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OAS Special Mission

Dear Delegates, It is my honor and distinct pleasure to welcome you all to HACIA Democracy 2012! My name is Beat Idoyaga and I am honored by the opportunity of serving as your President in the XVIII Summit of the Americas in Panama. I am currently a senior at Harvard University, concentrating in Government and Modern Middle Eastern Studies. Having participated extensively in Model United Nations since my freshman year at Harvard, I joined HACIA last year as Recruiting Director for our first conference in South America. HACIAs eighteenth conference will be the largest one to date and I am honored to share this experience with you. Within this document you will find the bulletin for your committee. The entire HACIA 2012 Team has committed countless hours for the past eight months to provide you with an unparalleled conference experience, starting with this bulletin. Each Chair has worked to display his or her unique passion for the topics in each bulletin and researched extensively to provide you with the best possible overview of each topic area. Please use this document as a launching point for your exploration of your committees topics and your countrys policies. HACIA demands that delegates step into the shoes of those from different countries and defend national policies that one may personally disagree with in order to gain better understanding across regional borders. The more preparation and research you do the more HACIA will be able to offer you. Take the time to read carefully through the bulletin, to complete additional research, and to explore the various resources on our website. To aid you in the preparation for committee, this year we have overhauled the entire bulletin structure in the hopes that it will be more accessible and appealing as you immerse yourself into your research. Additionally, we will also be uploading a Crisis Training Guide to the website to aid you in preparing for committee crisis situations. Above all, I hope you enjoy reading this guide! As always, please do not hesitate to contact us if you have any questions and I look forward to seeing you all in Panama next March! Sincerely, Beat A. Idoyaga President, HACIA Demcoracy 2012 president@hacia-democracy.org

Beat Idoyaga
President

Business Director

Mary Reed

Stephanie Oviedo

Recruiting Director

Cassandra Thomson

Development Director

Director of English Committees

Sam Ten Cate

Director of Spanish Committees

Rodolfo Diaz

Administration Director

Philip Lambrakos

XVIII Summit of the Americas | 8th-11th March 2012 | Panama City, Panama

HACIA HACIADemocracy Democracy2012

OAS Special Mission


Dear Delegates, It is my distinct pleasure to welcome you to Harvard Association Cultivating InterAmerican (HACIA) Democracy! My name is Sam ten Cate and I am the Head of English Committees. I am originally from Amsterdam, the Netherlands but have lived several years in Taipei, Taiwan. I have participated in conference simulations since Middle School participating in The Hague Model United Nations and Harvard Model United Nation conferences for multiple times each. Last year I came to HACIA as a co-chair for the Hemispheric Security and absolutely loved it. At Harvard I am pursuing a major in Social Psychology with a particular focus on non-verbal behavior, a minor Economics, and a language citation in Chinese. Outside the classroom I participate in conferences, occasionally design for Harvards daily newspaper, and give tours on campus for the Harvard Crimson Key Society. As Beat mentioned, weve made significant changes to the bulletins this year and I am excited to hear what you think! One of the most significant changes is that all bulletins are now structured following the same template across all committees. We hope that this makes them even more accessible to all delegates, and I urge you to read as many study guides outside your committee as you have time for. Recognizing trends, patterns, and frameworks across committees will train your ability to contextualize and more effectively innovate big-picture solutions. Indeed this will be a skill that appears much throughout HACIA as we focus this year on highly inter-related topics that fuse social, political, and economic issues reflecting the hot-topics of the last few years. As part of your preparation for HACIA, we have also updated documents that will contribute to your delegations readiness for conference. Our Guide to Delegate Preparation highlights the structure and policies of HACIA and our new Guide to the Response Paper will help you effectively prepare your paper. This year I would really like to see all of the committees engage in energized, passionate, and stimulating debate that shapes your individual perspectives and establishes debate even outside the committee room. HACIA is a fantastic place to get to know people, have a fun time and meet future fellow students, employers and friends. Take full advantage of the time you have before conference to prepare well, read the study guide two or three times so that you may maximize your time at HACIA engaging with people, not paper or electronics. We have an exciting set of ideas to share with you this year and I hope you find them equally interesting. Please contact your co-chairs with any questions you might have, or even if you just want to say hi. I look forward to meeting you all at conference. Good luck! Sam ten Cate Director of English Committees, HACIA Democracy 2012 english_committees@hacia-democracy.org

