Social Science History Association

Trailblazers in a Traditional World: Korea's First Women College Graduates, 1910-45 Author(s): Jihang Park Source: Social Science History, Vol. 14, No. 4 (Winter, 1990), pp. 533-558 Published by: Duke University Press on behalf of the Social Science History Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1171331 . Accessed: 15/07/2013 23:25
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in a Traditional Trailblazers World: Korea'sFirst Women College

Graduates, 1910-45
JIHANG PARK

womenseemedthemostsecluded on earth. IsabellaBishop,the adventurous traveler whovisited Koreain thelastyears English ofthenineteenth that women there century, reported experienced a uniqueconfinement: from theclosing ofthecity gatesof Seoul at dusk,all menexcept fortheblindandofficials werebanished from the streets; of a malethen,and onlythen,in thesafety free werethewomen atliberty to stroll andmakesocial darkness, calls. And the higher thewoman'sstatus, themoresevereher seclusion. The queenherself conceded that sheknewlittle ofher never seenthestreets of Seoul bydaylight. This country, having stemmed from thepeculiar of rigidly deprivation practice segreandsecluding when reached theage ofsix(Allen gating girls they observed so faithfully that herextensive Korean Bishop,during
ofProfit-sharing and Industrial inBritish Co-partnership Industry, 1880-1920: or Class Collaboration? Class Conflict numerous (1987), shehasalso published on women's articles issuesofnineteenthandtwentieth-century injourBritain nalsincluding PastandPresent andthe Journal Sincereturning ofSocialHistory. to hercountry, she has undertaken research on Korea. comparative-perspective She is currently of working-class formation in Korea. The engagedin a study author wishesto thank Ms. Y. Kim at theregistrar's office of EwhaWomen's toexamine theuniversity's Seoul,for University, permission collegeregister.
Social Science History 14:4 (Winter 199o). Copyright ScienceHistory Association. ccc 0145-5532/90/$I.50. I199o by the Social

TO THE WESTERNvisitor aroundtheturn of thecentury, Korean

19o8; Bishop 1898; Gliinicke1904; Jones1896). The customwas

is associate Park ofhistory atInha Author Korea. Jihang professor University,

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534

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neversaw a girlwho lookedabove six. The traditional travels, lackedthe "brightness whichgirllife Koreansocietytherefore to socialexistence" contributes (Bishop1898:342). of womenwas evident in every The subordination aspectof several after life.An Englishman Korea visiting years Bishopwas women were not shockedat thecustom givena name whereby and were own:they the father's of their surname simply adopted or the wife of some man known as the the only daughter, sister,
hatforthree (Gluinicke 1904: 42). A Koreanmanworea mourning

hisfather's he woreitfor twoyears for his after death; only years "Don't youweara mourning hatifyourwife deceasedmother. askeda Korean."Oh, no!" he answered. dies?" one Westerner "It is easy to get a new wife,butyou can't get new parents" Koreansevendiscriminated (Bergman1938: 95). Significantly, To these Korean between father and mother. Western observers, women seemed so long andso much that tohavesuffered someday work wouldriseup,andthe"fury into which then [will] they they is something tocontemplate" themselves awful (Allen1908: 98). Thatuprising ofKorean totakeplace. failed women, however, women freed themselves from the bonds of convention Instead, The of women's education gradually. development higher representedsuch liberation, and it beganfarsoonerthanone might haveexpected. thehigh of social subordinaConsidering degree tionwhich it is to that then Ewha,the prevailed, surprising learn in first was launched as as women's college Korea, early 1910. This article, to find out who the an attempt then,represents first Korean women were. such college-educated By analyzing factors as social and backand important origin regional religious I will attempt to present a clear picture of the social ground, of I those women. will also to assess their contricomposition try butions notonlyin upgrading thestatus ofwomen in their native landbutin helping to transform a profoundly traditional society intoa modem one. Although inthe Korean was changing society and thefundamental social conventions remained intact beneath human behavior and values do not superficial changes. Obviously, This article thus is also a to changeovernight. response recent revisionist view that tendto reverse theconventional arguments of theroleof women in traditional Koreaand to overemphasize theimpact ofmodernization thecolonial era (Kendalland during I Peterson the will make some Along way, comparisons, I983).
slow, period 19Io-45, the modernization process was painfully

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World 535 ina Traditional Trailblazers

oftheexperience ofWestern on myknowledge women, drawing British women. particularly ofdifferent feminists devoted their efforts In theWest, persuasions was thefocusof the to numerous causes. In Korea,education from theverybeginning and remained so women'smovement that all until1945-an understandable fact, considering virtually womenwere illiterate and thatthe stateeducation had system various educational institutions Although yetto be established. in traditional Koreansociety, wereintended existed they justfor intheupper class-the yangban men.A very fewwomen classin theonmun, theKorean received instruction vernacular script. women an education in classical received Stillfewer upper-class written oftheYi dynasty. InterestChinese,theofficial language somecourtesans were theselect fewwhodid. ingly, among Both men and womenfeltthattheemancipation of women wouldbe accomplished andvarious education, only through justifications wereprovided. The maleattitude was typically paternalin order women's education to makewomen better istic,favoring on theother mothers.' found their rationale hand, Manywomen, in theinability forwomen'seducation of mento protect family
life and the nation (Park et al. 1920; TongaIlbo passim; Tongnip Sinmoon 18 May 1897, cited in Lee 1982: 117-18). Men,

after was reduced to all, had been in powerwhenthecountry in 1910.Women colonialstatus, annexation following Japanese werealso concerned aboutthedestruction of thefamily, which inthe1920s.The arranged a grave was becoming socialproblem often matched an educated manandan illiterate woman, marriage divorced their and menincreasingly wiveson that andreground educated "newwomen," ofgirls'high married schools graduates had been established thelastyears of thenineteenth that during there werewomen whoaspired to education as century. Finally, "I want for thereclamation oftheindividual. tobe an opportunity I must andreceive andfor that a human being, acquire knowledge we Korean women havenowaytogetit.We education. However, andstronger tobecomea better haveno means whereby person." So did one young cryout,vainly imploring highschoolgraduate she fledto herwealthy father to sendherto college.Eventually, hertradition-minded father her China. Not surprisingly, brought
back home (Ch6ng 1925).

