SOCIO-CULTURAL FACTORS AFFECTING ATTITUDE & BEHAVIOUR REGARDING POPULATION & FAMILY LIFE ISSUES IN NIGERIA

EDITORS Prof. Ralph Akinfeleye Dr. J.O. Charles Dr. (Mrs.) A.K. Omideyi REVIEWED BY Dr. Bamikale Feyisetan

SOCIO-CULTURAL FACTORS AFFECTING ATTITUDE & BEHAVIOUR REGARDING POPULATION & FAMILY LIFE ISSUES IN NIGERIA

United Nations Population Fund

11, OYINKAN ABAYOMI DRIVE, IKOYI, P. O. BOX 2075 LAGOS, NIGERIA. ISBN 978 - 027 - 092 - 2

ii

Contents
Page Foreword Acknowledgement About the Contributors, Reviewer and Editors vii ix xi

CHAPTER ONE
1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 1.9 Introduction Research Activities Research Sites Recruitment and Training of Research Assistants Field Activities Post-Research Activities Statement of Problem Rationale Objectives 1 2 3 3 4 5 5 6 7

CHAPTER TWO Literature Review

2.1 2.2 Culture and Population Factors The Role of Communication in Population and Family Life Issues 8 22

CHAPTER THREE
Research Design, Methodology and The Ethnic Groups 3.1 3.1.1 3.2 3.3 3.3.1 3.3.2 3.3.3 3.3.4 3.3.5 3.3.6 Selection of the Study Sites The Study Sites Data Collection The Origin/Social Organization of the Ethnic Groups The Efik and lbiobio The Fulani The Hausa The Kanuri The Yoruba Concluding Remarks 15 15 17 21 21 23 24 24 26 27

iii

CHAPTER FOUR
page

The Efik and the lbibio

4.1 4.1.1 4.1.2 4.1.3 4.1.4 4.1.5 4.1.6 4.1.7 4.1.8 4.1.9 4.2 4.2.1 4.2.2 4.2.3 4.2.4 4.2.5 4.2.6 4.2.7 4.2.8 4.2.9 The Efik Marriage Practices Family Size Desires and Sex Preference Single-Parent Families Socialization among the Efik Communication and Population/Family Life Issues Intra-Family Communication and Population/Family Life Issues The Role of lnfluentials on Population and Family Life Issues Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of Family Planning Contraceptive Acceptance: The Role of Spousal/Parent-Child Communication; Availability and Cost of Method The lbibio Marriage Practices Family Size Desires and Sex Preference Single-Parent Families Socialization among the lbibio Communication and Population/Family Life Issues Intra-Family Communication and Population/Family Life Issues The Role of Influentials on Population and Family Life Issues Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of Family Planning Contraceptive Acceptance: The Role of Spousal/Parent-Child Communication; Availability and Cost of Method 28 28 31 33 34 34 35 36 37 38 40 40 42 43 44 44 45 46 46 47

CHAPTER FIVE
The Fulani 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 5.9 Marriage Practices Family Size Desires and Sex Preference Single-Parent Families Socialization among the Fulani Communication and Population/Family Life Issues Intra-Family Communication and Population/Family Life Issues The Role of lnfluentials on Population and Family Life Issues Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of Family Planning Knowledge of and Attitude Toward the National Population Policy 48 50 51 52 52 53 53 54 55

iv

CHAPTER SIX The Hausa

6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8 6.9

page

58 Marriage Practices 61 Family Size Desires and Sex Preference 62 Single-Parent Families 63 Socialization among the Hausa 63 Communication and Population/Family Life Issues Intra-Family Communication and Population/Family Life Issues 64 The Role of lnfluentials on Population and Family Life Issues 64 65 Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of Family Planning Knowledge of and Attitude Toward the National 66 Population Policy

CHAPTER SEVEN The lgbo

7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6 7.7 7.8 7.9 Marriage Practices Family Size Desires and Sex Preference Single-Parent Families Socialization among the lgbo Communication and Population/Family Life Issues Intra-Family Communication and Population/Family Life Issues Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of Family Planning Knowledge of and Attitude Toward the National Population Policy Concluding Remarks 67 70 70 71 72 74 74 76 78

CHAPTER EIGHT The Kanuri

8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6 8.7 8.8 8.9 Marriage Practices Family Size Desires and Sex Preference Single-Parent Families Socialization among the Kanuri Communication and Population/Family Life Issues Intra-Family Communication and Population/Family Life Issues The Role of lnfluentials on Population and Family Life Issues Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of Family Planning Knowledge of and Attitude Toward the National Population Policy 80 83 84 84 85 86 86 88 89

CHAPTER NINE The Yoruba

9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 9.5 Marriage Practices Family Size Desires and Sex Preference Communication and Population/Family Life Issues Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of Family Planning Knowledge of and Attitude Toward the National Population Policy

page
91 94 95 96 100

CHAPTER TEN Conclusions and Recommendations

10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 10.5 10.6 10.7 10.8 10.9 10.10 10.11 10.11.1 10.11.2 10.11.3 10.11.4 10.11.5 10.11.6 The Desire for Large Family Size The Culture of Polygyny Sex Preference Incidence of Early Marriage and Single-Parent Families The Issue of Fatalism Family Planning Programmes and Culture Gender Bias and Family Planning Delivery The Quality of Information and the Credibilty of the Providers Availability of Social Facilities/Infrastructures Emerging Trends in Socio-Cultural Factors Recommendations The Efik and lbibio The Fulani The Hausa The lgbo The Kanuri The Yoruba 102 103 103 103 104 104 105 105 106 106 107 108 110 112 114 116 117 118

References Index

vi

Foreword

igeria is a country of great cultural diversity consisting of over 300 different ethnic groups with an equal number of distinct languages and dialects. Most Nigerians including those residing in urban areas, are strongly influenced by the cultural and traditional norms of their ethnic origin. Therefore, a clear understanding of the socio-cultural factors that influence the attitudes and behaviours of Nigerians towards population and family life issues is absolutely necessary for effective programme development, audience segmentation, design of appropriate messages and materials as well as monitoring and evaluation in the population and health sectors. This publication presents the findings of an anthropological survey which investigated the socio-cultural factors that affect attitudes and behaviours towards population and family life issues among the six major ethnic groups in Nigeria. The six ethnic groups (Efik/Ibibio, Fulani, Hausa, Igbo, Kanuri, & Yoruba) constitute about 85% of the Nigerian Population. The survey was conducted as part of pre-project activities executed by the Population Information & Communication Branch (PICB) of the Federal Ministry of Information and Culture (FMOI&C) with financial and technical assistance from the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). The survey design, field work, data processing and analysis as well as preparation of the draft reports were subcontracted to six Nigerian researchers, one for each ethnic group. The whole exercise was monitored by the PICB and coordinated by the UNFPA Field Office in Lagos. The survey field work was conducted in a purposive sample of traditional and urban communities selected from areas of the country believed to be inhabited almost entirely by the respective ethnic groups. During the field work which lasted for over three months, various techniques including focus group discussion, (FGD) in-depth interview and participant - observation were applied in the

vii

study of the social and cultural patterns responsible for the attitude of most Nigerians in relation to population and family planning issues. In addition, some relevant data were also collected from administrative records in the clinics and hospitals within the survey communities. This publication is arranged in 10 chapters. Chapters one and two provide the usual survey background including statement of problems, survey rationale, objectives and literature review. The research design and methodology are described in chapter three. Chapters four to nine contain the major findings in the six ethnic groups. The conclusions and recommendations are presented in chapter 10. Whatever the quality of these findings, this survey represents a first attempt in Nigeria at collecting, on a national scale, socio-cultural data and information required for programme design and implementation, including message design, in the population information, education and communication (IEC) sector. I commend the efforts of the Federal Ministry of Information and Culture and have the honour and special privilege to recommend this publication to all actors in the population and health sector in Nigeria particularly Journalists, Artists, Researchers, Programme Managers and Programme Implementors. Dr. Andrew A. Arkutu UNFPA Country Representative Lagos, Nigeria

viii

Acknowledgement

n December 1994, UNFPA approved a pre-project activity document which provided for the conduct of an anthropological survey in six major ethnic groups in Nigeria. The project activities including this survey were implemented by the staff of the PICB, FMOI&C; under the supervision of Hajia K. Yola who is the Head of PICB and the Project Coordinator. Hajia Yola was assisted in the implementation of the project activities by Mr. B.A. Hammed - Deputy Director, Mr. S.N. Anibueze, Mrs. R.O. Madu, Mr. Bayo Thomas, Mr. M.S. Abdulahi, Mr. Fela Solanke, Mr. B.B. Suleiman, Mr. Ozoya Imohimi, Ms. Janet Yerima, Mr. E.A. Agbede, M.T.R. Junaid, Abba Musti, O.M.E. Orunwense, Brenda Dakwat and Emmanuel Ononye; as well as Mr. Niyi Ajetumobi, Terry Akpan and Emmanuel Odogwu of UNFPA. A UNFPA Adviser, Prof. Ralph Akinfeleye provided technical support to the PICB in the implementation of the project activities. The survey field work was coordinated and supervised by Hajia Yola and Prof. Akinfeleye. Mr. Jude E. Edochie (UNFPA Programme Officer) provided technical backstopping in the survey design and presentation of findings. The following researchers were responsible for the survey design, field work, data processing and analysis as well as preparation of the draft survey reports in each of the six ethnic groups: (1/2) Efik/lbibio - Dr. J.O. Charles, a Lecturer in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at the University of Calabar; (3) Hausa - Mr. Salisu Abdulahi is also a Lecturer at the Department of Sociology, Bayero University, Kano; (4) lgbo - Prof. H.I. Ajaegbu, former Deputy Vice-Chancellor of the University of Jos, is a Senior Partner in Ajaegbu and Associates Consultancy; (5) Kanuri - Mr. Waziri Ahmed Gazali is a Lecturer at the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Maiduguri; (6) Yoruba - Dr. E.A. Oke is a Senior Lecturer at the Department of Sociology, University of Ibadan.

ix

The six draft survey reports were amalgamated into a single volume after editing, by three Consultants viz: (1) Prof. Ralph Akinfeleye, a UNFPA Adviser and Head of Department of Mass Communication, Univeristy of Lagos; (2) Dr. J.O. Charles, a Lecturer at the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Calabar; (3) Dr. (Mrs.) A.K. Omideyi, a Senior Lecturer at the Department of Demography and Social Statistics, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. This report was finally reviewed by Dr. Bamikale Feyisetan, a Senior Lecturer at the Department of Demography and Social Statistics, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. Government appreciates the financial and technical support provided by the UNFPA in the project. Our thanks also go to all individuals and organisations who contributed in some way to the successful completion of the survey and the finalisation of this publication.

Dr. Walter Ofonagoro Honourable Minister of Information and Culture

ABOUT THE CONTRIBUTORS, REVIEWERS AND EDITOR

Professor Ralph Akinfeleye, an IEC specialist, is the Chairman and Head, Department of Mass Communication, University of Lagos, Akoka, Lagos State. A consultant/Adviser to United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and many International Organizations, Professor Akinfeleye is the author of many books including Health Communication and Development. Dr. Bamikale Feyisetan is a Senior Lecturer and former head of the Department of Demography and Social Statistics, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. In addition to his studies on population issues, Dr. Feyisetan has also undertaken a few studies on the need to adopt Anthropological Approaches in Child Health/Mortality Studies. He has served as a consultant Social Scientist to many international organizations that include the World Health Organization, the World Bank and USAID (Nigeria). Dr. (Mrs) A.K. Omideyi is a Senior Lecturer and former head of the Department of Demography and Social Statistics of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun State. A former Vice-Dean of the faculty of Social Science, OAU- Ile-Ife, Dr. Omideyi has many published articles to her credit. Dr. J.O. Charles is a Lecturer in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Calabar. He is the Chief Co-ordinator of the Diploma Programme in Social Development and Administration of his department. He is the Researcher for Efik/lbibio ethnic groups. Dr. E.A. Oke is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Sociology, University of lbadan and he is the Lead Researcher for the survey. Dr. E.A. Oke has many scholarly publications to his credit. He is the Researcher for the Yoruba ethnic group. Professor H.I. Ajaegbu is a former Deputy Vice-Chancellor of the University of Jos. A seasoned Administrator and Researcher, Professor Ajaegbu is a consultant to many International Organizations including the World Bank. A Senior Partner in Ajaegbu and Associates Consultancy, he is the Researcher for the lgbo ethnic group. Hajia Zainab Said is a researcher to some International Agencies, teaches Sociology and Anthropology in the Department of Sociology, Bayero University , Kano. She is the Researcher for the Fulani ethnic group. Mr. Salisu Abdullahi is of the Department of Sociology, Bayero University, Kano, where he has been involved in many Socio-Cultural Studies. He is the Researcher for the Hausa ethnic group. Mr. Waziri Ahmed Gazali is a lecturer in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Maiduguri. Mr. Gazali has some publications to his credit. He is the Researcher for the Kanuri ethnic group.

xi

Chapter One

1.1

INTRODUCTION

igeria is the most populous country in Africa. The national census figure for the country in 1991 was 88.9 million. With an annual growth rate of 2.86 percent, the countrys population in 1996 is approximated at 102.2 million. These figures are lower than the United Nations projected figures for 1990 and 1996 which were 108 and 115 million respectively (United Nations 1990, 1996). Nigerias population has been characterized by a high rate which resulted in a growth from a relatively stable high birth rate and a steadily declining death rate. The high growth rate of Nigerias population, rather than the sheer size, is the major cause of concern for population experts and policy planners. It has been argued that, even if Nigerias population size were lower than the current estimated figure of 102.46 million, policy planners still have cause to worry as long as the rate of population growth exceeds the rate of growth of the economy. At the current rate of population growth, Nigerias population will double every 24 years. The current level of consumption can, therefore, be maintained only if production of goods and provision of services (education, roads, health facilities, electricity and portable water) would also double every 24 years. For the country to experience economic development (measured by increased productivity and investment, more equitable distribution of resources, reduction in the number of people below the poverty line, sustainability and empowerment), the production of goods and services in Nigeria will have to double in less than 24 years. Unfortunately, this is almost impossible

to envisage as all available evidence indicate that the growth of the economy has been lower than the growth rate of the population. Realizing that the laissez-faire approach of the government to population issues was ineffective in lowering population growth rate and that the resultant growth was already having adverse consequences on the welfare of the citizens and the socio-economic development of the country, the National Policy on Population for Development, Unity, Progress and SelfReliance was formulated in 1988. The National Population Policy (NPP) aims to slow down the population growth rate by reducing fertility rates through increased use of contraception. The major goals of the 1988 National Population Policy are: To improve the standard of living and quality of life of the Nigerian people; To promote the health and welfare of Nigerians especially through the prevention of death and illness among the high risk groups of mothers and children; To achieve lower population growth rates through tthe reduction of births by voluntary fertility regulation methods that are compatible with the attainment of economic and social goals; To achieve a more even distribution of population between urban and rural areas. Unfortunately, the goals and objectives

of the policy are yet to be comprehended and appreciated by different population groups in Nigeria. Being a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society with various cultural beliefs and practices (Otite 1990), Nigeria is a classic example of a society where different belief systems can create different levels of resistance to programmes aimed at achieving lower fertility and increased use of contraception (Caldwell 1977). For effective policy implementation, therefore, it is necessary to understand peoples perceptions of issues related to lower fertility and contraceptive use. Realizing the significant role of population information, education and communication (POP IEC) in the achievement of the objectives of the National Population Programme, it was noted in the policy document that an aggressive programme of population education and information gathering and dissemination would be embarked upon to educate the people on the causes and consequences of rapid population growth. In the introduction to Section 5.6 of the policy document, it was stated that:
A large proportion of the nations population, especially in rural areas, has limited access to information and a low level of literacy. Hence, an action programme of population education and information gathering and dissemination needs to be vigorously pursued to enlighten the people on rapid population growth and its implications. To have an effective population education programme in a multi-cultural Nigeria, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) in collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Information and Culture (FMOIC), decided to conduct a base-

line anthropological study. This study determines the cultural values, beliefs and practices which may influence the acceptance of the small-family size (Proposal by the NPP), among the six major ethnic groups in Nigeria. Data from the study should assist programme implementation with respect to audience segmentation, the design of appropriate culture-specific messages, and the development of appropriate materials and information dissemination procedures.

1.2

PRE-RESEARCH ACTIVITIES

Prior to the commencement of the study, a recruitment tour of the universities in the six zones of Nigeria was embarked upon by the Project Co-ordinator and Director of the Population Information and Communication Branch (PICB), Federal Ministry of Information and Culture (FMOIC) and the UNFPA Consultant/National Adviser for this project. The tour was aimed at recruiting experts who could carry out the study among the different ethnic groups. During the tour, curriculum vitae were received from experts in the various Social Science disciplines. The curriculum vitae were later screened and six researchers were finally selected for this study. The names of the researchers and their areas of study are provided at the beginning of this report. Following the selection of the researchers, two pre-survey workshops were held in Lagos. The first one, (which lasted five days) afforded the researchers an opportunity to learn more about the objectives of the study. The researchers benefited from the lectures delivered by the resource persons and the group discussions that followed the lectures. A second workshop, (which lasted three days) was de-

voted to fine-tuning the prototype research instruments and the researchers guide, The latter provided the guidelines for the recruitment and training of Research Assistants and Field Assistants who were based in the study communities.

The individual must be able to conduct interviews in the local language of the study community. The individual must be a member of the ethnic group being studied. The individual must demonstrate the ability to take good notes during interviews. He/she must demonstrate the ability to develop rapport with the respondents both in the rural and urban areas. The individual must be willing to work for long hours throughout the duration of the field work. In order to have meaningful discussions with female respondents, especially in the Northern parts of the country, one of the research assistants was a female. Four Field Assistants (including a contact person) were recruited by each study team with the assistance of the Federal Information Bureau, state and local government officials, as well as community leaders. Each field assistant possessed a minimum of West African School Certificate or Teachers Grade II Certificate. The field assistants also comprised of men and women in equal representation. Efforts were also made to ensure that each assistant has adequate knowledge of both the physical environment as well as the cultural values, beliefs and practices of the communities. The training workshop for the Research Assistants lasted three days. Subjects covered during the workshop included a review of the aims and objectives of the study, interview techniques, observation

1.3

RESEARCH SITES

The study was undertaken in 18 states of Nigeria. Two local government areas were randomly selected from each state. From the 36 local goverment areas that were selected from the 18 states, 24 urban and 25 rural communities were finally selected for this study. The study of the Efik and lbibio ethnic groups was undertaken in Cross River and Akwa lbom States, respectively. Sokoto, Bauchi and Adamawa States were selected for the study of the Fulani, while Kano, Katsina and Jigawa States were selected for the study of the Hausa. The study of the lgbo was undertaken in Abia, Anambra, Enugu and Imo States. For the Kanuri the study took place in Borno and Yobe States and the study of the Yoruba was undertaken in Lagos, Ondo, Kwara and Oyo States.

1.4

RECRUITMENT AND TRAINING OF RESEARCH ASSISTANTS

Recruitment and training of Research Assistants took place shortly after the study sites were selected. Each study team recruited two Research Assistants either from among academic colleagues or graduate students with considerable experience in community-based studies. In addition to having experience in community-based studies, recruitment of research assistants was also based on the following criteria:

techniques and the translation of the research instrument from the English language to the local languages. Role play took a significant proportion of the workshop time. Each participant was made to play the roles of the interviewer, interviewee, moderator and note-taker. The research assistants also participated in the fine-tuning of the research instruments. In doing so, the peculiarities of each ethnic group were taken into consideration. During the training of field assistants, greater emphasis was placed on their understanding of the aims and objectives of the study. There were no role plays since the field assistants would not be involved in interviewing respondents nor in taking notes. They were trained to perform the following functions: To arrange for the interview of 3 Household members in each community. To arrange for the interview of 4 Key Informants in the same community. To arrange for 6 Focus Croup Discussions (FGDs) in the community; each focus group should comprise of 5 to 10 individuals. The Field Assistants were trained in their various local communities. Apart from the problem of logistics, training them in their individual communities had the advantage of gaining their support and adapting the instruments to suit the community.

1.5

FIELD ACTIVITIES

Initial entry into the various study communities was done by way of official letters of introduction written by the

Project Co-ordinator, Hajia K. Yolah. These letters, which sought permission to carry out the study in the communities, were presented to the Local Government Chairmen (or Secretaries) and Chiefs (or Opinion Leaders) of the communities. During the presentation of the letters of introduction, the principal researchers painstakingly explained the rationale behind the study and the reasons for selecting the communities. The explanation was meant to and acceptance, establish a rapport with the community and get the community adequately prepared for the study. The actual data collection activities took place in the various study communities between November 1995 and February 1996. There were unexpected delays in some study sites due to administrative, logistic and site-specific cultural factors. For instance, acute fuel scarcity delayed the completion of the field work far beyond the originally scheduled time and consequently led to an increase in cost. In addition, interviews and focus group discussions could also not be arranged and/or concluded within the proposed maximum duration of four days per community. There were communities where field activities lasted between six and fourteen days. Furthermore, as a result of the prolonged industrial action embarked upon by medical and para-medical personnel, secondary data from clinics/hospitals could not be retrieved in some communities. The roving team approach was adopted in all the study sites. Research and field assistants were moved from one state to another. Movement from one state to another was effected after completing data collection activities in both the rural and urban communities of the previous state. In each community (rural or urban) the local contact person(s) led the team mem-

bers to selected households, modern and traditional health workers and family planning providers, religious leaders, opinion leaders and other key individuals selected for the study. The local contact persons were also involved in the selection of participants for the focus group discussions. In addition, they also arranged the time and venue of the discussions. To accomplish the various data collection tasks, each team was provided with three tape recorders and fifty cassettes. Activities for each day were discussed at the end of the day and tapes were played back for comments. All recorded interviews and discussions were transcribed within twelve hours of their completion. The focus group discussions were moderated mostly by the principal investigators. In addition, the principal investigators also conducted some interviews with household members and key informants. Most of the interviews with household members and key informants were conducted by the research assistants who also served as note-takers for the focus group discussions. The Principal investigators monitored the research activities to ensure that they were carried out according to approved guidelines. To further ensure that all research sites complied with approved research guidelines, a monitoring team comprising of the Project Co-ordinator and the Project Consultant visited and spent between four and ten days at various research sites. During the visits, they observed how interviews were conducted and held discussions with members of the various communities regarding population and family life issues.

PICB/UNFPA. Copies of the reports were sent to three independent external assessors in the fields of Communication, Sociology/Anthropology and Demography for review. Thereafter, a post-study workshop was held in Maiduguri in June, 1996, during which salient research findings were presented by the principal investigators. Comments of the external assessors, the Programme Officer of UNFPA, the Project Consultant/Adviser, the Project Coordinator and other participants were incorporated into the final reports that were submitted to PICB/UNFPA in August, 1996.

1.7

STATEMENT OF PROBLEM

Culture affects all aspects of human behaviour. The roles of the individuals in a society are defined by their cultural beliefs and practices. It is almost impossible for an individual to disengage himself/herself completely from cultural beliefs and practices. Through the process of socialization, certain values, beliefs, attitudes and practices are imbibed. These imbibed values influence behaviour and expectations. In many cases, these values help to resist practices that do not conform to the expectations of the society. Thus, with respect to population and family life issues, there are cultural values, beliefs and practices that are at variance with the adoption of contraception and a small family size. The study on the 'socio-cujtural factors affecting attitude and behaviour regarding population and family life issues in Nigeria' was therefore, aimed at answering the following three questions, among others: What are the cultural values, beliefs and practices that relate to Population and family life issues among the

1.6

POST RESEARCH ACTIVITIES

At the end of the study, the principal researchers submitted their reports to

six major ethnic groups in Nigeria ? Are there segment of the population which still hold firm to these values, beliefs and practices ? How do these cultural values, beliefs and practices affect the peoples attitude, message perception and behaviour with respect to population and family life issues ?

The findings of this study are to assist in the design of a population education programme that would be effective in bringing about a change in the cultural values and beliefs that inhibit the acceptance of the small family norm.

1.8

RATIONALE

Nigerians have been exposed to various population/family life education programmes for several years. The efforts of the Planned Parenthood Federation of Nigeria (PPFN); the Federal Ministry of Education, through the National Education and Research Development Council (NERDC); the Federal Ministry of Health and Social Services and the Federal Ministry of Information and Culture; are all noteworthy. Other governmental and nongovernmental organizations have also played important roles in this regard. In spite of the activities of these organizations, there has not been much success in the promotion and acceptance of the small-family size in different parts of the country. Recent family planning studies have suggested that the impact of the population and family life information, education and communication activities is still minimal. For instance, the total fertility rate

(TFR) which was about 6 children per woman (5.5 in the south and 6.6 in the north) and the crude birth rate which was 39 per thousand in 1990 have not decreased significantly (FOS: 1992). The increase in the contraceptive prevalence rate (CPR) from 5 percent in 1980 to 6.5 percent in 1990 is also minimal. By 1991 for example, 17.8 percent of the women claimed to have used contraception and by 1992, the figure had risen to 20.2 percent (FOS: 1992). Although, the increases in CPR after 1990 appear significant, there is stilt more to be done. The indicators of health in Nigeria also suggest the need for more culturally acceptable population and family life IEC programmes. In addition to the risks of teenage pregnancies, adolescent sexuality also carries an increased risk of sexually transmitted diseases and HIV/AIDS in more recent years. With infant mortality rate of about 87 per 1000 live births, average maternal mortality rate at 800 per 100,000 births (500 in the south, 2000 in the north-west and over 2500 in the northeast); and median age at marriage below 20 years (15 years in the north and 19 in the south), the impact of the previous population and family life IEC programmes appears insignificant. Previous studies have suggested that the past IEC programmes have been ineffective in bringing about the desired change in attitudes to contraception because of culturally engendered resistance to population programmes in general and family planning in particular. The role of cultural beliefs and practices in determining the success of any population and family life IEC was also recognized by PICB and has formed the basis of this study. Its consequent influence on adoption of the small family size has thus been realized.

Moreover, it has also been deemed important to determine whether these beliefs and practices have changed over time as well as the factors that influenced this change. Once the relevant factors are determined, it will be possible to design more culturally acceptable population and family life IEC messages and strategies to bring about a more favourable attitude to the adoption of contraception and acceptance of small family size. 1.9 OBJECTIVES

of male dominance and opposition to small family size. The role of influentials and the significant other (including the extended family members) in population and family life issues. The socialization process for girls, women empowerment and womens perception of their roles and status. Message perception, traditional means of diseminating information and identifying different stake-holders in the ethnic groups. Husband-wife/parent-child communication with respect to population and family life issues. Forms of marriage, marriage practices and their effect on population and family life issues.

In recognition of the role of culture in the determination of the degree of success of any population and family life IEC programme, this study was designed to achieve two major objectives which are: To identify the socio-cultural factors that influence the acceptance of the small family size and the adoption of contraception among the six major ethnic groups. To use the results of the study for the design of more culturally acceptable population and family life IEC strategies among the six major ethnic groups.

