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A Question Of Begging

A study of the extent and nature of begging in the City of Melbourne

Michael Horn & Michelle Cooke

June 2001

A Question Of Begging
A study of the extent and nature of begging in the City of Melbourne

Michael Horn and Michelle Cooke Hanover Welfare Services, Melbourne PO Box 1016, South Melbourne, Victoria, 3205

Telephone: (03) 9699 388 Email: hanover@hanover.org.au

Copyright 2001 The material contained in this publication is subject to Australian Copyright laws. Individuals or organisations who wish to reproduce any of the material in this publication may do so only with the expressed permission of Hanover Welfare Services, Melbourne.

ISBN 0 9588815 5 3

Acknowledgments
This study was conducted in order to investigate the extent and nature of begging within Melbournes central business district, as well as examine the issues that often accompany begging behaviours. The authors gratefully acknowledge the significant contributions of the Melbourne City Council, the Victoria Police Force, and Outreach and Support staff from Hanover Welfare Services. In particular, Hanover is grateful for the financial contribution made by Melbourne City Council towards the cost of the study. We would specifically like to thank: Working Party Clare Malone, Senior Project Officer - City Safety, City of Melbourne Superintendent Tony Warren of Region 1 G.P.D, Victoria Police George Giuliani, Manager - Hanover Inner North Chris Middendorp, Hanover Outreach Melita Powell, Hanover Outreach Michael Horn, Manager Hanover Research and Development Research Assistance Liz Zdravski, Support Worker Hanover Inner North Paul Malavisi, Support Worker Hanover Inner North Leanne Mortellaro, Support Worker Hanover Young Adults Amanda Tischmann, Support Worker Hanover Family Services Julia Gyomber, Support Worker Hanover Womens Service Mary Drossos, Support Worker Hanover Housing Service Felicity Robin, Support Worker Hanover Dandenong Finally, our thanks go to Mary Pearce, Tony Nicholson, Marg Gwynne and Lesley McLaverty at Hanover for their assistance in finalising the report.

Melbourne June 2001

Contents
1. 2. 3. INTRODUCTION OVERVIEW BACKGROUND 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 4. State legislation and its treatment of begging Past and current Council initiatives relating to begging in the CBD Past and current Police responses to begging in the CBD International and local research into begging Analysis of media relating to begging within the CBD The current research 2 3 4 5 7 8 9 9 10 10 11 12 12 14 14 16 17 17 19 19 19 20 21 21 22 24 25 1 1

METHODOLOGY 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 Begging Categories Stage 1 Outreach case histories Stage 2 Police enumeration Stage 3 Trader and public referrals Stage 4 City enumeration Study limitations

5.

RESULTS 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 Stage 1 Outreach case histories Stage 2 Police enumeration Stage 3 Trader and public referrals Stage 4 City enumeration

6.

DISCUSSION 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 What is the extent of begging within the CBD? What is the nature of begging within the CBD? What are the housing circumstances of those begging? To what extent is begging driven by desperation? What are the reported pathways to, and reasons for, engaging in begging behaviours? To what extent does the perception of begging in the CBD approximate the actual extent of the issue?

7. 8.

CONCLUSION RECOMMENDATIONS

References Appendices

1.

Introduction

Anyone who has visited US cities, such as Washington or Los Angeles, would be shocked at the level of begging evident in the city streets. At the start of the 21st century, it is a striking paradox to see such high levels of poverty within a country often considered an exemplar of the success of post-industrial capitalist economies. Over recent years, the contrast between affluence and poverty on the streets of Melbournes CBD has become a matter of public concern and comment. Hanover has operated an Outreach Service within Melbournes inner suburbs for over 15 years. Throughout this period Hanovers experience has been that the extent of begging in the CBD has been low, and the majority of those who beg do so on an intermittent and spontaneous basis to pay for their immediate needs. However this is not the understanding that has generally been portrayed in the media over recent years, with reports focusing on begging in the CBD as a cause of concern to both traders and the public. The reports in the media have relied upon anecdotal evidence. As a leading agency working with those experiencing homelessness in Melbourne, Hanover was keen to obtain an objective assessment of the extent and nature of begging. Following initial developmental work on a research project, discussions took place with the City of Melbourne and the Victoria Police on the research methodology. At the same time, the City of Melbourne was developing a comprehensive strategy to respond to local community calls for action to reduce the level of begging in the City. The outcome of these discussions was an agreement to work collaboratively on a research study that would provide greater understanding of the issue of begging in Melbourne in order to inform future policy initiatives.

2.

Overview

The following report details the action research project that investigated the issue of begging within Melbournes central business district (CBD). The research study was carried out over the period of September 2000 to February 2001. Data was collected by way of a collaboration between the Melbourne City Council (MCC), the Victoria Police Force (VPF), and Outreach staff from Hanover Welfare Services. In addition to detailing the research background, project methodology, and findings, this report presents the relevant state legislation and regulatory control relating to begging. Also contained within the report is a description of the past and current initiatives undertaken by the MCC and the VPF to address the issue of begging in the CBD.

It was expected that the research would: Improve understanding of the extent and characteristics of begging in Melbournes CBD. Enhance the role of the Hanover Outreach team in working with those who beg and are homeless. Allow policy recommendations to be made by the City of Melbourne and Hanover Welfare Services and the Victorian Police.

It should be noted that all results are presented in aggregate in order to avoid the identification of individual study participants.

3.

Background

Begging may be defined as the act of asking for alms or charity, where alms refers to relief given out of pity to the poor (Macdonald, 1972). This issue may further be defined according to its place within state legislation and therefore, Council strategy.

3.1

State legislation and its treatment of begging


The criminal nature of begging is stipulated under Section 7 of the Vagrancy Act (1966) whereby: Any person who a) b) solicits gathers or collects alms subscriptions or contributions under false pretence; imposes or endeavours to impose upon any person or charitable institution by a false or fraudulent representation either verbally or in writing with a view to obtaining money or any other benefit or advantage. is guilty of an offence under this Act.

