE CIRCUMPOLAR RIM

The absence of an absolute distinction between humans and animals, and the concomitant possibility that animals may become humans and vice versa, has been recorded in diverse settings including Amazonia (Bird-David 1999; Descola 1994, 1996; Fausto 2007; Rosengren 2004; Turner 2009; Viveiros de Castro 1998), Siberia (Nadasdy 2007, Vitebsky 2005, Willerslev 2007), North America (Brightman 1993), and North and Inner Asia (Pedersen 2001, 2007). Some anthropologists have explored an Amazonian/Siberian axis in order to elucidate this position (Brightman et al. 2012, Vitebsky 1995). Others have emphasized the importance of recognizing differences between, for example, Amazonian cosmologies and the sentient ecologies they underpin (Mentore 2011, Posey 2007). The ethnographic record reveals a variety of positions that coalesce around substitutability, the philosophical fecundity of which lies in its ideal type (Turner 2009). Notwithstanding important variations, where human-animal relations produce a generalized sociality, species particularly valued for their generativity are irreplaceable. As Tsing has written, human nature is an interspecies relationship (2010). Under these circumstances, the impact of climate change, whether direct or through mitigation schemes, affects the ability of particular societies to sustain a living in sometimes precarious circumstances, but it also makes it more difcult for people to realize their humanity fully through animals. Anthropologists have used animist cosmologies in a number of ways: to reveal the ontological underpinnings of Euro-American thought (Latour 2009); to interrogate political commentaries about climate change, biodiversity, sustainability, and human-animal relations (Lowe 2006, Mentore 2011, West 2006); and to serve as a foundation for the inclusion of various other than human agents in their ethnographies (Kirksey 2009). In places where humans and animals are mutually constituted, the loss of biodiversity and
the extinction of particular species can be seen as a kind of immediate cosmological crisis as well as a loss of potential adaptations for the future (Orlove & Brush 1996, Posey 1990). The eld of biocultural diversity is animated by this connection between cultural and biological diversity. Maf (2007) suggests that the approach has introduced diverse ideas about the relationships between people and their environments to development discourses, including the policies and activities of the United Nations Environment Program, the United Nations Educational, Scientic and Cultural Organization, the International Union for Conservation of Nature and the Convention on Biological Diversity (p. 60). Trostle (2010) provides a less optimistic assessment of the World Development Report 2010. Anthropologists focused on the enactment of powerful ideas about conservation in diverse local settings have also been less condent about the impact of alternative cosmologies on policy makers. Lowe (2006) has interrogated biodiversity conservation as a political project in Indonesia, focusing on the creation of a National Park and the disparities between Togean Sama peoples ideas of nature and those of Indonesian biologists and conservationists. West (2006) has conducted eldwork in England, Germany, Australia, the United States, and Papua New Guinea to explore how particular imaginaries of nature (and particularly those embedded within Euro-American ideals of climate change, conservation, and biodiversity) create places and engagements with animals and plants. Studies of reindeer herders also provide an exceptionally clear record of the impact of climate change on animist belief systems. The symbiotic domestication described by Stammler & Beach (2006) is more than a relation of production that implicates both humans and animals: It is also a concrete expression of an animistic worldview wherein, again, human and animal persons are conceived as equals in reciprocal, symbiotic relationship, not only for their movements in the landscape, but also for their very sustenance and reproduction, their life and death (p. 12). Stammler & Beach
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(2006) have argued that reindeer management across the circumpolar rim provides a valuable perspective on all human-animal interactions because of the unique spread over wild, feral, and domestic conditions of the species Rangifer tarandus, and the many associations these different populations have with humans (p. 6). The impact of changing climate on the circumpolar rim, where these various associations are enacted, is particularly acute (Anisimov et al. 2007, Furgal & Prowse 2008, Nuttall 2000, Rees et al. 2008, Ullsten et al. 2004). The animistic worldview explored in Stammler & Beachs collection was also described by Ingold (1974, 1980, 1986), who focused on the gifts of animals granted to respectful, ritually observant hunters by Animal Masters in North America and the circumpolar rim. Rituals expressed an injunction not to waste or otherwise devalue animal persons. Stammler & Beach (2006) are interested in whether and to what extent this relationship of respectful reciprocity has been maintained by pastoralists, particularly since the collapse of the Soviet Empire in the early 1990s (p. 12). The importance of this investigation lies in the potential of certain human-animal assemblages to adapt to changing environments, where adaptation is conceived of in the most complete sense as implicating livestock management as both a cosmological and a practical endeavor (Tyler et al. 2007). On the basis of extensive eldwork across the region, they identify movements from symbiotic domestication in human-reindeer relations to rationalization leading to full resource use at the cost of intimate human-animal relations (Stammler & Beach 2006, p. 6). The rational exploitation or maximal resource use of animals championed by states and development agencies includes an injunction not to waste, but this is not buffered by Animal Masters who might take offense at how a specic animal is used or wasted (2006, p. 15). Rationalist perspectives have not eradicated animist views: The two coexist, albeit uneasily, as among the Yamal Nenets, who frame the killing of animals for subsistence within the domestic sphere in