In line with the objectives of the study, the research instruments, especially the focus groups and the in-depth interviews, were used to collect information on certain issues that include: Beliefs, values and practices related to population and family Life Issues. The preference for the male child and its impact on the perpetuation

Chapter Two
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 CULTURE AND POPULATION FACTORS
Talbot (1926), Okedeji (1975), and Bolaji (1984), among others, Ajuwon (1995) also emphasized the value of having many children among the Yoruba, especially from the point of view of women in polygynous homes. He noted that: The bearing of many children was a matter of great competition among the co-wives. The belief is that to have more children than any of your husbands co-wives was not only prestigious, but also a means of guaranteeing that ones children benefit most from inheritance that may be left behind by their father. Ajuwon noted further that there were divine or religious factors that dictated traditional attitudes towards population and family life issues. The acceptance of small family norm and consequently the use of contraception will be low as long as Nigerians perceive children as an economic factor and a source of prestige and insurance against old age (Ajuwon, op cit.). Similarly, Isiugo-Abanihe (1994) noted that male dominant and patrilineal traditions support large family size. While male reproductive motivation, to a large extent, affects reproductive behaviour of their wives. The traditional values that support large family sizes have unfortunately led to the rejection of programmes that could bring about a reduction in family sizes. Research studies have drawn atten-

tudies on population and family life issues in Nigeria have proferred ways of promoting the acceptance of the small family size and the improvement in the standard of living and quality of human life. Although recent studies reveal a substantial increase in awareness and acceptance of family planning, there still exists a high degree of culture-based resistance to population and family life programmes in Nigeria. The wide spread apathy of Nigerians towards population and family life issues stem from cultural beliefs about procreation (Otite, 1990, Ajuwon, 1995, Project Document, 1995). Procreation is the raison detre for marriage among all the ethnic groups in Nigeria (Makinwa - Adebusoye and Ebigbola, 1992). Traditionally, all the ethnic groups abhor barreness and emphasize large numbers of children. Callaway (1987) notes, for instance, that while pronatal tendencies are strong in all Nigerian societies, they are most evident in the Islamic North, where family planning is not considered as a legitimate focus in public policy. Okeke (1979) gave the example of the Ewu-Ukwu ceremony for mothers of ten or more children among the lgbo of lkenanzizi and its environs in Imo State to illustrate the desire for large numbers of children among the Igbo. In addition to the earlier studies by

tion to several socio-cultural factors which may influence attitudes towards the small family size and contraceptive use. These factors, which were examined in the study, include: Gender ideology, the preference for the male child, male dominance (especially in family life decision-making), mens desire for larger family sizes and social opposition to contraceptive use (see for instance, lsiugo Abanihe 1994; Magnani et al. 1995; Obermeyer 1993; Renne, 1993; and Swar Eldehab 1993); The low status of women, the socialization of the girl-child to accept domestic roles, womens perception of their roles and status, the place of the woman in the home and in the labour market, the rights and empowerment of women (Obermeyer 1993; Omideyi 1987, 1990; Renne 1993); The role of influentials or the significant other (including the extended family members) not only in the formation of attitudes and behavioural patterns, but also in moderating the messages people get, in ensuring conformity to societal standards of practices and in the acceptance or rejection of a message (see Pawlik 1993; Schramm, 1971); The role of values regarding family planning practices and bridewealth (Isiugo-Abanihe, 1994; McDwitt, et al. 1993). Studies have shown that while some aspects of the cultural values, beliefs and practices may facilitate positive responses

to population and family life messages, others tend to pose constraints. In addition, modernization factors tend to bring about changes in levels of adherence to these beliefs and practices over time, with the result that the attitude toward population and family life issues also change. The study by Olusanya (1969) shows how culture influences the response to a new idea -in this case, the adoption of contraception while Renne (1993) demonstrates how the impact of culture can be moderated by modernization factors to produce a new response pattern. Examining the impact of culture on contraceptive use among the Yoruba of southwestern Nigeria, Olusanya (op. cit) observed that gender ideology is the major determinant of contraceptive use. He noted that: The idea of male superiority from which is derived the feeling that women are so sexually weak, that a little freedom for them invariably leads to extra marital intercourse is still strongly held, not only by uneducated men but by educated ones as well. The fact that the latter subscribe to it obviously indicates that education, a powerful agent of change, has not been effective in changing the attitude to any appreciable degree. Herein lies the main obstacle to the acceptance of modern contraception.

In her study of gender ideology and fertility strategies in an Ekiti community about 25 years after Olusanyas study, Renne (1993) observed that an ideological shift has started to occur regarding fertility decisions and family planning accept-

ance and practice among her sample population. According to her, the importance of gender ideology for family planning has changed since Olusanya raised the question in 1969. Between 1969 and 1993, higher proportions of Yoruba women have had access to some schooling as a result of which more of them took part in decision making. While education did not seem to affect mens attitudes about male superiority and their need to control their wives access to contraceptives, education seemed to affect womens attitude about these issues. Renne then concluded that despite the persistence of ideas about male authority and female sexual license which continue to support mens position as the primary decisionmakers in matters concerning family size and contraceptive use, both wives and husbands tend to rely on practical strategies, including the use of contraceptives to lengthen childbirth intervals, to reach their desired reproductive ends. These and similar studies elsewhere (Isiugo-Abanihe, 1994 on Nigerian men; Salway, 1994, on spouses in Ghana) demonstrate the role of cultural values and beliefs in the adoption of contraception as well as the impact of factors of modernization on the role of culture over time (see also Freedman and Combs 1974, on several countries of the world). Culturally accepted family planning promotional activities could also alter adherence to traditional and religious values, beliefs and practices. For instance, Edwards (1994) reported that husbands participation in an experimental family planning information, education and communication (IEC) programme in a semiurban district of Addis Ababa was due to the following factors: (i) The health workers were well known to the community;

(ii) The message was designed to respond to couples concerns about modern methods or perceived barriers to use; and, (iii) the intervention occurred at a time when the people tended to stay at home.

2.2

THE ROLE OF COMMUNICATION IN POPULATION AND FAMILY LIFE ISSUES

Communication, in essence is, a conscious process of interaction in an attempt to share information and ideas. Essentially, the function is to inform, entertain, persuade and create awareness. Communication is therefore aimed, among others, at changing or modifying attitude toward an innovation. With respect to fertility and contraceptive issues, any attempt to bring about attitude change involves exposure to new information about small family size and family planning. The content of any message plays an important role in changing the attitude of an audience. To achieve maximum effect, it is significant to note that: If the content of the message is unpopular, the message should be presented in such a way that it discourages little counter argument. To achieve this, the message must start with the agreeable rather than the unpopular material. The message should be presented in such a way that both sides of an issue are raised. For instance, messages on population and family life should present information on both the small and large family sizes, giving room to people to ponder over the issues.

10

The extent to which a message is accepted depends on the degree of emotion the message produces in the target audience. For example, a lot of people especially in the rural areas perceive the call for small family size as the clandestine plan of western powers to reduce Nigerias population. This perception tends to create some fear in their minds and subsequently affects their attitude toward the small family norm and the adoption of contraception. Stern (1992) noted that people who see (or perceive) threats to what they value, will aggresively respond against that threat, unless they feel or find themselves helpless to do something about it. It can thus be expected that people will react against family planning programmes if those programmes threaten their values about reproduction. Attitudinal change is usually a long term process that involves perception, conceptualization, assessment, decision making, action or inaction. Hollander (1976) identified three components of attitudes, namely: (a) Cognitive component of belief - disbelief; (b) Affective component of like -dislike; (c) Action component of readiness to respond. With respect to family planning, the three components of attitudes can be explained as follows: (a) The cognitive component assists in identifying the sum total of all individual beliefs about family planning. The affective component is the sum total of individual feelings (emotions) about family planning.

(c)

The behavioural component is the predisposition to respond (positively or negatively) to family planning as a result of both the individuals belief and evaluative judgement.

(b)

The role of the different forms of communication (the mass media, the folk media and interpersonal communication) on the acceptability of family planning messages by target audiences, as well as the characteristics of audiences and the need for population information, education and communication (IEC) programmes have been investigated (see Katz and Lazarfield 1955; Tichnor et al 1970; Schramm 1971; McCombs and Shaw 1972; UNESCO 1975, 1982; Nwakwo, 1991; McDwitt et. al. 1993; Westoff and Rodriguez, 1995; and Ajaegbu, 1995). The. relative effectiveness of each form of communication has been found to vary not only by target audience but also by cultural and geographical setting. For instance, while Tichnor and others (1970) found that television advertisements were a useful way of reaching women with little formal education in Taichung, Taiwan; in the Kaohisung study (1967-1968), the radio was found to be a preferred channel for the less educated, while newspapers seemed to be a good channel to reach educated men (Schramm 1971). In the Sundong Gu Study, Park (1968:74-75) found that the use of the media increased with education, while the use of neighbours, home visits and meetings decreased with education. Newspapers, magazines, and radio were more popular in younger age groups, while neighbours, home visits and group meetings were more popular with people over 30 years of age than those under the age of 30 years.

11

In their study, Karlin and Ali (nd mimeo) found that the use of the radio in family planning studies for the developing regions of the world is the most effective because it reached larger audiences, is cheaper and is readily acceptable to people as a source of information. The role of the mass media in the spread of information and the adoption of new ideas has been further investigated by Rogers and Shoemaker, 1971; Rogers 1983; Greanberg 1964; Katz and Lazarsfeld 1951; McCombes and Shaw 1972. McCombes and Shaws (1972) theoretical package shows the relationship between the mass media, peoples knowledge, and the change in attitudes and the modification of behaviour (see Akinfeleye 1991). To achieve a change in attitude, McCombes and Shaw argue that the mass media must include the desired attitude by using appropriate messages. The various studies on the relative effectiveness of the different forms of communication have tended to suggest that in each cultural setting, studies have to be conducted on the usefulness, cost-benefit and effectiveness of the various forms of communication. There is the need, for instance, to determine whether to use the mass media, folk media or interpersonal communication channels to achieve certain objectives. Realizing the inadequacy of one medium to meet all the communication needs, a combination of media forms has been advocated. Because the mass media, for example, offers little promise of delivering the advantages of personal contact which field staff can by using word of mouth, it has been suggested that the mass media approach should be complemented with the face to face, interpersonal approach. Full time personal selling by field workers, although expensive, has

been found to be effective in reinforcing messages and engineering behavioural change. Personal selling, according to Iwunor (1991:282) has the following strengths: The target audience is specific and easily identified; Family planning methods are usually well demonstrated and benefits/ problems explained directly; Rapport is easily established and continuous use of family planning is encouraged and sustained. The role of the husband-wife communication in the adoption of contraception has also been examined. Poffenberger (1969) observed in an Indian village that the extended family system imposes a great limitation on the frankness of communication between the husband and wife and was, therefore, unfavourable to the acceptance of family planning. The situation is different in Hongkong and Taichung. Since 75 percent of women in Honkong clinic and 70 percent of women in Taichung consulted with their husbands before visiting clinics, it has become necessary to encourage husband-wife communication strategy in these settings. However, it has been noted that for the strategies to succeed, the grapevine must be strengthened with correct information (Amritmahai 1989). lwunor (1991: 274) contends that in order to design an effective family planning communication strategy, it is necessary to understand the mechanism of couple decision making process, since couples are the ultimate target of any family planning programme. Decision making by any couple is influenced by cultural val-

12

ues, beliefs, norms of inheritance, desired number of children, misinformation due to rumour, pressures from peer group and relatives, availability/supply of services and monetary inducements for adopting a small family size. Family planning messages should be persuasive, simple, brief, easy to memorize and remember, and should concentrate on one idea at a time. In line with Iwunors suggestion, Emereuwaonu (1991:92) contends that family planning messages should emphasize:

Couple communication as a very essential aspect of the health, happiness and economic well being of the family; The need to have fewer children so that those children could be well fed, educated and clothed.

nificant other. Dubey and Choldin (1967, 72-76) argue that in all fields of development communication, it has been demonstrated that when a person comes toward the point of decision making, he seeks personal rather than mass media advice. Tichenor, et al (1970) discussed the knowledge gap model which elucidates that the knowledge of people who are already well informed gets more enriched by information campaigns than the knowledge of people who are less informed. This observation calls for the knowledge and determination of varying base information levels of the several target audiences in the community and to build upon them as appropriate in order to attend threshold levels among each of them (Ajaegbu 1995:10). But the information already known could be influenced by significant others or local influentials. Katz and Lasarfeld (1955) propounded the two-step-flow model of information from the media to influential or priviledged people (or group), and thence to the population at large. These influentials get the message and after going through the behavioural process, arrive at their own decisions. Based on their own cherished values and beliefs, they moderate the message in accordance with their values and beliefs before passing it on to the less influentials or subordinates. It is contended that the role of influentials is usually significant in interpersonal communication. It is safer, argues Kanagaratnam (1968:123), that communicators should talk frankly about advantages and disadvantages of various methods, so that an audience would be better

A serious shortcoming of the previous attempts to promote family planning is that men have almost always been ignored (Isiugo-Abanihe; 1991:188-189). Isiugo-Abanihe notes that this situation ignores the mens world syndrome in the Nigerian culture. Unfortunately, the male factor in family planning decisions cannot be ignored judging by the experience of other places (Cook and Maina; 1982; Joesoef et. al., 1985; Khalife, 1988; Lamptey et. al., 1978). It is also important to acknowledge that the impact of information on the formation of attitude or behaviour can be moderated by the influentials or the sig-

13

equipped to handle their experience and to assess rumours and insinuations whenever they arise. lwunor (1991:283) adds that the success of any form of communication depends a lot on full disclosure of facts from the beginning, to prevent rumours and misconceptions.

14

Chapter Three
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY BY ETHNIC GROUPS
3.1 SELECTION OF THE STUDY SITES
Akwa lbom states, respectively. Both states are situated in south-eastern Nigeria. Calabar plays a dual role as the capital of Cross River State as well as the headquarters of Calabar Municipal Government. The population of Calabar Municipality was 320,862 in 1991 (Census News 1991:12). Three contiguously settled groups are found in Calabar - the Kwa, the Efut and the Efik. Each of these groups is autonomous but live in close symbiotic relationship and speak a common social language - Efik. The Kwa is of the Ejagham stock with Ntoi as the head and traditional ruler. They still retain their Ejagham language. The Efut have been completely assimilated into the Efik culture. Both the Kwa and Efut claim territorial ownership of the vast landscape in the hinterland of Calabar town. The Efik, on the other hand are in the minority. The Obong of Calabar is recognized as a first class paramount ruler while the traditional rulers of the Efut and the Kwa are not. The Efik cling tenaciously to the territory adjourning Calabar river up to the popular Watt market and claim that they were the first settlers in Calabar. Akpabuyo, an Efik farming community is situated East of Calabar Municipality. The population of Akpabuyo local government area in 1991 was 96,192 (Census News 1991:12). Akpabuyo was a settlement for stubborn or farm slaves (as from domestic slaves who lived in Calabar town) during the precolonial era. Because of its

multi-stage sampling method was adopted for the selection of the study sites. At the first stage, 18 of the states in which the six ethnic groups are predominantly found were selected. At the second stage, two local government areas (LGAs) were randomly selected from each state. From the list of communities in the LGAs selected for each ethnic group, four urban and four rural communities1 were randomly selected as study sites, at the third stage. Forty nine study sites, comprising of 24 urban and 25 rural communities were selected across the 18 states. Finally, from each study site, the key informants, in-depth interviewees and the focus group participants were selected according to certain criteria that include age, sex, marital status and position in the community. The procedure for selecting the study sites ensured that a minimum of one study community was selected from each of the 36 LGAs selected from the 18 states. The rural and urban study sites are shown in Table 3.1.

3.1.1 THE STUDY SITES

The Efik and the lbibio

The study among the Efik and the lbibio was undertaken in Cross River and
1

Five rural communities were selected for the study among the Fulani.

15

historic and agricultural significance, Akpabuyo is popularly called Inwang Efik by the Ibibio, meaning Efik plantation or Efik farming community (Charles 1993:1) or described as a new frontier (Nair, 1972:42). Akpabuyo is currently a good example of a relatively rich frontier offering farming opportunities with liberal tenancy arrangement to lbibio immigrants who have virtually outnumbered the indegenes - Efik (Charles, 1993:2). The lbibio are mostly found in Akwa lbom State. lbibio is the main language in Akwa lbom although there are other dialects such as Annang, Eket, Itu-mbonuso, Mbo, lbeno and Oron. Like Calabar, Uyo with a 1991 population of 234,615 plays a dual role as the capital of Akwa lbom State as well as the headquarters of Uyo local government area. While the urban study sites were Aka and Offot Ukwa from Uyo local government area, the rural study sites were Mbiokporo Nsit No. 1 with an estimated population of 5,000 and Ukat with an estimated population of 2,000 both from Nsit lbom Local Government Area.

Tsafe (164,410). The urban study sites in Bauchi state were Gombe (Gombe LGA) and Dukku (Dukku LGA). The only rural site in Bauchi state was Bajoga from Gombe LGA. In 1991, Gombe LGA was inhabited by about 283,189 people and Dukku LGA had a population of 158,431. In Adamawa state, one urban and two rural communities were selected. The urban site was Yola from Yola LGA and the two rural areas were Giere (Yola LGA) and Mayon Faran (Song LGA). In 1991 when Yola LGA had a population of 246,068, that of Song LGA was 193,092.

The Hausa
The study among the Hausa was undertaken in three Northern states: Kano, Katsina and Jigawa. The selected local government areas are Gezawa, Gwarzo and Rano (Kano state), Malumfashi, lngawa and Daura (Katsina state), Kazaure and Gwiwa (Jigawa state). These LGAs were selected because they are predominantly inhabited by the traditional Hausa. A study community was selected from each of the local government areas. The LGAs and their 1991 populations are as follows: Gezawa (149,142), Gwarzo (121,413), Rano (154,332), Gwiwa (89,721), Kazaure (122,516), Daura (339,775), lngawa (109,774), and Malumfashi (312,940). In Kano, two rural communities and an urban centre were selected. The two rural communities were Jogana (Gezawa LGA) and Lakwaya (Gwarzo LGA). The urban community selected from Kano state was Rano, the headquarters of Rano local government area. Two urban and one rural communities were selected from Katsina state. The selected urban communities were Fago, from Daura LGA and lngawa from lngawa LGA. The rural com-

The Fulani
Three states were selected for the study among the Fulani. The states are Sokoto, Bauchi and Adamawa. The states were selected because each of them is inhabited by considerable proportions of the three major Fulani groups: the pastoralists, semi-settled and the settled. Although eight LGAs were initially selected for the study, the study sites were finally selected from six of them. In Sokoto state, the urban study site was Damba from Gusau LGA and the rural study sites were Wonaka (Gusau LGA) and Keta (Tsafe LGA). The LGAs selected from Sokoto state and their 1991 populations were Gusau (260,446) and

16

munity, Dayi, was selected from Malumfashi LGA. A rural and an urban communities were selected from Jigawa state. The rural community was Buntusu from Gwiwa LGA and the urban community was Gada from Kazaure LGA.

The lgbo
Four states were selected for the study among the Igbo. They were Abia, Anambra, Enugu and lmo. Eight local government areas (two from each state) were selected for the study. From each LGA, a study community was selected. There were four urban study sites and four rural study sites. In Abia state, Umuahia from Umuahia LGA was the urban study site and Umuojima from Isiala-Ngwa south LGA was the rural site. The rural and urban sites in Anambra state were Ihiala (Ihiala LGA) and Awka (Akwa LGA), respectively. In Enugu state, the rural study site was Umakashi in Nsukka LGA while the urban community was Enugu in Enugu LGA. Owerri (Owerri LGA) was the urban study site while Owerre-Nkworji (Nkwerre LGA) was the rural study site in lmo State.

study site. The two study sites in Dikwa LGA were Dikwa, the headquarters of the LGA and Gajibo which was the rural study site. In the Gujba LGA of Yobe state, BuniYadi, the headquarters of the LGA was selected as the urban site and Gujba village was the rural study site. The two study sites in Bursari LGA were Dapchi town, the headquarters of the LGA, and Bayamari village.

The Yoruba
The study among the Yoruba was undertaken in the following four local government areas: lkorodu (Lagos State); ldanre (Ondo State); llorin West (Kwara State); and Oyo (Oyo State). The selection of the local government areas was based on the need to reflect sub-ethnic diversity with respect to cultural beliefs and practices, ecology, levels of development and availability of family planning facilities. Two study sites (one urban and one rural) were selected from each LGA. The study sites are Ijomu, Bayeku (Ikorodu LGA), Isanlu, Bajare (Idanre LGA), Eruda, Warah (Ilorin west LGA), Oyo and Shoku (Oyo LGA). Of these, the urban study sites were Ijomu, Isanlu, Eruda and Oyo. Different sub-ethnic groups of the Yoruba are found in the different local government areas. While Christianity and Islam are equally embraced in Oyo and Ikorodu LGAs, christians are predominant in ldanre and muslims in llorin West LGA. It should be noted that except in Ilorin, the acceptance of Christianity or Islam has not led to the elimination of the traditional religion.

The Kanuri
The Kanuri people are predominantly found in Borno and Yobe States of Nigeria. The four local government areas selected for this study, Monguno and Dikwa (Borno state), Gujba and Bursari (Yobe state) were thus selected because they are predominantly populated by the Kanuri. In Monguno LGA, Monguno town (the Headquarters of the LGA) was the urban study site and Ngurno was the rural

3.2

DATA COLLECTION
The data for this study were collected

17

through Focus Group Discussions, In-depth Interviews, Observations and Household Interviews. In each study site, six focus groups were constituted as follows: Adult men (30-49 yrs) 2. Adult women (30-49 yrs) 3. Young married men (15-29 yrs) 4. Young married women (15-29 yrs) 5. Young unmarried men (15-29 yrs) Young unmarried women 6. (15-29 yrs) Overall, 143 male and 141 female FGD sessions were held (see Table 3.2). The number of participants in each focus group discussion ranged between 6 and 9, most of them averaging 8 persons. There were also 209 in-depth interviews (109 in the urban and 100 in the rural communities) among community leaders, traditional health personnel, household heads, religious leaders, modern health personnel and other opinion leaders. The in-depth interviews were meant to gain deeper insights into individual perceptions of the population and family life issues being examined, A total of 181 household interviews (89 in the urban and 92 in the rural communities) were also conducted to supplement the information obtained from the other sources. Observations of the general features of the study sites were also undertaken with a view to having a rapid appraisal of the community characteristics and problems regarding the small family size. The researchers supplemented the primary data collected from the focus groups, in-depth 1.

interviews, observations and household interviews with secondary data from clinic records, local school records, religious mission records, and vital records from the vital registration offices.

18

TABLE 3. 1 DISTRIBUTION OF STUDY SITES BY STATES, LGAs AND RURAL/URBAN COMMUNITIES, 1996
Major Ethnic Group State L G A Urban Aka Uyo Offot Ukwa Akwa lbom Nsit lbom Mbiokporo Nsit No. 1 Ukat Efik & lbibio Cross River lkot Offiong Ambai Akpabuyo Gusau Sokoto Tsafe Gombe Fulani Bauchi Dukku Nafada Yola Adamawa Song Mayo Balwa Rano Kano Gezawa Gwarzo Daura Katsina lngawa Malumfashi Jigawa Kazaure Gwiwa Umuahia Abia Isiala-Ngwa South Awka Anambra lhiala lgbo Enugu Nsukka Owerri Imo Nkwerre Monguno Borno Kanuri Yobe Bursari Lagos Ondo Yoruba Kwara Oyo lkorodu ldanre Ilorin-West Oyo Dapchi lkorodu ldanre llorin Oyo Bayamari Bayeku Bajare Warah Shoku Dikwa Gujba Dikwa Buni-Yadi Gajibo Gujiba Monguno Owerri-Nkworji Ngurno Owerri Umakashi Enugu Enugu Ihiala Awka Gada Buntusu Umuahia Umuojima Rano Jogana Lakwaya Fago lngawa Dayi Yola Giere Mayo Faran Gombe Dukku Keta Bajoga Damba lkot Adiaha Wonaka Calabar Efut Nsidung Rural

Hausa

19

TABLE 3.2 DISTRIBUTION OF FGD SESSIONS, IN-DEPTH AND HOUSEHOLD

INTERVIEWS BY RURAL/URBAN LOCATIONS AND BY SEX, 1996

Key Informants Major Ethnic Groups Area Male (n) Female (n) Urban Efik & lbibio Rural Total Urban Fulani Rural Total Urban Hausa Rural Total Urban lgbo Rural Total Urban Kanuri Urban Total Yoruba Urban Rural Total T O T A L 12 (89) 12 (78) 24 (167) 12 (82) 13 (92) 25 (174) 12 (96) 12 (92) 24 (188) 12 12 24 12 (88) 0 (71) 22 (159) 12 (96) 12 (95) 24 (191) 143 12 (79) 12 (77) 24 (156) 12 (81) 13 (79) 25 (160) 12 (103) 12 (104) 24 (207) 12 12 24 11 (76) 9 (60) 20 (136) 12 (101) 12 (91) 24 (192) 141 Total 24 (168) 24 (155) Male Female Total Male Female Total n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 9 6 15 n.a n.a n.a 8 5 13 5 2 7 n.a 15 17 32 17 17 34 24 24 48 16 16 32 19 9 28 18 17 35 209 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 12 12 24 n.a n.a n.a 10 12 22 11 12 23 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 12 12 24 n.a n.a n.a 9 14 23 1 13 11 24 9 7 16 24 24 48 12 12 24 19 26 45 12 12 24 181 FGD Sessions lndepth Interviews Household Interviews

48 (323) n.a. 24 (163) n.a n.a.

26 (171)

50 (334) n.a. 24 (199) 24 (196) 48 (395) 24 24 15 18 33 n.a. n.a.

48 (351) n.a 23 (164) 19 (131) 42 (295) 24 (197) 24 (186) 11 4 15 13 15

48 (383) 28 284(2081) n.a

n.a.

Source: Anthropological fieldwork. 1996.

20

3.3

THE ORIGIN/SOCIAL/ORGANIZATION OF THE ETHNIC GROUPS

3.3.1 THE EFIK AND IBIBIO The Efik

The Efik are socially organized into Ufok Houses. To be an Efik one must belong to a House. The House or ufok is a unit of social grouping, a corporate but dispersed group, whose members trace their descent to a common ancestor or ancestors. A group of lineages make up the House which represents maximal lineage. The maximal lineage is further divided into major lineage (Nkok ufok), minor lineage (Nkpri nkok ufok) and minimal lineage (Ubon). Each Efik House has its headquarters in the Creek Town or Calabar Municipality and is headed by the Etubom, a political leader of the Ufok who is also eligible to contest for the stool of the Obong of Calabar. The Etubom council is a royal council comprising all heads of Houses. Each House is autonomous and independent. The Obong, when elected is both the Etubom of his House and the paramount ruler of the Efik. The Obong is the first among equals. He signs treaties and contracts on behalf of the Efik nation but does not administer other Efik Houses apart from his own. The Efik believe in rural origin. Though the headquarters of the Houses are in the town, they claim rural origin in the villages. They say, mutoho Inwang, utoho Efik (literarily meaning that if you are not from the plantation or rural settlement, then you are not an Efik). The villages belong to the Houses and are politically controlled from the town by the Etubom. Each village

has a village head and a council for the day to day running of its affairs. For instance, the two villages selected for the study namely, lkot Offiong Ambai with a population of 2,000 and lkot Adiaha with a population of 1,500, situated about 10 kilometres apart, belong to Duke and Etim Efiom Houses respectively. These are the two biggest Houses in Efikland with claims to many other villages or colonies in Akpabuyo. In spite of the cultural demands that an Efik should trace his genealogy from both the father and mother, the Efik contend that since they are few in number, they operate a liberal patrilineal principle in order to accommodate many people. Women are not left out of inheritance. In fact, they have a lot of influence, authority and in some cases power. Efik culture provides protection for the female child, especially the first daughter - Adiaha. Adiaha, it is noted, can dispossess Akpan - the first male child - of the fathers house or apartment but the latter cannot do same to the former. The first born male child is expected to move out and build or hire an apartment for himself. While it is acknowledged that Efik social structure enables Efik sons and daughters to inherit from both parents, it must be pointed out that inheritance from the mothers side is limited. For a child to inherit from the mother, such a mother must have accumulated property or assets of her own or as given to her by her parents when they were alive.