If charged with contravening this Act, the individual attends a hearing at the Magistrates Court. It has been found that in general for a first offence the individual may be required to pay a $50 fine, for a second offence up to $100, and for a third offence up to $300. If the individual is found to have been begging in an aggressive manner, the penalties are usually more serious as this behaviour also contravenes the Crimes Act (1958), Division 1 - Crimes against the person. Busking is not considered an offence when it occurs in the public places stipulated under the Vagrancy Act (1966), though it is considered an offence if it occurs on any rail or road vehicle or any rail premises. This is stated under Section 325 of the Transport (Passengers and Rail Freight) Regulations.

3.2

Past and current Council initiatives relating to begging in the CBD


Begging was first raised as an issue of concern by the community in 1996. This was accompanied by extensive media coverage of the increasing numbers of people who beg on our city streets. In response, the City of Melbourne developed the City Support Card as a resource to assist people in need of personal or material support. Later in 1996, Council developed its first policy document A Strategy for a Safe City 19961999 which identified begging as an issue of concern and incorporated distribution of the City Support Card as an action to address the issue. In 1999, Council commenced a review of this policy document through comprehensive community consultation and in July 2000 launched A Strategy for a Safe City 2000-2002. Begging was again identified as an issue of concern and the following actions were incorporated to address the issue: Undertake research to examine the issues associated with begging and potential approaches to address these issues; and Implement appropriate strategies.

In July 1999 the City of Melbourne commenced research into the issue of begging and prepared an Issues Paper. It provides a summary of relevant Council policies, outlines the regulatory controls to which begging is subject, describes the initiatives currently being implemented by Council to address begging in the city, details initiatives that other cities have adopted and discusses the findings of existing research. The paper proposed a number of initiatives including the development of a comprehensive education campaign to increase public understanding of the issues associated with begging, the services available to those in need and to encourage confidence in responding to begging requests. In October 2000 Councils City Business Committee considered a report on Councils role in managing and responding to the issue of begging. The report highlighted that the role of Council is to manage the impact of people who beg on the general public. This involves providing practical short term responses including understanding and monitoring the issue and providing a street presence, supporting enforcement, providing education and advocating for appropriate welfare and social services. Initiatives currently being undertaken to achieve this include: Safe City Neighbourhood Officers monitoring the issue; Provision of a street presence through the Ambassador Program; Helping Out Booklet; Provision of $40,800 to fund the outreach trial discussed in this report; Participation in and contribution of funding to this research initiative, and Investigating the most effective way to increase public understanding and encourage community confidence in responding to begging requests.

3.3

Past and current Police responses to begging in the CBD


Over the years there have been a number of special operations looking at street begging within Melbournes CBD. Most of these special operations, as well as the majority of foot patrols, have been carried out by City Patrol Group (CPG) police. The main operation called Operation Beggar was initiated during 1995. This operation has involved both plain clothed and uniformed members targeting the main begging problem areas that were identified as a result of trader and resident reports or police observation. There have also been special initiatives addressing begging in conjunction with other offences such as street robberies and thefts from Telstra telephone equipment and vending machines (Operation Majore), and street crime including drug dealing (Operation Leader). The number of charges laid by police for the Beg Alms offence have varied greatly over the past three years. These figures can be broken down according to charges laid per month. (Table 1.)

Table 1: Monthly totals for Beg Alms offence 1998 10 13 5 0 4 3 2 7 17 14 15 17 107 9 1999 53 27 13 16 18 26 22 13 23 15 27 21 274 23 2000 18 14 18 11 19 12 15 20 17 55 51 43 293 24

January February March April May June July August September October November December Annual total Average per month

Source: Victoria Police Crime Statistics

This data suggests significant variance in monthly charges for this offence over the 3 years, ranging from 0 (April 1998) to 55 (October 2000). The low numbers during the period April to August 1998 may be associated with a lack of police resources on the street at that time. Similarly, the high numbers over the last quarter of 2000 may be linked to the specific policy pressure through Operation Leader. On average, 19 charges per month for begging have been laid over this period, that is, less than 1 charge each day. Even in the period of targeted presence on the street, fewer than 2 charges per day were laid.

An analysis of the outcomes of charges laid for this offence has been conducted for those people charged by City Patrol Group members during the period January to June 2000. Nine of the 35 people charged were repeat offenders. The outcomes for the 35 charges are summarised as follows:

3 18 4 5 2 3

charges dismissed/trivial nature first offence: convicted and fined $50 second offence: convicted and fined $75 or $100 third to fifth offence: convicted and fined $150 to $300 convicted and discharged convicted and placed on 12 month CBO

In the majority of cases (56%) in the above sample period, it was their first offence. The data also indicates that the majority of those charged are being convicted and fined by the court. When analysing crime statistics it is important to consider a range of possible limitations. These include: 1. Police numbers and special police operations will result in fluctuations in the level of reported crime. For example, a police operation focussing on drug activities will obviously result in a higher rate of reported crime of this type. 2. Not all crimes committed are reported to police and the police crime statistics only include those crimes that have been reported. 3. The level of reporting varies significantly depending upon the type of crime. However despite the variations the figures shown in Table 1 suggest that fewer than one individual has been charged per day. The Central Business District Police and Community Consultative Committee (PCCC) have also shown an interest in begging over the years and were largely responsible for the production of the City Support Card. The Support Card was intended to direct people who beg to appropriate welfare services within the city. Currently, Operation Leader is the major effort responsible for the identification of street crime issues within the CBD including begging, however, this initiative largely targets street robbery and drug dealing before focusing its attentions of begging.

3.4

International and local research into begging


A literature search on the issue of begging found that very little robust research has been conducted in Australia. However one study, commissioned by the City of Melbourne, was undertaken by RMIT in 1998 to investigate the incidence of homelessness and disadvantaged people within the CBD. It also investigated the welfare and housing services available at that time (Driscoll & Wood, 1998).