animistic terms and submit animals sold to markets to the usual markers of capital and commodication (weight, veterinary welfare, etc.) (Stammler 2005, pp. 17376). Rationalist animal management stresses growth and maximization, whereas animistic exchanges emphasize balance and sustainability. A single goal (growth) and measure of success (prot) overlooks local priorities but also imposes a single strategy on diverse and delicate environments, which may reduce exibility. Oskal (2000), for example, has shown that the traditional Sami idea of a beautiful herd (cappa eallu) consisted of a variety of phenotypes, ages, and sexes, unlike the ideal of phenotypic consistency or breedwealth for which industrial agriculture strives (Franklin 2007). The adaptive value of such a notion of beauty is apparent in a quote from Mattis Aslaksen Sara, a herder from Karasjok. Sara was asked why he keeps large barren females (of no apparent market value) within the herd. He replied, I have few big males nowso who else will break the ice? (quoted in Tyler et al. 2007, p. 197). Sustainable reindeer management depends on movement within a landscape that includes animals, weather, rivers, plants, and other geographical features, any of which may be animated or personied. Anderson (2000) has described how Evenki herders act and move on the tundra in such a way that they are conscious that animals and the tundra itself are reacting to them (p. 116). Ingold (2000) described this openness based in feeling, consisting in the skills, sensitivities and orientations that have developed through long experience of conducting ones life in a particular environment as sentient ecology (p. 25) and called for a refocusing on the human-beingin-its-environment, which dispenses with the opposition between species and culture (p. 391). Istomin & Dwyer (2010) have argued that anthropologists, despite recognizing the centrality of human-animal interactions to nomadic pastoralism, have neglected the agency of animals. Based on eldwork with the Kom and Nenets, they describe an iterative process whereby animals respond to herder behavior,
who in turn respond to their animals and so on. They refer to this process as dynamic mutual behavioural adaptation. This model is also found in indigenous descriptions of the effects of changing climate on animal behavior (Riseth et al. 2010). For a suggestive comparison, see the description of movement through forests by the Waiwai in southern Guyana by Mentore (2011). Kirksey (2009) has discussed the potential of multispecies ethnographies, including their relevance to understanding and responding to changes in climate. Serres has long argued for the revival of natural agency in philosophy (1995) and recently mused on our failure to invite Biogee (the earth, life) to Copenhagen (2009). Multispecies ethnography is also related to the interdisciplinary work of anthropologists and biologists interested in the implications of climate change on wildlife and its impact on human populations (Lehmann et al. 2010). The effects of changes in climate on wild animals have traditionally been considered separately from human inuence. Biologists focused on dispersal and life-history strategies that resynchronize an animal with its food and habitat (Parmesan 2006). However, the distinction between wild and domesticated animals is no longer self-evident, and all populations or their environments are impacted to various degrees (Fuentes 2007). The effects of climate change on wild animals are thus an excellent illustration of the mutuality emphasized by authors such as Haraway (2008) and Cassidy & Mullin (2007) and the reworking of domestication that this mutualism implies. Like animist cosmologies, these approaches emphasize the potential of integrative human environment research (Newell et al. 2005). The effects of climate change on animal management and its cosmological underpinnings cannot be understood in isolation from other physical and social factors (for a review of climate change as one of multiple vulnerabilities facing communities in the Canadian north, see Prno et al. 2011). In Indonesia, for example, forest exploitation and preservation reproduce the property relations created by a short
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but intense history of state and international control (Tsing 2005). Guyanas Low Carbon Development Scheme is a unique response to distinctive political and ecological conditions (Mentore 2011). Nevertheless, despite the various experiences of communities, the impact of climate change on human-animal relations is inected through what Nuttall has referred to as common experiences of how various capitalist and socialist states claimed control over their lands and animals (2004, p. 200). Anthropological responses to these common experiences are the focus of the next section.
APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY AND CLIMATE CHANGE POLITICS