The lbibio
The father is the head of the household. Although children born into marriage succeed to offices and property only in the fathers patrilineage, they, however enjoy

21

some privileges i n t h e m o t h e r s patrilineage - a kinship principle which is called complementary filiation. The social structure of the Ibibio is built on a patrilineal descent system. The relationship between lbibio child and the mothers patrilineage is honorary because he does not contest for offices or rights to property there. An lbibio proverb which says Ayin ase odung ke ndoon ete (a child normally lives in his fathers land or home) reminds every lbibio child that the only appropriate place to live is the paternal village. Each village is constituted by a number of family units called Ekpuk (literally meaning knot). Ekpuk is a maximal lineage which is segmented into ufok - minor lineage, and Idip Ete minimal lineage. The Idip Ete literally means Fathers womb and approximates the nuclear family with father, wife or wives and children as members. A collection of Idip Ete makes the Ufok, while a collection of ufok makes the largest inclusive descent group called Ekpuk. The lbibio inherit patrilineally. The eldest son - Akpan - is the heir and inherits a greater share of the fathers assets. Daughters, no matter their birth order among the fathers children, are not entitled to inherit anything from the father. Whatever privileges they may enjoy after the fathers death depend on the brothers discretion and temperamental disposition. The lbibio are, therefore, patrilineal par excellence, while the Efik have dual descent system with a proverb which says edem ete midaha eyen edem eka eda (if the fathers side does not claim the child, the mothers side would). This lays a foundation for Efiks bilateral inheritance pattern. In both situations however, the Efik have greater respect and authority for the

fathers side.

LINGUISTICS AND CULTURAL LINKS BETWEEN THE EFIK AND THE IBIBIO
The Efik and the lbibio have very close historical and linguistic links. Using linguistic tools of glottochronology and lexicostatistics, Efik and Ibibio languages are grouped under the Benue-Congo subfamily of the Niger-Congo family of the larger Niger-Kordofonian family of languages in Africa. These two languages have 97 percent rate of cognation and have just about 200 years of separation from each other (Udo 1983). The findings from historical linguistics have been corroborated by those of culture historians. There are diverse theories of the origin and migration of the Efik. Different Efik groups claim different origins as demonstrated by Udo (1983:13). Whatever the origin might be, the Efik agree that they settled for a long time in lbibio land before they migrated to Creek Town and then finally to Calabar. This claim contradicts the current disclaimer of any link with the lbibio in their search for a distinct political and cultural identity. The period of sojourn among the lbibio left everlasting imprint on the Efik who, but for the quarrel and subsequent eviction from lbiobio land, would have been absorbed into the culture of the Ibibio. Not only did they acquire their modern ethnic name EFIK (an lbibio word meaning The Oppressor) during the period, they also incorporated many lbibio words into their language to the extent of assimilation (Amos 1970:31-32). Before the creation of Akwa lbom State, a common identity for both the lbibio of Akwa lbom State and the Efik of the

22

Cross River State that of Calabarman. This twin word carried with it mental cultural image of people from the southeastern part of the country - Nigeria.

3.3.2

THE FULANI

The Fulani are widely spread across Northern Nigeria. They are also found in other West African countries. Several theories have been advanced for the origin of the fulani but the most popularly acknowledged one is that of the early Islamic expedition led by Ugba bin Nafi (others claim it was Ugba bin Amin), a companion of prophet Mohammed to North and West Africa. The story had it that when the expedition reached Fouta Torro, the ruler gave his daughter in marriage to Ugba. The couple had four children from whom the various clans of the Fulani emerged 2. The Fulani have an abstract conception of their way of life which they refer to as Pulaaku and can be interpreted as the Fulani way. The four core components of the Pulaaku are Fulfulde (the Fulani language), Semteende (modesty or reserve), Munyal (patience and fortitude) a n d Hakkilo ( C a r e a n d f o r e s i g h t ) . A Fulani must be able to speak Fulfulde the language. Semteende is the virtue of correct conduct in personal relations which emphasizes the observance of modesty and eschewing shameful acts. A person must have munyal in bereavement and epidemics; thus public display of emotions is highly disapproved of. Hakkilo should be demonstrated at all times. For example, a person should always inspect his cattle in the night and light his coral light at night (Hopen 1958). Other values of Palaaku which are inculcated in the young Fulani include marugo nai (own2

ing cows), ngainaka" (good herdsmanship), neddaku" (prudence), ngorgaku (courage), ndottaku (honour and respect), ardungal ( l e a d e r s h i p ) , daraja (prestige), endam (kindness), and dina (being a believer) (Ver Eecke 1986). The Fulani community is divided into Wuro. A wuro is a socio-geographic unit that has a man as a recognized leader and whose members are joined by important kinship or even communal ties. The Wuro is the living unit of the Fulani society while the Sundu (hut, house, compartment) is its structural unit (Reisman 1977). The Fulani lineage group has some features. First, it must have a name which identifies members as agnatic descendants of a common ancestor. The males of the agnatic descent group and their families form the basic units of the Fulani community. Secondly, their households must be co-residential and homesteads must be arranged to form camps. Thirdly, each household must have adequate stock of herd and sufficient labour. Fourthly marriage is controlled by lineage members. The control is more pronounced on the first marriages through which herds are built. The eldest son usually inherits most of the herd; other sons have the right of inheritance only after separate homestead has been made for them. Lastly, a lineage must have a leader (Stenning 1958). Cattle is the principal wealth of the Fulani. However, certain groups of Fulani have abandoned the pastoral life for a more settled life in towns and villages. There are currently three major types of the Fulani: the pastoral Fulani who derive their subsistence and wealth from the cattle; the semi-sedentary Fulani who combine cat-

See Saidu (1986) for other theories of the origin of the Fulani.

23

the rearing with part-time farming; and the sedentary Fulani who derive their subsistence from farming.

3.3.3 THE HAUSA

The family is the most important social unit in the Hausa society. Traditionally, the family defines the role, status, and inheritance rights of the individual members. Because of the important role of the family in the Fulani society, a large family size is usually preferred since it is thought to be associated with higher status placement in the society. It must be noted that the Hausa, whose important kingdoms are Kano, Katsina, Sokoto, Daura and Zaria, are currently predominantly Muslims. Islam came to Hausaland some five centuries ago. The 19th Century Islamic reform of Usman Danfodio succeeded in acculturating the Hausa people, especially the urban ones. However, in many parts of the Hausaland, considerable proportions of the Hausa still hold on to the-traditional (i.e. pre-Islamic) beliefs and practices, some of which are in conflict with Islamic beliefs and values.

3.3.4 THE KANURI

The term Kanuri refers to the language and people who emerged from an amalgamation of various ethnic groups that were. encouraged by the diversity of the geographical environment as well as by various political influence and changes. The genesis of the Kanuri has been a long gradual process bound up not so much with tribal/kinship ties, but with the long history of the Kanem-Borno Kingdom and its expanding policy (see Alkali, 1975 and Bovin and schierup, 1975 for more details).

Alkali (op. cit) noted that the Kanuri as a people and language was closely related to the political history of the Kingdom of Kanem which is said to have been established as early as the ninth century (9th) A.D. The Kanuri society is highly stratified with a King (now Shehu) and nobles (Kentuoma), fief-holders (Chima), commoners (talaa), (Kalia) (male slaves who were usually war captives and (cir) (female slaves who were usually bought and served as sex partners to the masters) (Bovin and Schierup, op. cit). While children of female slaves enjoyed equal rights and privileges with the children of legitimate wives in their household, the children of male slaves, like their fathers were also slaves without any right nor privilege in the household. According to gargam - oral tradition or history, most of the Mais (Kings/ Shehus) of the Kanem-Borno empire today are children of female slaves, who rose to positions of power over time. Borno was governed by the Mai and twelve powerful leaders. The council of the twelve was further divided into four groups: the Kaigama (army chief) in the s o u t h , t h e Galadima i n t h e w e s t , t h e Yerima in the north, and the Mustrema in the east of the kingdom. Other numerous traditional offices, with titles such as Waziri, Chiroma, Arjinoma, Maidalla, etc. were awarded to persons (slave or free born) of courtly rank who reside in the capital. The Kanuri people are very conscious of their identity - nEm ngalwo. Some basic key elements of Kanuri identity are general, recurrent, and time-honoured. They include the importance of showing respect - (bErzEm), the need for reassurance as to ones popularity, an ad-

24

miration of power, and concomitant recognition of the danger of insubordination. They frown and reject any social innovation that compromises their identity. They are ardent followers of Islam, and owing to their long acceptance of the religion (almost 800 years ago) as the dominant ideological force, its influence is felt in the innermost part of their culture. Most of what they term their tradition (ada) are derived from the teachings of Islam. The scope of the influence of Islam, according to Tessler, OBarr and Spain (1976) is very great among the Kanuri, ranging from dietary restrictions, the seclusion of women, the rules of inheritance and aspect of law in general, art and clothing styles, to musical themes, folklore, medicine, cosmology, calenderic cycles, etc. There are, however, some aspects of the ada which are either not rooted in the religion or have metamorphosed into independent code. For instance, modern trends in religious practices such as sects are disdainful of these codes because they have no root in the ada. Under closer and more informed scrutiny, the ada requirements may not be the exact Islamic requirements. Adherence to ada is more conspicuous among the aged people. The younger ones are more prone to innovations because of their consciousness for fashion. This is one of the reasons why today the Kanuri girls are hardly distinguishable on the streets from other groups. Women have always participated in the administration of Borno empire (state). They have contributed greatly to its economic development as well as to the training of the rulers and the education of the people. In the administration of the state, various administrative positions were usu-

ally reserved for women or shared equally with men. Positions reserved for women were centred around the Royal family and they include the Maira or Maghira, the Queens mother, Mogoram, the most enlightened sister of the Shehu, Gumsu, the senior wife of the Shehu and Murkiloma the senior concubine of the Shehu. There were also state administrative titles shared between both male and female like Zanna and Shettima especially Zanna Nainaitema and Zanna notema. For the Kanuri, the basic social unit is the family that consists, ideally, of an adult male, his wife or wives, their unmarried children (in some cases married children), and other adults and minors who are dependent upon the adult male head of the household. Kanuri descent groups are traced through both the male and female lines - cognatically, but emphasis is on the male side-agnatic or patrilineal descent. Thus, the fathers cognatic descent groups are called the family of the blood, and the mothers cognatic descent is the family of the milk. Although there is emphasis on a persons agnatic descent, his kin relation through the mother is also important. The Kanuri family system consists of both the immediate and extended family members. Both contribute to the self identity and socialisation of their members in different ways. The Extended Family: Members of the extended family consist of the progeny of the important person in recent history. The families are tagged the kaduu of so and so. People from the same kaduu are called dur. In the rural areas, most of the dur live close to one another. They fully participate in and share one

25

anothers sadness and joy. They may have some code of conduct for the members of their kaduwu which if infringed upon may bring about excommunication of a member. The code differs from one family to another but the most common is the one that defines the family from which one can marry a wife. For instance, marrying from a Blacksmith (dagElma), praise singers (duwu) or a witch (karama), butcher (sunuri), barber (diyeji) or from other ethnic groups that are looked down upon (jili) or people from the lower social class is discouraged. There are also codes that define the functions of different people in the family. For instance, it is not expected that men should perform the functions reserved for women, e.g. carrying the baby while the mother is around or cooking food, sweeping of compound, etc. In the urban areas too, the dur interact constantly. Although adherence to the code is not strictly monitored as in the rural areas, unsatisfactory remarks may be passed about individuals who do not behave according to the kaduwu. The Immediate Family: The immediate family consists of the descendants of a particular grandfather, a network of uncles, aunties and cousins. The closer the tie, the more prominent the influence on ones life. In individual homes the father is the head of the home. His decisions are unquestionable and his directives rather than advice are

sought by the women and children on all matters. The father is responsible for the feeding, clothing, medication and education of all the members. The male child in particular, may continue to depend on the father for everything even after getting married. Parents quit responsibility for the female child on getting married. Kanuri women are seldom allowed to work or do business especially with the view to assisting in, the running of the family. The family head, therefore, is responsible for all her needs (even if she happens to be working). Generally, her functions begin and end in the house. In the rural areas, however, women own farms and livestock. They engage actively in farm works. For instance, in Dikwa (Borno) and Mayamari (Yobe) the cultivation and marketing of rice are solely the responsibility of women. The benefits accruing from their private and business endeavors make them self sustaining. For this reason, multiple wives are more common in the rural areas than urban areas. Women have come to accept their social status so much that it is unimaginable to contemplate a contrary lifestyle. However, they have some ordained rights that are protected by their culture.

3.3.5 THE YORUBA

The Yoruba is one of the oldest ethnic groups in Nigeria. Their origin is so shrouded in antiquity that all traditions relating to its early growth rate are strongly tinged with legend and obscurity (Stride

26

Iteka, 1977). Oral traditions and the writings of the slave traders suggest that the Yoruba were a formidable ethnic group, particularly the old Oyo Empire, by the end of 15th century and reached the height of its power in the 18th century. According to tradition, Oduduwa was the founder of the Yoruba, and Ile-lfe is regarded as its cradle. The Yoruba are mostly found in the southwestern part of Nigeria. They are made up of various sub-ethnic (homogenous) groups such as the Oyo of Oyo and Osun States; the Egba, Ijebu, Awori of Ogun and Lagos States; the Ife and llesa of Osun State; the Ondo, Idoko, Ikale, Idanre, llaje, Ekiti of Ondo State; Yagba, Igbomina, llorin of Kwara and Kogi States. All these sub-groups speak the Yoruba language which is said to be of the Sudanic family. [Greenberg (1965) reclassified Yoruba language under the Kwa sub-family of the Nigeria Kordofonian language family Africa]. The Yoruba are traditionally town (urban) dwellers. The degree of urbanization in Yorubaland is unique in tropical Africa considering the fact that they are traditionally peasant farmers and petty traders. The Yoruba are currently involved in all sectors of the economy, agrarian or modern. The continued survival of the Yoruba can be attributed in part, to its ethnic unity (Stride and Ifeka, 1977). The Yoruba share a common culture, they worship the same (traditional) gods (aside from Christianity and Islam), and Ile-lfe is accepted as their common spiritual home. Oduduwa was the founder of their race, they look alike, they practice similar customs and they speak dialects of the same language. Stride and lfeka (1977) remarked that while they might quarrel among themselves over political privileges or economic concession,

they are conscious of their common nationality (ancestry) and a common interest against non-Yoruba people.

3.4

Concluding Remarks:

In this chapter, an attempt has been made to describe the process of selecting the study communities. In addition, a brief description of the study sites as well as a discusssion of the origin and social organization of the major ethnic groups were also undertaken. The brief description of the social organization of the ethnic groups has demonstrated the important role of the family units in ensuring adherence to cultural norms. In the next six chapters, a review of the cultural values, beliefs and practices of the major ethnic groups, especially with respect to marriage, procreation, premarital sex, and the use of contraception, will be undertaken with a view to determining similarities and differences across the ethnic groups. In addition, the aspects of those values, beliefs and practices that support large (or small) family sizes will be identified. Once identified, appropriate IEC programmes can then be designed to address them.

27

Chapter Four
THE EFIK AND IBIBIO

4.1 THE EFIK 4.1.1 Marriage Practices

arriage is an important affair in Efikland and it has different meanings to different groups of people. Rural and urban respondents perceive marriage in similar ways that include: an event that bestows pride, respect, honour and prestige; a demonstration of love and maturity; a union of two partners/families; a means of providing assistance and companionship; a means of forming a new family and giving birth to children; a means of legitimizing children for inheritance purposes; a union of goodness to multiply goodness; and, something consecrated and ordained by God. It should be emphasized that while greater proportions of the urban respondents perceive marriage as a union of two families, rural respondents generally perceive marriage as a formation of a new family and source of procreation. The younger respondents tend to emphasize the love aspect of marriage more than the older ones.

People marry for various reasons. The most important reason cited in the communities studied is to have children. The other reasons in decreasing order of significance are: to have prestige, honour and respect, companionship, legitimization of children, love, to avoid being a burden to parents and to avoid being called a prostitute. The Efik belief that nd` eke eyen miduhe, isifonke (Any marriage without children is not a good marriage). In order, therefore, to maintain and sustain a marriage, it must be blessed with children. The Efik culture allows polygyny. However, the likelihood that a man would marry more than a wife is said to be determined by a host of factors which include: The character of the first wife, especially with respect to her ability to pamper the husband. The Efik call the, ability to pamper the husband mbukpek. A woman is said to have mbukpek if she is able to read her husbands mood accurately at all times. She must be adept in home keeping and home management and must be able to care for

28

her husbands domestic, psychological, social and sexual needs. A satisfactory performance of all these functions would always propel the husband to come back home, and consequently make him less pedisposed to extra marital relations. The need for extra hands on the farm. A farmer has the highest probability of having more than a wife, especially now that the cost of hiring extra hands to work on the farm is becoming too high for the rural population. Financial capability: The Efik say owo `d` nwan etiene nte ukeme esie edide (one marries according to ones finan-. cial capability). This explains why the chiefs and other financially advantaged individuals tend to more marry than one wife and the poor In the fattening room, a bride tend to marry gets counselling from her one wife. mother while a friend tends
to her needs.

partner and a child gotten from such arrangement is legitimate as far as the man claims paternity. Concubinage is a practice by which a married man whose wife still resides with him has another lover outside of the home. The woman remains eka ufok (literally meaning mistress) while the man is known as ete ufok (literally meaning master). The man is also called "Esin Nkaya" (one who replaces mats on a thatched roof of the mistress). The wife who resides with the husband is called by various names such as Nwan iso motor (wife who occupies the front seat of the car) or Nwan ekpang nkukwo (woman who prepares a local delicacy called ekpan nkukwo for the man in the home). Children gotten out of wedlock, in most cases, are not often trained by their fathers but by their mothers. While it is a matter of pride to have many wives and beget many children in Efikland, the usual practice is for an Efik man to have a wife who resides with him and at the same time have concubines.

Types of marriage
The following types of marriage give legitimacy to children: _yhNd (Full marriage), Nd ufk ufk (Marriage within the lineage - intra-lineage marriage), Nwan d nwan (Woman to woman marriage) and Nwan dekpri (Consolatory marriage). An _yhNd exists only after the payment of the customary full bride pride of twelve guineas (,12:12) (which currently translates into N25:20k) and the presentation of a

It has been observed that rather than practice polygyny on a large scale, the Efik practice m a r r i a g e b y r e l a y a n d concubinage. Marriage by relay is a system whereby an Efik man or woman remarries only when a previous union has been dissolved. This practice ensures that no man or woman keeps more than a partner at a time. Once there is a disaffection with a partner, one is free to pick another

29

giant trunk box filled with assorted clothes, shoes, hand bags, trinkets to the wife. In addition, the groom must also give a wedding ring and a Holy Bible which is a symbol of patience and perseverance to the wife. He should also make available to his inlaws certain number of drinks of different types, culturally described as Imum nkpo (things that cannot talk - dumb items). Each of the other types of marriage can be described as oyoho ndo if all the conditions are fulfilled by the groom. Otherwise, it would be described as an incomplete marriage. Nd` uf`k uf`k (Intra-lineage or intra house marriage) is a marriage among cross cousins. Such a marriage is often encouraged because the partners are already at home with themselves. It facilitates quick settlement of misunderstandings between spouses and a redistribution of wealth among members of the same lineage. The woman-to-woman marriage which is usually contracted by a barren widow or divorcee of good economic standing usually involves one Efik woman and a non-Efik woman. The woman-husband encourages her boyfriend to sleep with the other woman for the purpose of having children. The woman-husband becomes the pater" (social father) of the children from that arrangement while the hired lover is the biological father or genitor. Socially, the society recognizes the woman as the father of the children and the identity and status of hired lover are hidden. The children bear the womans family name and inherit her property. A variant of the woman-woman marriage is the one contracted by a barren woman for her husband. The new wife

becomes her daughter and is asked to assist the barren woman to bear children for her husband. The husband is not required to contribute anything to the bride price. Children born into this union are culturally demanded to take the barren woman as their big mother while their real mother is the small mother. The children inherit directly from both the father who is both genitor and pater and from the big mother. For more details on marriage processes among the Efik, see Charles, 1996.

Age at Marriage and First Child Birth

There was no concensus in the study communities on the ideal age at marriage. The common feature among the responses is that a woman is old enough for marriage when she is old enough to bear children. The practice of child marriage in the past rendered this conclusion incorrect. With child marriage, the child being married was supposed to stay with the mother-in-law until she was fully matured for child bearing. During a focus group discussion in lkot Offiong Ambai, Akpabuyo, a divorced woman recalled with anger how she was given out in marriage to a man who was older than her father when her breasts had not fully developed. She was put in the fattening room before she was released to her said husband. The experience, she lamented, was always a cause of ill feelings for her former husband each time she recalled it. ln spite of this practice, the older respondents still claimed that age at marriage was higher in the past than it is now. For instance, an adult male had this to say during a focus group discussion:

30

In those days women were really matured with well formed breasts, they were given as gifts to good friends of the father because men were not eager to marry soon. There were many fully matured women moving about half-clothed, yet unmarried. Men were traditionally more mature than the women at marriage and were expected to have proven financial capability before taking a wife. While urban respondents emphasized the completion of university education before getting married nowadays, in the villages, the respondents considered ones financial capability as a sufficient factor for marriage. The conclusion from the series of responses is that, it is difficult to fix the age at which people should marry now since marriage processes are changing...children these days bring their future partners to parents as against the Efik traditional practice of having mates selected by the parents. The girls, on their part are said to be involved in earlier sex these days than in the past. It was also noted that, in the past, women married early and beget children to avoid Ntat eyin (being exposed to immoral values). The respondents suggested that, in the modern day Nigeria, women should start procreation at about 22 years. In spite of this suggestion, they contended that a woman who at the age of 25 years has not put to bed attracts uncomplimentary comments. The Efik say that they have no upper age limit for procreation although respondents suggested 45-65 for women and 50-85 for men. It was noted that a man normally stops procreation whenever he feels weak. In one of the focus group discussions, a woman

who claimed to have stopped child bearing several years ago because of her age, pointed to her elder brother, an octogenarian, whom she claimed had wives that were still bearing children for him at that time. For women, such age limit is determined by normal physiological changes or abnormal changes perpetuated by the evil hands in the community. Educated respondents, however, agreed that women who reach 45 years of age should stop procreation to avoid birth complications. A woman remarked, for instance, that: If a woman notices that her child has started child bearing, she should stop so that her grandchildren might enjoy her as a grandmother.

4.1.2 Family Size Desires and Sex Preference

The number of children an Efik man has is also determined by financial capability. In addition to wealth, some men are lured into sex by wives who have mbukpek (ability to pamper). Such sexual escapades may result in pregnancies not wanted by the men. The Efik say Eyen ikemke owo (children are never enough for a man). They also say that Abasi `n` mfat, `n` mbara (God who gives rashes also provides the nail to scratch it). The value that the Efik place on children is reflected in their adages such as: Okuk ikpukpu, `f`ng ikpukpu, owo edi inyene (money and clothes are but vanity, human being is wealth); Uwak owo edi ubong edidem (A multitude is the pride of a king); and Nyin iwakke mi ke Efik, nyin iyoyom owo (We are not many in Efikland, we are looking for people). The desire to have large family sizes is gradualling declining among several seg-

31

ments of the Efik population. A person with many children is now said to be owo nditaha (a wretched person). Many children are also said to be a curse today because of the economic situation in the country and a person with a large family size is perceived not to be a serious minded fellow because uruk ebot owowot ebot (the rope that is used to tie a goat for safety is capable of strangulating the goat). The preference for the male child is still strong. The Efik say that the male child is the tap root in the family. The male child is also described as itiat ibuot ufok (the corner stone of the family) since he carries on the reproductive activities that help to increase the fathers lineage. The female child is described as ukana (oil bean seed) which can be scattered to any direction of the globe. The preference for male children as well as the other values and beliefs about children help to sustain the large family norms among the Efik. A family with many children that are spaced too close to one another is variously described as Mma nt`ngh` (Mama I want to excrete), Eka unen (Mother hen), Eka b`b` (Mother pawpaw), Ndit ` nsiat (Weaver bird descendants or children), Ndit` mkpangutue (Children of the spider) Utu ekpe (Cob web), Udim inyong (Ant colony), Ndit` unen mbakara (Ducklings), Ndit` ebua (Puppies), Nka ibuot ukem-ukem (Equal height Brigade), N d i t ` Abraham" (Descendants of Abraham), Ndit` otop-otop (Motherless babies), and Eka aman ntuat (Woman who gives birth every second) The Efik also have certain proverbs which remind them that one should have few well spaced number of children that one can adequately take care of. Such

proverbs include: Uyeneke udia afo okot ebua idung (You have no food yet you want a dog for a housemaid), Nsasak esin nsen etiene ukpip esie (A weaver bird lays eggs according to the size of its female organ), Eku ekekem uf`k `b`p (A rat does not build its hut until it comes of age), and Oyom ndida ndit` mb`p `k`" (Do you want to use children as sticks to build a fence?) It is not clear for how long the new feelings about the small family size will persist especially since such feelings purportedly arise from the current poor economic situation in Nigeria. Unless adequate IEC campaigns are embarked upon, there is the possibility of a reversal once the economy picks up again. The impact of the poor state of the economy was manifested, for instance, in the responses to questions on preferred and actual number of children: almost all the women with 8 or more children indicated preference for a fewer number of children. The new feelings in favour of the small family norm are threatened by some fears about child survival. The Efik believe that it is a great risk to have few children in the face of high child morbidity and mortality. If one of the few children is dead, it may spell disaster for the parents. Thus t h e q u e s t i o n Akpa inang ndien enye osuho ifang? (if the four are dead, then how many will remain?). Although the Efik currently indicate preference for small number of children, a woman with one or no child, or who is known to be practising family planning is also not appreciated. Such a woman is called different derogatory names that include: Ada (Barren woman), Ayara ita `kp`k (Red neck lizard), Ayara ebua (Wild dog), Adia odong ke nto (One who

32

feeds the pit toilet with children), Etibi isong esin (One who buries her children, through abortion), _y`ng` cement ke idibi (One who has cemented her womb), Aman kiet ofut ukot (One who locks her legs after just one delivery), and Afak `kp` ke idem (One who has fenced her womb with rubber).