The research found that: A complex relationship existed between poverty, begging, drug use and homelessness within the CBD. Many homeless and poverty stricken individuals used begging as a means through which they could supplement their income. The number of people sleeping rough in the CBD every night was estimated at between 56 and 120, and the number of people within crisis accommodation exceeded 490. 96% of the homeless people surveyed used welfare benefits as their primary source of income. Less than 2% of the homeless people surveyed used begging and crime as their sole source of income. 12.6% of homeless respondents stated that they received welfare benefits but supplemented this income with money received through begging or other criminal activity.

The report recommended that the City of Melbourne advocate in conjunction with welfare agencies for additional health and housing funding, as well as improved income support for the homeless and disadvantaged. The following summarises the key findings of research on begging carried out internationally: One study carried out in the United Kingdom, Kemp (1997) found that: Begging is one outcome of a range of previous life experiences that have resulted in social exclusion and isolation. A substantial proportion of those begging have an alcohol and/or drug dependence. In one London Borough, one third of those begging did not have accommodation of any kind. Begging is a last resort activity for many people a more acceptable option to providing for basic needs than resorting to other criminal activities such as shop lifting, burglary, drug dealing, and prostitution. Most of those who beg do so to meet their immediate basic needs. Most do not earn significant amounts from begging: one study found that the median income from begging was $50 per week (approximately 12 Big Mac meals). A National survey of single homeless people in 1991 found that 21% of those sleeping rough (at least once in the previous week) had resorted to begging. Focus group discussion reported that begging was both demeaning and risky (theft and stand-over tactics).

Further reports from the UK state that media reports in the 1990s promoted begging as an activity which earned bogus beggars more than respectable professions (Wardhaugh & Jones, 1999). Also that begging could be viewed as a street level resource for the poor and powerless (Jordan, 1999). Research into begging has also been carried out in several cities of the United States for example in Los Angeles (Taylor, 1999) and Washington D.C. (Weiner & Weaver, 1974), as well as in other countries such as Serbia (Acton, 1996), Nigeria (Ojanuga, 1990), Israel (Shichor & Ellis, 1981), Ireland (Gmelch & Gmelch, 1978), and Columbia (Gutierrez, 1970). These studies demonstrate that: Begging is most often associated with homelessness in both industrialised and developing nations. Individuals who beg often come from unstable familial backgrounds. Begging is often viewed as a more legal means of obtaining money than theft and prostitution. Those who beg often have low education and possess inadequate professional skills to survive in the modern economy. Drug issues, and both psychiatric and physical disability, are often associated with begging behaviours. Begging is viewed as a humiliating yet necessary means of survival for those who are homeless or at risk of homelessness.

Both the international and Victorian data highlight the complexity of issues surrounding begging. In general however, the results suggest that individuals who beg are usually the most marginalised and isolated within society.

3.5

Analysis of media relating to begging within the CBD


Over recent years, many reports in the media have highlighted the belief that begging in the CBD has increased and that it is a cause of concern to both traders and members of the public. An analysis of 36 print media stories between 1996 and 2001 has indicated that coverage has focused on two aspects of begging: that traders have become anxious that people who beg threaten the viability of their businesses and that reported aggressive begging techniques were causing members of the public to fear for their own safety. However none of the reports have been backed by any hard evidence, but have tended to rely on anecdotal evidence and personal perceptions or opinions. The extent to which media coverage has influenced public opinion on begging is not known. However it is worth noting that, in April 2001, a survey commissioned by the City of Melbourne and undertaken by Newton Wayman Chong, showed that, in terms of reasons for feeling unsafe, begging now has less of an impact on traders, CBD residents and non CoM respondents than it did in 1999. Of the five most frequently mentioned reasons for feeling unsafe in the City of Melbourne, begging rated third, with 29% of respondents averaged across all sample groups identifying it as a safety issue of concern.

Further, the proportion of traders suggesting the removal of those who beg or strategies to address begging as an appropriate action for Council, decreased by 5% to 7% in 2001 this is down from 12% in 1999. Overall, only 8% of those responding to the survey indicated that Council should undertake additional strategies to address begging to increase their feelings of safety.

3.6

The current research


Hanover initiated a research project in September 2000 to gain a better understanding of begging in Melbourne. At the same time, Melbourne City Council was considering responses to the issue of begging raised by concerned residents and traders (see Section 3.2). Subsequent discussions resulted in the City of Melbourne and Victoria Police collaborating with Hanover on a research study into begging within the CBD. The research questions aimed to address: the extent and nature of begging within the CBD the housing circumstances of those begging the extent to which begging is driven by desperation the reported pathways to, and reasons for engaging in begging behaviours the reality of the actual extent of begging in the CBD as compared to the perception of the issue.

4.

Methodology

The study methodology was developed out of the Hanover Outreach Teams substantial expertise in working with people in the inner city. The study initiated a multi-pronged strategy to answer the research questions using stakeholder resources of Melbourne City Council, Hanover Welfare Services and Victoria Police. Each stage of data collection was carried out independently of the other stages. In addition, each stage involved a different stakeholder group. In this way, a multi-faceted and mutually exclusive approach to information collection and interpretation was established. All four stages allowed information to be collected relating to the prevalence of begging within the CBD during the study period. The prevalence was estimated from Police patrol survey forms, MCC liaison with traders and the public, Hanovers established Outreach work, and a specific enumeration procedure carried out by Hanover Outreach support staff during two days of the research project. Each of these stages is further discussed below.

4.1

Begging Categories
For the purposes of the present research, three different categories of begging behaviour were identified. Passive begging techniques refer to those individuals who either sit or stand in one spot with a sign alerting passers-by that they need money. It is also possible to include an extended hand towards passers-by as a passive begging technique. Active begging techniques refer to individuals who follow passers-by and ask for money, but who are easily put off when refused. They do not employ any forms of standover tactics. Aggressive begging techniques refer to obtaining money from members of the public by using stand-over tactics and threatening speech or behaviour. Aggressive techniques elicit fear and discomfort and often border on criminal assault. The operational definition of begging in this study did not include other street income generating activities, such as busking, pavement art, prostitution or drug dealing.