issuein In anycase, education remained theforemost women's

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536

SOCIAL SCIENCE HISTORY

that women's thefirst Korea, and it is notsurprising organized in the was aimed at schools for 1890s agitation establishing girls. Thatthrust the of education notwithstanding, expansion among was insignificant. MostKorean women (90% in 1930)were girls and not illiterate, girls school, to mention attending high college, constituted a no more In were than minority. 1931,there only tiny in 16 students schools 4,554 girls'high formally recognized by of students thegovernment. had increased By 1934,thenumber to5,123. slightly, for this colonial education wasresponsible The Japanese policy extreme limitation. Thatpolicywas a slow expansion of basic Koreinorder toassimilate and"Japanize" education elementary with a education effort to ans,coupled higher vigorous discourage 1944;Son 1971;Tsurumi 1984). When (Ch6ng1972;Grajdanzer to thefounding in 1924 thegovernment-general acceded finally the it was for ofa university, University, primarily Keijo Imperial sakeof thechildren ofJapanese whose number would colonials, reach443,000 by 1925. The Japanese also hopedto stemthe of in tide Korean enrollment collegesand unigrowing Japanese to "dangerous versities becausethey werethemostsusceptible in Japanin with communism hold taking thoughts," especially ofKoreanstudents the 1920S (ibid.: 307). AtKeijo, thenumber was deliberately lists 30%: thefirst keptunder year'senrollment as to 124 Japanese (Son 1971: 192). Be44 Koreans, compared the ofmedicine were admission to sides,they granted only faculty from and thatof law and literature; were barred thecolthey of of liberal considered a hotbed nationalist arts, lege potential this educaconsciousness (ibid.: Igo; Tsurumi 1984:307). Under it was no wonder tionalpolicy, that evenhighschoolgraduates wereconsidered It was almost "intellectuals." unthinkable, then, that a woman receive a might collegeeducation. school whowanted education chose Secondary graduates higher eitherto enterEwha or to go abroad,usuallyto Japan.One medical schoolfor women andseveral for traintwo-year colleges future and teachers were available, ing elementary kindergarten butEwharemained theonlyfour-year women's collegein Korea until was started.2 1938,whena three-year college,Sookmyong, Two yearsbefore theend of theSecondWorld War,bothEwha and Sookmyong wereconverted intoone-year schools. training Founded American Ewha as a missionaries, by began girls'school

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World 537 ina Traditional Trailblazers

Itdeveloped student. in 1886with however; rapidly, onlya single in courses were offered and three women thefirst college I9Io,
were graduatedin 1914. The government recognizedit in 1925,

and between whenit was formally 1914and 1945 reorganized, some700 graduates. thecollegeproduced than 8o% choseJapan; Of thosewhostudied more the abroad, countries restwentto the U.S. and other (Kim and Lee 1933: how Koreanwomen werestudying at Japanese institutions. Just this was can be seen if with number we it insignificant juxtapose thetimeof entering University collegewas 18 (Ewha Women's
1925-45; Kwon et al. 1975: 150). Thus ifwe compareour figure of 326 to the entirefemalepopulationage 15-19, we get 0.03%, or 3 in Io,ooo. For Korean women as a whole, the figurewas only 3 out of 1oo,OOo.
121).

In 1930, therewere only 153 students at Ewha, while 173

the female population,which in 1930 was 10,039,219. Women between 15 and 19 numberedI,042,493, and the average age at

In Korea,andtoa degree inJapan, education wasbasedon segand standards. Schools were strictly segregated regation separate by sex, and girls'schoolswereobligedto adopta specialcurno coeducational riculum. Therewerevirtually institutions until to grant themdegrees.Keijo as auditors butrefused to attend in the ImperialUniversity, onlyuniversity Korea, was an allAnd collegesopento women offered a limited male institution. were At Ewha, onlythree curriculum. established, departments to serve music,and homeeconomics-all intended literature, role as mothers future and wives. Particularly womenin their of homeecowas whatlay behind theestablishment instructive In the1920san increasing number education. nomics inwomen's and from menreturned theU.S. withcollegedegrees of young In to women. wantedto marry response this college-educated was set thehomeeconomics demand, up to prepare department howto cook them brides as desirable Ewha women byteaching soonacquired the thedepartment food.Understandably, Western of thedaughter-in-law" of "thedepartment nickname (Min and in subjects other than Women interested literature, music,and colat Japanese considered homeeconomics enrolling naturally to Japanese went thebrighter that girls leges. In fact,it was felt
Park 1981: 513). in Japanallowed women 1945. In the 1920s several universities

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538

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inJapan, students TableI Korean 1930, college bydiscipline andgender Male Female
Teachers' college
Art

Medicine

43
31
11

economics Home Literature Economics Law Music

Agriculture

30
21

61
31

56 0

412

9 8 7
6

281 659 7
135
212

Science Commerce Miscellaneous Total

Source:Park1975:920.

3 3 I

77

71

173

2,002

institutions and thelesser talents remained at home.As a result, in theearly Ewha losttheprestige ithadgained days(ibid.: I60; Oct. As Table shows, 28). 1933: Sinyosong I Japanese colleges A noticeable feature of Table I is the greater variety. provided in men'sandwomen's difference a majority of majors.Whereas as law,economics, menwerestudying suchsubjects agriculture, and commerce, in themoretraditionally women feminine stayed in fields. A remarkable the was which medicine, exception largest number of Koreanwomen wereengaged. Thiswas becauseof a belief that women werewellsuited to thehealing as arts, general we shall see lateron. In anycase, although mostwomen were still in subjects involved associated with them, other, traditionally moreadventurous entered and the likelaw, economics, spirits malepreserves. normally On theother ofcollegeapplications thepattern hand,to study in Korea is to observethe way in whichoutsidedevelopment can affect career choicesinwomen's education. The comhigher forentering Ewha College had been brisk in theearly petition for theliterature thetrend However, years, especially department. had changed The literaradically by 1939,as Table2 indicates.