4.1.3 Single Parent Families

Single parenthood is currently a common feature in Efikland. Responses such as `y`y`h` ( i n a b u n d a n c e ) a n d ewak (they are many) were given to the questions on the prevalence of premarital pregnancy and births among the Efik. Girls in secondary schools were said to form the bulk of adolescents with premarital births. Efiks culture does not approve of premarital births. In many cases, premaritally pregnant girls are driven out of their fathers houses. In several other cases, both the girls and their mothers are threatened with quit ejection in order to determine the paternity of the child. The female child is always believed to confide in her mother on all issues, sexuality inclusive. Thus, the mother is always accused of collaborating with her daughter on premarital sexuality. A premaritally pregnant girl is called by different names that include: Akpata (Prostitute), Eyen Ntut ut`ng (Stubborn, disobedient child), Asak eyin eyen (Wild and irresponsible), Eyen nsobo (Condemned child), Eyen mbuka (Child with dubious character), Eyen idi`k eka (Child from bad mother), and Eboi (Vagabond, Rotten child). The high incidence of premarital sexuality has also been attributed to high incidence of separation among parents which make them live apart from one another. Girls, it is claimed, use the time they visit their parents to engage

in sexual acts. Owing to the apparent cracks in the family structure brought about by a high incidence of separation between spouses, anger surrounding premarital pregnancy no longer lasts for long. Parents now console themselves with such statements as ifim idi`k owo idughe (there is no reserved forest or bush for the bad ones) or Manyanga oduoho ama ke obu ete tang bok (the palm kernel oil has spilled on dusty floor and there is no choice but to collect it with the dust). The parents are usually more at ease once the person who impregnated the girl has been identified. The man, later recognized as the father of the child, is expected to claim the child anytime he wants to do so, after paying some compensations to the parents. Such payments do not translate into marriage in Efikland. Children born out of wedlock are also called derogatory names that include: Eyen nda nduk (oyom ebe eka uyo) (A child brought from outside), Eyen anana ete (Bastard), Eyen akpara (Child of a prostitute), Mfim mfim eyen (Vagabond), Eyen ndian ndian (Child restricted to the periphery of the mans building), Eyen uruk ikot (oyom enying) (A child of a snake seeking a name), Iyak idibi iyak (Fish in the womb of a fish i.e good for nothing), Eyen okoyo (edi ndibung ata eyen nuk ke ufok) (A child of an Antelope coming into the house to pluck the horns of a real child), Obube (enyene eka eka inyeneke okukip) (Pit - having only mother but no cover), Nyong (Name connoting wandering status; no identity), "Akpan Adiaha (Called after the woman), Essien (Name connoting a child brought from outside), Kufre (Do not forget), "Aniedi (Who is he that has come?) and Ndiyoh (Wanderer).

33

A child born out of wedlock has no inheritance rights because he/she is unwanted. Such a child could be brought up albeit, grudgingly by the grandfather but will not be integrated fully into the family. The child is not regarded a full fledged Efik because he/she is not able to trace his/her genealogy to the ancestors of both the fathers and mothers patrilineages. If the child should inherit at all, the inheritance is restricted to the mothers assets or such assets as given to him when the grandfather was alive. For the grandfathers gift to be meaningful and binding after his death, the grandfather must have formally informed the village (comprising all family heads represented therein), of the gift before his death. This benefit accrues only to a child who is seen to be humble, loyal and trustworthy in all his dealings with the grandfather or grandmother. When the mother of the child eventually marries, the child moves with her to the husbands house because of the belief that `d` eka `d` eyen (he who marries the mother marries the child). Regarded as the source of the problems in the new home, the child is referred to as Eyen uruk ikot oyom ebe eka uyo (an unknown child of a snake who is looking for the step-fathers voice). The agitation to know his real father, especially when he comes of age is often a source of quarrels in the home and as a result of such quarrels, the child is seen as a cog in the wheel of peace. As long as the childs real father cannot be identified, he will bear a name after the grandfather or a deceased adult member of the grandfathers family.

4.1.4

Socialization among the Efik

Traditionally, the Efik observe sexual division of household functions and responsibilities. Women perform domestic roles of cooking, cleaning, washing and child bearing. In addition, she is also expected to play a significant role in the childs socialization process. The father, on the other hand, is a symbol of authority, a disciplinarian, a provider of shelter and money for food, clothes, educational and health needs. The man is the policy maker while the woman is an adviser. Male children are socialized to assume the roles of men while female children are socialized to assume the domestic roles. The people argue that any deviation from these culturally ascribed responsibilities would attract negative sanctions from the society Over time, there have been insignificant changes in the sexual division of roles. Two developments, both of which are linked to the current economic situation in the country are, however, noteworthy. First, the husband is ceasing to be the sole bread winner as more women provide financial assistance to their husbands to meet domestic needs. Secondly, more women now engage in paid employment outside of their homes with the possibility of a conflict between mothering and working. These two developments have been having profound impact on the status of women and may consequently affect their attitude to population and family life issues.

4.1.5

Communication and Population/Family Life Issues

Each community in which the study was undertaken has many many channels of disseminating information. There are

34

churches and associations, the most import a n t o f w h i c h i s t h e okpokoro ufok (House Meeting). In addition to the churches and associations, there are also cultural groups that play the dual roles of entertaining and financially assisting members through contributions. In the urban centres, there are such elite clubs as the Lions, Rotary, and Zonta. The respondents opined that the churches and the various associations could be used as channels of disseminating information on population and family life issues. On whether they have ever come across posters that have messages on population and family life issues, the respondents claimed to have seen posters that contain family life messages in the hospitals, chemists, town halls, and medical/health centres and that the messages those posters carried are similar to the ones the research team showed them. The accurateness of the interpretation of the messages on the posters shown to them demonstrate their understanding of the messages. On the acceptability of the posters as a means of communication, some respondents disclosed that posters were often torn by people who believed that their tax money was being misappropriated. Some other people tear the posters because they perceive the posters as offensive to Efik culture. The idea of having a small family size is inconsistent with the tradition of the people. It is argued that as farmers and fishermen, Efikmen need many wives and children for maximum productivity. In spite of a message that reads: Man you are responsible for your family welfare, plan it well!, many male respondents still opined that family planning is for women and, as such, family planning messages should be directed only

to the women. Responses on sources of information identified the town crier as the dominant source in the rural study sites and the radio as the most important source in the urban study sites. The radio is closely followed in the urban centre by the television. The inability of many rural residents to the radio or its running costs, must have accounted for the low significance of the radio as a source of information in the rural areas.

4.1.6 Intra-Family Communication and Population/Family Life Issues

(a) Husband-wife communication

Information from all sources indicate that there has always been spousal communication among the Efik, though it may be more pronounced nowadays. Almost all the respondents are of the opinion that both the husband and the wife should discuss and share information concerning the number of children they want to have. Relating to the past, a female respondent said that My mother used to have some quiet discussion moments with my father, though I did not know what they used to talk about. Reinforcing this observation, a widow said that I used to discuss with my husband when he was alive although he had concubines outside. The claims by the women were debunked by a male respondent who asserted that women have no say about the number of children couples should have. He retorted Anie enyene ufok emi nwan edemede iyak? (who owns a house in which a woman shares the fish?). His views were, however, not shared by many men.

35

(b)

Parent-child Communication

Efik culture has always encouraged parent-child communication especially when children are growing up. It is the husbands place to draw the wifes attention to the physical changes in their daughters, and in some cases, sons. Among the Efik, the mother is blamed for the childs waywardness. It is thus the role of the woman to advise her children on all issues pertaining to sexuality. An Efik idiom succinctly drives home the important advisory role of the mother: Eyen mikopke item eka `du `k idem (a child who hearkens not to the mothers advise is doomed). The statements below show the role of the mother in the parents-child communication process: I am more intimately related to my mother than my father. My mother has always advised me against sexual immorality and unwanted pregnancy (Single female/unmarried respondent). Mother is the vanguard of good behaviour in Efikland. The father has no time. The Efik say Eyen ama `di `k, ekot eno eka (If a child is indisciplined or wayward, he or she is called after the mother). (Adult male/married respondent). Yes, my mother taught me how to count the `wet days in my life. (Young female/married respondent). Asked if parents can directly advise, teach or instruct children (female) about family planning, responses were also in the affirmative. The mother was equally identified as the person to carry out the assign-

ment. The instructions, it was argued, should be passed on after the first menstrual cycle of the female child. The findings suggest that if parents are properly targeted, communications on population and family life issues could be very effective among the Efik.

4.1.7 The Role of Influentials in Population and Family Life Issues

There are people outside of the nuclear family who influence the couples decisions on procreation. An important influential, indicated by all the respondents to have paramount influence, is the mother-in-law. Other influentials include the father-in-law, pastors and aunties. It was also noted that the nurses, teachers and other educated individuals were capable of influencing couples into appreciating small family norms. While the uneducated local influentials would say things such as Nyin idi uwak, ana nte aman uwak (we are many, you must also give birth to many children), or Nyin iwakke ana nte aman awak (we are not many, but you must give birth to many children), the elites are noted for their advice on small family size. For instance, the nurses and health educators have always advised couples during clinic hours to produce few children which they can adequately cater for. The role of the influentials, especially the mother/father-in-law, is diminishing. Advice from these people is no more taken without questionning. The respondents claimed that when such advice is given, it is left for us to weigh it against our resources. Others argued that even if your mother-in-law should insist that she would help you take care of the children, just ig-

36

nore her because it is tantamount to using ones hand to kill oneself. Respondents were of the opinion that important people in the community with small family sizes could play a significant role in influencing people to accept the small family norm in their communities. Such people could include the pastors/preachers. The peer groups constitute an important influential and source of information. For instance, a young married girl claimed to know how to determine my safe periods and my friends come to me for tutorials and have been benefitting from my expertise.

4.1.8 Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of Family Planning

The focus group discussions indicate that members of the communities in which the study was undertaken had a fair knowledge of family planning methods. The respondents mentioned both traditional and modern methods. The pills and the IUCD are the two most commonly mentioned modern methods in the urban study sites. Other modern methods mentioned by the urban respondents are the injection, spermicide and vasectomy. In the rural areas, the condom, the pills and the IUCD are the three most commonly mentioned modern methods: diaphragm, vasectomy and norplant were also mentioned. It was observed that the knowledge of modern methods was higher in the urban than the rural areas. Several traditional methods were also mentioned by the respondents. The beads/rope is the most commonly mentioned method in both the rural and urban communities. Other traditional methods mentioned include lactation/fattening,
3

herbs, billing system, abstinence, padlock, wall method, turning of the womb (native hysterectomy) and wife separation3. It is worth noting that breastfeeding is perceived as a family planning method. Several respondents claimed that it was the most important traditional means of achieving adequate spacing between births. In fact it was sometimes combined with either wife separation or concubinage. Although family planning is usually practised by Efik women, respondents believe that lbaba soup if continuously taken by men, can reduce their level of potency. Contraceptive use was very low among the respondents. Most of them, especially the men, responded in the negative when asked whether they have ever used any of the methods mentioned. The few urban respondents who claimed to have ever used any method mentioned the safe period and the condom; while in the rural area, the safe period is the dominant method mentioned. Abstinence was also mentioned at the rural sets. It was reliably gathered that the low utilization of modern contraceptive methods results from the fear that they cause the following problems: irregular menstrual flow and excessive bleeding; internal heat; cancer (especially from norplant); dizziness (from pills); paleness; permanent sterility. Condom use was said to be associated with lack of satisfaction since it does not allow body contact. The low utilization of traditional methods was also attributed to the following factors: high failure rate; existence of quacks; the possibility of remaining sterile for life if the padlock is rusty, or the key is lost or misplaced (padlock method), or the wall collapsed (wall method) or the traditional doctor dies; the

For a full description of the traditional methods, see Charles, 1996.

37

possibility of an evil eye capitalizing on the treatment to wreak havoc; the cost is sometimes beyond the reach of the common man; and the possibility of being abused. When asked which of the two methods, (modern or traditional) they would have preferred had they decided to use family planning methods, most respondents said that they would have preferred the modern methods. For instance a woman said that: I prefer orthodox method because it would not demand that I stay away from meeting my husband anytime he wants me. In fact, I do not want to be displaced by another woman.

4.1.9 Contraceptive Acceptance: The Role of Spousal/ Parents-child Communication, and the Availability and Cost of Methods
The decision to use a particular family planning method was sometimes taken only by the wife or the husband. However, in many cases, such decisions were jointly taken by the husband and wife. Some respondents indicated that it was their husbands that initiated the use of the method currently being used. The respondents made it clear that both partners must agree before the methods being used or initiated could be sustained. For the single respondent, the mother is usually the motivator who approves or recommends a method. The identification of various individuals usually involved in the decision to use family planning further reinforces the conclusion that there is high level of spousal as well as parents-child communication among the Efik. On the issue of the availability of

modern family planning methods, respondents claimed that methods are usually available in drug stores and are also sometimes sold by itinerant medicine dealers. It was also identified that the hospitals and health centres offer family planning services to clients in their communities. The respondents were also not comfortable with the cost of commodities especially when large quantities are needed. For instance, a man remarked that a lot of money would be needed to buy the required amount of condoms by a man who wants to have several rounds of sex at the rate of N2.50k a condom/per round. Rather than the cost per unit of condom, the men think of the cost of the total number of condoms needed for each sex exercise that may last several rounds. Thus, the men have resorted to using condoms only when they have extra-marital affairs in order to cut cost. When asked to identify the supporters and opponents of family planning methods, the responses below represent the various views: Elders and illiterates kick against small family norms. Christians/born again view family planning as sin against God. Young men and women, who believe that it is better to have children at young ages - since children born at young ages are believed to be healthier, stronger and more intelligent than those born at older ages - do not want to have anything to do with family planning. Several youths, except those with the type of belief, identified above,

38

use modern methods Low utilization is not a function of age or any other attribute of an individual; rather, it is a function of lack of awareness. The respondents also demonstrated an understanding of the philosophy behind the National Population Policy. They indicated that what they know about the policy was obtained from messages on the radio, television and friends (for those in town), and friends/teachers, hospital/clinics, radio and posters (for those in the villages).

39

4.2

THE IBIBIO

4.2.1 Marriage Practices

Marriage is an important affair among the Ibibio. The interpretation of marriage, the values attached to it and the reasons for entering into marital unions are similar to those of the Efik (see Charles, op. cit. for more details). Marriage is universally perceived by the lbiobio as a contract for having children. Thus, the contract may be terminated if the wife fails to bear children. The lbibio are more inclined to polygyny than the Efik. While polygyny is still widely practised in the villages, in the urban areas, it is a common feature only among the chiefs. The number of wives lbiobio man depends on factors which include: The character of the first wife: Unlike their Efik counterparts, lbibio women are said not to possess mbukpek (ability to pamper their husbands). Efik women perceive their lbiobio counterparts as women with hard character, who are quick at raining abuses on their husbands at the least provocation. In addition, they are also said to easily deny their husbands sex. Thus, it is not uncommon to find lbibio men marrying more women in response to lack of satisfaction with their first wives. Common as polygyny is, the culture still points to its drawbacks. An lbibio idiom has it that `d` anwan iba ase adia nk`k`m (a husband who marries two wives eats I thought). That is, each wife would be thinking that the other one would

prepare food for the husband. The husband is often the loser as he sometimes goes to bed hungry. The lbibio men perceive the traditional role of their women as child bearing. The need for extra hands on the farm: The lbibio men are mainly farmers. In order to have extra hands on the farm, it is believed that many wives must be married. An important attribute of a good wife in the traditional lbibio society, is the ability to work hard on the farm. The desire for male children: Many polygynous marriages are predicated on the search for male children. An lbibio man would stop at nothing to have a male child who would be his heir (adia akpa). The search for male children also partially explains the existence of large family sizes among the Ibibio. Status and Financial capability: A chief in lbibioland is expected to have many wives and beget many children. The financial standing of an lbibio man is also a motivating factor for marrying many wives.

Types of Marriage
Traditionally, the following types of marriage unions are recognized by the Ibibio: Ndo lbibio (lbibio traditional marriage), Umek owo (Widow Inheritance), Ndo owo unwan (Woman-to-woman marriage), Uyet ndom (Womb marriage), Ndo ufok (Inter/lntra lineage marriage), Nwan odo etok owonwan ono ebe (Consolatory marriage) and Ndo Ediyok (Marriage by

40

accident). In Ndo Ibibio, the marriage process starts with the identification and selection of a mate. In the past, the selection of the prospective bride was usually done by the parents of the groom-to-be. Today, however, majority of mates are selected by the prospective grooms themselves. Mates selected by the prospective grooms are presented at some point in time to the parents for approval. Mbup (the request) is the stage where a few members of the families of the groom-to-be and the bride-to-be meet to discuss marriage proposals. In contrast to the long list of items more reality being demanded from the parents of the groomto-be, one or two bottles of whisky or local gin were requested for mbup in the past. After mbup, the list of items to be provided by the parents of the groom-tobe for the real marriage - Ata Ndo - will be made available and the marriage date fixed. The list of materials for the real marriage includes the bride price and other items for various groups of people: the father, the mother, okpongo (name sake), grandmother, Mkparawa (youths) and Ndito ete ekpuk (patrikins). The bride price is usually presented to the parents of the bride-to-be in the privacy of their home a few days to the wedding date. Various rituals are associated with lbibio marriage and the type of rituals performed depends on the people involved in the marriage union. Among the other forms of marriage is the Umek owo, whereby a widow is asked by male members of her former husbands patri-kins to marry one of them. The children from the new marital arrangement inherits through their father, the new husband. The Uyet ndom, another type of

marriage, is akin to child bethrothal. The prospective husband, or the father of a prospective husband, makes known his intentions to marry the child whose pregnancy is being carried (if a girl) at a public ceremony. Like the Efik, the lbibio approve of inter-lineage marriage. But unlike the Efik, they frown at intra-lineage marriage because it involves parallel cousins who share the same ancestral shrine (iso ekpo). lbibio marriages are expected to last for long. The bride is made to publicly indicate her willingness to make the marriage last through her consent that her parents should taste of the whisky or local gin she presented to them. Her consent symbolizes her determination to persevere and be loyal and obedient to her husband. The lbibio husband expects a refund of everything spent on the woman if she breaks the marriage contract. A married Ibibio woman, hand does not feel comfortable going back to live with her parents. Like the Efik, there are several ways of expressing regret at the failure of a marriage.

Age at first marriage/first birth

Traditionally, the lbibio men married only after certain obligations have been met. Firstly, they had to work for their father or his designate as a houseboy. Secondly, he was expected to build ndianndian (a small hut attached to the fathers main building). Thirdly, he was expected to be initiated into Ekpo cult. Fourthly, he must be able to harvest palm fruit to demonstrate his maturity. These obligations in essence suggest that an lbibio man was expected to acquire some property and skill before marriage. The women, on the other hand, were given out quite early in marriage to prevent premarital pregnancy.

41

There are usually wide age differences between the husbands and their wives. Although there was no statistical evidence to back their claims, respondents stated that age at marriage among the lbibio has declined over time. With respect to age at first child, the respondents also stated that it has declined over time. They attributed this trend to the decline in the age at first menstruation which in turn translates to a decline in the age at which girls can become pregnant. The respondents did not agree on the ideal age at first marriage for girls except that a girl should start bearing children as soon as she marries. Like the Efik, lbibio men have no age limit for reproduction. Similarly, it could not be determined when women traditionally stopped child bearing. The respondents, however, suggest that women should stop child bearing between ages 35 and 50 years while men should stop between ages 50 and 60 years.

4.2.2 Family Size Desires and Sex Preference

lbibio culture encourages large family size. Four factors have been identified to reinforce the large family norms among the Ibibio: the desire for male children; Financial capability; The belief that a couple should have as many as God permits; The uncertainty about the chances of survival of children. The values and beliefs which reinforce the large family norms are reflected in many lbiobio idioms and proverbs. The idioms include: Owo idi`ng`ke ake adiwongo nkp` inyung if`n (Nobody knows who among the lot will be good, bad, or prosperous); Ndit` anam owo `w` etop akpan-akpan ke owo ama akpa. (Many children make a man popular es-

pecially during obituary announcement on radio); Usen idiok owo modo (The bad child has his own day); Ub`k mmum, ub`k mmum akpat ukpa (Assistance from many hands can move an iroko tree); Ek`ng `f`n ke udim (War is good when the number is large); Edehe ke udim (Large number is bravery); Ufok uwak aya awot ufok ikpong (the family with many children will dominate the one with one or no child); Uwak edi im` (Large number is wealth); and, Ikp`ng obiom akpan akama ayin (A loner carries the basket and backs the child at the same time). Two of the proverbs are: Mbriy`ng okobo mman ndit` mma ib`k` mbara (Plantain did say that he wanted children to stop dew from beating it) and Ise ikop Abasi mudim idoho Abasi mikpong (We hear of God of Hosts and not God of one). The respondents were of the opinion that small family sizes would reduce their relative population size. While the lbibio favour the politics of numbers, they are ready to imbibe the small family size once the other ethnic groups, especially the Hausa, Yoruba and the lgbo who are perceived as the dominant ones, have imbibed the same. According to them, the participation of these other ethnic groups in the population project will enhance faith in the governments commitment to the population policy. The preference for the male child is still high in spite of the large-scale appreciation of the role of female children in the country lbibio still believe that owouden odo `s`ng` (male child is the greatest). The male child, usually referred to as _k`n` (perennial plant usually planted at land boundaries), ensures the continuity of the fathers lineage through his own children. The female child is appreciated

42

because of the monetary returns to the parents during marriage and because she is the one to bathe her mother at death. Although several lbibio idioms portray their love for large family sizes, they also have idioms that portray distaste for families considered too large or for mothers with too many children. The idioms are silmilar to the Efiks and they include: Eka Ewa (Mother dog); Aman nte ekpu mbakara (Giving birth like Agric specie of the rabbit); Ma ntongho (Mama I want to excrete); Obon ke dosin (Giving birth to children in their dozens); Aman nkankeed obio (Giving birth to half the village population); Eka bobo (Mother pawpaw); Asiak urua/ufok Abasi (One who opens a market/church); and, Uwak mfang ukana (Tiny leaves of oil bean seed). Like the Efik, the lbibio women are the targets of ridicule for too large a family. Nobody ever ridicules the father. As in all traditional Nigerian societies, barreness is not appreciated among the Ibiobio. Barren women are called several derogatory names that include: Akpara (Prostitute); If`t ata (Victim of witchcraft); _t`ng` `d`ng ke nto (One who excretes her children into the pit toilet); _t`ng` odong ke itak ukom (One who excretes her children into plantain stands); Obo taitil usanga anwa (One who has gotten a license to prostitute); It` (Eunuch - men only). Women who are suspected of using family planning methods are also described with these names. The philosophy behind the Ub`k mmum, ubok mmum akpat ukpa (assistance from many hands can move an iroko tree) is sustained by the Relay System of child education/training among the Ibibio. Under the relay system, only the first child or the first two children are trained or edu4

cated with financial assistance from the parents. The children trained by the parents are expected to train some of their younger siblings who will in turn train the others coming after them. The chain of support runs down until everybody in the family has been trained. The relay system makes it difficult for the Akpan (first born male child) to travel out of his place of birth since he is expected to take care of other siblings as well as understudy the father.

4.2.3 Single Parent Families

Single parent families, consisting only of girls who had premarital births, are common among the Ibibio. Participants at the various focus group discussions confirmed the high prevalence of single (female) parent families and perceive this as a new trend in the society. They attributed the situation to the lust for money and the extraordinary sexual desires of the youths. As with the Efik, girls who had premarital births are called various names that include Ayin ami miniehe iwoot (Irresponsible child), Eka Ebok (Mother monkey), Ayin miwongoke nkpo ( U s e l e s s c h i l d ) a n d Akpara (Prostitute). In addition to namecalling, the girl is often scolded and sometimes driven out of the home by the father. She is also ridiculed by the villagers and her peers. Children who were born out of wedlock do not have inheritance rights. Unfortunately the mother has nothing to pass on to them since she also does not have inheritance rights. Unlike the Efik, the girls father does not regard the grand child as his own. In their words we do not convert a grandchild into a bonafide child (lbibio isibonno Ayeyin). Ayeyin (grandchild) is regarded as a sacred being in the

For more names, see Charles, op. cit.

43

mothers patrilineage because of the belief that he is supernaturally protected. He is also feared to have supernatural powers with which he can bless or curse. Since he can use his supernatural powers to curse a family when he is ill-treated, it is usually considered a risky venture to accommodate such a person in the family of orientation. An Ayeyin is never comfortable without an identified father. This is because, like the Efik, he is also called by several derogatory names such as Essien (child brought from outside), Ayin akpara (child of a prostitute); Ayin una ete (bastard), Ayin atime iyip (child from contaminated blood) 4. In addition to namecalling, the child is often confronted by his peers to show his full identity through such questions as Mmo eto enen uso? (Where in your fathers compound is the security tree planted?) and Anie ido uso? (Who is your father?). In spite of the beliefs about the supernatural powers of the Ayeyin and the dislike for children born out of wedlock as reflected in the types of names they are being called, grandparents still find means of catering for the Ayeyin especially when the girl fails to identify the person who impregnated her. They console themselves, just like the Efik, that Ikot idiok owo ibaha (there is no bush reserved for the bad ones) and that the unfortunate event is like iyip inua (blood from the mouth). The child is often catered for by the grandfather and is named after him. If eventually the childs father is later identified, the child might be renamed. Like the Efik, the child moves with the mother to her matrimonial home when she marries.

4.2.4 Socialization among the lbibio

Like the Efik, lbibio women perform mostly domestic roles of cooking, washing and bearing of children. In the traditional lbibio family structure, the women raised money to feed the family. The father remained the disciplinarian and the custodian of family assets. There have been no significant changes in these roles except that the rural lbibio men now supplement the house keeping allowance provided by their wives. The women have also benefitted from formal education and many of them in the urban centres now work outside the home. Many lbibio men, married to working class women, claimed they now babysit, sweep and assist in the kitchen, especially when the wives are not at home. In spite of the changes in the status of women, it must be noted that the lbibio woman still plays the second fiddle in the home. The lbibio say Abre isikana ikwa (water-yam is never stronger than the knife). The wife must be level-headed and obedient to the husband no matter the status of the wife vis-a-vis that of her husband.

4.2.5 Communication and Population/Family Life Issues

The churches and cultural organizations were identified by the respondents as channels through which information on population and family life could be disseminated in the various communities. In addition, elite clubs in the urban areas, for instance, the Lions club, could also assist in the dissemination of information. Commenting on the family planning posters shown to them by the research team, the respondents claimed to have seen similar

44

posters in the hospitals, health centres and drug stores. The messages on the posters were accurately interpreted. Although the level of awareness of population and family life issues is fairly high among respondents, the level of awareness is higher among women. It was observed that the town crier and the radio are the two most cited sources of information in the rural areas. The church and the schools as well as peer groups also play significant roles in information dissemination. In the urban areas, the radio, the television and the newspapers and magazines are the most often cited channels of information. As in the rural areas, the church and the school as well as peer groups also play significant roles in the dissemination of information. Funerals are also becoming important channels of disseminating information.