4.2

Stage 1 Outreach case histories


Stakeholder group: Data collection period: Nature of information: Data compiled: Hanover Outreach staff. November 2000 to February 2001. Data compiled from individual case histories. Information was gathered as part of Outreach staffs usual role. Basic demographic information, estimated in some cases. Housing circumstances. Style of begging. Indicators of poverty. Reasons for begging.

Process: Over the course of the data collection period, Hanover Outreach staff made contact with 14 individuals within the CBD who often engage in begging behaviours. As part of their usual Outreach work, Hanover staff spoke with clients about issues relating to begging, poverty, housing, employment, and substance abuse. Data collection was carried out over the full 4 month collection period. This meant that questioning procedures could be less formal, therefore, more detailed information could be gathered as clients established a relationship with Outreach staff and became comfortable discussing their circumstances. At no time were clients compelled to answer the questions posed by Outreach staff. Outreach assistance was not declined if clients chose not to participate. Engagement in conversation was completely voluntary.

4.3

Stage 2 Police enumeration


Stakeholder group: Data collection period: Nature of information: Data compiled: Plain clothed and uniformed members of the Victoria Police Force. November 2000 to February 2001. Hand completed survey forms. Basic demographic information. Suburb of residence. Employment status. Receipt of welfare payments. Other forms of income. Presence of parental support. Action taken by member welfare referral/ charged with offence.

Process: In November 2000, plain clothed and uniformed members of the Police Force were briefed on the aims and issues being addressed by the research. More specifically, they were briefed on the need to establish the prevalence of begging within the CBD, and to further investigate the circumstances of those begging.

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Both uniformed street patrol and the plain clothed officers involved with Operation Leader, completed survey forms (Appendix A) when either charging or warning an individual with the Beg Alms summary offence. The completed forms were handed to the Sergeant in charge at the completion of each shift.

4.4

Stage 3 - Trader and public referrals


Stakeholder group: Data collection period: Nature of information: Data compiled: Melbourne City Council staff. December 2000 to January 2001. City hotline staff for calls. Survey forms completed by traders or general public. Basic demographic information. Description of person begging. Brief description of begging episode.

Process: The City of Melbourne developed a Begging Fact Sheet that was distributed to traders and residents in the CBD. The fact sheet (Appendix B) explained begging behaviours, and provided a MCC hotline phone number through which traders and residents were given the opportunity to report incidences of begging to the MCC. The fact sheet further explained that if begging episodes were aggressive in nature, they could be reported to the Police. All calls received by the MCC hotline were written on a survey form (Appendix C) and forwarded by e-mail to Hanover Outreach staff. In addition, each e-mail sent to the MCC was also recorded on a survey form and forwarded to Hanover Outreach staff. Once the completed survey forms were received, the Outreach staff investigated each report. During the study period, Melbourne City Council funded additional hours for Outreach services to enable a timely and positive response to reports of begging referred via the hotline. If the hotline referral was found to be an instance of begging, Hanover staff attempted to engage the individual and documented the episode for the purposes of the study. If a referral was found to be unrelated to begging, Outreach services were still offered, however, the referral was not recorded as an instance of begging for the purposes of the study. As well as the fact sheet, a MCC Officer met with a number of key stakeholder groups in order to further publicise the outreach trial. Both the Fact Sheet and Outreach Trial were key elements of the Melbourne City Councils proactive response to concerns expressed by residents and traders over the previous week.

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4.5

Stage 4 City enumeration


Stakeholder group: Data collection period: Nature of information: Data compiled: Process: The CBD was split up into eight zones where begging behaviours were most likely to be observed. A description of these zones is included in Table 5. The selection of the major areas to be covered was informed by the collective experience of members of the working group and Hanover Outreach team. The main criteria was to choose those areas most often frequented by those who beg. In addition, the zones were chosen on the basis of a high level of pedestrian traffic passing through the area, thereby being the most lucrative locations for those begging, who need to approach or be visible to as many people as possible. An enumeration team comprising Hanover support staff was allocated a zone in which they were to observe the prevalence and incidence of begging activities throughout the day. An enumeration form (Appendix D), was to be completed to document every instance of begging observed by team members. Staff were also required to keep a detailed log of where they were every fifteen minutes, so that the enumeration could be precisely monitored and replicated in the future. If the individuals observed seemed to be in need of welfare services, the observing support staff called in a member of the Outreach team to offer outreach services. Over the course of the two days, a count established the number of individuals found to be begging within the CBD. As a result of completing the log sheet, it was also possible to discern those zones most frequently used for begging. Hanover Support and Outreach staff. February 13th and February 16th 2001. Hand completed survey forms. Log sheet detailing staff movements. Estimated age. Basic description of individual begging. Style of begging.

4.6

Study Limitations
The study adopted a multi-faceted methodology to the research questions in order to obtain data that could be compared to provide greater confidence in the findings. This strategy acknowledged at the outset the intrinsic limitations in conducting research into begging an illegal activity, which is inevitably perceived as deviant or anti-social behaviour by the general community. General difficulties in undertaking this type of research include: Begging is an illegal activity. It is not possible to obtain a representative sample of those begging (undefined population). Accessing those who beg via welfare services may bias the sample to those who make use of such services e.g. homeless day centres. Need to establish a rapport with interviewees and associated risks for researchers (interview dynamics). Complete coverage of areas to enumerate begging is problematic.

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The methodological framework attempted to take into consideration the above factors within the constraints of resources and time available for the study. In addition to the above general methodological dilemmas, the following limitations were found in conducting the specific stages of the study: Stage 1 to 3 data was collected over a limited period at a particular time of the year. The study period included the busiest retail shopping months of the year (pre Christmas) characterised by high visitor numbers to the CBD Some data collection occurred during a period when Police members were highly visible within the CBD as a result of the Council and Police initiatives to address street begging and media coverage in late 2000. This may have affected the prevalence of begging in the CBD due to increased risk. Alternatively, the police operations would be expected to result in increased charges being laid. The reliability of the self-report material collected as part of the case studies (Stage 1) is difficult to verify without violating the privacy rights of the respondents. However, on the basis of Hanovers previous experience, Outreach staff were generally satisfied that the data received was reliable. Information gathered by police (Stage 2) on those charged with begging could not be used to ascertain their accommodation circumstances. Reported suburbs of residence was documented. However, this may reflect the perceived need of the person being interviewed by police to provide any place of residence. Thus, someone staying in Hanovers crisis accommodation facility may well have given South Melbourne as their suburb of residence. We have therefore relied on the accommodation profile data sets obtained through Stage 1 to assess the association with homelessness.