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Trailblazers ina Traditional World 539 Table2 Application to women's inKorea,1939 colleges

Tobe Rate of admitted Admitted Applicants competition Ewha

Literature Department MusicDepartment 50 30 40 19 28 94 75 1,494 68 93 2.35 3-74 1.36 2.33
1.25

Home Economics
Department

19 25 40 62 400 50 40

ofMedicine College Ewha School for

Teachers' Elementary College 400

6o
50 40

School for Choongang

Teachers Kindergarten Teachers Kindergarten

Source:Tonga Ilbo 6 Apr.I939.

tureand musicdepartments recruited fewer thanthey applicants to while the home economics remained hoped admit, department To be the difficult economic condisure, popular.3 increasingly tionsthatresulted whenJapanwaged war on Manchuria and Chinain the1930sreduced for literaemployment opportunities A moredecisive turegraduates. factor in restricted employment was distrust of theEwha women'sacahowever, opportunities, demiccapability, above. Secondary mentioned schools,in parwomen trained in to Ewha ticular, preferred Japan graduates. The lackofinterest inmedical medicine school, though guaranteedlifelong is interesting evidence ofwhere employment, college education stoodfrom a woman's It was, according perspective. to TongaIlbo (6 Apr. 1939), because womenfeltthata fivewas too longa timeto spendstudying forwhatever yearterm and prestige fortune thepractice of medicine in the might bring future. Women must before it was too late. the marry Conversely, teachers' course took college guaranteed yet Ioo% employment Notsurprisingly, women who many onlytwoyearsto complete. vieweda career as an intermediate before step marriage preferred teachers'college to medicalschool. The fragility of women's is further education in high evidenced rates: more higher dropout thanhalfthewomenwho entered Ewha in theperiod1914-45 withdrew. ratewas as high Indeed,in some yearsthedropout

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540

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as 80%. The reason:as soon as a suitable manwas available, a woman's education was generally terminated. of the first Whatwas the social composition college-educated women in Korea?It must be noted first that theanalysis andconof their struction socialcharacter arenoteasytasks:information is extremely on the earlyEwha graduates and sources limited, ofJapanese thegraduates collegesareall too scarce. concerning the there is a sourceconcerning Ewhawomen after Fortunately, in 1925: records of 19o womenwho college was reorganized from theliterature between 1927 and 1944 department graduated on theseand (Ewha Women's 1925-45). By drawing University and other scattered materials, including contemporary newspapers various can and we the social statistics, magazines period analyze of the of thesewomen.Although thesocial origin composition we of cannot be identified, colleges graduates Japanese accurately of were similar considcan safely assumethat social origin, they of to only a tiny that was restricted section education ering higher from Koreanwomenwho werepresumably themoreprivileged classes. Analysis of Ewha womenwill thussuggest a broader of the of women 19Io-45 as a whole. picture college-educated Whenthemissionaries started schoolsforgirlsin thelastdeof cades thenineteenth found italmost to they impossible century, attract students: Korean felt that theWesterners parents suspicious wouldsell their intoslavery inforeign countries at the daughters first Undersuchcircumstances, it is notsurprising opportunity. that theearlyEwha students wereeither or girlsfrom a orphans of Far from extreme howvictimized, background poverty. being ifthey themselves at ever,suchgirls, distinguished academically theEwha girls'school,wereaccepted at thecollege as students andcontinued to receive financial Notinfrequently, support. they wenton to graduate. The first Koreandean of thecollege,apafter theAmerican theJapanese forced missionaries to pointed leavethecountry in 1939,wasa case inpoint. in Other graduates theearlydayswerealso from families and their poor completed education loansfrom thecollege,whichthey onlythrough paid backbyteaching attheschoolfollowing graduation. from westernized families hadbemiddle-class By 1920,girls to enter the and of the Ewha women gun college, composition becamemorediverse. In 1918, Ewhahad41 students altogether,

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ina Traditional Trailblazers World 541

Table 3

colleges

at Ewha and Japanese Geographicaloriginsof students institutions Japanese Ewhaa(%) Female(%) 20 71 47 26 9 Male (%) 503 8o8 9oo 704 316

Northeast Northwest Southeast Southwest Midlands Unknown

Seoul/Kyonggib

Manchuria Total

28 (I4-7) 49 (25.8) 3 (I.6) 7 (3-7) 14 (7-4) 10 (5-3) 5 (2.6)

74 (38.9)

26 (13-1)

(IO.I) (35-7) (23.6) (I3-1) (4-5)

363 (Io.I)
(22.5) (25.0)

(14.0) (19.6) (8.8)

199 3,594 19o Park all Sources:Ewha Women'sUniversity 1925-45; 1975: 918. Hereafter thecollegeregister theEwha womenare from unlessstated data concerning otherwise. aAll women. bTheprovince Seoul. surrounding

of whom16 weresupported and 25 partly by their parents by thecollege. In thenextyear,Io of 40 students weresupported and theother 30 partly by their parents by the college; none, received a fullscholarship however, (EwhaWomen's University 1967: 245). The literature which had absorbed theearlycoldepartment, 2 between lege, produced190 graduates Japanese) (excluding on information 1927 and 1944; of these,170 women provided father's address, family background, including religion, occupaOne thing becomes obvition,and family property. immediately ous. As Table 3 shows,almost of them half (40.5%) camefrom thenorthern The northern women an even provinces. represented in the students at a 45.7%, Japanese higher proportion colleges, muchhigher thanthemen's 36.5%. The northwest proportion of thetotal.One reasonfor morethana third alonerepresented thiswas obviously that Western culture was first introduced and in thisregion. was concentrated It is undermissionary activity and "progressive" were standable that northerners "enlightened" in thesouth theparents to sendtheir moreeagerthan daughters reason tohavebeentherelative tocollege.Another appears pros-

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542

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offathers, Table andother mothers, 4 Occupation groupings family members Other family Father Total (%) Mother (%) members (%) (%) Business 8 (23-5) 46 (36.8) 4 (36.4) 7 (5.6) Industry Professional 39 (31.2) 6 (54-5) II (32.4)
Total
125

Agriculturea 33 (26.4)

(9-I)

15 (44.1)

49 (28.8) 58 (34.I)
170

7 (4 1) 56 (32.9)

II

a Includes one infishery.

34

of theregion, of thenorthwest. thecenter for Py6ngyang, perity had farmorewealthy residents thananyother instance, cityin Korea: whilein other citiesfewer than2% of thepeople were of Io,ooo wonormore), could (hadproperty wealthy Py6ngyang claimthat morethan halfof itspopulation was-an exceedingly (Kim 1982: 279-80). As we will see lateron, highproportion was a decisive in one'sreceiving factor a college family property education. Whatis important, in anycase, is theconsiderable ofthenorthern women. overrepresentation in identifying factor the social Perhapsthe mostimportant of college-educated character is thefather's women occupation and socioeconomic As Table 4 shows,approxibackground. werein business; another 37% of thefathers 31% were mately in theprofessions-doctors, civilservants, andminiseducators, ters.Together, two-thirds of all Ewhafamilies, they represented fewer whereas than in agriculture. If we com30% were engaged with thedistribution of occupations in theentire parethisresult we can see justto what extent business and thepropopulation, fessions areoverrepresented in oursample.In 193Oandin 1940, the agricultural sectoremployed an overwhelming of majority thelaborforce-approximately 4 outofevery 5 working people couldclaimonlyI ofevery 16 or so and the (Table5). Business civil serviceand theprofessions in about I 40. As late as only Korea was still a 194o predominantly agricultural society. Thiswastrue eventhough inthe1920s, the hadbegun Japanese in Korea-a stepgearedto imperial industrialization benefits. industrialization had a million Although produced quarter factory workers had taken by 1939 and a large-scale peasant uprooting