The panama special cabinet of manuel noriega

Chris Lehman

OAS Special mission

Lucas Swisher Sydney Sawyer Raul Quintana Tim Tsai

Inter-American Commission on hemispheric security

pan-american health organization

Frankie Wong Hunter Richard

inter-american court of human rights

Andres Uribe Brianna Beswick

Inter-american childrens institute

Magdalena Kala Nora Garry

inter-american development bank

Joseph Morcos Dan Granoff

Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the OAS 2020

Manuel Melendez

HACIA Democracy 2012

OAS Special Mission


Dear Delegates, It is with great pride that we welcome you to HACIA 2012, and more specifically, to the Organization of American States Special Mission Committee. In previous years, more than five hundred students and instructors have traveled from the western hemisphere to one place to discuss issues that pervade our world today. This simulation promises to be one of the most engaging committee on the circuit this year due to our highly relevant subject material, fast-paced and exciting committee dynamic, and expert staff. My name is Lucas and I am currently a sophomore living in the historic and beloved Eliot house, which my roommates and I like to think is the most desired house at Harvard. My main course of study will be Economics, with a minor in Government. In addition to studies, I participate in Model United Nations, play tennis and cello, create marketing strategy for a startup company and the school newspaper, participate in several political organizations, and occasionally get an hour or so of sleep. You could say my life is busy and fast paced, which is far from home for me. I grew up in Oklahoma, which is a small state in the middle of the United States. Home for me is sweet tea, horses, and wide-open spaces. You could say the issue of gun control is close to home because in Oklahoma, people guard the right to own a firearm as closely as their own life; guns exist not to kill, but to protect. My name is Sydney and I am a current junior in Pforzheimer House the roomiest, friendliest, and quirkiest Harvard house but am currently spending a semester abroad in France. I am majoring in History and Literature with a focus on Postcolonial Studies in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, and France. I play violin in various small ensembles and am a member of the Harvard Radcliffe Orchestra. I also enjoy moving and am also a dancer and executive member of the Harvard Ballroom Dance Team as well as figure skate with the Figure Skating Club. Outside the arts I work at a needle exchange, and am loosely involved with the Harvard Model United Nations program. In this committee, we will be taking up the contentious issue of Gun Control in Latin America. At the crux of the debate is one of the central freedoms that the people of Latin America share: the right to own a firearm. Latin America hosts a growing black market of illegal firearms, which has led to a massive increase in violence in the last decade. The legislation we craft should address this growing issue while protecting the rights of those who own firearms for legitimate reasons. The committee should utilize strategic policy to target specific ways in which gun control can help solve the growing problems of gun violence in Latin America. In this committee, there will be few, if any, easy answers, making it essential that you gain a comprehensive understanding of the issue at hand. Please begin your research by reading this study guide; while it is a long document, it will give you a solid foundation of knowledge for the committee. Good luck with your research for the committee, the rest of your studies, and any other activities in which you may be involved. Please feel free to contact us with any questions you may have about the conference or anything else. I look forward to meeting you all in March! Sydney Sawyier & Lucas Swisher Co-Chairs, OAS Special Mission special_mission@hacia-democracy.org