The Sachs Harbor project in the Northwest territories of Canada embodied many of the principles of applied anthropology during the 1990s and produced some of the most important studies of the impact of climate change on animal-centered livelihoods (for a review, see Pearce et al. 2011). It was a model of community research partnership (Berkes & Jolly 2001, p. 3), initiated and driven by the 30-household community of Sachs Harbor assisted by a team from the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), a lm crew, technical experts, local experts, and liaison people from the Inuvialuit region and a university team (Berkes & Jolly 2001, p. 2). The research team used participatory methods, in keeping with local ideas of learning about the land through experience, and the focus of the project was changes in the social-ecological system singular, making use of the integrated concept of humans-innature as dened by Berkes & Folke (1998), various forms of which were discussed in the previous section. The people in Sachs Harbor make their living from waged labor, transfer payments, subsistence harvesting, hunting, and shing. In March and April, they ice sh for trout and char on inland lakes. In May, they hunt snow geese and collect their eggs until mid June, when they return to shing if there is still ice. In June and July, people hunt for ringed seal.
From July to September, they use nets to sh for char, Arctic cod, and least cisco. In September, people return to musk ox and caribou hunting, which peaks in November (Berkes & Jolly 2001, pp. 46). Berkes & Jolly grouped the impacts of climate change observed by the community of Sachs Harbor under four overlapping headings: access, safety, predictability, and species availability. Hunting grounds and camps were more difcult to reach owing to early thaws; ice moved more and was thinner; weather patterns were less predictable; and animals had changed their behavior, including migratory patterns (p. 7). They then documented the exibility afforded by traditional adaptive strategies, including exibility of resource use (for example, hunting a mix of species, adjusting the timing of the seasonal calendar, hunting seals from boats rather than from the unreliable ice), local environmental knowledge and skills (for example, using group memory of climate events and mastering a variety of skills rather than becoming specialist hunters), and sharing through social networks (including food within extended families, but also intercommunity trade) (pp. 610). The project contributed to the political capacity of the Sachs Harbor community by providing them with vertical linkages across levels of organization, allowing concerns to be transmitted to regional, national, and international levels (p. 15). Projects such as the one in Sachs Harbor amplify local voices by translating them into concerns that regional and international agencies can understand, even if they choose to ignore them (Bravo 2009, Lindisfarne 2010). They provide evidence that enables governments and organizations to be held to account by anthropologists and others. However, as Mentore (2011), West (2006), and Lowe (2006) have shown in other contexts, apparent translations often submit local ideas to the dominant logic of capitalism. Numerous historical and modern sources conrm the inseparability of people and other animals in Arctic communities, the profusion of spirits in the landscape (Berkes 2008, p. xvi), the permeability between animal-populated dream worlds and waking life
(Willerslev 2004), and the decisive roles of animals and their masters in the hunt (Brightman 1993, Willerslev 2007). The absence of EuroAmerican distinctions is revealed in hunting behavior (Nadasdy 2007), rites of passage (Int. Arctic Sci. Comm. 2010), and butchery (Petersen 2003), and through differences in the treatment of subsistence and commercially acquired food (Pars et al. 2001). Although the Sachs Harbor project focused on the socialecological system, singular, cosmological differences were subordinate to the shared logic of resource management with the implicit separations of animals, people, and environment that this entails. The statement by certain Inuvialuit research participants, who told researchers that they were lonely for the ice (Berkes & Jolly 2001, p. 9), for example, is a problem of a different order to that of unpredictable ice, which can be solved by hunting seal from boats. Some Arctic research appears to suggest that animistic views are being eliminated by the alternatives that are embedded in conventional climate change discourses. Krupnik & Ray (2007), for example, have compared hunters views about walrus in the Beringian region with those of wildlife biologists and other scientists. They argue that hunters explanations for walrus behavior from the 1800s to the mid1900s would have been in terms of breaking traditional taboo regulations, of bad human treatment of walruses, and of disrespect (or low respect) for their spirits (p. 8) but that the generation of elders that once held traditional worldviews and beliefs is mostly gone (p. 8). The knowledge change described by Krupnik & Ray (2007) is distinctly asymmetrical because their conclusion indicates that [t]he discourse between scientists and hunters then may be about ecosystems, global warming, game management, metapopulations, and similar issues taken fully from the scientists list, but hopefully augmented by the indigenous hunters knowledge base (p. 9). Martello (2008) has described the effect of the adoption of elements of the global climate change discourse by indigenous representatives as reinforcing the status of indigenous peoples both as objects of scientic