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ina Traditional World 543 Trailblazers

ofthe as a whole Table 5 Occupation population groupings

(%) 1930 16,165,983(82.I) Agriculturea Business 1,253,895 (6.4) 449,262 (2.3) Industry Professional 523,105 (2.7) Unemployed/others 1,293,342 (6.6) Total 19,685,587 1940 (%) 17,089,247 (74-4) 1,825,185 (8.0) I,o80,222 (4-7) 709,571 (3-1) 2,250,378 (9.8) 22,954,603

KimandLee 1933;ChOsen Sources: Government-General 193ob,1940. a Includes fishery.

remained beplace, thebasic social structure largely unchanged causetheJapanese the modernization Durmonopolized process. andclasseswere andtheearly 1940sKorean ingthe1930os groups from themodernizing as laborers orlowexcluded activity except leveltechnicians andbureaucrats. The landed classremained the elitism was encouraged eliteuntil1945, and their the by Japalandlords toextract riceandtogovern the nese,whousedKorean for them In infor 1984: 1929, (Cumings countryside 489-9I).4 thelargelandowners, whoconstituted a mere stance, 3.7% ofthe controlled entire tenants, 77. 1% ofthe farming partial population, laborers and exercised a powerful or agricultural tenants, hegeand incursion into (Kim 1982: 276).5TheJapanese industry mony from thevery was also substantial thecapitalmarket early years. werebased As earlyas 19II, of 152 firms whoseheadquarters 16 had in Korea, og9 wereownedby theJapanese and another were 1941, 94.5% By co-ownership. JapaneseJapanese-Korean inthebigenterprises was always andpaid-up owned, 90% capital Those few Koreans the colonial era. ormore throughout Japanese in commerce did so in leaguewith and industry who prospered Kim theJapanese 1984; 1982). (Cumings class ofthemiddle thedisproportionate In this context presence was It also true has Ewha families specialsignificance. among middle class showed the in nineteenth-century that the England of its in education interest the However, daughters. higher greatest inKoreainthe1920S andthe1930s that be remembered itshould a powerful small andnotyet wasnumerically thebourgeoisie very class. middle theBritish unlike in society, force is the most Besides the father's family property occupation,

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6 Family ofEwha Table wealth students, 1928andafter of Number students % won 10,000-49,999 won 50,000-99,999 won SI0oo,ooo Unknown Total
< Io,o00 won

41 16 20 29 136

30

22.I

30.I 11.8 14.7 21.3

to us in distinguishing thesocial charfactor available important The collegeregister documents acterof Ewha graduates. family in and after of women who entered the 1928 college properties those as virtually (Table6). Evenifwe consider unpropertied 29 would whofailed torecord an assumption women lproperty-such of of coursenotbe true,as demonstrated the case Yongay by owneda good-sized firm-more thanhalf Park,whosebrother won or families whopossessed more. camefrom Io,ooo we have defined the government-general surveys, Following line and those won as the between the wealthy dividing Io,ooo datato establish below(ibid.: 280). Thereareno comprehensive thepercentage of thepopulation that to thiscategory, belonged for cities the data available several indicate thatthisgroup yet 2% less than of the in those cities.People represented population with50,000 won or morewerefarmorescarce,ranging from sucha group of 0.07% to 0.3%.6 Yet we find 26.5% comprising Ewha families. In 1930,whenthelowest civilservant of Korean received tuition and nationality 387 won as an annualincome, other at Ewhaweresome300 wonperannum (Chosen expenses Government-General 193ob: 66I, 677-79)7 Clearly,only an couldafford affluent sucha substantial family expense.The preoffamily dominance wealth Ewhawomen, reflects a then, among from theearly Ewhawomen were, significant days,when change if notorphans, at leastvery that poor.It is particularly striking at least20 women werefrom those families, extremely wealthy withIoo,ooo won or more.If we breakdownthe figures for theextremely ninehad Ioo,ooo-200,ooo won; three, wealthy, won;five, 200,000-300,000 300,000-500,000won;andthree, 500,000 wonormore. The socialprominence ofEwhawomen is further evidenced by

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World 545 ina Traditional Trailblazers

landof thelargest in theregister of their fathers theinclusion The listof the owners and theWho'sWhoof Koreanbusiness. in fiveprovtheJapanese landowners occupation during largest listed of Ewha women three fathers and we find inces survives,
as owning io6, 130, and 221 ch6ngbos(one ch6ngboequals 2.45

andonly was 30 ch6ngbos, for inclusion 445 acres).The criterion the more or as having menwerelisted throughout ch6ngbos Ioo fiveprovinces 1985:99, ky6ngje nongchon (Hangook y6ngooso

memberswho earned their 212-13).8 That 3 of 49 Ewha family

landowners thelargest werelisted from among agriculture living in 2 Ewhafathers included We also find in Korea is significant.

hoeuiso1923).9 Sanggong (Ky6ngs6ng four withmeager Therewere,of course,families property: of whom one hadlessthanI,ooo won,andfour families women, was adopted appearto havehad no immediate by a missionary, ofthewealthy dominance assets.Yetthe letalonefinancial family, ifwe to be women Ewha Interestingly, recognized. ought among with50,000 or of thosefathers look closelyat theoccupations in agriculthetotal half more of36 were won,we see that exactly in the in business and were whereas 3 ture, professions. onlyII An analysis ofthewealthiest 200,000 wonormore)shows (with 2 in 8 werein agriculture, an evenmoredramatic disproportion: confirms This in business. and indisputably finding industry, I of members rulewere Koreans that thewealthiest Japanese during class. thelanded ofEwhagraduthefathers ofthat classamong The prominence thatby the 1920s,notonlythemiddleclass but ates suggests theimportance thelandedclass as well had come to recognize mendifferent Were these education. of seeingto their daughters' the If in from others in attitude engaged agriculture?so, perhaps The in their difference clearest (Table7). religious background lay in thelandedclass is smaller of Christians byalmost percentage Ewha is all than it By graduates. among points Io percentage from thelandedclass claimedmembers Confucianism contrast, theEwhapopuas from morethan twiceas high at a percentage of Christians the49.0% figure lationas a whole. Nevertheless, was an in fathers high proportion impressively agriculture among inthegeneral ofChristians tothat population. compared was ofEwhawomen features distinctive oneofthemost Indeed,