The panama special cabinet of manuel noriega

Chris Lehman

OAS Special mission

Lucas Swisher Sydney Sawyer Raul Quintana Tim Tsai

Inter-American Commission on hemispheric security

pan-american health organization

Frankie Wong Hunter Richard

inter-american court of human rights

Andres Uribe Brianna Beswick

Inter-american childrens institute

Magdalena Kala Nora Garry

inter-american development bank

Joseph Morcos Dan Granoff

Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the OAS 2020

Manuel Melendez

HACIA Democracy 2012

OAS SPECIAL MISSION gun control


Intorduction
Other Related Materials (CIFTA) which aimed to outline the necessary legal and technical infrastructure to regulate gun manufacture and distribution and included model regulations for international firearms trade.[2] Despite the relatively early intervention that CIFTA represented, the situation has since deteriorated. For instance, although Trinidad and Tobago ratified the treaty and took steps towards its implementation, During the period 2000 to 2007 the incidence of murder increased by 229%. In 2000, some 61murders, or 50% of all cases of murder, were committed with the use of firearms. In 2007, 78% (302) of the total of 388 murders were committed with the use of firearms.[3] Gun trafficking and gun violence has been particularly severe in some areas of Central America due to the lethal combination of illicit firearms with illicit narcotics trafficking. Central America is a critical transshipment point between South and North America; as a result, guns protect lucrative, illicit cargo or are oftentimes traded for other black market goods. For instance, in countries such as Jamaica and Haiti, it is routine practice for illicit drugs to be traded for illicit firearms.[4] A cmprehensive look at gun control must look beyond simply altering gun control restrictions even to eliminate legal sanction for private possession of a handgun would not eliminate crime facilitated and violence exacted through gun use. Gun control, in a comprehensive reading of the issue, must also address the black market for guns and the conditions that allow the illegal firearms economy to flourish. Those factors include weak and porous borders, corrupt police and military officials, and little inter-state coordination or communication among many other things. It will additionally be the task of this body to assess the successes and failures of past agreements, CIFTA in particular, and craft a document that better addresses the de facto state of gun violence in the Americas.

Rivers of Steel plague Latin America. According to the World Bank, Latin America and the Caribbean have the highest murder rate of men between the ages of 15 and 29 in the entire world.[1] The superabundance of firearms, particularly small arms, has been a boon to the drug trade, fueled gang and paramilitary violence, escalated murder and assault rates, impeded community development efforts, and targeted the youth as both victims and perpetrators of gun violence. The position of the OAS Special Mission will not be that private possession of handguns must be eliminated in domestic legislation of members states, but rather that member states need to take thorough measures to regulate the gun market and to reduce rates of violent crime as they reflect poorly on the entire region. This issue has not gone unnoticed. As early as 1997, the Organization of American States adopted the InterAmerican Convention Against the Illicit Manufacturing Of and Trafficking In Firearms, Ammunition, Explosives, and

The Issue in Context


The Issue in the past
Because the problems faced by each country in Latin America regarding gun violence is vastly different, it is difficult to discuss the issue of gun control in the past with regard to Latin America as a whole. To accurately grasp the history of gun violence and its roots, this discussion will focus on a number of countries that will serve as case studies for Latin

Image 3: Armed Robbery Convictions 2008

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Image 4: Overall Vicitimzation Rates 2008

Image 5: Perceptions of Insecurity 2008

America. We will draw conclusions from these countries, of which one will be small, medium sized, and large, regarding the history of the problem at hand.

Brazil

In the last decade, Brazil has been at the center of gun politics in South America. Gaining international attention for a referendum that peaked the National Rifle Associations attention in 2005, Brazil has become the example of how a nations gun control laws can be misapplied and how the issue of gun control has become less about national sovereignty and more about the international right to own firearms.1 Prior to 2004, Brazil had relatively stringent gun control laws and still maintained one of the highest rates of gun deaths in the world.2 Brazil had thirty thousand firearm homicides in 2000, thirty four thousand firearm homicides in 2002, and more than forty thousand firearm homicides in 2004. 2 In comparison, the United States reported about thirty thousand deaths due to firearms in each of these years,

with a population that is almost 100 million people larger than Brazils. With only 2.8 percent of the worlds population, Brazil has historically accounted for nearly thirteen percent of the planets deaths by firearms.2 To address this violence that, while always high, peaked in the early 2000s, civil society has mobilized to change gun laws. For example, in 1997, students at the University of Sao Paulo organized the Sou da Paz for Disarmament Campaign to raise awareness for gun control laws they believed would stop violence.3 The organization gained media awareness and their efforts led to the voluntary surrender of thousands of firearms, as well as leading to legislation that was brought before the Brazilian government. Other movements continued in 2003 and 2005 that aimed to bring substantial change to current gun control laws, but both have failed to significantly lower the level of violence in Brazil.3