My husband wants me to have more, but I said no (Female Respondent, Rural setting). These statements and others like them suggest that spousal communication is gaining ground among the lbibio and that couples are becoming more aware of the need to have small family sizes that they can adequately cater for. The experience of a mother of ten whose husband is a knight in the Catholic church reinforces the fact that spousal communication and the use of contraception are gaining ground among the Ibiobio: I have ten children. The burden has become enormous. My husband and I have been concerned for a long time because we did not have a solution. To complicate issues, my husband is a knight in the Catholic church and would not want to suggest any method of stopping further pregnancies. I confided in a friend (a woman) who took me to St. Lukes Catholic Hospital, Anua where the coil was inserted in me. My husband did not object when I told him. It is now getting to a year and both of us are now happy in our sexual life but the burden of having to cater for ten children still weighs us down. When asked to indicate when the decision on family size is to have are usually taken, the respondents stated that such decisions are usually taken after marriage and are often tied to changes in the fortunes of the couple. The type of decision depends on the nature of changes in the fortune of the couples.

4.2.6 Intra-family Communication and Population/Family Life Issues (a) Husband-wife communication
Traditionally, women did not take part in decision making. They were only expected to carry out the directives of the husband. The situation has, however, changed over time as more women now take part in taking decisions on issues that affect them, such as the number of children to have. The following statements indicate that family life issues are now being discussed by spouses: My wife disagrees with me and wants to have more children. I wanted just two and she wants five children (Male Respondent, urban setting).

45

(b)

Parent-child communication

The lbibio culture has always encouraged parent-child communication. Children are encouraged to discuss issues with their parents who in turn advise them mainly on moral issues. Unfortunately, the culture does not encourage the discussion of family planning between parents and their children. Rather, daughters are encouraged not to move too close to boys (or men) to avoid being impregnated. Although the feeling that it is morally wrong to discuss family planning with children still persists, more parents are coming to terms with the reality of the need to start sex education in the family. The following statements from three of the female respondents capture the current mood on sex education: It is not culturally allowed to show children family planning methods but with recent development it is a must now. Yes, I advise my daughter on safe period only, any other method is a license for flirting. Yes, I will advise my daughters when they come of age on how to take care of themselves. These statements suggest that it is time to design IEC programmes that could be implemented through the mothers.

enced by mothers-in-law, grandparents and other people. Most of the time, mothers-in-law encourage large family sizes by offering their services in the rearing of the children. lbibio respondents made no reference to nurses or teachers as agents of attitudinal change. Rather, the mothers-inlaw and grandparents were often cited as the influentials. There is a growing feeling that the advice of these people need not be taken seriously in view of the economic situation in the country. Apart from the mothers-in-law and grandparents, other extended family members only play advisory role. One female/adult respondent said My family members can only come in when they are called upon to do so; they have no right to decide for me.

4.2.8 Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of Family Planning

Knowledge of contraception is high among the respondents. They mentioned a wide range of modern and traditional methods. The respondents mentioned methods that are similar to the ones mentioned by their Efik counterparts and the rural-urban differentials in contraceptive knowledge are also similar to the ones observed among the Efik. A minor difference between the Efik and the lbibio with respect to the methods mentioned is the greater emphasis on polygyny as a contraceptive method among the Ibibio. Although contraceptive knowledge is fairly high among the Ibibio, contraceptive use is low. Several respondents reported that they have never used any form of contraception. Their reasons for not using the different types of modern or traditional methods are similar to those given by the Efik for their failure to use the same methods. Among the few respondents who

4.2.7 The Role of Influentials in Population/Family Life Issues

Like the Efik, couples fertility and family planning decisions are often influ-

46

have ever used contraception, the safe period is the most cited method. A few respondents in the urban area also claimed to have used the condom. It could not be determined from this study whether the use of any type of method is influenced by such factors as age and education.

4.2.9 Contraceptive Acceptance: The Role of Spousal and ParentChild Communication and the Availability and Cost of Contraceptive Methods
Among the few respondents who have ever used contraception, the use of any method is based on affordability and availability, Those who made use of the safe period said it costs nothing, thus making it attractive. On the other hand, injection was said to cost between N50 and N200, depending on the type, while the condom costs about N14.00 for a pack of four. In addition to cost, the modern methods were reported to be available in Barracks Road Health Centre, Uyo and St. Lukes Hospital, Anua, which, unfortunately, were reported to be too far away from the respondents, especially those from the rural areas. The distance to the sources of supply may have contributed to the unattractiveness of their use.

of this policy, others were worried about the ability of the government to implement it. There were some remarks about the incompatibility of the policy objectives, especially as they relate to child bearing, with the lbibio culture. There were fears that relations will take over ones property after death if one has only a few children. These fears should be addressed in any IEC programme.

4.2.10. Knowledge of and Attitude Toward the National Population Policy

The respondents also showed an adequate understanding of the philosophy behind the National Population Policy. Their understanding derived from the messages that they have received through the radio, the television, the hospital and the posters. While a few people approved

47

Chapter Five
THE FULANI

5.1 Marriage Practices

mong the Fulani, marriage marks the beginning of social and economic maturity. Marriage is tied to the ownership of cattle and it provides an opportunity for individuals to own and herd their own cattle rather than herd cattle for their fathers. The Fulani are, in most cases, endogamous with emphasis on patrilateral parallel cousins marriage dewerdirabe or patrilateral cross cousins yeekirabe. Marriages within the Fulani group (endogamy) are encouraged while marriages between Fulani and non-Fulani are not encouraged.

Types of Marriage
Marriages could be classified into two: first marriage Tegal biddo debbo and remarriage Tegal Zawarjo. In the first marriage, Tegal biddo debbo, the parents of the girl give out their daughter for marriage to a prospective groom whose parents have indicated willingness to accept the offer. The act of giving out is referred to as Koggal and can take place in one of three time periods: when the boy and girl are both very young, say, between 2 and

5 years of age; when the children are between the ages of 7 and 10 years old - this is still very common especially in the rural areas of Damba (Gusau) and Keta (Tsafe); when the boy is between the ages of 17 and 20 years and the girl is between the ages of 13 and 15 years. Koggal is usually initiated, arranged and financed by the boys parents when it takes place in the first two time periods (that is between the ages 2 and 10 years). The children only grow up to realize that they are already married. Koggal that takes place during the third time period (that is, between the ages of 13 and 15 years for girls and 17-20 years for boys) is a common feature of the present Fulani society, especially in the urban areas of Bauchi and Adamawa States. Tegal biddo debbo, irrespective of the age at which it takes place is usually celebrated with much publicity because of its socio-economic significance. It is, however, pertinent to note that marriages that are initiated by parents when the boy and girl are very young are not consummated until the girls are believed to be physiologically and psychologically matured, usually between the her

48

ages of thirteen and seventeen years. The second type of marriage occurs as a result of Seeruki (divorce) or death. Usually, the parents or elders are informed of the marriage plans only after the intending partners have agreed to marry. The Fulani are traditionally polygynous and this is reflected in Adamawa and Bauchi states where majority of the people have two wives. In Damba (Gusau) and Keta (Tsafe), however, majority of the people practice monogamy. Various obligations must be met before the actual Koggal is formalized. Male elders in the grooms family must visit the girls family to formally ask for the hand of the girl in marriage on behalf of their son. If they are given a positive response, then various items of goods collectively referred to as Gettirde (appreciation gifts) must be presented to the brides family at a later date. The goods consist of Tummude (calabashes) numbering at least four, Gauri (guinea corn) or muri (millet) which must be put in the calabashes, and Bag of manda or lamdam (salt) or a certain measure on each calabash. The brides family would give back one of the calabashes and its contents to the grooms family as a token of love and appreciation. As a way of informing the girls relative that her koggal has been formalized, the calabash and its contents would be distributed among them. Marriage ceremonies include the Dambordu which is the seclusion of the bride from her peers for three days prior to the day of Teegal Njuldungu, the Islamic way of formalizing the marriage between the partners-to-be. After about two to three months the habbuki tegal (tying or formalizing the Islamic rites) will be made. During these rites, cows would be given out as Koowrudi or

futteji (the marriage gift required in Islam to be given to the woman). The Bangal or Bangali (wedding ceremony) may not take place until about one to two years after the marriage has been formalized by an Islamic Scholar called Madibbo. The celebration is usually done by the girl and her friends on one side, and the boy and his friends on the other. The families of the bride and the groom would also have separate celebrations. At some point, all the parties would meet in one place and have a joint celebration. The wedding ceremony is usually characterized by a lot of funfair, plenty of food and a lot of dancing. However, the bride herself and groom are not allowed to dance. In the traditional Fulani society, the bride, after being beautified with the Lefere (the traditional clothes that were initially brought from the grooms house), would be conveyed to the husbands house on a horse back later in the day. In the present day Fulani society, cars have been substituted for the horse. Celebration normally continues in the grooms house and the grooms family would offer gifts to the brides family which would be shared among all the important members of the family T h e wife normally stays the first night with the husband and then runs back to her parents. It is an important aspect of the Fulani pastoral culture. If she does not go back to

To test his maturity and readiness for marriage, a groom submits to whipping.

49

parents after the first night, she could become an object of mockery and ridicule. Her friends and members of the family would say to her Hollende dabondu (she is not ashamed, she was taken away and she stayed). Though virginity of the bride is important, it is not made public as in other ethnic groups. The girl would continue to run away from her husbands place until she becomes pregnant.

Age at first marriage

Traditionally the age at which the Fulani people entered into the first marriage was between 14 and 17 years. Although there are no statistical data to support it, the respondents strongly believed that the age at first marriage has declined to between 13 and 14 years. To drive home this point, a male respondent in Keta, Sokoto State said:Girls used to get married at the age of 17 years if they matured late, but if they matured early they got married between the ages of 14 and 15 years. However, nowadays girls get married between the ages of 13 and 14 years. Some respondents opined that the decline in age at first marriage is attributable to the increasing involvement of girls in early sexuality. Early marriage is thus used to cover the premarital sexual activities of the girl and consequently prevent having illegitimate children. A contrary argument is that because Islam forbids premarital sex, people give their daughters out in marriage at young ages to prevent them from engaging in outof-wedlock sexual activities. Among the Fulani in Adamawa and Bauchi States, fe-

males were traditionally given out in marriage between the ages of 13 and 15 years and the practice still persists in the rural areas. Males got married between the ages of 18 and 20 years and no significant change has been observed over time. Results of this study show that in the urban centres, the age range at first marriage for females is 16 to 20 years and for males, it is 20 to 25 years. Urban residents generally have more years of schooling than their rural counterparts. By staying longer in school, girls in urban areas marry later than their rural counterparts with no formal schooling. Early age at marriage has been found to be positively associated with the number of children a woman has, unless there is a deliberate control of fertility. Thus, it could be expected that fertility would be high among the Fulani since majority of the women marry very early.

5.2

Family Size Desires and Sex Preference

Barreness is not tolerated among the Fulani. A woman who does not have a child or who has only one child is looked upon as a pariah. She is openly ridiculed, especially by the relatives of the husband. The woman is always blamed for infertility; men, on the other hand, are always seen as fertile. The husband may be forced to take another wife if his wife had not become pregnant, had only one child or is only having female children. An infertile woman is described in many ways that include: Banda o bua o hahra waddere mako chalka wala ko o wawi (She could only beget faeces not children), Leekuwaljo colli adima o hoocha. (A hawk can only steal other birds egg nest), O don yiilo ba woore e karlol (She is like a lone bead on a rosary), O wurtoto (wancai) hanko

50

tan bano laasol nder nebbam (She goes round like a strand of hair in a bowl of oil), Wala koo sukki banda bue (She is only good at passing faeces). A woman who gives birth almost every year is also not appreciated. She is seen as someone who could not keep away from her husbands bed for the culturally prescribed period. She is considered as an oversexed or licentious woman who has flouted the culture. She is sometimes described as e mo ndaya bikkon ba mbea (She is breeding like a goat), or bana mbubu kullum o ndayai (as if she is a fly, she is always breeding). A woman with four to seven children, some of which are males, is free of these unpleasant remarks. The Fulani culture does not encourage having too few or too many children. This study shows that fertility varies among the three groups of Fulani. The number of children ever born ranges from 1 to 3 among the pastoral Fulani, 3 to 5 among the semi-settled Fulani and 5 to 7 among the settled Fulani. To the question on the ideal number of children per woman, the usual response was whatever God gave us or as many as possible. The pastoralists went further to say that it is impossible for them to specify the ideal number of children per woman because God knows better and whatever number of children He gives is the ideal. The semi-settled and the settled groups insisted that children were assets in this world and the life hereafter. Therefore, they want as many as possible.

5.3 Single-parent Families

Single-parent families that result from the death of either partner or from divorce are found among the Fulani. It is, however, uncommon to find single-parent families that

result from premarital births. While the Fulani culture, which derives mainly from Islamic principles, accepts single-parenthood that results from the death of a partner or from divorce, single-parenthood that results from premarital births are frowned at. Islam encourages people to sympathize with widows and orphans but does not condone premarital sex. The Fulani consider out-of-wedlock pregnancy as an abomination for which the culprit should be punished. Generally, children born outside of marital unions are regarded as illegitimate, and the girls family is usually regarded as a pariah. The family also becomes an object of derision in the community, The girl is also mocked by her peers who would compose songs that reflect their displeasure at her behaviour. She and her parents are ridiculed through comments like: Mbali dimi jolende (The unexpected always happens), Wayyo ndu bumbunti, wayyo ndu heftama baiyanake (Oh it has grown, oh it has emerged), Ngool jaangol ngol rennan njaaluure (This cold can impregnate a woman), Jedoro kundigel, wancira dubboi (She keeps her mouth shut but plays around with her private parts or she is a green snake in a green grass), Ta yaman jaalunru e bumdo mo holIi mo laawol a yaha o heboya ndu (Dont ask a blind woman how she became pregnant or every why has a wherefore). The rareness of premarital pregnancy in the traditional Fulani society was emphasized by an elderly female-key informant with the statement that in all my adolescent years only one girl became pregnant among my age group in the village. The moment the pregnancy of the girl was confirmed she ran away to a distant relative in another town and had the baby. She did not know whether an attempt was made to

51

abort the pregnancy. Another key informant, an elderly man, alluded to the seriousness of illegitimacy by remarking that the worst insult to an average Fulani is to be called a bastard. The respondent recollected the incident of a junior brother who murdered his senior brother because the senior brother called him a bastard during a misunderstanding. The position of njaalujo (illegitimate child) is that of an aberration. An illegitimate child has no place in the society as he cannot participate fully in the activities of the community. Few cases of teenage pregnancy were observed during the study and they were mainly among girls under the age of thirteen years who were already given out in marriage. These cases were more common in the rural than in the urban areas. The girls in the town are often allowed to complete secondary school education before they are given out in marriage.

5.4. Socialization among the Fulani

In the Fulani family structure, the roles of the individuals are determined by sex and age. The men are the heads of households and the eldest male is usually the head of the extended family which consists of two or more generations of individuals. The roles of male member include farming, rearing of animals and other non-domestic activities. He also provides shelter and protection to the family, The male children are socialized to identify with these roles. The females, on the other hand, are expected to exhibit the peculiar characteristics of Pulaaku (the correct virtue and good conduct). A woman is expected to have Gikku (good character) which is demonstrated through faithfulness and obedience to husband and elders. She should respect the husbands parents,

senior kins, and be capable of looking after the husbands property in his absence. A unique feature of the Fulani culture is the guarded mutual respect between the husband and the wife. The husband does not interfere with the wifes domestic affairs. He cannot, for instance, tell her how to spend the money she gets from the sale of milk. The Fulani women have more economic autonomy than the Hausa women. Fulani couples usually discuss matrimonial issues. Although the Pulaaku culture would pose some obstacle in discussing diverse family issues of interest in public, they however try to discuss exhaustively in secret. The relationship between parents and children is characterized by love and affection. The socialization process ensures that children imbibe appropriate social norms and values. The children are taught to be obedient to their parents and elders. Females are socialized to assume domestic roles and males are socialized to assume the roles of herding, especially if they reside in the rural areas. The gender-based division of roles creates a situation in which the female children are closer to their mothers while the male children are closer to their fathers. Traditionally, the eldest child takes over the household and the cattle on behalf of the family after the death of the father. This practice is, however, changing with modernization and the influence of Islam.

5.5 Communication and Population/ Family Life Issues

The most popular sources of information on population and family life related issues are the radio, television, hospitals and peer groups. The radio is believed to be the most effective and creditable source. Its coverage is wide and the cost of owning a unit

52

is low. Information received from hospital/ clinics is also credible but not all communities have hospital/clinics. The impact of the hospital/clinic is limited to the urban areas where these facilities are usually found. Urban residents usually receive information on a lot of issues since several sources of information are available. However, in the rural areas, the amount of information received depends on what is available through the radio which, in many areas, is the only source of information. The study also shows that the market place is an important source of information among the Fulani. In addition to the exchange of goods and services, the market also serves as a place where ideas are exchanged between people. Clients have a specific place where they meet on market days to discuss and exchange the latest information on events and developments around them. Inter-personal relationship was found to be cordial and intense, particularly in the rural communities where there is extensive kinship network. In the urban areas, interpersonal relationship was also found to be cordial but not as intense as it is in the rural areas.

are infused into the females. The values emphasized for males are Marugo nai (owning cattle), ngainaka (good herdsmanship), hakkilo (care and foresight), ngorgaku (fortitude and courage), ndottaku (honor and respect), ardungal (leadership), and daraja (prestige). Females are also trained to imbibe these values but more emphasis is placed on seemteende (shyness), endam (kindness) and teddungal (deference). These values are in line with the expectation of the different responsibilities of the two sexes.

5.7

The Role of the Influentials in Population and Family Life Issues

5.6

Intra-Family Communication and Population/Family life Issues Parent-child communication

Among the Fulani, there exists also a high level of communication between the parents and the children. Parent-child communication is, in most cases, related to the training of children to acquire the norms and values of the society. The Fulani, like other ethnic groups, attach more importance to male children than female children and in the socialization process, certain values are inculcated into the males while other values

Among the Fulani, the role of the significant others in decision making varies between the pastoral Fulani and the semisettled or settled Fulani. The influence of other people on decision making is very limited among the pastoral Fulani who are always on the move and have only members of their family as their immediate constituency. Views of other people become useful or acceptable only when they fall within the Fulani code of conduct pulaaku. Even in places where the pastoral Fulanis have a temporary settlement, their contact with the people there is limited to buying of grains and selling of their milk and milk products at the market places. The feeling of superiority in an average Fulani man makes it inconceivable for him to seek advice from the kado (non-Fulani). A Fulani, according to most of the respondents, is supposed to be refined, subtle, responsible, cultivated, endowed with sense of responsibility and a master of his needs and emotions. This arrogance, plus the fact that they are nomads, makes the pastoral Fulanis significant others limited to his immediate family.

53

In the groups of semi-settled and settled Fulani, the role of the significant others is more important than it is among the pastoral Fulani. The significant others include opinion leaders, local politicians, religious scholars and neighbours. The significant others are looked upon as role models who are well respected and emulated in their actions, attitudes and behaviour.

charms like layaru and guruwol. Respondents from Adamawa and Sokoto states also confirmed the existence of the traditional methods. The various traditional methods include: (a) Bindi/Winduga: The woman drinks the water which is used to wash the wooden slate on which a portion of the Quran has been written. This method is usually obtained from an Islamic scholar. The woman drinks the water consistently in order to delay pregnancy. (b) Layary or amulet which can be obtained from Modibbo (Islamic scholar) or Boa. This is also used to delay conception. (c) Ledge: The use of herbs to achieve adequate birth interval. The herbs commonly used include lalle henna (Egyptian privet used for the decoration of hands and legs by women). The roots of henna are used to prevent conception. The roots, leaves, barks of other trees and plants are also used. (d) Guruwol This is a belt which is tied around the waist and the woman does not become pregnant as long as the belt is tied around her particularly during sexual intercourse. (e) Musineki (Breastfeeding) is another traditional method of child spacing. Women are encouraged to breast feed their children for a long period, sometimes up to 24 months. This assists in delaying conception as some women do not ovulate while breast feeding. ( f ) Abstinence: Traditionally, husbands are discouraged from having sexual intercourse with their wives while they are breastfeeding. (g) Polygyny: Others stated that polygyny can also be used to give a woman a period of respite from frequent child birth as the husband becomes sexually active with the

5.8

Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of Family Planning

Child spacing has traditionally been practised among the Fulani to avoid Konika (short interval of between 12 and 18 months). The Fulani avoid Konika through different methods which include long duration of breastfeeding. It is believed that lactating women do not ovulate and hence, cannot become pregnant. The long period of breastfeeding is associated with the separation of the wife from the husband. The Fulani culture encourages bofle (a situation in which the woman is allowed to go back to to her parents to have her baby). She is allowed to stay with the parents for up to 24 months. During this period, she is not expected to engage in any sexual activity. Apart from the natural methods of child spacing, the participants reported that there are other traditional methods that are being used. In support of this claim, one of the focus group participants in Dukku, Bauchi state said:In the past there were many things women did in order to delay pregnancy or to space children. The methods include: going back to her parents house to deliver her baby, the administration of mixtures derived from different herbs, and the use of

54

other wives. This study shows that the knowledge of the various types of contraception is fairly high among the respondents. Furthermore, the study also reveals that the knowledge of the modern methods of child spacing varies by urban-rural place and state of residence and by age. Respondents in the urban areas have higher knowledge of modern contraception than their rural counterparts and respondents in Adamawa and Bauchi states have more knowledge than their counterparts in Sokoto state. Women and youths between the ages of 15 and 29 years (either married or unmarried) are more knowledgeable in modern methods than their older counterparts. The methods that were cited more often include the injection, oral tablets and condom. The young women obtain the modern methods, particularly the injections and oral tablets, from the hospitals/clinics and medicine stores without the knowledge of their husbands. Some participants were aware of the availability of modern methods but did not know how to use them. For instance one of the participants in Mayo Faran, Adamawa State said:If a woman is giving birth and is always having problems, she may decide with her husband to stop having children. The instruments and drugs they are going to use can be obtained from the hospital. But we have never seen the drugs or the instruments. This statement and others like it demonstrate that people are already aware of the need to space births through family planning. The present economic down turn has brought about a change in the attitude of people towards large family sizes. The desire for large family sizes only makes sense

when the people are able to adequately cater for their children and give them good moral training and education.

5.9

Knowledge of and Attitude toward the National Population Policy (NPP)

Except in Bajoga, Bauchi State, the majority of the participants were aware of the National Policy on Population. The level of awareness is, however, greater among the youths and males. It must be noted that several respondents were able to identify only one component of the policy, the one relating to the regulation of fertility. Other components were not known. The fact that the peoples knowledge of the policy is restricted to the control of fertility through family planning and child spacing suggests that information on this policy has not been adequately disseminated to them. This study suggests the need to review the types of information disseminated to people as well as the means through which the information is disseminated. Interpersonal communication was identified in this study as an effective means of disseminating information. Unfortunately, there are not enough health workers to adequately cover large segments of the population, especially those in the rural areas. There is thus the need to think of the option to recruit more health workers to discuss the issues of population and family life at the personal level with couples. There is the need to sustain the positive attitude of the people, especially in Adamawa state to the policy In Adamawa state, people seem to have realized the need for the policy as reflected in the statement of a participant in Giere: We agree with the policy. Seeing how people are suffering everywhere to-

55

day, we need to plan our families even if we are not advised. We are supposed to think and plan it. We just have to reduce the number of births or space births. Even though Islam encourages people to marry and procreate, the problem today is that we are facing a lot of problems with most of our children who are not God fearing. What is the point of having a lot of children who disobey Allah... The respondents believed that with the present economic difficulties, it is not easy to cater for many children. The rights of the children in Islam includes not only the right to life but equal life opportunities, legitimacy, socialization and general care. Justifying the support they gave to the policy, another participant in Dukku, Bauchi State said: We approve of the policy so that we can know the actual number of people we have in the country today with a view to designing ways of managing our resources in the future. Not everybody approves of the policy Some respondents expressed negative attitude to the policy, especially in Sokoto state. For instance, a focus group participant who is over 30 years old retorted: It (the policy) is a bad idea and we should not accept it in our country. We understand that whatever happened is from God. Therefore, having many children will not bring calamity to any community.

Similarly, another discussant in Keta said: The idea is not acceptable in our culture because it is against our religion, but some elites have accepted the idea. More education and aggressive information dissemination methods are required to elicit a change of attitude, beliefs and practices in Sokoto State and other rural Fulani Communities.

Meaning Attached to the National Population Logo

Majority of the people in the rural areas were not able to identify the National Population Logo. They actually have more knowledge of the Better Life for Rural Women and Family Support Programmes. More people in the urban areas have a knowledge of the National Population Logo. To many respondents, the logo is a call for the adoption of family planning. It should be noted that the meaning attached to the National Population Logo differed among the three Fulani groups (the pastoralist, semi-sedentary and sedentary). The pastoral group did not attach any meaning or significance to the Logo. To them it was an advertisement of a new product. The semi settled group saw the logo as a symbol of the Family Support Programme (FSP) or Better Life Programme (BLP). Relating the logo to any of these programmes might have resulted from the publicity given to these programmes at the expense of other programmes. Majority of the sedentary Fulani group were able to recognize the National Population Logo, but they did not have a full understanding of the Policy. The logo was

56

seen as a symbol for family planning. A few well educated Fulani had good knowledge of both the logo and the National Population Policy. To the educated group, the logo stands for ways of improving the general living conditions of the people.