Who's Who in Business in Seoul, an enormousoverrepresentation

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546

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Table ofEwha 7 Religious background graduates

All Ewha (%) graduates in Fathers (%) agriculture Koreans in 1930a(%)

Christian Confucian Buddhist No answer Total

III 14 2 63

(58.4) (7-4) (I.I)

(33.2)

Igo90

24 (49.0) 9 (18.4) I6 (32.7) 49

314,534(I.6) 403,027(2.0)

Source:ChOsen Government-General 193ob:66o-6I which Note:Thecensus didnottakeinto wastoKoreans account Confucianism, a religion notso much as a wayoflife. aThetotal ofKoreain 1930was I9,685,587. population

This is their almost 6o% wereChristian. religious background: notsurprising, that Western was culture considering transplanted whoconverted andthat those Koreans to bymissionaries largely themost wereprobably Christianity opentotheidea of women's Even so, forthere a education. to havebeen so overwhelming at Ewha College in a predomiChristian-family representation is significant. Forthat 16 of non-Christian matter, society nantly ministers. These were in our samplewereChristian thefathers so an able to afford substantial exmen of little means,barely desire thattheir interest lay less in their pense. It is probable education thanin their to give their a higher hope of daughters further education at a themsincereChristians through making missionary college. is thepresence oflandowners Evenmoresignificant with Conbeliefs fucian landDespitetraditional amongEwha families. norms ofconduct, menweresufficiently owner these progressive to was said tosendtheir landowner daughters college.Thetypical for his son's life to refuse to allow generous loose but expenses whospent his daughter evena dress.Thus,theEwhafather 300 was a striking wonperyearforhis daughter's collegeeducation to thecode of conduct followed Korean by a typical exception ofthis landowner period. itis safeto saythat of Ewha In conclusion, themajority then, to Christian and families were affluent northerners assimilated on thegraduates ofJapaScattered information Western culture.

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World 547 ina Traditional Trailblazers

them affluent. the nese collegesidentified as similarly Whereas feesat Ewhaamounted anddormitory to 380 won, annualtuition in Japan were480 fora Koreanstudent theminimum expenses Feb. Ewha Women's Univerwonperyear(Tonga Ilbo 17 1934; in students were however, Japan, sity1967: 248, 254). Korean women. than Ewha Some were from arismore socially prominent new or the whether the traditional tocratic families, aristocracy such no whereas there were the by Japanese, peeragefabricated of women bothat Ewha womenat Ewha.'oEven so, a majority from middle-class a and at Japanese background. collegeswere of theKoreanmiddle The progressiveness class, at a timewhen of society and lackedanyreal smallsection it was an extremely should be noted. prestige, Did thefirst who wereapparently so women, college-educated in Korean wellrespected liveup to intellectually society, actually in theworking world? of obWhatweretheresults expectations in a country a collegeeducation where women had never taining Andhowdid Japanese before had theopportunity? imperialism women's career influence pursuits? hadbecomea major Femaleemployment concern bythe1920os in considerable whenwomenentered thepaid laborforce numbers.Notsurprisingly, theprimary obstacle towomen a pursuing ina tradition-bound was sexualdiscrimination The career society. women's wasthat itwould be chief employment argument against to children and thehome.Evenitssupporters injurious strongly ofwomen tostress career over totheincreasing tendency objected work:"Womencan never leave home;their foremost domestic in thehome"(Tonga rests Ilbo 18 Jan.1936). But responsibility togetoutoftheir confined women increasingly attempted sphere, were eventhough limited. employment opportunities pitifully mostKoreanwomensought Although, generally speaking, to economic that was nottheprimary work as a solution distress, whoweremainly from of ourcollege-educated concern women, Their concern was tobe independent. well-off families. principal ingeneral, dissatisfied with were educated women, deeply Highly To it to be and thetraditional free, slavery. marriage compared havean occupation and be economiwomenmust argued, they ofa medical One physician, a graduate college callyindependent.

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548

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inKorea, Table 8 Professional 193o bygender groupings

Male Christianminister/preacher 1,513 Doctor 1,958
Teachera

Female 978 35
20 2,271

Total 2,491 1,993

Ratioofmale tofemale 55-9:1 6.o:I 458.4:1

1.5:1

Journalist/writer
Civil servant

13,587 49,507

1,496

Io8

15,858 49,615

1,516

74.8:I

Source:Ch6senGovernment-General 1930a:142-43. and had no of whomwerewomen aThis includes part-time instructors, many certificate.

on inTokyo, tofind was determined a waytolivewithout relying his"arrogant, cold-blooded and toputup with a manandhaving Ilbo 7 Nov. 1924). (Han 1936:164;Tonga tyranny" despotic to of careerchoices,our womenshow similarities In terms in Western nations. Yetthere arenotable differences. their sisters feature ofwomen's The most distinctive during Japaemployment division nese rule-which is thecase eventoday-was a strict of laborbetween thesexes.Occupations ranged opento women fromthe moreprofessional ones-teacher,doctor, journalist, nurse-to such midwife, jobs as saleswoman, telephone operator, worker. had andfactory By the1930s,employment opportunities to theranks more women wereadmitted becomeslightly diverse; andtaxidrivers. ofpharmacists, banktellers, engineers, in which wereleast women As Table8 shows, theoccupations andjournalism/ included thecivilservice, medicine, represented theinjustice To be sure,Koreanmenalso experienced writing. in those In 1926,for ofunderemployment instance, occupations. as against were719 Japanese there 285 Koreansin thejudicial as branch.If we consider judges alone, we find148 Japanese women It is no wonder that lawopposedto a mere30 Koreans. inother nonexistent. fields andwomen However, yers judgeswere which suchas mediwereless influenced byimperialist policies, still than men.In 1930,there heldfar fewer cine,women positions in and wereonly35 medical doctors, 38 dentists, 65 pharmacists of more million. than a female population Io in Korea tended British Like their sisters, collegegraduates whereas most to find the suitable However, occupation. teaching

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Trailblazers ina Traditional World 549 ofKorean andJapanese Table9 Distribution school elementary teachers in Koreaandtheir salaries (in won) No. ofteachers
1922 2,598

Japanese of No. teachers Salary Salary Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female
201 421
52