inquiry and as advocates of climate change mitigation (p. 370). Bravo (2009) suggests that [o]ne way to be more critical about the language of climate change narratives is to evaluate the extent to which they can account for, and mitigate, growing inequalities of power and wealth (p. 256), an invitation that would be redundant in many other areas of anthropological inquiry. The idea that traditional ecological knowledge about animals can be complementary to scientic paradigms (Riedlinger 1999) understates the inequality that frames this encounter and the ability of science to perpetuate cosmologies of its own, the most powerful of which is the foundational distinction between nature and culture (Latour 1993, Nadasdy 1999).
CONCLUSION
In the past decade, anthropologists working with communities affected by climate change have argued that researchers should rst and foremost protect and advance the interests of their research partners (Crate & Nuttall 2009) without always taking this argument to its logical conclusion (Lindisfarne 2010). Climate change is a threat particularly to the poorest and least powerful people. To place these people rst contains an explicit critique of the idea of adaptation and asks not how marginal communities can adjust their animal use to the changed environmental circumstances bequeathed to them by their more powerful neighbors, but rather how they might be
compensated for their losses and protected from future externalities. Limitations to this approach include the idea that climate change is variously understood and may not always be the most powerful concept around which to mobilize resistance in particular locations. Forbes & Stammler (2009), for example, have shown that whereas Western indigenous leaders representing the Inuit and Saami peoples are actively engaged in the academic and political discourse surrounding climate change, their Russian colleagues tend to focus more on legislation and self-determination, as a post-Soviet legacy (p. 28). This review has brought together a number of sources that view climate change as a cultural crisis both among populations of afuent Western democratic polities (Connor 2010, p. 2) and also among people who have animalcentered livelihoods in climate-sensitive areas. The value of juxtaposing work in diverse settings and across various scales is that it highlights the asymmetry of encounters between different perceptions of climate change and the responses they require (Crate 2011, Smith & Parks 2010). Anthropologists have a long tradition of engagement with human-animal relations and are comfortable scrutinizing the implications of naturalist assumptions. This critical, holistic approach is especially valuable in places where people, animals, landscapes, the weather, and indeed climate change itself are aspects of an undifferentiated, spiritually lively, animate environment.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any afliations, memberships, funding, or nancial holdings that might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
LITERATURE CITED
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Contents
Prefatory Chapter
Annual Review of Anthropology Volume 41, 2012
Ancient Mesopotamian Urbanism and Blurred Disciplinary Boundaries Robert McC. Adams p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1 Archaeology The Archaeology of Emotion and Affect Sarah Tarlow p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 169 The Archaeology of Money Colin Haselgrove and Stefan Krmnicek p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 235 Phenomenological Approaches in Landscape Archaeology Matthew H. Johnson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 269 Paleolithic Archaeology in China Ofer Bar-Yosef and Youping Wang p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 319 Archaeological Contributions to Climate Change Research: The Archaeological Record as a Paleoclimatic and Paleoenvironmental Archive Daniel H. Sandweiss and Alice R. Kelley p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 371 Colonialism and Migration in the Ancient Mediterranean Peter van Dommelen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 393 Archaeometallurgy: The Study of Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy David Killick and Thomas Fenn p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 559 Rescue Archaeology: A European View Jean-Paul Demoule p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 611 Biological Anthropology Energetics, Locomotion, and Female Reproduction: Implications for Human Evolution Cara M. Wall-Schefer p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 71
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Ethnoprimatology and the Anthropology of the Human-Primate Interface Agustin Fuentes p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 101 Human Evolution and the Chimpanzee Referential Doctrine Ken Sayers, Mary Ann Raghanti, and C. Owen Lovejoy p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 119 Chimpanzees and the Behavior of Ardipithecus ramidus Craig B. Stanford p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 139 Evolution and Environmental Change in Early Human Prehistory Richard Potts p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 151