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5.

Results

Results obtained during each of the four study stages are presented in aggregate in order to prevent identification of individuals who beg.

5.1

Stage 1 Outreach case histories


Case studies were developed for 14 individuals currently using Hanover Outreach services. A summary of findings is given in Table 2. Table 2: Aggregated demographic information of case study respondents Client Number Approximate age range Client gender -Male -Female Cultural Identity -Unknown -Anglo-Australian -Koori -Eastern European Marital Status -Single -De Facto 14 18 - 60 years 8 6 1 10 1 2 11 3

It can be seen that respondents ages ranged widely. It should also be noted that, perhaps, contrary to common perceptions, a substantial proportion of the sample were women. Nearly three-quarters (71%) of the sample were of Anglo-Australian background and the majority 79% were single. Table 3 describes respondents housing circumstances, other indicators of poverty, as well as their begging behaviour.

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Table 3: Aggregated housing and begging related information from case study respondents.
Housing circumstances (n=14) -Sleeping rough -Squatting -Crisis accommodation -With friends -With parents Indicators of poverty (Multiple responses possible) -Long term unemployed -Long term homelessness -Substance addiction Reasons for begging (Multiple responses possible) -Food -Heroin -Alcohol -In need of housing -To keep children Style of begging -Passive -Active -Aggressive Hours spent begging (n=7) Days spent begging (n=7) Number of respondents who report receiving reduced benefits due to breaching

9 1 1 2 1

13 6 10

1 7 3 6 1 6 8 0 30 minutes to 3 hours Less than one day/week to five days/week 4

Of this sample, 10 (71%) respondents were sleeping rough or in squats. None of the 14 respondents were living independently, defined as living without the support or assistance of a family member, friend, or organization. Ninety-three per cent of respondents were long-term unemployed, 43% were long term homeless, and 71% suffered from substance addictions. Each of these indicators suggests that the income received by begging is a necessary supplement for survival. With respect to the issue of passive versus aggressive begging techniques, it was found that 43% of respondents were completely passive, preferring to be stationary and use a sign to inform the public of their need for assistance. Fiftyseven per cent of the respondents were more active in their approach. These individuals walked up and down the street asking certain members of the public for money. None of the case study participants used intimidation or stand-over tactics as a means of obtaining money from passers-by. The majority of respondents could be described as opportunistic beggars, characterised by relatively short periods at infrequent intervals, to supplement their income to meet immediate needs.
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The reasons given by respondents for engaging in begging behaviours related to their life histories, and the pressures their past disadvantage and trauma had placed upon them. Such pressures often led to substance abuse, and in turn promoted a chaotic lifestyle. Begging, therefore, was seen as a means of supplementing their income in order to feed drug and/or alcohol habits, pay for temporary accommodation, or meet basic needs for food and drink.

5.2

Stage 2 Police enumeration


Table 4 shows the aggregated data collected by members of the Police Force over the ten week collection period. Table 4: Aggregate data obtained from the Police Survey forms.
Client number overall Number of repeat offenders within sample Age range Client gender - Male - Female Currently employed? - Yes - No Currently receiving welfare payments? - Yes - No Parental support? - Yes - No Other income? - Yes - No Suburb of residence given -Yes -No 29 7 15 to 49 years 23 6 0 29 27 2 2 27 1 26 28 1

The age of this group averaged 21 years, but ranged from 15 to 49 years. Over three-quarters were male. This data shows that the majority of those charged with begging were receiving welfare benefits (93%). All individuals were unemployed at the time of questioning. Only a small proportion of individuals claimed to have parental support (7%). One individual stated that he was receiving an income in addition to his welfare benefits (3%). Of the 29 charged or warned with begging, only seven (24%) were charged more than once over the period. This suggests that only a small proportion of those begging use it as a regular means of income support and supports the data on the outcomes of charges laid during 2000 (see Section 3.3).

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A suburb of residence was provided when asked for 28 (97%) of those charged or warned. No definitive information was gathered on their accommodation circumstances, in particular whether they were homeless at the time or staying in insecure or unstable housing. The majority (61%) provided a suburb close to the CBD (less than 7 kms); 25% were from western or northern suburbs, whilst the remainder (14%) were from outer eastern or north eastern suburbs. The most common suburbs included St Kilda (4), Preston (2), Flemington (2), North Melbourne (2), Fitzroy (2) and St Albans (2). Of the total number charged or warned, 97% reported a suburb of residence.

5.3

Stage 3 - Trader and public referrals


Following the distribution of the Fact Sheet How to Respond to People who Beg in November 2000 (during the ten-week period that the MCC hotline was in operation), a total of nine phone calls/emails were received. Of these nine contacts, five were from members of the public, three were from employees of banks or convenience stores, and one was from another welfare organization. Considering the level of awareness within trader and resident populations about begging in the preceding period, this represents a very low level of concern about passive begging. Each of these reports were referred to the Outreach team so that they could be approached and offered assistance. Of the nine referrals, two (22%) were found not to be begging at the time Outreach staff responded, one (11%) refused assistance, and the other six (66%) had disappeared by the time Outreach arrived at the reported location.