Korean

1930 5,6ol 460 53 49 289 Source: Government-General 193ob: 630-31. Ch6sen

1926 1928

4,682 5,185

48 48

415

52

52

48

1,803 1,993 2,259

1,o94

213

304

343

114 117

115

75 79

79

115

80

atKorean Table Io National ofteachers schools origin girls'high Teachers Japanese

Private(Io schools) Total

Korean
III

Foreign
14 15

Students
2,866 4,422

Public(6 schools)

62
29 91

17

1,556

128

Source: Ch6sen Government-General 193ob: 638-39.

inBritain thanks totheestabteaching positions rapidly expanded of state inKoreawere lishment education, teaching opportunities This was partly restricted. becauseof thecolonialeduseverely outabove,andpartly becauseonlya small cation policypointed number ofschoolscouldabsorb Women found collegegraduates. schoolpositions. Table 9 it difficult to obtaineven elementary indicates the Koreanwomenhad to the double discrimination therewas only I face. In 1930, forevery12 male teachers, who had obtained femaleteacher her certificate and taught at that schools." Considering elementary government-recognized women totalled malecolleagues, thedis13% of their Japanese crimination Koreanwomen becomes obvious.Equal pay against both evenso, was a remote idea for andKorean women; Japanese of of 61% the their Koreanwomen received only salary Japanese ofJapanese and43% ofthesalary maleteachers. sisters for schoolteachrule,thedemand elementary Japanese During ers was sustained evenwithout education and even compulsory

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550

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mostKoreanparents couldnotafford to sendtheir chilthough drento elementary school. However, in secondary thesituation school was quitedifferent. In all 16 girls'schools,there were 128 Korean teachers from selected some 20 million Koreans, only whereas themuchsmaller boastedproporJapanese population in highschool teaching, fargreater as tionately representation a far Table Io indicates. Publicschools,by theway,employed ofJapanese evidence ofJapafurther teachers, higher proportion nesecolonial policy. We cannot in those128 women wereincluded say howmany but a lamented in there women's Koreans, 1925 that magazine were only one or two womenteachers at each school. More was thatwhile "men are teaching such important lamentable andliterature, women teachonly courses as mathematics sewing, (XYZ 1926: 64). Even so, secondary cooking,or embroidery" schoolteaching was regarded as themostdesirable career open to women.Onlycollegegraduates forit, and the werequalified was one of thetwo highest, salarytheyreceived alongwitha doctor's.It is notsurprising, that was then, teaching considered a most female It a negative respectable profession. had,however, to be harmful side as well:standing forlonghours was believed to thewomb,and chalkwas thought to cause thethen incurable tuberculosis. was also considered and Teaching boring monotonous. A former school said that"teaching teacher high bluntly first and considered sacred,yetthey deeplycommitted teaching weresoontorealize that there wasnothing in "talking sacred like a gramophone and month, every every day,every year"(Tonga in the soonlostfavor Ilbo II Mar. 1928). Consequently, teaching of women. eyes many whichhad becomeopen to On the otherhand,journalism, Koreanwomen for thefirst timein the1920s,gainedpopularity withgreat as indeedithad in Britain of the rapidity, bytheturn whereas in Britain women found However, (Park 1987). century work there were a handful of women journalistic plentiful, only inKoreabefore were hired journalists 1945;eventhen they largely as "a novelty or a flower in theoffice" andassigned onlyto materialconsidered forthewoman'spage. Moreover, suitable the oftheearly wasadvertising, bejournalists primary responsibility forwomen cause magazines of (Siny6s6ng werealmost unheard
lifewas like prisonlife" (Roundtable1933: 23). Teacherswere at

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ina Traditional World 55 Trailblazers

ofemployment Mar. 1932:48-50). The dearth notopportunities soon as the career withstanding, journalism teaching surpassed mostdesiredby youngwomen.In theearly1920s,mosthigh in teaching; schoolgraduates had hopedfora career onlya few first in the choice was a career later, journalism years (Sinyo'sng
Mar. 1926: 52).

It mayseemsurprising, butin Korea,as opposedtotheWest, a medical for career was considered suitable women-a curiously A attitude. of Korean women students progressive preponderance in Japanwerestudying as we have one of and medicine, seen, thefewinstitutes forwomen in Koreain the1920Swas founded a medicalschool. This was in sharpcontrast to theexperience of thoseWestern women whochosemedical As we have careers. seen, in the Koreanview womenwereby nature kind,generandthus to medicine. suitable Atthesametime, ous, and gentle medicine was compatible with homelife;that is, an independent enabled woman the doctor to herprofession combine practice herhousework. Thiswasan enormous with ina society advantage to be far wherea woman'sresponsibility at homewas believed moreimportant than anyprofession. womenhad to deal withdeepEven in medicine, however, rooted which from a fundamental disdiscrimination, proceeded oftheir trust abilities andanassumption that were less they responmen.Patients, siblethan dubious about theability ofwomen docawareofthis to tended tors,preferred men;hospitals, prejudice, men. When hired women at it bewas all, they employ mainly
cause theycould get themforlowerpay (Pyrlk6ngon Aug. 1924: women doctors whotried 52; Mar. 1927: IOI). Atthesametime,

on their workby remaining to concentrate unmarried werenot

tolerated;theywere too "strong-minded" (ChokwangMay 1937:

In thebegincouldnotbe overcome. 235). Suchprejudice simply women convinced that it whenthey were would ning, disappear skills that those of men. though Unfortunately, acquired paralleled women theskills, theprejudice remained. acquired morethan90o% of In the first halfof thetwentieth century, 20 married before and Koreanwomen married 99% age by age beliefthat mustbe theprevalent 45, a factreflecting everyone no marriage at wasbetter than theworst married andthat marriage was 16or 17(Kwon etal. 1975:45all. The normal age ofa bride women werethuswellaboveaverage 46). College-educated age

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552

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itall themore whenthey andfound to combine difficult married, career. to and tended collegegraduates marriage Understandably, to soon as or their careers the as graduated giveup marry they oftheir results moment didmarry. thelimited eduthey Resenting so faras to at Ewhawent cational labors,theearlymissionaries toremain (MinandPark1981: 398). urgegraduates single In a nation thosewomen where so fewwomen wereeducated, who werecollegegraduates and yetremained sociallyinactive criticized. andnotthe wereseverely their husbands, Interestingly, womenthemselves, wereblamedforthatinactivity-afurther When critics ofwomen's subordinate status. indication compared for with Western thelatter Koreanwomen women, they praised A career. more and marriage combining progressive successfully in order to women to sacrifice evenencouraged marriage opinion
Nov. 1932: 42; Tonga Ilbo 12 pursue a profession(Py6lk6ngon Mar. 1928). On theother themajority ofcollege-educated hand,

in thetraditional and Koreanwomen believed framework family chose marriage overa career. that to believe Progressive enough neededemployment, werestillboundby the singlewomen they belief that married women remain athome.Eventhemost should toabandon and trained tended their educated highly professionals "as as career after and become traditional marriage anyignorant
woman" (Kim 1934: 26; Y6s6ngMay 1937: 54).