Primate Feeding and Foraging: Integrating Studies of Behavior and Morphology W. Scott McGraw and David J. Daegling p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 203 Madagascar: A History of Arrivals, What Happened, and Will Happen Next Robert E. Dewar and Alison F. Richard p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 495 Maternal Prenatal Nutrition and Health in Grandchildren and Subsequent Generations E. Susser, J.B. Kirkbride, B.T. Heijmans, J.K. Kresovich, L.H. Lumey, and A.D. Stein p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 577 Linguistics and Communicative Practices Media and Religious Diversity Patrick Eisenlohr p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 37 Three Waves of Variation Study: The Emergence of Meaning in the Study of Sociolinguistic Variation Penelope Eckert p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 87 Documents and Bureaucracy Matthew S. Hull p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 251 The Semiotics of Collective Memories Brigittine M. French p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 337 Language and Materiality in Global Capitalism Shalini Shankar and Jillian R. Cavanaugh p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 355 Anthropology in and of the Archives: Possible Futures and Contingent Pasts. Archives as Anthropological Surrogates David Zeitlyn p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 461 Music, Language, and Texts: Sound and Semiotic Ethnography Paja Faudree p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 519
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International Anthropology and Regional Studies Contemporary Anthropologies of Indigenous Australia Tess Lea p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 187 The Politics of Perspectivism Alcida Rita Ramos p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 481 Anthropologies of Arab-Majority Societies Lara Deeb and Jessica Winegar p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 537 Sociocultural Anthropology Lives With Others: Climate Change and Human-Animal Relations Rebecca Cassidy p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 21 The Politics of the Anthropogenic Nathan F. Sayre p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 57 Objects of Affect: Photography Beyond the Image Elizabeth Edwards p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 221 Sea Change: Island Communities and Climate Change Heather Lazrus p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 285 Enculturating Cells: The Anthropology, Substance, and Science of Stem Cells Aditya Bharadwaj p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 303 Diabetes and Culture Steve Ferzacca p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 411 Toward an Ecology of Materials Tim Ingold p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 427 Sport, Modernity, and the Body Niko Besnier and Susan Brownell p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 443 Theme I: Materiality Objects of Affect: Photography Beyond the Image Elizabeth Edwards p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 221 The Archaeology of Money Colin Haselgrove and Stefan Krmnicek p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 235 Documents and Bureaucracy Matthew S. Hull p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 251 Phenomenological Approaches in Landscape Archaeology Matthew H. Johnson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 269
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Language and Materiality in Global Capitalism Shalini Shankar and Jillian R. Cavanaugh p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 355 Toward an Ecology of Materials Tim Ingold p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 427 Anthropology in and of the Archives: Possible Futures and Contingent Pasts. Archives as Anthropological Surrogates David Zeitlyn p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 461 Theme II: Climate Change Lives With Others: Climate Change and Human-Animal Relations Rebecca Cassidy p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 21 The Politics of the Anthropogenic Nathan F. Sayre p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 57 Ethnoprimatology and the Anthropology of the Human-Primate Interface Agustin Fuentes p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 101 Evolution and Environmental Change in Early Human Prehistory Richard Potts p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 151 Sea Change: Island Communities and Climate Change Heather Lazrus p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 285 Archaeological Contributions to Climate Change Research: The Archaeological Record as a Paleoclimatic and Paleoenvironmental Archive Daniel H. Sandweiss and Alice R. Kelley p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 371 Madagascar: A History of Arrivals, What Happened, and Will Happen Next Robert E. Dewar and Alison F. Richard p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 495 Indexes Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 3241 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 627 Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 3241 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 631 Errata An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology articles may be found at http://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml
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Cassidy 2012 Annual Rrview Lives With Others Climae Change and Human Animal Relations

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ANNUAL REVIEWS

Lives With Others: Climate Change and Human-Animal Relations

CHANGING CLIMATE AND HUMAN-ANIMAL RELATIONS

POLITICAL ECOLOGY AND PASTORALISM

Pastoralism: a form of agriculture focused primarily on the rearing of livestock

ANIMISM AND CLIMATE CHANGE: AMAZONIA AND THE CIRCUMPOLAR RIM

APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY AND CLIMATE CHANGE POLITICS

Annual Review of Anthropology Volume 41, 2012

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