5.4

Stage 4 City enumeration


The enumeration covered 8 locations (zones) on 2 workdays of one week in February 2001. Table 5 shows the number of individuals observed to be begging on both Tuesday the 13th and Friday the 16th of February. Only one person was observed begging on both the 13th and the 16th. All other individuals were observed only once. A total of 15 incidents of begging were observed, representing 14 individuals. Table 5: City enumeration according to date and city zone of observed begging behaviour.
Tuesday 13th February 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 10 Friday 16th February 1 1 1 2 5

Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 Zone 5 Zone 6 Zone 7 Zone 8 TOTAL

Flinders St Station & surrounds Swanston Street Cnr Russell & Bourke Sts Bourke Street Mall Melbourne Central Station & surrounds Lonsdale Street Parliament Station & surrounds Spencer Street station

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As the enumeration procedure started at 8am and concluded at 6.30pm, this suggests that the number of individuals begging over the course of a day is much smaller than has been suggested by some in the public debate on begging. Eleven (79%) of those observed were male. Three (21%) were estimated to be aged between 18-24 years, 21% aged 25-34 years, 42% aged 35-54 years and 2 (14%) were over 55 years. The majority of those begging were operating alone, however two (1 older male and 1 female) were accompanied by another companion. Eight (57%) were observed to be walking along the street and approaching passers by for money. Three were observed standing in one location and asking passers-by for money, whilst another three were sitting and asking passers-by for money. One was playing a musical instrument with a sign stating that he was homeless. None were observed acting in an aggressive manner, although the majority were making direct verbal contact with selected passers by. The period of time spent begging was generally short that is, less than one hour. One person was observed at two locations on the same day covering a two hour period. However, no individual was observed to be begging in the same place for over two hours. Subsequent observation of one person begging at the corner of Lonsdale and Elizabeth Streets between 11 am to 12 pm found that 3 members of the public donated a total of $4.00. Follow up observation of others has indicated a similar success rate indicating a low level of income obtained.

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6.

Discussion

The aim of the present research was to identify the number of individuals begging within Melbournes CBD, as well as investigate the issues most commonly associated with begging. The results are discussed below as they relate to the initial research questions.

6.1

What is the extent of begging within the CBD?


The various data sets paint a consistent picture demonstrating that during the study period, the number of individuals found to be begging within the CBD was low and was typically far lower than has been reported in the media in the recent past. The Police data suggests that over the ten week study period, 29 individuals were either charged or warned for begging. When converted to a daily average, it can be estimated that fewer than one individual was warned/charged per day. Data collected from the Outreach team city enumeration process demonstrated that between five and ten individuals could be begging within the CBD on a particular day of the week. The MCC hotline and the case histories provide additional insight into the begging issue although they do not provide a reliable count of the number of individuals begging within the CBD. However had begging been endemic in the CBD area, one would have expected a greater number of individuals to be referred to the hotline. Similarly, a greater number of individuals would have been available to participate in the Outreach case history collection through their assertive outreach work. Whilst each stage of the study does not by itself provide a definitive count of the extent of begging, the aggregate profile points to a low level of begging in terms of individuals. On the basis of this evidence, we conclude that it is probable that fewer than 10 individuals were begging in the CBD on any single day. This conclusion is based on data collection during a particular period of the year. It is aknowledged that a range of factors, such as seasonal variations, increased presence of police and increased drug dealing may impact on decisions about whether to or where to beg. However, we would conclude that the number of people who beg in the CBD is in reality very small.

6.2

What is the nature of begging within the CBD?


6.2.1 Passive, active, and aggressive techniques The case history material, the Police data, and city enumeration data demonstrated that all recorded begging episodes were either passive or active in nature. No incidences of aggressive begging techniques were observed or reported during the study period.

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It should be noted that this does not preclude the existence of either past or current reports of aggressive begging. Rather, the evidence indicates that these methods are less commonly used than passive or active techniques. 6.2.2 Duration of begging episodes Data pertaining to the duration of begging episodes and the amount of money collected per episode was not directly assessed by this study. The indirect evidence obtained through the city enumeration and case history data suggest that some individuals spend only a few minutes begging, whilst others can spend a whole day begging. Outreach staff reported that individuals who begged for long periods of time usually stayed in one spot. This spot was more likely to be considered their turf. Those who begged for only a few minutes at a time were more likely to be mobile and approach passers by at random. Seven of the case study respondents were able to specify the amount of time they spent begging. One female reported a single opportunistic episode, when she needed money to get herself out of a crisis situation. A male reported begging for up to 2 hours on one or two days per week. Another male, who was sleeping in alcoves and was receiving reduced government benefits, reported begging for between 30 minutes to 3 hours on as many days of the week as necessary in order to meet his needs. Whilst the sample size in the study precludes drawing firm conclusions on the nature of begging, the profile obtained is strongly suggestive of a pattern of begging (frequency and duration) characterised as opportunistic for many to meet their immediate needs. For a proportion, their begging is a more regular income supplement, due in part to one or more addictions, such as alcohol, drugs or gambling. 6.2.3 Amounts of money earned through begging Anecdotal evidence gained through Outreach observation and questioning of individuals who beg, suggests that within an hour, people can collect as little as ten cents, or as much as four dollars. One case study participant reported receiving a fifty dollar donation from a man who had just won at the T.A.B. and was feeling generous. However, this appears to be an exception. The present study provided no evidence to suggest that individuals can make a large amount of money from begging.

6.3

What are the housing circumstances of those begging?


The case history data demonstrated that 71% of respondents were sleeping rough or were living in squats, while 28% of respondents were living in either crisis accommodation or with friends or family. This suggests that independent housing circumstances may not have been a feasible option for this group either financially or with respect to having the necessary living skills.

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Of the total number charged or warned by Police, 97% were able to state a suburb of residence. It should be noted however, that Police survey forms did not collect information relating to the stability of respondents accommodation, nor whether they were living in independent housing (renting or owner-occupied). It is not possible therefore, to draw any conclusions from this data concerning the housing circumstances of those charged by the police. No housing related information was collected by either the city enumeration procedure or through the MCC hotline, therefore, no conclusions can be drawn from this data.

6.4

To what extent is begging driven by desperation?