Mexico

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In the 20th century, Mexico was at the height of gun has increased from twenty-nine to more than sixty.7 violence in Latin America. From the 1900s to the early 2000s, Until 1985 there was no regulation on the possession the range of annual homicides due to firearms fluctuated or ownership of guns; however, no constitutional clause from around three defended the right to four thousand.4 for ownership.8 Despite its strict gun However, in control laws, in the 1985, during the 1900s Mexicos rates transition from of homicide based on military rule to population were some democratic rule, of the highest in the the first gun world. As the country control laws were struggled with the enacted, and several emergence of drug laws restricting cartels and instability guns have been in their government, passed since their the rates of firearm enaction.8 violence increased.4 F r o m D e s pit e these three case stringent gun control scenarios, we laws, Mexicos can draw several constitution has conclusions. First, maintained the right strict gun control Image 6: Fraction of Adults Who Say a Military Coup Would Be Justified When Crime Levles are High for its citizens to laws do not carry firearms since its necessarily prevent the ratification in 1858.5 These rights have, throughout the utilization of firearms in violent acts. Second, high levels late 19th and early 20th century, been reduced through the of violence prevail throughout Latin America and show no gradual alteration of laws. The constitution of 1917, the signs of abating; thus, regulations must be put into place that current constitution, replaced the Constitution of 1858 in attack the problem of violence. Third, the root causes of the 1917 and granted Mexican citizens the right to possess non- problems must be examined in the context of the problem military firearms, but left silent whether they had the right to today so that proper gun control laws can be enacted that possess firearms outside of ones home, farm, or property.6 strategically target the roots of violence that prevail today. Later in the 20th century, gun control laws would restrict the ownership of guns to those who applied for specific permits Previous attempts to address the issue and restricted further the type of gun allowed.5 However, There have been many previous attempts to even with these new introductions, gun violence has not address the issue at trans-continental, regional, national, abated. and to an increasing extent, local, levels of governance and

Honduras

Hondurans have historically had a more passive attitude toward their right to bear arms than their Brazilian neighbors. Increases in crime and the use of firearms in these crimes throughout the 20th century brought attention to the issue of unregulated firearms and their need for regulation. From 1995 to 2008, the rate of homicides per 100,000 people

administration. At the broadest level, all countries in the region have signed the 2000 UN Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime and the its associated 2001 Protocol against the Manufacturing of and Illicit Trafficking in Firearms, their Parts and Components and Ammunition. Additionally, since 2001 all countries in the region have been signatories to the UN Programme of Action to Prevent Combat and Eradicate