57

Chapter Six

THE HAUSA

mong the Hausa there are cultural norms which prescribe when and who to marry, when a girl should be pregnant, when couples are expected to have their first child, intervals between births, duration of breast feeding and general care of the baby. For instance, the first birth is not usually expected until about two years after marriage; couples may, however, wait for up to ten years after marriage before having the first child. Also, the interval between births in the traditional Hausa society is two or more years. 6.1 Marriage Practices Marriage is perceived in many ways by the Hausa. Among the older key informants and participants in focus group discussions, marriage connotes respect for husband, a means to increasing the population, or Allahs reward. The younger people (those aged below 30 years) perceive marriage as living together in peace and harmony to make a home. These responses indicate that the older and younger generations have different perceptions of what marriage is. The

two generations of respondents agree, however, that marriage legitimizes and determines the position of the children with respect to authority and inheritance. Types of Marriage Two types of marriage are identifiable in the traditional Hausa society. These are: Auren budurwa (virgin/girl marriage) and Auren Bazawara (any marriage after the first marriage). Marriage in the traditional society was not free. Bautar jiki (performance of certain services or rendering of labour to the girls parents) or bautar aljihu (pocket service) were expected of the grooms parents. Residence after marriage could be virilocal (wife staying in husbands house), patrilocal (wife staying in husbands fathers house) or, in a few cases, uxorilocal (the couple staying with wifes people) called je ka da kwari and matrilocal silikiti in traditional society. The marriage process in the traditional Hausa society usually began with a courtship and courting was very competitive. It was uncommon to find only one man courting a girl. Initially, the boy iden-

58

tified a girl with whom he established a relationship. The boys parents must be involved later. The boy was expected to court the girls parents and relations to avoid any objection from them. During courtship the boy was expected to give the girl some gifts each time he visited the girl or during festivities such as the Sallah. There are also some obligations to the parents of the girl during courtship. The boy was expected to render some services to the parents of the girl like mending their darni (fence made from corn stalks) or organizing a group of his friends to work on the farm of the girls father. The boy was also expected to show some deference to the parents. Wherever the young man met the parents of the girl, he was expected to kneel down to greet them. At some point in time, the girl would be asked to choose one of the young men who had been courting her. The person she chose would be formally given the goahead. The gifts (in most cases, clothes, cosmetics and cash) of the unsuccessful suitors were then returned to them. The parents of the successful suitor would then send a delegation to formally notify the girls parents of their intention to seek the hand of the young girl in marriage on behalf of their son. If the proposal was accepted, the boys parents would be asked to bring items for Baiko (Betrothal). Betrothal is a mark of the decision of the girls parents to give out their daughter in marriage to the young man. The items usually provided include one hundred Kolanuts, two mats, a bag of cowries and tobacco for the girls friends. Before the wedding date, the young man must bring Dukiyar aure and two to three bags of cowries to the girls parents/guardians. The husband would also send clothes stored in

Lefe (a basket made from palm fronds) to the girl. The suitcase has replaced the original lefe in the modern Hausa society. A week to the wedding date, goods such as mats, salt, guinea corn, millet and a he-goat were taken to the girls parents. A respondent from Buntusu, a traditional, un-lslamised Hausa settlement, narrates the marriage process thus: . . . .The bride will be confined to a place for some three days. During the period, Lalle (henna) would be used to decorate her legs and hands. On the fourth day, she would be taken to the grooms house on a horses back, with pomp and pageantry. At the grooms house, the elders (from the husbands and the wifes families) would drink and make merry till dawn. The cultural and financial requirements for marriage have persisted over time. In fact, people spend much more money today than they used to. In addition, girls are also now much older before they are given out in marriage. In most of the communities, education was not considered a hinderance to marriage. Several women continue with their education after marriage. Mens attitudes to the education of their wives (or daughters) are changing. Increased proportions of men want their wives to attain some level of higher education. In many cases, an agreement is made before marriage between the parents of the girl and the husband, that the wife (to-be) would be allowed to continue with her education after marriage. Failure to abide with this agreement

59

may lead to divorce. Age at First Marriage It was generally believed by the respondents that the age at first marriage has increased over the years and that couples now have their first child within a year after marriage. In addition, the study also reveals that western educated people and the Ah-lil-Sunnah (Islamic Revivalist) have substituted the western type of marriage for the traditional ones. In the traditional Hausa society, the boys were expected to marry between the ages of 17 and 23 years. Children from upper class married at younger ages. According to a respondent; In the past, children of the rich and the nobility were married before they even knew what marriage was all about. Most parents gave out their daughters in marriage between the ages of 12 and 15 years. In some isolated rural communities that were free from the influence of Islam, daughters were not given out in marriage until they were between 14 and 17 years of age. The age at first marriage for boys is changing. While most of the older respondents stated that it is between 18 and 19 years, the youths stated that age at first marriage is now determined by ones level of preparedness i.e. in terms of having sufficient income, and a place to live, independent of both parents. Depending on the situation, it is possible, the youths remarked, that one may not marry at until about age 30. First Child Birth in the Traditional and Modern Hausa Societies The process of having the first birth is usually characterized by certain ceremonies and observances which are aimed at making both the mother and the child healthy. For example: The mother-to-be undergoes a rite of passage from girl to womanhood. Relations of the couples gather at the residence of the parents of the mother-to-be to celebrate. Her mother provides rice, butter and assorted pepper. Following this, the mother-to-be would be placed under the guidance of an elderly woman and her mother who will provide adequate counselling on what to do as a pregnant woman and a mother-to-be. The mother-to-be is advised to avoid taking very sweet, bitter and oily foods to avoid having a baby with yellow fever, weak bones, or unhealthy skin. In addition, she would be asked to avoid taking groundnuts, beans, and all foods with high quantity of beans products to avoid an upset of the babys stomach.

The age at first birth is usually between 14 and 18 years for girls and 18 to 20 years for boys. Today, most girls have their first child one year (or a little over) after their marriage. With respect to the age at last birth, it was estimated at 50 to 55 years for most women. Traditionally, the

60

husbands take the final decisions on all matters and hardly do wives object. The children belong to him and he decides for them. 6.2 Family Size Desires The Hausa culture and Islam encourage procreation and consequently large family sizes. A large family size is usually preferred since it is thought to be associated with higher status placement in the society. A large family size is thus seen by most men (husbands) as a status symbol. Having many children is a source of labour, protection, upward social mobility and, more importantly, a source of divine reward. Most women, especially from polygynous homes, perceive having a large number of children (especially male ones) as a case for respect from the husband and other family members. Large number of children also guarantees that a greater part of a deceased husbands property can be inherited by a womans children. As a result of this belief, it is common to see cowives competing to have more children, especially the male ones. This attitude (of having as many children as possible) is culturally endorsed, encouraged and portrayed in the Hausa folklore. There is a popular saying that children are given by Allah as His bounty to people, and the number of children one should have has b e e n o r d a i n e d b e f o r e h i s b i r t h 5 . The Amada songs, generally considered as women songs in Hausa society and which are usually rendered during marriage and naming ceremonies, also reflect these beliefs about procreation: Young Women, Pregnancy and breast feed5

ing are the will of God, If I start (them) I will not stop, Until I have one dozen children Six sets in pairing names . . . . Basira and Basiru, Jamila and Jamilu, Habi and Habibu, ..,. it remains Salamatu and Sale. When I reach an age that I can produce no more, then I can rest. The persistence of these beliefs and practices coupled with the advancement in modern science and technology, which has brought about considerable improvements in health care and consequently a reduction in death rates, has led to larger family sizes among the Hausa. In spite of the desire for large family sizes, Islam has always favoured child-spacing in order that the mother and the child would be strong and healthy. The essence of family planning in the Hausa culture is to space births and not to prevent or terminate pregnancy. The traditional child spacing practices of Goyon Ciki and Zaman wanka (a practice whereby a pregnant woman leaves her husband to stay with her parents from the 8th month of pregnancy until she delivers and the baby is at least two months old) are rapidly fading out. In all the communities studied, the birth interval is 2 years, though it is a little less in the urban areas. The usual practice now (especially among the educated) is that the baby is provided with a bed while the nursing mother sleeps with her husband. Justifying the need to have a long birth interval, a respondent in Rano said:

This belief is reflected in the Hausa saying Tun Ranar Gini Ran Zane).

61

Among the Hausa, child spacing is a cultural requirement in order to avoid Tamowa (child sickness associated with sexual intercourse during breast-feeding,). Accordingly, the Hausa people distinguish between Mai Kwanika (a woman that produces at an interval of less than two years) and Marar Kwanika (a woman that gives birth at an interval of at least two years). Kwanika or Gwanne, (as short birth interval is called in Dayi, Lakwaya and Ingawa) is discouraged in all the communities studied. A woman that practice Kwanika is usually teased by her friends who call her Gindin Gyada Mai Yawan Yaya (Woman with children like groundnut). A woman with a birth interval of one year or less is also described as Rasa Kunya (Shameless). Nowadays, while some people believe that the womans husband should be blamed for Kwanika, others think that nobody should be blamed since children are given in whatever number by Allah. Overall, the people still believe that Kwanika is a violation of the societal reproductive norms and hence should be avoided. Women who have short birth intervals are described as Gindin Gyada (Groundnuts root), Ayuyu (Mother of too many children), Aimaka (One who is never tired of nursing a baby), and Karya (One who is never tired of having sex). 6.3 Single-Parent Families In the Hausa society, every child is supposed to trace his/her decent from two

lineages: the mothers and the fathers lineages. Thus, single parenthood is frowned at except if it is caused by the death of a partner or divorce. The respondents noted that single parenthood is more common among females than males. In all the communities studied there was no case of male single parenthood reported. A discussant in lngawa remarked that: Even where a mans wife died, the usual thing is for the child(dren) to be catered for by his relations or the desceaseds relations until he remarries again. An astonished respondent in Gada, who could not comprehend the emergence of single parenthood in the Hausa society, think that the single mothers are prostitutes. Commenting further on the emergence of single parenthood in the Hausa society, a female discussant at Rano made a distinction between single parents of Ganin dama (choice) such as prostitutes, and single parents of Kaddara (will of God or predestination) like the widows who refused to remarry for the fear that their children may suffer in the new home. The various remarks of the key informants and the participants in the focus group discussions clearly show that single parenthood is at variance with the Hausa culture. The children of single parents are generally perceived to be indisciplined and are called Saga (loose children). Other names given to them include: Shege, (Bastard); Dan Rariya (Child born before formal marriage); Marar Uba (Child with a doubtful father); Dan Haka-nan (Child of illegitimate sexual relationship); and Agal Fatiya (Child born before Islamic other

62

and Fago. 6.4 Socialization among the Hausa

A Hausa bride is being dressed to go and meet her groom.

In the traditional Hausa society, men and women are socialized according to role expectations. Men are expected to be engaged in occupations such as farming, dyeing and trading. Their responsibilities include the provision of food, cloth, and shelter to their families. As future husbands and fathers, boys are socialized to be strict yet accommodating. On the other hand, women are expected to perform domestic work. Their responsibilities include child care, cooking food, cleaning of the house and petty trading all of which are done around the house. The women are trained to be obedient, polite and considerate. Absolute loyalty to husband and a high sense of duty are believed to attract divine reward. Obedience to husband is the key to a wifes success in this world and hereafter. 6.5 Communication and Population/ Family Life Issues

The importance of the community leaders as a source of information is reflected in the words of a respondent in Dayi that: They are the light of their people. They know the cultural values of the community. As such, they know when and how to talk to them in order to achieve the desired result.

There are different sources of information in the study communities. These are the radio, TV, Newspapers, community leaders, youth organizations, interpersonal communication (at work or in the market place) school and dandali/daba (place where peers spend some time). The radio, community leaders (using town criers), youth organizations and market/work place are identified as the leading sources of information on population and family life issues in the study communities. The radio and the town crier were reported to be the leading sources of information in the urban and rural areas, respectively.

The respondents attributed the failure of earlier population and family life programmes to the failure to disseminate appropriate information through the traditional/community leaders. The television, for instance, has limited value in disseminating information in the rural areas where only a few people own television sets. Because the Hausa culture does not permit adults to enter into the homes of married people, many people could not avail themselves the opportunity of watching television in other peoples homes. In the urban communities where there are TV viewing centres, the viewing centres were not functioning. Other reasons given for the failure of the population and family life pro-

63

marriage contract). There were few cases of teenage pregnancy reported in Jogana, Rano grammes include: Lack of awareness and low level of (a) education, (b) Religious doctrines against family planning Lack of accessibility to channels of information particularly the radio. There was a suggestion that messages on Population/Family Life (POP/FL) should be sent through Posters. Intra-Family Communication and Population/Family Life Issues

(c)

Zauna nan Aimaka, kina mutuwa wata zai auro. In ma babu mutuwa akwai tsufa. Kina ganin shi zai auro wata [meaning: Stay there Aimaka (mother of too many children). If you die in the process of giving birth, he (the husband) would marry another wife. Even if you do not die, you will get old quickly, and he will marry a young woman and bring her to the house and you cannot do anything about it.]

6.6

To prevent short birth intervals, mothers are reputed to procure traditional family planning methods for their daughters. A woman discussant in Fago confirmed the role of the mothers in family planning delivery when she said: My mother is always ready to assist me with family planning methods to enable me plan my family since my husband has abandoned his responsibilities of feeding and clothing us (with the children). This is because my mother does not want me to divorce him. She also assists with money.

There was no indication that interspousal communication is a common feature of the Hausa society, However, communication between parents and their children (of the same sex) is common among the Hausa. Traditionally, Hausa parents do not discuss anything about sex with their children before marriage. Sex is regarded as a component of life after marriage and hence cannot be discussed comfortably with parents. Before marriage, mothers are known to constantly impress it on their children (especially daughters) that pre-marital sex is bad and shameful. Mothers wait till after marriage to discuss issues relating to Population/ Family Life issues with their daughters. The father is never involved in his sons reproductive life except when the daughterin-law is infertile or gives birth at short intervals. The mother of the bride is more worried about short birth intervals. To support this claim, a traditional birth attendant narrated what a distributed mother told her daughter at Dayi after the 40th day post birth ceremony:

6.7

The Role of the lnfluentials in Population and Family Life Issues

Couples decisions on fertility and family planning adoption are also influenced by individuals outside of the nuclear family. The husbands mother is cited as the most influential of these individuals. Most mothers-in-law would want their sons to have as many children as possible (especially male ones). A male

64

respondent at lngawa said: I stayed with my first wife for seven years without giving birth. My mother pressurized me to marry another wife. I married a second wife six years ago. The second one gave birth to a baby girl. A year later, the first wife gave birth to a baby boy. Since then, one of them gives birth in a year. The wives mothers also encourage their daughters to have many children especially if the daughters are in polygynous unions. Polygyny increases the intensity of the search for male children. It is encouraging to note that the role of mothers-in-law with respect to fertilty decisions is diminishing. Families are becoming more nuclear and many of them reside in the urban areas where they are detached from the extended families. Other influentials such as religious and political leaders are becoming more significant Most of the time, the religious and political leaders encourage large family sizes because, according to them Population increase has political and religious advantages because, the bigger one is (in terms of population size) the better. 6.8 Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of Family Planning Traditional methods of child spacing The study reveals that there were several ways of avoiding pregnancy in the traditional Hausa Society. Much as the people love

to have children, the culture does not encourage too many children or short birth intervals. The traditional methods cited by the respondents include the Kwado (padlock), Bakin Wuta (remnant of burnt wood), Herb, Wuka (knife specially prepared with herbs and put under pillow before intercourse), the use of Laya and Zobe (amulet and talisman), Guru (belt), Rabutu (writing a portion of the Quran on a wooden slate by Mallam), Azlu (withdrawal) and breastfeeding (for details, see Salisu Abdullahi, 1996). This study shows that majority of the respondents have a knowledge of the traditional methods. According to the respondents, the traditional methods are still being used today, The methods that are more commonly used include Guru, Laya, Herbs and Rubutu. The religious leaders who were interviewed opined that Islam is not against child-spacing but against abortion. In fact, the Quran enjoins the believers to breastfeed their babies for at least twenty four months. This injuction is to ensure that the baby and the mother are healthy. While answering the question on source of information, the participants in the male focus groups mentioned the Boka (traditional medicine man), Mallam (Quranic scholar), friends and associates. Women, on the other hand, mentioned friends, husbands and parents as their sources of information. A woman narrated how she knew about the traditional method thus: I suffered a lot during my last child birth (the fifth) and my mother thought I was going to die. Even before the child was 40 days old, she advised me to discuss the possibility of stopping Kwanika (an act of producing children at intervals of less than two years) with my husband. But I know my husband who is of Ah-Iil Sunna (Islamic revivalist) group would

65

not agree. However, a very close friend of mine advised me to go to a herbalist who stays around the general hospital. The following day I told my husband that I was going to the hospital. Instead of going to the hospital I went to the herbalist and since then (about one year and two months) I have not become pregnant Modern Methods of Child Spacing Majority of the respondents have heard of the modern methods of family planning. The modern methods mentioned include the pills, condom and injection. In the urban communities, there exist some health facilities where family planning methods are available. But in the rural areas, people know of these methods only through information received on the radio and from friends who have migrated to the cities. A few of the respondents have used the modern methods. Most of the ever users are married and unmarried men and women between the ages of 15 and 29 years. Within this age range, the use of modern contraception is higher among the urban residents. Condom, the pill and the injection are the three most used methods. Affordability, high level of effectiveness and the peer influence are identified as the determinants of the choice of contraceptives. It is believed that many modern methods are cheaper than the traditional ones. The failure to use certain contraceptive methods was due to the fear of the side effects. For instance, one of the users complained of excessive and (or) irregular bleeding associated with the use of some modern methods. In the rural areas, the methods are not available. This study also reveals that people were suspicious of modern family planning programmes because of the following reasons: Governments subsidy of family planning 6.9

facilities in health institutions instead of providing more drugs. Some of the POP/FL messages are at variance with the peoples cultural beliefs and values. Ineffective means of disseminating Population and family life messages Knowledge of and Attitude Toward the National Population Policy

In all the study communities, people have heard of the National Population Policy; they are also aware of some of its objectives. In spite of the the fact that many respondents approved of the policy, they are not in favour of a reduction in family size. According to them, Bakin da Allah ya tsaga ba ya hana masa abinci (Allah will always give food to his creature). The National Population logo has also been seen by several respondents. Most of them associate the logo with population census. Only a few respondents perceive it as a call to embrace family planning. The female respondents claimed to have seen the logo in the hospitals, health centres and clinics. The male respondents, on the other hand claimed to have seen the posters at the local government headquarters. The two most commonly known posters are described as: 1. Mai gida da uwar gida Allah raya (meaning: Mr and Mrs, may your child live long) Mai gida da iyali (meaning: husband and (his) family).

2.

66

Chapter Seven

THE IGBO

Nigeria.

his chapter examines the role of culture in population and family life issues among the lgbo of

gether as husbands and wives. Types of Marriage The four forms of marriage that were

7.1 Marriage Practices The central idea that runs through all the definitions of marriage is that it is a union between a man and woman, recognized by the fulfillment of customary rites and obligations, for the purpose of procreation. Child bearing remains the major expectation from marriage unions and this explains why it runs through all the definitions. All other roles of marriage unions are secondary. Another interesting feature of the various definitions of marriage is the emphasis on the fulfillment of customary rites and obligations. A marriage union, it is believed, derives its social recognition from the performance of the customary rites. lgbo parents therefore still expect their sons and daughters to go through the customary rites/obligations as well as the church wedding before they can live to-

identified by the respondents are traditional, court, Christian/church and muslim marriages. Several stages were identified in the marriage processes. The first stage involves what has been described as preliminary enquiries. Once a young man and a woman consider to get married, investigations are carried out to determine the moral status of each others family. If the two of them are satisfied with their findings, attempts are then made to secure the consent of their respective parents and other family members. The parents, especially those of the boy, expect the man to be of age and economically matured to take care of his children and wife. Marriage is perceived by the lgbo as a family affair. Thus, the families (immediate and extended) of both the groom-to-be and the bride-to-be are

67

involved right from the time they were over of the girl to the groom marks the trainformed by their children of the marriage ditional wedding. A recent variant of it is known as igba nkwu, an all-day celebraproposal. Once the parents of the boy have consented to their sons marriage proposal, tion with a lot of music, dancing, food, the boy and his extended family members drinks and merry-making in the new brides paternal home. All the costs are ( u mu -nna) will then visit the family of the borne by the young man and his friends/ young woman to seek their approval for relatives. the marriage proposal. Traditionally this is During the traditional wedding and done in three phases, viz: knocking at the door (iku ana nuzo) or enquiring whether the bridal dancing sessions that follow, the friends and relatives of the new couple will the girl comes from that family (iju ajuju); present gifts and money to them. The lapresenting wine and kolanuts to the girls family (ibu nmanya) to confirm the young dys extended family members, the umunna or ndi ama-ala, stand as witnesses to mans intention to marry their daughter and the marriage. The new bride is then taken, to show the whole world that he has the in the company of two female members support of his family members; and the presentation of all the customary items of her fathers family, to her husbands home after the traditional wedding. The (drinks, yam, goats, clothing, etc.) to the girl, her father, her mother, and the ex- two female escorts would carry with them tended family members (umu -nna). For the various items of cooked food, kolanuts and third phase, the parents of the girl usually goat which would be used for the recepgive a list of items to be bought for each of tion ceremony in the husbands house. The the four parties concerned. The number female escorts are also entertained and of items demanded by the girls parents given some money (cash) when they reand consequently the cost to the boys turn to the new brides paternal home afparents, depends on the educational quali- ter staying with her for one or two days. fication of the girl. There is a positive corThe next step (if desired) is the relation between the education of the girl church marriage ceremony. In most cases, and the amount of money spent on the it is the parents of the lady that will deitems. mand such a wedding if they are very reThe last stage of the traditional segligious and they may even make it a conment of the marriage dition for consenting process involves the to the marriage propayment of the posal. Most of the rebrides price, the traspondents stated that ditional blessing of a newly-married couthe marriage, the ple is expected to handing over of the have a child within girl to the groom and twelve to twenty-four the exchange of femonths of their marlicitations by the couriage. The wifes ples families and credibility is greatly IGBO - The bride kneels and takes a drink (Palm friends. The handing enhanced in the
Wine) before the groom

68

community if she gets pregnant and is successfully delivered of a baby within the first two to three years. Marriage, it was learnt, has continued to confer social recognition and status on both the husband and the wife in the study communities. Marriage is a prerequisite for enrollment into the community organizations as an adult, for recognition as a tax payer and for having a share in the communal properties/assets of the community. The wife on her part participates with the other wives in various womens organizations and activities in the community. In the traditional farming setting, the husband is given plot(s) of land to cultivate and build a house of his own. The stages of marriage discussed above relate only to first marriages. Remarriages do not go through all the stages. When a re-marriage occurs after a divorce, the lgbo culture demands that the brides wealth and other items provided by the new (second) husband be returned as refunds to the previous (first) husband to cover the bride price which he (the first husband) paid and the cost of items he bought for the girls family during his traditional wedding with the lady. Among the Igbo, the umu-nna or umu ama-ala are not expected to get items related to traditional wedding more than once on a daughter. Failure to refund the items and money to the first husband can provide him with matters (the first husband) to lay claims on the woman and the children she may have in the new marriage union, until such items and money are refunded to him. Age at Marriage/Birth There was no consensus on the age at first marriage. For females, the different

groups gave ages that range between 23 and 30 years, while for males, the cited ages range between 27 and 35 years. A common feature of the responses on the age at which people enter into the first marital union is the emphasis on maturity: men are expected to achieve social and economic independence and women are expected to have attained physical and social maturity before entering into the union. The respondents reported that the male child (especially if he is the only surviving one) is still pressured to marry as early as possible. In the present day lgbo society, the male child is pressured to marry when he is 25 or after his formal education, whichever is later. In some cases, the parents of the boy may even pay the bride price. Some boys, especially in the urban areas, are, however, reported to resist such pressures until they consider themselves adequately prepared to marry. In the rural areas, the practice is still common but the boys are resisting the pressure to marry before they are 25 years old. In spite of the differences of opinion on the of increase, the older respondents believed that the age at first marriage has increased for males and females over time. The younger respondents could not say much about this since they were not aware of what happened in the past. There was also no concensus on the age at which couples should stop child bearing. For females, the ages mentioned ranged between 35 and 50 years and in a few instances, it was suggested that the onset of menopause should determine when to stop. For males, the ages ranged between 45 and 60 years. Some other respondents stated that the age at which both men and women stop child bearing should be deter-

69

mined by whether they have had enough children, especially male children. 7.2 Family Size Desires and Sex Preference

The primary aim of marriage is procreation. Couples are expected to bear as many children as God gives them. The arrival of a baby is always an occasion for merriment. The high value the lgbo attach to large family sizes has persisted over time. Large families are still highly regarded and respected, according to a 43-year-old female household head. In support of the view expressed by the household head, a 38year-old female nurse/midwife stated that small-sized families are looked down upon. Another respondent said they (small families) feel cheated by nature; while yet another said they feel generally unhappy, except when it is by choice, such as by the elite. One other discussant, a 60 year old religious leader said that small-size families are often margininalized. There is still the preference for the male child in order to ensure the continuity of the family/lineage. The search for the male child is partly responsible for the large family sizes among the Igbo. Male children are still regarded as the link between the family and the ancestors (who are often said to have reincarnated) and with future generations yet unborn. Families with predominantly female children are regarded as cursed by the gods. In very exceptional cases in which male successors cannot be got, a daughter is persuaded to produce male children for her family of orientation. Traditionally, the birth of a baby boy was announced with gun shots and shouts of all men with guns to assemble. For a baby girl, there are no gun shots but shouts of all men with money, assem-

ble for the arrival of a new potential bride. The idea of having a small family size is becoming increasingly accepted even in the rural areas. In addition to the significant impact of the spread of western education, acculturation, the decline in the influence of the extended family members and the emergence of new social values, the present economic situation in the country is also perceived as a major determinant of the change of attitudes of some respondents in favour of the small family size. It should be noted that family members in the study communities have experienced the high cost of bringing up many children particularly through the formal educational systems whose costs increase everyday. The desire of many parents to educate and feed their children adequately has been frustrated by the high costs of living. The significance of the current economic situation in bringing about the anti-natalist attitude raises an important question: what happens if (and when) the economic situation improves?. It is thus not clear how long the current attitude in favour of the small family size would persist. 7.3 Single-Parent Families and Teenage Pregnancy

Single parent families are becoming a common feature of the lgbo society and are said to be caused by the death of a spouse, divorce or separation. There are a few cases of single parenthood by choice in the urban areas. Another emerging phenomenon in the lgbo society is teenage pregnancy which is perceived to be increasing over time. In the rural areas, teenagers who become pregnant live with their parents and are cared for by their mothers. The respondents cited cases where such girls have two

70

to three children while living with the parents. Cases of abortion and deaths resulting from illegal abortions were also reported. In a reaction to the issue of teenage pregnancy, a group of young married men in Umuojima village stated that teenage pregnancy causes embarrassments; ... it is an abomination. Their counterparts in Owerre-Nkworji village argued that very often, teenage pregnancy is caused by the failure of the parents to discipline their daughters; some parents overlook the mistakes of their daughters instead of giving appropriate sanctions; ... (and) some of the parents see their daughters coming into the house with new shoes, clothes, soap, wrist watches, etc. without enquiring from where they got them, knowing fully well that the girls cannot afford such items on their own. The traditional control of children by the parents seems to be breaking down. These feelings were also expressed by other male groups in Enugu urban. Parents were thus advised to cater for their children by providing for their needs. The female respondents also commented on the issue of teenage pregnancy. For instance, a group of young married women in Umuojima community remarked that teenage pregnancy can cause untold hardship, can lead to having too many children before menopause, and give rise to health problems such as the cancer of the pelvis. A similar group in Owerre-Nkorji advised that parents should educate their wards on early pregnancy before they reach maturity to avoid early pregnancy. And in Enugu urban, another group of young married women stated that the cases of teenage pregnancy were many (and) it is a shame that someone (a teenage girl) will bear 1 or 2 or 3 children in her fathers house before marriage...the issue is a problem not only to

the family but also to the country as a whole.... Young unmarried women in Owerre-Nkworji village noted that teenage pregnancy results from lack of proper education ... frustration is sometimes responsible ... (and) very often some girls got involved in sexual activities during the time they were serving as house maids. In Umukashi, the women added poverty to the list of causes. 7.4 Socialization among the lgbo

Child care is regarded as the primary responsibility of the parents. Parents must take adequate care of their children and must obey the norms of the society with respect to individual behaviours, spousal relations and in the socialization of their children. The parents and their children are expected to belong to the communitys age-grade groups and community development unions. The husbands are expected to provide leadership for their families. They must be able to settle disputes, protect family members and ensure adherence to societal norms. Male children are trained to assume the role of their fathers when they grow up while female children are trained to assume the domestic roles. The female girl is expected to respect and obey her husband when married. The idea of giving equal rights to men and women was examined in this study. Majority of the respondents share the view. It is surprising to note that considerable proportions of respondents who opposed the idea of giving equal social, property and inheritance rights to women are women, some of whom are young and married. The women are key informants and participants in the focus groups discussions in OwereNkworji, Ukakashi and Umuojiama. A 60year old female religious leader summed up

71

the opposition to equal rights by declaring that women should remain women, the Bible says so and men should play the role due to them. Many young men married and unmarried men also oppose the idea of giving equal rights to women. 7.5 Communication and Population/ Family Life Issues

There are many channels through which information is disseminated in the study areas and these channels are similar across the communities. In the rural areas, the sources of information include the radio, traditional ruler/village heads through the town criers, community leaders/chiefs, churches, clinics, hospitals, posters, health workers, teachers, neighbours and friends, enlightenment workers, schools, peer-group meetings (age-grade or professional meetings), the television and newspapers (see table 4...). The traditional rulers through the town criers, the community leaders, the churches and other village meetings are more important sources of information than the mass media. Interpersonal communication networks operate mainly through the church organizations, village meetings, the markets and the schools. The newspapers, magazines and the television were rated very low as sources of information in the rural areas. In addition the rural areas do not have listening (or viewing) centres and the civic centres and libraries have not functioned as sources of information on population issues. In the urban areas, the major sources of information are the radio, television, church, clinics, hospitals, posters, health workers, peer-group, newspapers and magazines. The role of the traditional rulers, through the town criers, in information dis-

semination is insignificant in the urban centres. The clinics and churches are the two most cited sources of information on population issues. As in the rural communities, interpersonal communication networks operate mainly through the church organizations, the village meetings, the peer-group meetings, the market places and the schools. In addition to the ones mentioned above, the bill-board and the leaflets were also cited as viable sources of new ideas (see Table 7.1) The newspapers, magazines and other print media are reported to be insignificant sources of information on population and family life issues. This is probably due to lack of access to this source because of their prices which are above the reach of the common man. A group of adult women in Owerri urban had this to say: many people do not have the money to buy newspapers or magazines. And, with respect to the radio and the television, another group of adult women in Awka urban commented that most people do not have the time to listen to the radio or to watch the television programmes because of the economic situation that forces people to be engaged in one economic activity or the other at all times. These views were expressed across the groups and communities. The harsh economic situation has tended to limit peoples access to and effective use of several modern media sources to receive information on population issues. Interpersonal communications networks have, therefore, assumed very prominent significance, even in the urban areas. The high dependence on the interpersonal communication networks as sources of information on population and family life issues is a cause of concern to some respondents. These respondents opined that unless there are ways to check abuses, the

72

contents of information from these sources may be moderated to suit the interests of some influentials. For instance, the church announcements may be biased toward encouraging procreation and consequently large family sizes. Various messages may be blocked by bad and unenlightened leaders who constitute obstacles; and that some village leaders, religious leaders are (often)

against population information that advocate small family sizes. These observations imply that influentials may moderate the information content as they wish. The dominance of church announcements and the meetings of various organizations and associations as sources of information implies that the leaders may, if they wish, moderate the information content to suit their intentions.