of course,did choosea career Some women, overmarriage. was known for of a Ewha,in particular, producing largenumber the in unmarried a of the graduates professionals:majority I9Io remained didso because,as thefirst single. They period probably ofthecollege,they oftheir role weredeeply conscious graduates as pioneers. whothemselves wereoften Also, themissionaries, Nordidunmarinfluenced their students. unmarried, presumably riedprofessors at Ewhahidetheir when their former displeasure fellill whenshe heard students wed. Miss A. Kim,for instance, of a former in theU.S. She had fully of theengagement student to thecollegeand devote thestudent to return herlife expected toteaching, haddone(MinandPark exclusively justas sheherself To be sure,college-educated women werepartof the I% of thefemale who remained population singlefortherestof their made it clearthat resented their lives. And some of them they and respected in teacher Son, a famous singlestatus.Jongkyu
1981: 269, 531-32).

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ina Traditional World 553 Trailblazers

is nothing morepitiful thanan old that"there Korea, declared notto be choosyand thusmiss maid" and advisedherstudents formarriage. school teachers the opportunity Othersecondary a similar attitude theopportunity maintained and,when came,unover a Nov. chose career 1931: hesitatingly marriage (Siny6s6ng a number of womenwerebound Undersuch circumstances, in nonmarital sex. The graduates ofJapanese to be involved colin for In were it. the "new notorious the 1920s, leges, particular, whoprotested the women"wererepresented graduates, bythese to traditional sexualprohibitions and marital bonds.Compared of Japanese on the graduates Ewha women were the colleges, known conservative as themostliberaland westside, though ernizedin Korea. This was no doubtdue to the missionaries' theschoolsthey founded influence; emphasized rigiddiscipline and tight self-control. Theirstrict attitudes boththeir annoyed who claimedthat students and outsideobservers, theWesternwomen's ers, whileon paperadvocating emancipation, political restricted their and students' freedom because rights, equality, look down and Korean women" underestimate (Cho "they upon and even casual with encounters 82).12 1924: Any relationships in menwerestrictly and their the schools, prohibited dormitory wasusedmost Inthematter ofmarriage, theresystem effectively. of a fewbrave withtheexception fore,the college graduates, thesamedestiny as their uneducated sisters: shared they spirits, to an unknown manpickedby their As a werethrown parents. for oftheopposite their sex,these ignorance young compensation to readnovelsand observemen's womenwereadvisedsimply nature (Roundtable 193i). Forwomen topursue thefruits ofhigher education successfully of a the traditional there had against opposition society, deeply it to be a bondof sisterhood. was a but bond, Normally spiritual As withtheGarrett in it was also biological. sisters sometimes who in Korea, amongothers, theKim sisters, we find Britain, indistinct Esther the becamepioneers fields. Park, Theyincluded in theU.S. in the in Korea(she was trained first womandoctor woman ofthenineteenth MariaShin,thefirst lastyears century); teacher at a secondary school;andBaesae Kim,thefirst formally was strong element trained nursein Korea. Another important towhat OliveBanks(1987: maternal contrary support-a finding
Dec. 1926: 67). 31; Py6lk6ngon

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554

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theBritish ch. 3) arguesconcerning feminists. 54 Significantly, in thisarticle of the 190 Ewha womenstudied had no father, for their andmothers often hadsole responsibility education. The to see totheir mothers weredetermined education as a daughters' for own in life their harsh (Pahk experience compensation partial A mutual also havebeen helpful, butthe might helpnetwork of professional womenmade thatimnumerical insignificance were and onlya veryfewprofessional organizations practical,
was the Korean Associaformedin the years 19Io-45. The first
1954; Kim 1964).

in 1923. Teachers, who constituted the tionof Nurses,founded in a tiny werenonetheless and women's minority largest group, ownprofessional their didnotform until 1929. Even organization of wereaimedless at the promotion then,theseorganizations andrights than at providing a newopportunity interests women's for socializing. In this contextwe mustpoint out thatin Korea, unlike no significant social there was almost Britain, nineteenth-century of women themselves to charity In Korea, thenumber devoting andcommunity settlement remained minimal. There seemtohave was theabsence been severalreasonsforthis.One, obviously, of anysuchtradition in Koreansociety, which had been rigidly forcenturies. Another was the extreme limitation hierarchical The most on all activities. women's reason, important imposed ofa national liberation movement and was theexistence however, IftheAmerican and itheldfor all patriotic Koreans. theattraction ofsocialreform, established a tradition theKorean British women to thestruggle rule. women against energies Japanese puttheir women what thestruggle movement wastoKorean Thenationalist wastoBritish andthis causeatfor women, all-important suffrage In 1927,their efforts combined ofall descriptions. tracted women Unofa unified women's in theformation resulted organization. soonsplit into themovement left andright wings. fortunately, howmany of or howdeeply We cannot determine accurately women were involved inthestruggle ourcollege-educated against in theearlycolonialyears, theJapanese. somewomen Clearly, in thepolitical oftheI9Ios, wereactive thegraduates especially But as colonialism and military Japan. struggle against Japanese This withdrew. was the a true stabilized, majority especially after
workactivelypromoted by women(Vicinus 1985; Walton 1975).