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the Illicit Trade in Small Arms an light Weapons in All its important, however, is to examine the root causes of violence; Aspects, though is not legally binding.[i] Most Latin American this is what the gun control laws enacted by the OAS will countries have signed the OAS Inter-American Convention target. This section will once again draw on case studies that represent the Latin Against the Illicit American region as Manufacturing a whole in order to and Trafficking examine specific in Firearms, problems that Ammunition, pervade the nations Explosives and other of Latin America. Related Material However, in order (CIFTA).[ii] In to delve more deeply 2003, OAS members into the problems of also ratified the each country, this Declaration of the section will examine Special Conference only Brazil and on Security in Mexico. the Americas and altered the Model Regulation for Brazil the Control of After a the International failed referendum in Movement of 2005 that would have Firearms, their Parts Image 7: Second Generation Armed Violence Reduction banned handguns and Components throughout Brazil, and Ammunition. violence has continued throughout the nation.1 Today, Brazil There are several sub-regional initiatives as well. For also has the highest rate of homicides involving firearmsexample, in Central America, there is the Tratado Marco de almost 70%. With only 2.8 percent of the worlds population, Seguridad Democrtica en Centroamrica (1995), the Code Brazil accounts for thirteen percent of the planets deaths by of Conduct on Arms Transfers (2005), which among other firearms.9 things calls for strengthened licensing controls, the Central American Small Arms Control Programme (CASAC; 2003) The Root Causes of Violence and the Central American Integration System (SICA) has been To understand why Brazil has such high crime rates used to coordinate efforts against illicit weapons trafficking. and to understand the type of gun control laws that must be The Andean sub-region also has several like initiatives, many implemented to lower Brazils current level of violence to due of them a product of the product of armed uprisings, guerilla, firearms, the committee must examine the root causes of the and paramilitary groups in the sub-region such as FARC in violence. Simply banning the right to own a firearm will not Colombia or the Shining Path in Peru. Though there are several solve this problem throughout South America; it will only existing initiatives, there has been little implementation and/ cause the black market to expand and ordinary citizens to or enforcement of policies that would meet regional goals. be unable to defend themselves. Thus, this committee must

The Issue Today

In order to solve the problem of gun violence that has erupted in Latin America in the last two decades, it is necessary to examine the problem, as it exists today. More

create innovative solutions to create gun control laws that attack the roots of violence. In Brazil, both the victims of homicide and those who commit homicide are between the ages of fifteen and twentyfour, and are largely black males. Most of the homicides in

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Brazil occur in favelas, or slums, in Brazils major cities- Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo.3 These favelas grow annually due to an increase in the level of poverty, and are strengthened through the growing network of organized crime and drug trafficking that thrives in the slums.3 Criminal groups such as the Primeiro Comando da Capital in Sao Paulo drive arsenals that control and stand to gain much from increasing cocaine sales; these groups have created a market that renders Brazil the second largest market for cocaine in the world.3 Disputes among and within these groups cause a large number of deaths in Brazil each day and account for nearly half of all homicides in Brazil.3 Violence Policy Center, the violence is not just a Mexican fight; it is an international war.10 The demand for drugs in countries such as the United States have fueled the drug cartels.10 Evidence of mutilations, beheadings, torture, kidnappings, and massive graves have surfaced over the last few years and little evidence shows that the violence will ebb soon.10 From these two case studies the reader can draw several important conclusions. First, the problem of gun violence is not simply a Latin American problem; it is an international and worldwide problem. Enacting policies only in Latin America cannot solve the networks of violence that pervade Latin America. Second, the problem of gun violence is largely due to networks of drug trafficking that have grown over recent years. Gun control policies must directly target these networks in order to be effective. Third, the problems of violence can be traced to a growing poverty that creates the circumstances necessary for one to enter the field of drug trafficking.

Mexico

As drug cartels ravage Northern Mexico, the amount of total firearm-related deaths increases annually. In 2011 the nation ranked 8th in total deaths due to firearms, and it has slowly climbed the list each year since deaths last decreased in 2001. 4

The Root Causes of Violence

The Crux of The Debate

The Mexican State is engaged in an increasingly Ideological conflicts violent, internal struggle against heavily armed narco-criminal The primary difficulties in addressing this topic lie cartels that have intimidated the public, corrupted much of in overcoming the ideological conflicts which fuel and in law enforcement, and created an environment of impunity to essence, create, the debate over gun control policy in OAS the law, retired U.S. Army Gen. Barry R. McCaffrey stated in member countries. Many of the ideological conflicts are a December 2008 concerned with how report.10 Shortly to approach gun after McCaffrey control and reducing issued this armed, violent crime. statement, Mexican Most policy experts Attorney General agree that the majority Eduardo Medina of guns that end up Mora released in Central America numbers relating (and filter down to homicides into South America that showed the and the Caribbean) number of crimeoriginate from the related homicides United States[i], the increasing more population with the than one hundred most civilian gun percent from 2007 ownership in the to 2008. According world.[ii] Those to a report by the seeking guns in Image 8: Homicide Trends in Central America