Table 7.1. Sources of Information on Population and Family Life Issues

YOUNG UNMARRIED WOMEN

YOUNG UNMARRIED MEN

YOUNG MARRIED MEN

Radio, tv, charts, churches, RURAL health-personnel, village heads & influential persons, newspapers, (radio & charts as the most important).

Village heads, teachers, traditional rulers, radio, newspapers, tv, churches, oral discussions.

Radio, tv, community leaders, traditional rulers, village heads, teachers, health-personnel, enlightenment workers, interpersonal network, newspapers, journals churches. Radio, tv, hospitals, clinics, churches.

URBAN

Radio, tv, newspapers, charts, logo, charts interpersonal network, (peergroup).

YOUNG UNMARRIED WOMEN

Radio, tv, newspapers. magazines, charts, interpersonal network, (peergroup).

YOUNG UNMARRIED MEN

YOUNG MARRIED MEN

RURAL

Radio, tv, newspapers, community leaders, town criers, village chiefs, hospitals, health centres, maternities, women meetings.

Village heads, traditional rulers, health personnel, radio, tv, newspapers, churches, oral discussions.

Churches. radio, tv, locallyorganized publicity, church organizations, church announcements, town criers, newspapers, health centres, oral information (interpersonal network). Tv, radio, newspapers, magazines, church organizations.

URBAN

Radio, tv, hospitals, churches, government posters/charts.

Radio, tv, hospitals, charts, church organizations

KEY INFORMANTS AND HOUSEHOLD HEADS RURAL Radio, community health personnel, hospitals (health talk)/health centre, tv, logo, charts, churches/ religious, EPI adverts, religious leaders, medicine stores/chemist shops, individuals (interpersonal networking).

URBAN

Radio, tv. (including radio & tv. news in Igbo). market places, town union gatherings, news mongers (radio without batteries) newspapers, magazines, ward representatives in Local Government Councils (LGC), churches & organizations, health centres, interpersonal network, government sources. Source: Field work 1996.

73

7.6

Intra-Family Communication and Population/Family life Issues Parent-Child communication With respect to parent-child communication, it was revealed by the respondents that any discussion between parents and children on population and family life issues occurs between mothers and daughters. Usually, such discussions focus on menstruation and hygiene before marriage and after marriage, the focus shifts to ways of settling misunderstandings, how to cope with the pressures to have more children, when to stop child bearing for health reasons and how to make up for deficiencies in husbands care. A respondent said, for instance, that husbands who cannot take decisions on their own may have their marriages ruined by their mothers-in-law, or sisters-in-law. Mother-daughter communication among the lgbo can affect the marriage life so much . . . . . . and can ruin (a) marriage, if one is not careful.

(a)

7.7

Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of Family Planning The lgbo culture encourages adequate interval between births. A woman was not expected to get pregnant until two or more years after the birth of the last child and several measures were designed to ensure adherence to this norm. For instance, the practice of separation whereby a woman is sent to

live with her parents for a period of time shortly after birth, helps to avoid a pregnancy too soon after a birth. Because of its significance, child spacing is one of the issues that are normally discussed between mothers and their daughters. It is thus not surprising to learn that all the respondents know what child spacing is all about. In addition, they have also heard of the various traditional and modern methods of sustaining adequate birth interval. The respondents mentioned several traditional methods of child-spacing which include: (a) the magical padlock (or amulets/charms tied around the waist) with which a womans waist is locked. It was claimed that the woman will never be pregnant until the padlock is opened; (b) herbs such as akiozara (bush nut) and leaves; the herbs can be used monthly to prevent pregnancy; (c) prolonged breastfeeding; (d) the use of lime with akanwu (potash); the use of local spices, e.g. uziza, uda, mixed with local gin or hot pepper mixed with spices; (e) drinking of water used in washing corpse - this method was reported by a 38-year old female nurse / midwife in Umuojima village); (f) the use of uhie (camwood) liquid when going to bed - the deep harsh odour is said to repel the husband till the woman needs a child; (g) polygyny which is characterized by separate rooms for wives and husband; (h) separation (the living arrangement in which the wife stays with the mother-in-law or her own mother for some period); (i) total abstinence; and (j) drinking

74

some lotions after sexual inter-. course; the lotion is said to wash away completely the mans sperms. The list of methods indicate that not much attention is paid to the role of men in family planning. Except for herbs , all the methods are for women. Except for the claims by a few traditional rulers and the herbalists that the traditional methods are still being used, it is impossible to ascertain the extent of their use. No respondent reported having used or knowing somebody who has used a traditional method. However, the interviewed herbalists reported that several people still obtain the traditional methods from them. According to the herbalists, most of their clients are couples with five or more children who have decided not to. have more. The number of clients, they reported, has declined over time. The charms and the herbs are reported to be the two leading methods that are used.

Modern Methods of Family Planning

Each respondent was able to mention at least two modern methods. By the time the list of methods mentioned was compiled, it was discovered that all modern methods of contraception have been mentioned by the different individuals and groups. It was sometimes difficult to infer from respondents description what method(s) they were referring to. Although the level of contraceptive knowledge is high, the level of use is low. Most of the respondents did not report using or knowing people

who were using the methods. Those who use them are mainly married adult females. Only a few of the young married and unmarried males and females reported to have practised family planning. Among those who use contraception, the ovulation method is the most widely used. Other methods include the IUCD, injectable, the pills, condom and vaginal douching. The perception of the availability of modern methods is dependent on age and marital status of the user. While older men and young married men and women reported that the commodities are readily available everywhere (in the clinics, hospitals, maternity/health centres, and drug stores) the young unmarried men and women reported that the commodities are not readily available. The pattern of response is indicative of the young unmarried men and women being denied of access to these commodities. Some respondents disapprove of the use of contraception. The opponents believe that some of these methods are dangerous with side effects or capable of destroying the foetus. The opponents suggested that individuals should engage in sex only when they want children; people should not engage in sex for pleasure. They recommended abstinence as the most ideal way of dealing with the issue of child spacing rather than the use of modern or traditional methods of family planning. If, on the other hand, it is impossible to avoid having sex until one needs a child, then sexual activities should be confined to the safe pe-

75

riod. Proponents of the use of family planning support the ovulation method which is believed to be sanctioned by the church.

7.8

Knowledge of and Attitude Towards the National Population Policy

Almost all the respondents reported that they have heard of the National Population Policy. The responses to the question on what the National Population Policy is about include family planning, child spacing, population control, and, having the number of children one can train. The sources of information on the National Population Policy also vary by place of residence. For the rural residents, the sources of information include the clinics, health centre/ hospitals, community/village meetings, interpersonal communication in market places, and the radio. The radio is the least significant source of information in the rural areas. In the urban centres, the sources of information include the radio, hospital/clinic, television and the newspapers. There was no disapproval of the policy. Almost everybody agreed with the rationale behind the policy. However, some respondents pointed to some contradictions between cultural expectation and the objectives of the policy. For instance, the target number of children per woman (four) was set irrespective of the sex composition. This is important because among the Igbo, the

search for male children is intense. Thus, many respondents believe that a woman will concede to having four children only if she had the desirable number of male children by the time she has had four children. The role of the preference for the male child in the success of the policy among the lgbo was examined among the various groups. In urban, for instance, a group of young married women noted that No man in lgbo land can guarantee his love for his wife if the wife has no male child for him.. no matter the number of girls she has for him. Women are always advised to continue child bearing until they can have male children. Thus, it is not uncommon to have women with ten children. The impact of male preference on the family size was captured by a young man in lhiala who remarked that the search for a male child leads to a situation in which some people continue to bear children until they have ten.. You cannot stop them. Similar views were expressed, often quite strongly, in many of the other FGD sessions. There are some individuals who believe that population is not Nigerias problem. It is management.... there is no problem. We are not as populated as China, India, USA, Japan, still they meet the peoples need(s). He spoke very criticaljy about government policies and management of the countrys resources. This reveals pockets of such views held by some people (especially the adult men) in the study areas which

76

need to be addressed. The National Population Logo In all the Focus Group Discussion (FGD) sessions, the participants were asked whether they had seen the National Population Logo before and what it means to them. These questions were asked before the participants were shown the sample logo at the meetings. All the groups talked about the family planning posters which they had seen at the clinics, hospitals and elsewhere. They talked, for instance, about two posters, one showing a woman and husband with many underfed children and the other showing a couple with fewer healthy children. They also discussed the merits and demerits of child-spacing, as well as large and small families. It was clear from their discussions that they did not understand the message of the National Population Logo. A participant in the group of young unmarried men (15-29 years) in Uwani, Enugu urban said, for instance, that the woman in the Logo did not space her children. Similarly, another participant in the group of young married men, also in Uwani, Enugu urban stated that women in the population logo do not seem to embrace the population programme of child-spacing and control of family size. After the initial discussion, participants were shown the logo and were asked to state the messages it conveys to them. The responses varied across the groups as indicated be-

low: To the groups of adult women, the logo conveys that: there exists a cordial relationship between a husband and wife; the couple is happy about the arrival of their child; there is love between the wife and husband; both the husband and wife should have time for their children; and that adequate child care will make a baby healthy. To the groups of adult men, the logo means that: child spacing is good for health and marriage; there is the need to limit the size of the family; and a couple should be happy with their child. The group of young married men interpret the logo to mean that: couples should have the number of children they can cater for; and child spacing is needed to have healthy babies. The group of young unmarried men said that the logo means that: husband and wife should jointly take care of the child; and that breastfeeding is good for the baby. Among young unmarried women, the logo means that: couples should not have too many children; couples should take care of their children; a husband should take care of his child and wife; a couple should only have one child in order to have a happy home; small family size ensures healthy family, well fed babies and little burden on the family; the father has time to look after his family. Finally, the group of young married women said that the logo means that: couples should space their children and have few of them; small family size brings about happiness and care for the baby and the family.

77

7.9

Concluding Remarks An important component of this study is an investigation of cultural values, beliefs and practices among the Igbo. The values, beliefs and practices are found to influence the reproductive behaviour of the lgbo and consequently the adoption of family planning. This study reveals that: The belief that spouses must be traditionally married in order to receive the traditional blessings has persisted over time. In fact, traditional marriage has become more expensive as it has become more important over time. The strong pronatalist view of the lgbo and the traditional beliefs and practices regarding marriage, sex preference, male leadership and male inheritance rights have persisted over time and may have contributed to the sustenance of large family sizes among the Igbo. The general belief that family planning contacts with nature, because it prevents the ancestors and dead relatives from making a come-back to life (through reincarnation) still persists among some segments of the lgbo population. The belief in reincarnation is still strong and is continually reinforced by religious beliefs. Some people are said to feel unsafe about family planning and the Small Family Norm (SFN) messages. According to a 55-year old community leader in Umuojima vil-

lage, spouses feel cheated by nature if they have small families; they are gossiped (about) by society; and, groups feel threatened. Some respondents believe that the modern methods are for the educated, the enlightened, and those who can afford to buy them. It was alleged that, unlike the situation in the past when the commodities were almost free or highly subsidized, they are now too costly. Information gathered from the Family Planning Division of the State Ministry of Health in Owerri revealed that the condom costs about N1.00 per one, foaming tablets N1.00 each, neogenon N5.00, IUCD insertion N50.00, IUCD removal N20.00, foaming cream N200.00, jelly N250.00, norplant insertion N500.00, norplant removal N200.00, tubal litigation N500.00 and vasectomy N500.00. Information on certain family planning methods is not enough. Attempts should be made to disseminate more information on their effectiveness. There is the belief that children being prevented through family planning may have turned out to be the rich ones in the family In spite of the persistence of these beliefs and practices, there are certain aspects of the culture that are undergoing some changes. The study shows, for instance, that:

78

Male dominance is becoming a thing of the past in many families. Today, husbands and wives are noted to hold discussions and take joint decisions on family issues. According to a 42 year old male household head in Umakashi community, women have become aware of their rights in society and in the family and are thus claiming them. The present economic situation has created an environment in which a man will not think of marrying more than one wife and raising a few children. A 43-year old female teacher and household head summarized this feeling when she said that too many children now constitute a burden for the family - a manageable number is what is needed. Unfortunately she declined to explain what constitutes too large a number. The preponderance of monogamous marriages in the study areas today is also attributed to the christian religion, the spread of western education, high bride price, and high cost of living. The dominant belief now is that child spacing is good and, thus, should be encouraged. The respondents believe that child spacing facilitates good health for the mother and the child, adequate care and education for the children, and enough time for the mother to regain full health before the next pregnancy A few respondents are not convinced about the goodness of child spacing because it makes it difficult to replace, or make provision for the

death of children. Some respondents cautioned against the use of the word contraception and suggested child spacing methods as a way to sell the message to the target audience. The majority of the respondents are now convinced that the traditional methods are not as effective as the modern methods in the prevention of pregnancy. Thus, the modern methods are more reliable means of achieving adequate child spacing and should be encouraged. In order to minimize the search for male children which is positively correlated with family size, the respondents suggested that married couples should be educated on when to have sex in order to have male babies.

79

Chapter Eight

THE KANURI

8.1 Marriage Practices

eing married is an important achievement in the Kanuri society. It is widely believed that a man is not a gentleman nEm rashidi nor does he have a sense of responsibility until he is married. The main reason for marriage is to bear many children who will look after the family. A large number of children is usually a source of pride to the family. A man may marry up to ten wives at different times in order to get a child. He may even marry a nursing mother divorced by her previous husband and ultimately adopt the child if the mother cannot have another child. In addition to child bearing, other reasons given for marriage by groups of young married people during the focus group discussions in Ngurno and Gajibo villages are cooking and food production. No Kanuri man ever cherishes cooking; it has to be done by the woman. A Kanuri man prefers to eat in his parents home or with a married friend or even at a neighbours to cooking by himself. Marriage is perceived as a social obligation on every adult man and woman and a means by which a person is accorded re-

spect and honour in the society. Types of Marriage There are three types of marriages among the Kanuri according to the Mallams: Nyiya durbe (family marriage with first cousins), Nyiya sadaabe (free/gift marriage to mostly Islamic teachers/scholars) and Nyiya ardia/kErawo ( t h e f r e e choice marriage). Sometimes, the marriages are differentiated by the marital status of the bride before the current marriage and the chronology of the wedding ceremony lrusa. There are six types of marriages among the Kanuri. These are: Nyiya kElayakke/fero gota- (married to a girl who has never married before); nyiya zoworabe- (married to a divorcee or widow - this type is also referred to as Nyiya njim suribe- if the previous marriage of the divorcee did not last for long); Fatoro ngawe (married to the immediate sister of ones dead wife - sororate - and it is not very common these days). The fourth, is the Nyiya ngamdE (dry marriage, which involves the performing of the wedding fatihah - religious rites/solemni-

80

sation - without a subsequent wedding cere m o n y a t a l a t e r d a t e ) ; Chir daptEyE (which is the giving out of concubines to royal children who are yet to get formally married by their parents); and, Nyiya sadaabe- (giving out daughters in marriage to Mallams and clients by rich men/ patrons without any bride wealth). A Kanuri marriage process can be divided roughly into two main stages. The first stage is marked by the presentation of gifts to the girl and her family by the boy and his family. The presentation of gifts usually takes place many months before the marriage is symbolized by the religious rites of fatihah. The second stage involves so many activities that are started a few days to the wedding date: the preparation of food that would be consumed during the wedding ceremony, the performance of rites that prepare the girl to leave her parents house, the religious rites/solemnization of marriage, and the movement of the new bride into her husbands house. After the religious rites/solemnization of marriage and the conveying of the bride to her new home, certain rituals will be performed for another two or three days. A week after the wedding ceremony, the wife and the husband will start the process of taking over their household duties by themselves. A complex system of payments, gifts and exchange of food and visits is also part of the second stage. Marriage among the Kanuri begins with the gifts of the proposal or intention known as kare raakebi. Kare raakebi is sent to the house of the girl (tEmaji) by the prospective husband and his family. Next is the presentation of kare korobe or kororam to the parents of the bride-to-be (lit. gifts for asking a date or seeking a date). The suitor is expected to send an advance mes-

sage to the girls parents to inform them that his people are coming to ask for the girls hand known as fero koro. In fact, it is at this stage that the real marriage negotiation begins. The elders in the boys and the girls houses are called upon by the officiating mallamma to confirm the agreement publicly The acceptance of the marriage proposal is announced and the actual date and amount of the bride price mentioned. The bride price has to be paid in cash or gold coin known as shishi to the brides parents or representative called luwali. Following the payment of the bride price, the boy and his parents present sets of gifts to the bride and her parents. These gifts are collectively referred to as Kare nyiyabe (lit. gift for marriage). The gift that is solely meant for the bride includes sets of clothes, underwear and shoes, among others. The number of goods provided during the kare raakebi and kororoma is normally doubled or tripled at this stage. Similarly, it is at this stage that the mothers gift kare yabe and the fathers younger sisters (aunts) gift or fathers wives (other than the mothers) gift, kare bawabe, are all presented by the bridegroom and his family In addition, gifts to the guardian, luwaliram, gift to the village head or ward head court money or dandalram, gift to the Islamic scholars ,mallamram, gift to mothers sister, yinaram, gifts to the uncles, rawaram, and kususuram (gifts by the sister of the bridegroom) are presented. Marriage among the Kanuri is a family affair. Marriage involves not only the boy and the girl, but also their family members. The first marriage of a child is the responsibility of the parents. Not only do they take active part in the selection of the

81

partner, they also provide the resources needed for the various rites and ceremonies. It is considered a religious obligation - haki - for parents to get their child wedded at the right time. In an authoritarian families, the child would have no choice say on the matter of whom to marry. Age at Marriage and First Child Girls are married off at tender age because it is believed that girls decay fero nyibchin- and unpleasant remarks may be made about the parents in the society. A girl who does not have a marriage proposal at an early age is called bulusu, meaning she has no intrinsic value for suitors. She may be mocked, abused or generally looked down upon even by the members of her family. A male child, on the other hand, is not pressurized to marry at a young age. Male children may not marry until they are 20 years of age or over, especially if they are pursuing Quranic or western education. The average age at first marriage is about 14 years for girls and about 18 years for boys. The age at first marriage has been observed to be rising steadily due to a downturn in the economy and the consistent crop failure in the study areas which make it difficult for men to attain economic maturity at young ages. Until recently, economic situation was never thought to be a barrier for marriage; everybody has a natural suitor - tala kamanzE- and marriage may open the gate of prosperity by the will of God. When men with two or more wives are asked to compare themselves with a monogamist, they proudly reply that both are the same because God ordains everybodys share of prosperity -nuwa-. Some respondents even said that a man with only

one wife could be regarded as a bachelor because the moment the only wife falls sick or travels out, the man is left at the mercy of his friends - kam kamu fallade, kan kamu tilo). In spite of these feelings, the incidence of polygyny is decreasing over time, especially in the urban areas because of apparent economic realities. Divorce and remarriage are allowed among the Kanuri because they are Muslims. Islam allows divorce but it is frowned on in the Kanuri society. Divorce is not perceived as a source of marital instability. Rather, it is a means of adjusting in an incompatible partnership. The same couple may divorce when they could not tolerate each other and remarry again in future, when they overcome their differences. The instability of marriage among the Kanuri is caused by a set of factors that include: forced marriages, wide age differences between couples and lack of tolerance of other wives. Young girls who are forced to marry much older men end up running away from the matrimonial homes. Older husbands need to be tolerant of their much younger wives to avoid their marriages ending in divorce. In polygynous homes, the husband is expected to treat the wives equally and must adhere to the principle of equality when distributing his property among them. Otherwise, an overzealous wife may cause a lot of problems which may eventually lead to a divorce. The Kanuri women are noted to encourage their husbands to take more wives because of want of companionship, pressure of work in the house, or even for the material benefits they receive when their husband take new wives. The senior wife gets a considerable proportion of the gifts being presented to the new bride in order to pacify her.

82

8.2

Family Size Desires and Sex Preference

Men and women have expressed the feeling that large families symbolise higher status for members of the family. Politically, it makes the family more relevant and religiously, it gives them the satisfaction of fulfilling an obligation - to marry and reproduce, so that the ummah (followers of the prophet Mohammad - PBUH) is increased. The respondents showed a great inclination toward large family sizes; large families are valued. To a man, the act of marrying more than one wife and having many children is a status symbol since it earns him respect and honour in the society. A large family size makes men politically relevant and provides a sense of security for the future. In addition, it also marks obedience to the injuction of the Prophet marry and generate, I shall be proud of you in the life hereafter. A res p o n d e n t h a d t h i s t o s a y KEnzambe Kuruun kErmube, literally meaning birth is a medicine to death: The inference that is drawn from that statement is that the continuity of the family is achieved only through procreation or giving birth. Among the Kanuri, no family is happy without a child. Children are regarded as the most valuable gift from God or kEnjo Alabe au BEri Alabe. The male child, in particular, is an inheritor of the fathers position in the society; in addition he is also the one to immortalize the fathers name as well as take custody of the women and younger children left behind by the father. That means that he will ultimately take care of the family (this is not to be interpreted as inheriting them). The fathers preference for the male

child is rooted in the belief that the male childs root is in the house while the female child casts her shade kafiya into another house even though her root is in her parents house. Although the mother has a preference for the female child, her preference is surbordinate to that of her husband. A woman who gives birth to male children is highly valued - darajaa, and even assumes the role of the senior wifeya-fatobe or ya-kura to supplant the woman who gives birth to female children. The number of children in a family is never an issue of discussion. A large family size is preferred because even if some couldnt be prosperous, some may (Dawunzan laa barra-a soluwuuyiyaye laa barra-a soluwin). A large family size is a guarantee that the probability that a parent will be abandoned by her children in old age is low. Similarly, because of the general belief that God takes care of his children, the size or number of children is not a problem. The Kanuri often make reference to a blessed child- barraa. That is, a child well behaved, obedient and caring. Parents are proud of such a child. lnspite of their love for children, the Kanuri dread short birth interval called konkomi. This is because experience has shown that children born after short intervals seldom survive through infancy. If they do, the Kanuri believe that they will kill the mother if the children are mostly females, and the father, if they are mostly males (i.e. Konkomi ya cezEnyiya waa cejin). Konkomi was not common in the traditional Kanuri society but it is now becoming a common phenomenon in the urban areas. Respondents attributed the situation to improved conditions of health and male impatience. The only known traditional way of

83

dealing with konkomi was to avoid intercourse with the wife or divorce. Today women are instructed on child spacing methods. Sometimes a woman is asked to take a post-natal rest for 40 days. This period of rest, considered as the traditional resting period, is a first step toward avoiding konkomi. 8.3 Single Parent Families

This study reveals that single parent families are not very common among the Kanuri. This is partly because, girls are given in marriage at very young ages of 12 to 13 years. Most of the time, they mature in their husbands house (in a wedlock). The respondents were able to identify a few cases in Monguno town. 8.4 Socialization among the Kanuri

Socialization begins within the family. During childhood, parents have great influence on the life of their children. A Kanuri mother trains the children to internalize the differences in their sex and consequently in their roles right from childhood. The male child is always asked to play outside of the house with his peers (boys), and the female child is always asked to stay by the mothers side in the house to help in domestic chores like cleaning, cooking, washing dishes and clothes and looking after the younger ones. When a girl is fond of playing with the boys instead of her girl peers, she is given a name that signifies disapproval of the deviant behaviour (partaking in the world that is exclusively reserved for men). The socialization process signifies that positions and roles among the Kanuri are determined by the sex of a person.

Therefore, the roles of feeding, clothing, maintaining, educating, protecting and sheltering members of the family are solely mens responsibilities. The wife is in charge of other things such as child rearing, house keeping and other domestic duties. There is a popular saying among the Kanuri which clearly demarcates the world of men from that of women, kamudE fatoma sando m e a n i n g w o m e n s p l a c e i s a t home. The male dominance is accepted, even by the majority of our respondents. It is argued, convincingly, that God who created mankind, gave menfolks the responsibilities of looking after the womenfolk. All the male respondents use religious injunctions to justify the male dominance. Some say that, even mentally, God created man to do the reasoning; the woman is only expected to carry out the mans instructions. Because of this way of reasoning, an average Kanuri man is highly respected by the women. Respect, known as bErzum, is highly cherished among the Kanuri. bErzum is one of the means through which the superior/subordinate relationships between men and women are maintained. This point was expressed by Cohen (1967:48), when he wrote: Bornu is an interwoven set of economic, social and political hierarchy and this relationship of bErzom serves as the chief mechanism for the proper functioning of these complex relations between superiors and their subordinates.