The evaluation of an individuals reasons for begging has always been considered relevant to the issue of begging and vagrancy in Victoria. For example, the Vagrancy Act is based upon a legal definition of vagrant which states those who are idle and disorderly, eg. persons who refuse to work, unlicensed peddlers, beggars, etc. and persons without visible means of subsistence; persons persistently soliciting in public places for immoral purposes. (Osborn, 1954). The process of evaluating an individuals circumstances against such a definition is highly subjective. According to the case history material collected by Outreach staff, respondents reported that they engaged in begging behaviours for several reasons including: Welfare benefits were seen as inadequate in order for individuals to support drug and/or alcohol habits as well as house, clothe, and feed themselves. Despite receiving constant verbal abuse from passers-by and feeling begging is humiliating, it is their only means of supplementing government benefits without engaging in theft, robbery, or prostitution. Some respondents had mental health problems that impeded their ability to function in a day-to day sense. Therefore, begging provided additional income for food, cigarettes, or to feed drug habits. Begging provided income for immediate and urgent needs that could not be satisfied by approaching welfare organisations that were unable to give cash handouts.

6.5

What are the reported pathways to, and reasons for, engaging in begging behaviours?
The Stage 1 data collection (case history material) gives a clearer insight into the lives of those who beg and the issues that motivate them. It can be seen that almost all individuals included in the case studies were long term unemployed, and most were experiencing long term homelessness. Many had received benefits from the government, however, 28% reported that they had payments reduced or stopped as a result of Centrelink breaching. Consequent to reduced government benefits and in most cases, some form of substance abuse, the individuals interviewed viewed begging as an alternate source of income.
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The main reasons specified by Hanover Outreach staff for individuals engaging in begging include psychiatric disability, addiction to heroin and alcohol, and the need for additional money in order to pay for food and housing. The Police survey forms demonstrated that all bar one of those charged with begging were currently receiving welfare payments. This profile supports the above conclusion that begging is an income supplement necessary for survival at some level, related to a need for food, accommodation, or substance habits. As the data collected on the Police survey form was not detailed, it is not possible to draw definite conclusions about the individuals reasons for begging. However, the above data strongly points to a connection between poverty, substance abuse, homelessness and mental illness with begging. This suggests that the view that those who beg misrepresent their circumstances as a scam is largely a myth. Additional quantitative research would need to be undertaken in order to further elucidate the pathways into begging.

6.6

To what extent does the perception of begging in the CBD approximate the actual extent of the issue?
The main finding form this study indicates that up to 10 individuals may be begging on any one day in the CBD, with up to one person being charged by police. The data shows that most begging is opportunistic with those who beg operating alone and for relatively short periods. No evidence of organised gangs or groups was found from any of the research strategies. The evidence suggests a far lower level of begging than suggested in recent public debate on the issue. This low level of begging also appears to contradict public perceptions. The City of Melbournes Melbourne City Perceptions Monitor (July-December 2000) has shown that begging is a concern for visitors to the city, with 12% of the sample (500 people) reporting begging as an issue that adversely affects the image of the city. The more recent Perceptions of Safety Survey (2001) of a mixed sample of traders, residents and visitors has found that 29% of the 705 respondents identified begging as one factor that made them feel unsafe. A partial explanation for this apparent contradiction between our measured level of begging and the public perception lies in the visibility of a someone begging to passers-by during a typical period of begging. The City is home to more than 52,000 people. It has a daytime working, studying and visiting population of over 567,000 people and hosts an increasing number of regional and international visitors. Nearly half (48%) of daily visitors come for work purposes and approximately 30% for shopping, recreation and dining (City of Melbourne, Draft City Plan 2010: 14).

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The following example of a typical begging situation serves to show the extent of visibility of begging to passers-by. A single person begging for 2 hours at a busy CBD location may be sighted by 40 passers-by per minute. Only a proportion of these will be verbally approached for money. Our observations suggest an average of one per minute. Over the two hour period, we estimate that 4,800 will see and may acknowledge the presence and activity of the person begging, whilst 120 may be verbally asked for money in this period. On the assumption that 10 people are begging on a given day, for a total of 4 hours each during busy periods, we estimate that a total of 96,000 passers-by may see one or more beggars. Over the same period, 2,400 passers-by may be personally approached for money. Whilst these figures are estimates based on the study findings, they serve to indicate the coverage potentially achieved by a relatively small number of beggars. A significant proportion of daily visitors, residents or traders are therefore likely to witness begging activities or be personally approached for money over time. Their attitude to begging may be influenced by a wide range of factors, including past experiences of begging requests. It is not possible to estimate the level of concern about begging as a safety issue from this example. It does however show that a small number of individuals begging have a potential to raise awareness of begging amongst a substantial number of people in our community.

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7.

Conclusion

The purpose of this study has been to gain an objective profile and understanding of the extent and nature of begging in Melbourne CBD. A clear consensus emerging from the individual elements of the research is that the level of begging during the study period was low. We conclude that up to 10 people are likely to be begging on a single day. Most are begging alone for relatively short periods there was no evidence of gangs or groups of people systematically begging. Whilst there may have been particular circumstances that influenced the level of begging during the study period, the longer term police data on charges laid is consistent with the above conclusion. For most people, begging is opportunistic in that they are seeking small amounts of money to pay for immediate needs invariably for food, cigarettes, accommodation, alcohol or drugs. The case studies and police data show that the great majority are on government benefits or pension. There is a clear association with substance abuse, homelessness, longterm unemployment and poverty. Based on our research, there is no evidence of middle class young adults begging for thrills or professional beggars from affluent suburbs. On the contrary, most of those who beg cover a wide age range it is not confined to young adults. Similarly, the research shows that most beg alone, rather than in groups. Observations of those begging and the police data showed no instances of aggressive begging over the study period. The majority use the method of walking along street locations with high volumes of pedestrian traffic and verbally asking for money from selected pedestrians. Some people who beg rely on a story that provides the passer by with permission to give. Others simply ask for a few coins or dollars for a meal, cigarettes, a train or tram ticket or a bed for the night. The evidence also suggests a low success rate with only small change being given. Based on our observations, a person begging for 4 hours may receive up to 16 donations totalling between $3 and $32. Even allowing for possible variance, this is a far cry from some perceptions that begging is easy. The case studies show that for most people, begging is a last resort when other options have been exhausted. Most commented about their embarrassment or frustration at having to beg for money. They cease begging as soon as they have raised sufficient money to meet their immediate needs. Begging is clearly a harsh necessity for some particularly for those on reduced government benefits. Those interviewed described begging as demeaning, frustrating and time consuming. However, it is seen as a lesser evil compared to other illegal activities such as dealing in drugs, theft or prostitution. From our research, we conclude that there is a low level of begging in the CBD. We have also sought to explain in part why the public perception of the extent of begging is so at odds with our evidence. Our estimates serve to indicate that even a single person begging in a prominent location will be seen by or may approach a substantial number of pedestrians in the City. It is important that we acknowledge the limitations of this study: research into this social issue is problematic due the prior experiences of those who beg and the illegal status of begging. We have learnt valuable lessons in undertaking the study that may inform future research strategies. However, the evidence from the multi-pronged methodology gives us confidence about the main findings.