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countries with strict gun control laws are more likely to purchase a gun from a nearby country with more relaxed gun control laws and then transport it rather than trying to buy one through licit channels within country. So, there is naturally a divide between countries with strict gun control laws and countries with more relaxed gun control laws (and perhaps with an underlying ideological basis for such laws). Another divide is in how to approach gun control measures. Should a nation focus on supply side measures or prevention? Focus on harshly punishing criminals convicted for armed crimes or focus on preventing crimes in the first place? Focus on short term fixes for crime rates, particularly in Central America, that are spiraling out of control or on longer term strategies which may not see immediate results? Other more secondary sources of debate include how to incorporate the community in gun control measures, how best to incorporate actors in the criminal justice system given notorious corruption, and also, from a technical standpoint, reliance on Participatory Urban Appraisals (PUAs), which are essential public opinion surveys, for information gathering and as the basis for legislative action, program creation, implementation and allocation of resources. the Western Hemisphere has seen in the last decade.12

Needed Collaborations

As shown by the effectiveness of subregional and hemispheric initiatives, as well as the global scale of the problem, much collaboration will be needed in this committee to help stem the tide of violence that is made possible through extensive international networks.

How will your resolution decrease gun violence among youth, particularly in urban areas? What new or improved measures will reduce the volume of arms trafficking? What model gun control regulations will the Special Mission suggest for national legislative bodies to draft and pass? How will new policies and initiatives be enforced, given rampant the allegations and history of rampant corruption as well as the lack of technical capacity in many provinces and municipalities? How will your resolution address the role of drug trafficking in gun control and trafficking? How will your resolution address the existing lack of data The Power of the Committee to Address relating to gun control? How will your resolution use or improve existing regional the Topic and sub-regional bodies currently involved in this issue? If Committee Jurisdiction In the past, the OAS special mission has had a central necessary, will you create new ones and how will they be role in peacekeeping in several Latin American countries. In administered? the past, it has largely handled and supported peace processes and transitions from wartime in Nicaragua, Suriname, Haiti, Framing Position Papers and Guatemala.11 Furthermore, the organization has An acceptable position paper will require four main worked to resolve border disputes and remove landmines components, with one paragraph dedicated to each component. from countries throughout the Americas. In recent years, These facets of your position papers should be well researched the special mission has been active in generating a counter- as they form the foundation for your countrys arguments terrorism strategy for the combined Western Hemisphere.11 and aims within committee debate and will be essential (and extremely useful) to have on hand during committee Previous OAS Action sessions. It would be wise to consider your position papers In the past, the OAS has addressed gun control the beginning of your performance in committee and in your through a treaty. The Inter-American Convention against best interest to treat them as such. the Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms, One paragraph of your position paper should be Ammunition, Explosives, and Other Related Materials treaty devoted to the non-negotiable positions of your country. What affirmed international law against the manufacturing and policies would your country never be willing or able to endorse? trafficking of illicit firearms and was the first step the OAS What policies must be included for your country to vote in favor has taken to control the massive outbreak in firearm violence of a resolution on this topic? In order to adequately address