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World 555 ina Traditional Trailblazers

in 1919. Ewha women,mostly of the national failure uprising efforts restricted their to promoting educathereafter Christians, to enlighten other Some tionand attempting graduates women."' and ontheother turned tothesocialist ofJapanese hand, colleges, in thebelief national liberation could movements that communist overJapanese It be achieved victory imperialism.14 onlythrough was the utmost to is clearthat under rule, priority given Japanese Itoverwhelmed all other issuesuntil thenational question. 1945. of thefirst thecollective In an effort to reconstruct identity genwomenin Korea, thisarticlehas erationof college-educated foltheir careers and pursued their social composition analyzed considered their attitudes toward It has also lowinggraduation. in order the to understand social conventions and other marriage at of thosehighly educated women and limitations contributions a timewhenit was veryrareforwomento go to college. It has shed some light is hoped thatalongthe way thisanalysis of duron thesocial and economic composition Koreansociety of is One certain: a the thing majority ing occupation. Japanese in from women Korea were the thefirst upper college-educated were dominant andprofessionals andmiddle classes;businessmen Thisis significant becauseat thetimethe amongEwha families. in inthis force a was not society; respect yet powerful bourgeoisie class appeared at least,theKoreanmiddle increasingly progresofthe Forthat evensomemembers siveandadventurous. matter, to landedclass had bythe1920sbecomesufficiently progressive education. see to their daughters' of out thatthe first This article has also pointed generation live to the in Korea failed to women high up college-educated ofcourse, some hadofthem thepublic were, (there expectations extent their towhat It is hard todetermine exceptions). important or of sexualbias or racialdiscrimination was theresult failure conditions social and political both.The existing obviously profrom thelifeto which hibited thewomen they aspired, pursuing wasbound tobe aggravated. thesituation andina colonial society to seems rest with thewomen the main However, responsibility conrevealed tremendous andbehavior Their beliefs themselves. martoward their attitudes evidenced a pointclearly fusion, by too much ofthem To be sure,itmaybe asking riageand career. them. bound that thedoubleshackles to havebroken Yet,limited

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556

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first as their contributions mayhavebeen,those college-educated in an role thedoorto women's women opening played important and to professional careers. As trailblazers in a education higher also reflected the tradition-bound transformation of world, they in atoneofthemost its Koreansociety critical history. periods
NOTES

was also supported I To be sure,thatargument by women.Such thinking offeminist andparcel evenin theWest.See was, of course, ideology part Banks1986. 2 Sookmyong of two departments, consisted homeeconomics and handiandhadfewer students than Ewha. crafts, received three times overthe 3 The homeeconomics applicants department in economic 4 Therehavebeeninteresting disputes concerning development thecolonial era. One group defines colonial Koreaas a semifeudal society, whiletheother viewsit as a deformed one. See, forinstance, capitalist et al. 1987. Ch6ngandLee 1984;Kimetal. 1988;Park wererapidly exadministration, 5 The Japanese, encouraged bythecolonial theland; in 1926, 177 of the243 largest landlords in Korea propriating wereJapanese. 6 Pyongyang was againan exception, with fargreater among representation thevery ofitspopulation had50,000wonormore. wealthy: 3.o01% in thesameposition received doublethat 7 The Japanese 683 won,almost sum.Forother see Ch6senGovernment-General salaries, 1930:661, 67779. 8 The dataarebasedon thesurvey in 1930. conducted book was published and I could find 9 This reference irregularly, onlythe andpeopleofhigh socialposition still atrule,aristocrats Japanese Io During todissociate themselves from andmissionary schools. tempted Christianity ii Because thisstatistic counted withcertificates, theratioof onlyteachers women teachers tomenis lower inTable9 than inTable8. 12 A 1931 Ewhagraduate whobecamea prominent writer recalled that"the was so different from what I hadexpected and smacked so much teaching ofa missionary school"(Mo 1936:94). women leaders,in13 In thelast yearsof Japanese imperialism, prominent HelenKim,deanofEwha,wereactively inpromoting the cluding engaged wareffort onbehalf oftheJapanese government. in the 1920s via 14 Socialismbegan to spreadamongKoreanintellectuals those whostudied inJapan. Itsexpansion was rapid, andintheearly1930s themissionaries the that wasfull ofsocialist complained younger generation orevencommunist ideas.See Grajdanzer 1944:275.
1923 edition. nextyear (Tonga Ilbo 22 Mar. 1940).

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World 557 Trailblazersin a Traditional REFERENCES NewYork: H. Revell. Korean. Allen,HoraceN. (19o8) Things Fleming as a Social A Studyof Feminism Banks, Olive (1986) Faces of Feminism: Basil Blackwell. Movement. Oxford: Athens: ofGeorgia Press. Feminists. (1987) Becoming University Sten(1938) In KoreanWildsand Villages,translated byF. Whyte. Bergman, Glifford. London:John New York:FlemingH. Bishop, Isabella (1898) Korea and Her Neighbors. Revell. of missionary Cho, S. H. (1924) "S6yangs6nkyosaege" (To theauthorities 2 (November): 81-82. schools).Siny6s6ng (Dawn) (1935-44). Chokwang of a high schoolgradu(Agony ponmin" Ch6ng,S. D. (1925) "Jol6pchony6ui ate). Siny6s6ng 23-26. 3 (November): keundae (Modemeducation y6s6ng kyoyook" Ch6ng,S. W. (1972) "Hangook inHangook ofKorean ofKoreanwomen), (The history women), yo6sngsa byM. K. Ha, H. J.Lee, T. Y. Lee, H. K. Yu, Y. D. Kim,andK. S. Su, vol. 2. Seoul: EwhaWomen's 245-348. University: and T. Lee, eds. (1984) Hangook (The chabonjooeuron Woonyoung, ChOng, inKorea).Seoul:Kachi. ofcapitalism development census (193oa) Kokuzei (Population ch6sah6koku Ch6senGovernment-General data). Seoul. of the government(193ob, 1940) Tokeinemp6(Statistical yearbook Seoul. general). in Korea," in colonialism Cumings,Bruce (1984) "The legacyof Japanese ColonialEmpire. RamonMyersand MarkPeattie(eds.) The Japanese Princeton Press: NJ: Princeton, 478-96. University EwhaWomen's Seoul. (1925-45) Collegeregister. University of Ewha). Seoul: (The eighty-year (1967) Ewha palsipny6nsa history Press. EwhaWomen's University G. J. R. (1904) "The womenof Korea." Nineteenth 56: Century Gliinicke, 42-45. of Pacific J. (1944) ModernKorea. New York:Institute Andrew Grajdanzer, Relations. of old days). Han, S. J. (1936) "Keuriwoon (Reminiscence yetsaenggak" 164-65. 4 (June): Sinkaj6ng ResearchCenter) ky6ngje Hangooknongchon y6ngooso(Korea Agriculture under (The listof largelandowners (1985) Ilchehataechijoomy6ngboo rule).Seoul. Japanese ofwoman inKorea."Korean H. (1896) "The status Jones, 3: George Repository 223-29. Women: Viewfrom theInner eds. (1983) Korean Kendall, L., andM. Peterson, Room.New Haven, CT:EastRock. The story of Helen Kim, by Herself. Kim, Helen (1964) Grace Sufficient: Room. TN:Upper Nashville, toks6hara" Kim, Kijin (1934) "Chos6ny6s6ngyiy6, (Read, Koreanwomen). 26-28. 2 (October): Sinkaj6ng

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