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8.

Recommendations

The following recommendations have been developed by the working group from the main findings of the study: 1. Further research should be undertaken to replicate the enumeration strategy (street observation) to monitor the level of begging in the CBD, taking into account possible seasonal variations. 2. The Victoria Police should review and enhance data collection on reported begging offences to enable trends to be fully analysed. 3. The Victoria Police should further develop their training program for trainee constables involved in City Patrol Group operations to include presentations by welfare service providers to increase knowledge of street welfare issues and improve working relationships with service providers. 4. The City of Melbourne, in collaboration with the Department of Human Services, should continue consult with homeless service providers and other welfare agencies to enhance the co-ordination and coverage of assertive outreach to those people who are homeless and engaged in street activities, including begging, sleeping out and public intoxication, in the CBD. 5. The City of Melbourne should continue consultation with representative resident and trader groups to disseminate the findings of the research and to take a partnership approach to the development of appropriate strategies to respond to begging. 6. The City of Melbourne should consider the development of targeted strategies to increase awareness and understanding within the community about the extent and nature of begging.

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REFERENCES

Acton, T A (1996) Romani, Migration World Magazine, 24, 21-26. City of Melbourne (2000) A Strategy for a Safe City 2000-2002. City of Melbourne (2001) Draft City Plan 2010 The First 3 Years. City of Melbourne (2000) Report to City Business Committee, Councils Response to the Issue of Begging in the CBD, 10 October 2000, Agenda Item 5.3. Dean, H (ed) (1999) Begging Questions: Street-level economic activity and social policy failure, The Policy Press, Bristol, UK. Driscoll, K, & Wood, L (1998) A Public Life: Disadvantage and Homelessness in the Capital City, Department of Social Science and Social Work, RMIT, Melbourne. Gmelch, G, & Gmelch, S B (1978) Begging in Dublin: The Strategies of a Marginal Urban Occupation, Urban Life, 6, 439-454. Gutierrez, J (1970) Using a clinical methodology in a social study of deviant children Cape Western Reserve Journal of Sociology, 4, 1-28. Jordan, B (1999) Begging: the global context and international comparisons in H Dean (ed), Begging Questions: Street level economic activity and social policy failure, The Policy Press, Bristol, UK, 43-62. Kemp, P A (1997) The characteristics of single homeless people in England in R Burrows, N Pleace & D Quilgars (eds), Homelessness and Social Policy, Routledge, London, 69-87. Macdonald, A M (ed) (1972) Chambers Twentieth Century Dictionary, Chambers, Edinburgh. Newton Wayman Chong (2001) Perceptions of Safety A Research Report. Ojanuga, D N (1990) Kaduna Beggar Children: A study of Child Abuse and Neglect in Northern Nigeria Child Welfare, 69, 371-380. Osborn, P G (ed) (1954) Concise Law Dictionary, Fourth Edition, Sweet and Maxwell, London. Shichor, D, & Ellis, R (1981) Begging in Israel: An Exploratory Study, Deviant Behaviour, 2, 109-125. Sweeney Research (2001) Melbourne City Perceptions Monitor, July December 2000, Melbourne. Taylor, D B (1999) Begging for Change: A Social Ecological Study of Aggressive Panhandling and Social Control in Los Angeles, Dissertation Abstracts International, 60, 1775A-1776A.

Wardaugh, J, & Jones, J (1999) Begging in time and space: shadow work and the rural context, in H Dean (ed), Begging Questions: Street level economic activity and social policy failure, The Policy Press, Bristol, 101-120. Weiner, S, & Weaver, L (1974) Begging and Social Deviance on Skid Row, Quarterly Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 35, 1307-1315.

Internet Sites
http://www.dms.dpc.vic.gov.au/

APPENDIX A

Police Enumeration Survey Form


Details of Person Processed Required for Statistical Return

Name Offence Charged Warned Age Male/Female Suburb of Residence Employed Receiving welfare payments Supported by Parents Any other form of Income Referred to support agency If yes, agency and date referred to Source of Complaint detected on patrol or reported Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No No No No No Male Female

APPENDIX B - City of Melbourne Fact Sheet on Begging

Appendix C

Trader and Public Referral Form

Begging Outreach Trial


City of Melbourne Hotline

Date of call Time of call Sex Approximate age Build Hair colour and length Description of clothes Other distinguishing features Address of where action is taking place or closest street intersection Brief description of what the person is doing Contact details (optional)

Appendix D

City Enumeration by Hanover Staff

GENERAL INFORMATION Date: Time: 8am-9.30am 11.30am-2.30pm 4.30pm-6.30pm Other

Location: Staff members name: . ___________________________________________________________ SUBJECTS DETAILS Estimated age: 5-12 years 13-17 years 18-24 years 25-34 years 35-54 years 55+ years Male Female

Subjects gender:

Hair colour:.. Clothing: .. .. .. .. Distinguishing features/characteristics: .. .. ..

.. .. Is subject alone?: Yes No

If no, explain circumstances of other: ___________________________________________________________ NATURE OF BEGGING EPISODE Subject observed: Sitting with sign Sitting and asking passers by for money, etc. Standing with sign Standing and asking passers by for money etc Busking with sign specifying homelessness Walking street and approaching passers by Waiting at ATM Other Reason for begging (if known): .... .... . Referral made: Yes No

Referral made to: Reason for referral:


. ..

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