Questions a Resolution Must Answer

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this section, you will need to understand your countrys own gun control policies and more importantly, why they exist in the form that they do. For instance, an underlying ideological trend might be apparent to you MORE(?). What would the current political regime in your country endorse? Remember that you represent the government of your country. Be careful not to overstate your countrys non-negotiable positions or you may find yourself unable to agree to any resolution! Using this rubric of evaluating your research, please also list and explain your negotiable positions as a delegate. More than knowing your countrys current policies, you must have a firm grasp of major points of debate, if they exist or wield a significant amount of influence/form a formidable opposition. By these measures, you might be able to gauge whether this is a point where your countrys policies are evolving or might easily shift. That said, as a delegate it is your responsibility to remain on-policy. After explaining your countrys negotiable positions we will ask you to write down your aims for the session. What are your countrys specific policy or ideological goals entering the session? Please avoid broad, rather uninformative aims such as reducing the number of homicides every year. Every nation has that goal. Rather, what are the measures that your country would like to see implemented through an OAS-wide resolution. To assist you in this section, look to past policies espoused by and implemented within your country; if they have been effective and/or your country intends to keep pursuing that policy then perhaps this would be a good session aim to include. Larger policy and ideological aims are acceptable but they should be specific to your country and reflect the research you have done. Finally, we would like a concluding paragraph containing relevant facts about your country as it pertains to gun control and auxiliary issues. The facts you choose to include will of course reflect the depth of your understanding of the issue. Some general facts would be useful (and relevant) such as some statistics on your countrys economic situation, literacy rates, and other measures of basic human development. Other essential facts would include homicide rates, armed assault rates, information about your countrys role in the drug trade, etc. Other helpful information might include any facts you can find out about who commits armed crimes, what communities are most affected, suspected levels of corruption, and of course, extensive familiarity with past policies implemented at both community and national levels. This paragraph will allow you to incorporate a lot of your research, and please make sure to cite your sources carefully (every time!).

The topic area of gun control is both relevant and exciting, and should provide for interesting debate. Our vision in crafting this committee was to provide a topic area that strayed from traditional committee topics; we hope that this topic will prove to be more stimulating than a classic topic that could be tackled in any committee. New methods of travel and communication have created a vastly different world than the one Governments faced in even the last decade; the Organization of American States must change with the times to continue to serve as the basis for the protection of civilians throughout the hemisphere. Stemming the violence committed by firearms is one such duty. It will be this bodys duty to come up with solutions that can be applied to solve the real problems governments face across the Americas with regards to international violence. Please continue to research the topic as the conference approaches, and feel free to contact us regarding any questions you might have!

Summary and Conclusion

1. Brazil. Firearms Referendum 2005 | Electoral Geography 2.0. Electoral Geography - Elections All over the World. Web. 29 Aug. 2011. < h t t p : // w w w . electoralgeography.com/new/en/countries/b/brazil/brazil- firearms-referendum-2005.html>. 2.Gunpolicy.org. Web. <http://www.gunpolicy.org/firearms/ region/brazil>. 3. Brazil: Changing a History of Violence. Http://www. soudepaz.org/. Web. <http://www.soudepaz.org/>. 4. Gunpolicy.org. Web. <http://gunpolicy.org/firearms/ region/mexico>. 5.Gun Politics in Mexico. Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Web. 29 Aug. 2011. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gun_ politics_in_Mexico>. 6.Constitution of Mexico. Oas.org. Web. <http://Oas.org>. 7. Gunpolicy.org. Web. <http://gunpolicy.org/firearms/ region/honduras>. 8. Gun Politics in Honduras. Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Web. 29 Aug. 2011. <http://en.wikipedia.org/

References:

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wiki/Gun_politics_in_Honduras>. 9. List of Countries by Firearm-related Death Rate. Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Web. 29 Aug. 2011. <http:// en.wikipedia.org/wik i/List_of_countries_by_f irearmrelated_death_rate>. 10.IRONCLAD. VPC.org. Web. <www.vpc.org/studies/ ironriver.pdf>. 11. Mejia, Thelma. Organization of American States. Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Web. 29 Aug. 2011. <http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organization_of_American_States>. 12. INTER-AMERICAN CONVENTION AGAINST THE ILLICIT MANUFACTURING OF AND TRAFFICKING IN FIREARMS, AMMUNITION, EXPLOSIVES, AND OTHER RELATED MATERIALS. OAS - Organization of American States: Democracy for Peace, Security, and Development. Web. 29 Aug. 2011. <http://www. oas.org/juridico/english/treaties/a-63.html>.

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