These characteristic norms, values and behaviours are inculcated in the mind of the Kanuri child, who grows up to adopt

84

them. He is expected to be completely loyal, obedient and subservient to his father in particular, and respect all older people no matter their sex or degree of relationship to him. Seniority by age is respected among the children of the same parents. Elder brothers and sisters are never called by names and must be obeyed by the younger ones. In fact, at adulthood, elder brothers act like fathers to the younger ones. Related to male dominance is the issue of opposition to small family norms. Traditionally, the responsibility of taking all household and family decisions falls on the husband who is the head of the household. Men do not like the idea of regulating the size of their family and do not discuss them with their spouses. Men only think of regulating the number of children a wife bears when he is so advised by the doctor. But then, he could be forced to taken another wife who will be able to bear more children for him. 8.5 Communication and Population/ Family life Issues

In the past, channels of communication in the Kanuri society included: the town crier (wawurma) who went round to announce important messages to the public; the talking drums (TEmbal) which were used to relay important messages like the day of Sallah. The drum (dowo) was used to announce curfews; Shouting (Buruu) of a particular melody to signal danger or draw peoples attention to dangerous events/happenings e.g. fire, flood, robbery; Special village messenger who disseminated important information on death and installation. Parallel to the special messenger is the AtErno who usually carried death

messages; the blowing of the mangum or horn which was particularly used in mobilizing the youth to come out for hunting and, sometimes to announce circumcision; the passing of messages through the political or traditional institution of leadership, for instance, from the Shehu to his District Heads to their Village Heads and to the Ward Heads who will finally disseminate the information to the public. Today, the sources of information, according to the respondents, include the radio, television, traditional leaders and information from travellers. Parents, particularly the women, always rely on the information brought home by their children. Respondents, however, preferred the radio. The persistence of the cultural values about children tends to suggest that the population messages that have been disseminated among the Kanuri have been grossly misunderstood. The misunderstanding arises probably from information underload. The situation is so bad that even the Expanded Programme on Immunisation is sometimes interpreted as an indirect means of enforcing family planning or population control. Other family planning methods such as the pills are construed to mean permanent termination of pregnancy (kurgu suro fitabe) or that the use of such leads to death. Such skepticism has often forced the modern health workers to stay action on the dissemination of information on population and family life issues.

85

8.6

lntra-Family Communication and Population/Family Life Issues Husband-Wife Communication and Parent-Child Communication

8.7

The Role of the Influential; in Population and Family Life Issues

(a)

Generally, the Kanuri husband is seldom liberal in dealing with other family members., They believe that women may take advantage and stand on the husbands head -kEla kwaben bam datE. Consequently, women hardly take part in discussing issues that affect the family, In the event of serious differences, the wife has to go to a mediator to present her case. However, male dictatorship is accepted because the Kanuri believe that men are more sensible than women by nature. In fact, a man who frequently accepts womens advice is called kamumi (meaning womanish with inferiority complex). However, elderly female relations are consulted freely and their advice are taken especially when the issue involves wives or getting married. Although communication between spouses and between parents and their children on population and family life issues is very minimal, it does not imply that other issues affecting the family relations are not discussed. Rather, issues dealing with the reduction/control of the population through family planning and sex education are the ones not discussed. Reasons for the non-discussion of population and family life issues can be attributed to some socio-cultural and religious factors which have been identified earlier. For instance, no mother talks with her son about sex education and neither does the father with his daughter.

Family decisions and behaviours of individuals within the family are usually influenced by individuals or groups outside of the immediate family structure. These people constitute the significant others in the life of every Kanuri. Approval or disapproval of ones behaviour by these people has great consequences not only on the individuals but also on his family and descendants at large. The significant others include the following: Friends: Intimate friends influence each other. The relationship sometimes supercedes blood ties. In fact there is a popular saying among the Kanuri that aman yaana mangarjinma, (trusted friends are envy of brotherhood). These friends - amanma/sawa are used on many occasions to influence other people. They intervene and settle disputes between husband and wife/wives as well as between parents and children. Children often use these friends to reach their parents on serious issues and vice versa. Parallel to the friends are the nonguma (people whom one will feel ashamed to offend). The nonguma include in-laws, business boss (master/patron), deceased parents friends and a host of others. The Kanuri may yield to or decline anything to appease such nonguma. Peer group: The lifestyle of a Kanuri is greatly influenced by peer groups otherwise known as kElama. The peering may be chronological, so-

86

cial or economic. Thus, one may do well to avoid any act that may result in castigation by the kElama. This may not necessarily mean to appease the group, but to show-off. The Neighbours: The Kanuri regard people in the neighborhood in high esteem. They are the first to be consulted in times of need and generally believed to be the prime witnesses for or against one, not only in this world but hereafter as well. Thus, the neighbours approval of ones way of life is very essential and valued in the Kanuri society. The Mallams: The Kanuri society has a lot of respect for learned people in the Quran and in Islamic teaching. The Mallams guide them in their religious and daily affairs, settle disputes, pray for ones success and so on. Disobedience of their teachings amounts to sin against God. The degree of influence of a Mallam on all and sundry depends on his level of knowledge and spiritual illumination. For example, there is no Kanuri gathering without Mallams in attendance. The Wealthy/Community Leaders: Wealthy people who are generous and caring are highly respected among the Kanuri. Communal problems, particularly financial, are referred to them for assistance. Their presence in any occasion is applauded and speeches well received. The more philanthropic the person is, the more the amount of respect that is accorded him in the

society. Civil servants and the educated (the Elite): The Kanuri refer to the elite as the Mallam nasara. They are perceived as the primary source of all modern innovations in the society. Though they are not generally respected nor trusted. they are generally envied. Women in particular emulate the elite. People in authority: As a result of the long history of organized political system, the Kanuri respect and obey people in authority. The hierarchy of authority runs down from the Shehu who is most respected, to the district heads to their village heads and the ward heads in that order. Information that is passed through this channel is accepted. The modern political authorities consisting of the local, state and federal authorities have less influence on the people. This is because officers of these political offices are, in most cases, not indigenes, and, therefore, are not trusted. The Politician: Recently, the Kanuri society is influenced by politicians in many ways through the creation of political relationships. The effect of the extended family on the family life issues among the Kanuri is strong. This is because the immediate and extended family members usually participate in all activities related to a persons life: marriage, naming ceremony, circumcision, death, education, and occupation. They also participate in taking major deci-

87

sions and settling disputes in the family. 8.8 Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of Family Planning

The methods of family planning Although at least 30%. of the respondents in the urban areas have heard something about family planning, none of them could explain the techniques. Those who have used any of the methods reported having been chastised by their husbands (or parent) in the past. Because of the experience of these people, the level of use of contraception among the Kanuri remains low. In all the sampled areas, a lot of people believe that family planning is only for free women and in many cases, it is directly related to the abortion of unwanted pregnancy. There are indications, however, that some people are getting to accept that responsible women use family planning. A few respondents reported to have used contraception in spite of the fact that some married women who use the methods secretly were chastised by both parents and husband when found out. Table 8.1. Use of Family Planning Methods in the three LGAs between 1994 and 1995.

Never in traditional Kanuri folklore, folktale nor in their existence as a society has human population issues emerged as a topic of discussion. Family planning issues, no matter how much they are articulated, are therefore regarded with skepticism. It is possible that in the long run, these issues may gain some acceptance in the urban areas. The following are some of the reasons given by the respondents for the misconceptions about family planning: (i) The meaning of family planning: The most important source of misconception is the interpretation of family planning. It is understood to be a government decision to reduce"- kEnzambi fulutE, aw dapsai (reducing the number of children and putting an end to childbirth by women in general). (ii) It signifies disbelief in Gods provision. Natural resources are still available in sufficient quantity to take care of Gods children, hence the family planning programme is unwarranted. A discussion group in Buni-Yadi cynically pointed out that some people have neither wife nor children but experience poverty all their lives. Adult men in the same group asked why China with its largest population in the world, is able to feed its citizens, while Nigeria cannot. The excessive birth (kEnzambi ngEwu) is seen as natures design to increase the last batch of the citizens of the world in preparation for the great return. This belief is deeply rooted in Islamic religion.

LOCATlON MONGUNO LGA

PILLS CONDOMS 83.3% 18.02%

INJECTABLES 1.3%

TOTAL 300

GUJBA LGA

48.5%

0.0% 11.5%

1.5%

67

DIKWA LGA

85.6%

2.8%

139

Source: Anthropological fieldwork 1995/96.

The above table shows that among women using contraception, the most commonly used method is the pill. The table shows that the use of male contraceptives condom), is much lower than the

88

use of the pills, a female contraceptive. This finding suggests that more women than men patronize the FP facilities. The least used method is the injectable and its low use can be attributed to its non-availability and cost. Monguno LGA recorded the highest number of clients because, according to the Head of Primary Health Care Department of the LGA, it has an army barrack. Majority of the clients are soldiers wives. The secondary data show that, in spite of the fact that girls marry when they are 13 or 14 years of age, none of the users of the FP methods was below 18 years. This finding suggests that women prefer to have some children (at least two) before they start to use family planning. This pattern of contraceptive use can be attributed to the high value placed on child bearing immediately after marriage. Failure to have children shortly after marriage can force in-laws and relations of the couple to make embarassing comments about her. For instance they could ask such questions as what is the problem, and IS the girl not fertile or what?. They may collude to look for another wife for her husband if she is not willing to give birth. Sources of information on Family Planning The sources of information on family planning include the radio, television, posters and interpersonal communication. The sources are deficient because: a) The Kanuri belief that most posters and radio jingles have no cultural bearing; the characters on the posters are not in the traditional Kanuri attire.

b)

Radio jingles are seldom listened to because the people are usually at their places of work during the transmission of the population and family life messages. Translations of the messages from the English language into Kanuri are often deficient. The use of popular television stars make the programmes look like comedy shows.

c)

d)

Accessibility to family planning facilities The Kanuri dread shameful acts Awo-nonguwa- and anything that is not approved by relations and neighbours is regarded shameful. Because family planning does not have wide acceptance, people devise means of seeking family planning advice secretly. Even the elite among the Kanuri hardly walk straight to the FP centers/clinics to collect condoms or pills for the fear of being seen by people. Another problem of accessibility to family planning facilities is the sale of commodities that are expected to be distributed free of charge (or at heavily subsidized rates) at exhorbitant prices. 8.9 Knowledge of and Attitude Toward the National Population Policy

The means of disseminating information on the national Population policy were found to be ineffective because of the problem of underload, wrong targeting and inappropriate use of communica-

89

tion devices. With the exception of the groups of young unmarried males and females between the ages of 15 and 29 years, all the other focus group participants said that they were neither aware of government programme to regulate or reduce family size nor of any jingles on the National, Population Policy. The messages transmitted by the media are directed at the urban elite rather than the rural residents who often do not own or have access to the television or the radio. The National Population Logo On the Population and Family Life messages, some respondents said that they had seen posters with population messages but did know what the messages are meant to convey. In fact, some of them claimed not to have seen the logo prior to the time the research team got to the study sites. For instance, none of the traditional birth attendants (SartEmaso) who constituted about 25% of the key informants had seen the Population and Family Life Logo. An overwhelming majority of the respondents claimed to have received information on Population and Family Life Issues through interpersonal communication.

While kneeling down, a bride represents to the groom, one of his gifts to her.

90

Chapter Nine
THE YORUBA

9.1

Marriage Practices

he meaning attached to marriage appears to vary (on the surface) from one focus group to another and from one community to the other. In essence, however, individuals or groups express similar ideas which have the following common features: Marriage is an institution under which an adult man and a woman (or women) are legally and customarily united Marriage is a permanent union Marriage is a union formed by the woman leaving her parents to join the husband The union is for the purpose of having children Marriage is a union that gives the husband authority over the wife (or wives) Marriage involves cooperation be-

tween the husband and the wife or wives. Traditionally, much emphasis was put on procreation, but if a woman was barren or a man was impotent, this did not necessarily lead to the dissolution of the union. Sexual gratification, except in a state of wedlock, was against the norms and customs of the Yoruba. When this was done, it was in defiance of the customs, usually by the sons of the powerful, at the risk not only of their persons, but also of their parents to whom they owed their privileged position. It has also been noted that, theoretically, a man was at liberty to violate the person of the girl to whom he was engaged before the final act of the protracted marriage formality. All he was required to do after that was to complete the payment of the bride price. Violating the person of the girl, however, runs contrary to the expectations of the husband and the society on the wedding night. Thus, it could not have been done on a large scale.

91

Types of Marriage Among the Yoruba, there are two types of marriage on the basis of the number of wives in the union: monogamy (if there is only one wife) and, polygyny (if there are two or more wives). Polygyny was said to be more prevalent since, according to the respondents, most of the monogamists end up polygynists once their social status improve. Polygyny was the traditionally preferred form of marriage and is still socially approved. No person remained unmarried by choice after, say, the age of thirty years in case of men and twenty five years in the case of women. It is against the norms and values of the Yoruba for a man or woman to remain single on reaching the age of marriage (Fadipe, 1970). Fadipe observes that men got married even when they were sexually impotent in order to save either their own faces or those of their immediate relatives as well as to get someone to look after their domestic establishment. Four forms of marriage were identified on the basis of the processess or activities leading to the consummation of the union. They are: traditional, church or christian, Islamic, and court marriage. Almost all the groups and individuals identified the different forms. The focus group participants and the informants noted that it is a common practice in the Yoruba society of today to have a combination of two or three forms in a single wedding. For instance, traditional marriage (marked by the introduction and engagement ceremonies), court marriage (marked by the signing of the court register and the award of a certificate) and church marriage, (marked by the award of a church certifi-

cate) may be combined in a, single wedding. In the past, before the advent of Islam and Christianity, it was mainly the traditional marriage that involved a series of processes. Marriage among the Yoruba is more than a contract between two individuals and is seen equally as a contract between two families. The interests of the couple, as individuals, become subordinate to those of the families. Traditionally, it is the responsibility of the family to make sure that sons and daughters are married to the best and most suitable spouses. The traditional Yoruba marriage is characterized by many processes and each process is marked by an elaborate ceremony. Traditionally, divination (oracle consultation) to ensure that the right choice was made was a common feature. Ifa oracle was often consulted and because of the peoples preoccupation with procreation, appeasement was often made to the gods for fertility. This practice has not changed much. In the traditional setting, each party to the marriage (the two families) enquired about the background of the other party. When information was not forth coming, and the Alarina (the middle man) could not help much, the oracle would be consulted again. As a rule, both the wife-tobe and the husband-to-be avoided each other until they were properly married. Most of the activities were carried out by the two families or through the Alarina. The bride was expected to be a virgin. If she was not, it would be a disgrace to her and her family and it could lead to her being rejected. In some cases, sacrifices were made as reparation or as atonement. Most of the practices are now being ignored. Things have changed consider-

92

ably from the ideals and norms. The active involvement of the two families and the use of Alarina is fading out. Uncontrolled sexual activities among the youths as said to be the bane of Yoruba communities, both urban and rural. It is no more shameful for a girl to be pregnant before marriage. Once pregnant, she just moves in with the person who accepts responsibility for the pregnancy and who is willing to have her as a wife. These anomalies are blamed on education, modernization or western civilization. An informant, an elderly man recalled: In our own time, we lived together, played together, boys and girls, not just sisters, brothers or relatives. It included others who lived with us. At 20, we were virtually naked (by todays standard). We put on scanty things and we did not feel uncomfortable. When it was time for us to get married, that is about 30 years of age for boys and 24 years for girls, we would then be instructed about sexual intercourse........ What to d o . . . . . . . Things are quite different today, the condition is so bad beyond description. A girl of 11 can be pregnant. The boy, the same..... they start doing it (sexual intercourse) as soon as they can penetrate.... This may be an exaggeration. Nonetheless, it portrays the feelings of the informants. The adults and elders blame the moral decadence on modernization and indiscipline. The youths, on their part, blame the moral decadence on neglect by the parents and the inability of the government to take care of its citizens which eventually resulted into joblessness and

poverty. The youth have been pushed to the street because they could not get something productive to engage them. A common feature of the responses from the youths and the adults is the realization that something is seriously wrong with the family and unless the issue is addressed, this will continue to have adverse effects on the larger society. Age at Marriage and First Birth The age at first marriage in the past was put at between 25 and 30 years. Men were usually a few years older than the women but generally within the same age group. In Ilorin, age at first marriage was put at between 12 and 16 years in the past, usually at the second menstruation of the girls. There is not much difference between the past and the present in Ilorin, but in the other Yoruba communities, age at first marriage has significantly increased over the years. In Ilorin, a predominantly muslim community, it is not uncommon to find today a girl of 12 or 13 years who is pregnant and is about to move in with the man who becomes the husband. This form of marriage does not conform with the ideal. Age at first birth usually coincides with the age at first marriage among the Yoruba. Ordinarily, a woman could still give birth at the age of 50 years or beyond while a man could, even after the age of 70 years. An informant observes that: Today, mens and womens reproductive capabilities reduce before they reach age 40. Many of them can no longer reproduce because they started too early (prematurely) and have wasted the essential substance.

93

The informants believe that young men and women prematurely rush into, sexual intercourse and within a short time, they are dried up, they become Jelly and unable to perform. 9.2 Family Size Desires

ford many children ...... not for a rich business man, definitely, not for a wealthy cocoa farmer. Practices Associated with Child-birth The birth of a child is usually heralded with great joy. Some practices and rituals are associated with the naming ceremony. The oracle is consulted before naming especially if the baby does not bring a name from heaven. It is believed that some babies bring along with them their names at birth such as Taiwo, Kehinde, Idowu, ldogbe, Ige-Adubi, Aina, Oke, lyabo, Yetunde, Babatunde. Prohibition of some food items before naming is a common practice. Such food items may vary from community to community and may include salt, pepper, okro and Palm oil. The oracle is also consulted to determine the future of the baby particularly his occupation and his chances (or fortunes) in life. Where necessary, sacrifices are made to ward off undesirable events. The new baby would not be taken out until the eighth day; that is, after the, naming ceremony. The naming ceremony involves all members of the extended families and friends. The ritual is performed by a priest. The mother and the baby are to be taken care of by elderly women until she is strong enough to take care of herself and the baby. Many of the activities now take place at the maternity centre but those who are traditionally inclined still enjoy these practices at home.

There were two related questions in. connection with family size. First there was the question of what the people in the community consider to be an ideal family size and secondly, the respondents were asked to state the number of children they intend to have. The responses show clearly a preference for large family sizes among the Yoruba. Overwhelming majority of the participants in the Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) indicated that a large family size (10 children or more or as many as God gives) is ideal. Another considerable number of the participants indicated 6 chil-. dren and only a few participants, most of whom are teenage school girls and boys from Ikorodu, Oyo and Idanre, indicated 4 children or less as the ideal family size. To the question of the number of children they intend to have, an overwhelming majority of the key informants intend to have large family sizes of at least 5 children. Only a few respondents indicated that they will have (4 or less) children. It is useful to note again that the informants who intend to have small family sizes are mostly school girls and boys from lkorodu and Oyo communities. An informant summarizes their attitudes toward family size thus: . . . . . small family size is for civil servants and university professors who are generally poor and cannot af-

94

9.3.

Communication and Population/ Family life Issues

The main sources of information are the radio, television, clinic, hospital/health Centres, newspapers, interpersonal communication and town criers. The radio was mentioned by all the groups and individuals as the most utilized and most effective source of information on Population and Family Life issues. An informant in an urban centre remarked that: Everybody has it (radio) and you can operate it (transistor radio) even when there is no NEPA (electricity) and at your own convenient time. TV is also good (effective) because we can watch from the screen... But you know TV is useless without NEPA and we sometimes dont have electricity for days and weeks. Some of the respondents reported that they could not afford to buy the batteries regularly to operate their radio sets. This fact was strongly made in Soku, a rural community in Oyo Local Government Area of Oyo State. It was expected that the newspapers would be a more prominent source of information on Population and family life issues since newspapers are generally available in the Yoruba language both in the urban and rural communities. However, the study reveals that an overwhelming majority of those who mentioned newspapers as a source of information were urban dwellers. All the participants in the Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), and the key informants reported some form of interpersonal communication where issues of mutual interest and current affairs are dis-

cussed. In addition, such interpersonal communication also enables them to share new ideas (or information). Interpersonal communication often involves groups that comprise peers of similar sex (sometimes of both sexes), Community Development Associations (CDA) which consist of adults interested in the development of their communities. Religious Organizations, Social Clubs, Friendship Associations are examples of such groups. Meetings are held regularly and collective decisions often taken. The associations are sometimes pressure groups but more often serve as cohesive and formative machinery for new ideas and practices in the communities. Interpersonal communication was reported to be a major source of information dissemination in the study communities. It might be worthwhile, therefore, to find out more about how it could be used more effectively to disseminate information on population and family life issues. This approach should not be substituted for all the other channels as it may not be suitable in all the communities. It should be viewed as a viable supplement to other channels, particularly in the rural communities where the use of the mass media, for one reason or the other has not been effective. Types of Messages The respondents were not very articulate about the nature of the messages on population and family life issues, Some of them were also not sure of what the messages were intended to convey to them. However, most of them were able to recall that the messages had to do with Family Planning since we were advised not to have large families. The majority of the

95

respondents indicated that, the messages were directed towards population issues or Family Planning. The messages were also perceived to be related to general health care, current affairs, drama, music and information on prices of farm products by some respondents. 9.4 Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of Family Planning Traditional Methods Knowledge of the traditional family planning methods is wide- spread in the study areas. The majority of the participants in the FGDs reported to have some knowledge about family planning. Knowledge of contraception was observed to vary across the communities. Knowledge is much higher in lkorodu and Oyo communities than in ldanre and Ilorin, where some respondents insisted that there was nothing like traditional Family Planning (FP) and that the so-called, traditional Family Planning (FP) is actually a modern (new) phenomenon. The respondents, who claimed to have heard about traditional methods, gave their source of information as the interpersonnal communication with the traditional doctor, or informal discussion with peers and friends. This is not really surprising in view of the fact that most providers are still secretive about their products and have not made adequate use of modern communication channels. The traditional methods cited are: concoction (agbo, aseje); medicine/talisman ring (oruka); amulet (onde); charms; and, abstinence. Some respondents insisted that abstinence was the real traditional method of child spacing and that the other methods mentioned did not exist in

the past. In six of the focus groups, some respondents reported that they have used the traditional methods to prevent or delay pregnancy. Four of these groups are from Ikorodu, the rest are from Oyo communities. Most of the users indicated that they started using traditional family methods after their last child. They approved of their use and will continue to use them. When asked about the risks/problems associated with their use, the users indicated that there were none. Non-users on the other hand said that the traditional methods are: not hygienic; dangerous and may cause health problems; not readily available; fetish and entails certain prohibitions and taboos; not reliable; not convenient to use and not reversible. The users and the traditional practitioners insisted that those who criticize the traditional methods are merely ignorant. According to them, the methods are reliable, safe and effective. They admitted, however, that there are prohibitions or taboos and that the provision of family planning services is not their priority, They provide the services only as a last resort when all efforts to convince people to adopt abstinence, often recommended by them, fails. A traditional practitioner, who is most respected in his community and who has some people undergoing training under him, remarked: I am very surprised about the way people talk about traditional medicine; even those who use it and know that it is effective still condemn it publicly, It is all rubbish. We awo (priests) dont like, to bother ourselves or encourage Family Planning. Not because we dont

96

know what to do, but it is not right to do it. It is morally wrong to deliberately do anything that will destroy or prevent life. Our concern is to help bring children to the world, to help the barren and the impotent to be able to have their own children. If a couple requested for it, we will counsel both spouses and let them know all the prohibitions and implications. If an unmarried girl requested for our services, we will ask her to go and bring her parents.. If she doesnt, we will not give her anything. Thats why young unmarried women (girls) dont always come to us. Modern Methods Information about modern Family Planning (FP) is wide spread. Almost all the informants have heard about modern methods and the majority of the respondents have some knowledge of the family planning programme. Knowledge is higher in the urban areas. The leading source of information is the radio. Other sources include: health centre, hospital or clinic, Television, public address system, public health campaign, interpersonal contact with peers or friends, drugstores/chemists, the newspapers, and posters. Only a few respondents, most of whom reside in the urban centres and are in the child bearing ages, reported to have used a modern Family Planning (FP) method. The age at first use varies from 20 to 34 years, usually after having two or more children. Methods that have been used include the condom, Oral pills, IUD, Injections, and safe period. Several rea-

sons were given for using the methods and these include: to delay pregnancy; to space child-birth and to stop having children. The decision to use contraception is often made by a spouse, usually the wife or the female partner without the knowledge of the husband. Only a few users indicated that the decision was jointly made by both partners. A female respondent in her middle twenties, expressed why she did not tell her husband that she was on the pill: Already, I have had three children, two boys and a girl. At that rate, I will end up with more than a dozen. My husband is very active (sexually). If I do not allow him to do it (have sexual intercourse) as much as he wants, he will beat me or go out ... there are willing women all over, husband snatchers. I dont want to lose him or share him with others. If I tell him that I am on the pill, he will think that I am a cheap lady and accuse me of planning to go out and have extra marital affairs otherwise everything will fall apart. Whenever he asks me about my condition, I just tell him that the new baby is taking his time, he will arrive at a proper time - after all, we do not have any cause to be worried. It is interesting to note that some of the respondents including those who have never used any of the methods approved the use of contraception. Some respondents warned that it should not be used until after marriage or until after the last child. Those who did not approve based their argument on the assumption that contra-

97

ceptive use often leads to promiscuity (in case of women), immorality, STDs, and family disorganization. A 60 year old male respondent narrated his experience as follows: We were quite a happy and healthy family before the Family Planning (FP) was introduced to us, and since we have had many children, I thought it was a good thing. My wife and I went to the doctor, he talked to us and inserted it (IUD). He assured us that we could make love without any problem, no fear of pregnancy or unwanted children. Trouble came, when my wife started complaining that I was not doing it enough. She reminded me that the doctor had advised that it must be done constantly, on daily basis.... Its like lubrication (according to her), doing it constantly is good for the body and it will make the device work effectively. It is very difficult for me to do it everyday...... I am a farmer, I work hard to keep the family, The next thing I noticed was that my wife started dating other men... then I contacted diseases. Now part of my waist is paralyzed, I am receiving treatment from a private hospital. My wife packed out and left me with all the children. That was six years ago. I married another woman, (much older than her) just to keep my company and take care of the children. I am incapable of having sexual intercourse with her but she doesnt mind, the last time I had sexual intercourse was six years ago.

With my own experience, I will never advise anybody to practice Family Planning. It is common among men to accuse their wives, who practice Family Planning of extra-marital affairs. But what is unique in this particular community is the fact that the informants often indicated that doctors advised that they should have frequent sexual intercourse with their wives, and when they cannot, their wives go out..... This raises an important question about the type and quality of family planning information disseminated by the health providers to the consumers and the implications of such misinformation. Some respondents indicated their willingness to use the methods If the need arises, or when the time comes. Such statements were made with reservations and may not be interpreted as favourable disposition towards family planning. Some respondents, who have used modern methods in the past indicated that they would never use them again. The following are typical responses, first from a 30 year old house wife: We did not have any problem... I was pregnant immediately after our marriage. Everything was O.K. I had a normal delivery and the child was doing fine. We decided on (Family Planning) to give enough space and as young couple, we needed to get some things. I was on the pill... after about three years, we decided to have another child, that was almost eight years ago. My husband is now becoming impatient. I regret ever taking the pill.

98

Another house wife, about the same age had a similar experience: We had two children in quick succession. I was barely 20 years of age then. So we decided on family planning to space our children and to give us time. I was on the pill, we wanted to keep it for some time. Then trouble came, we lost both of our two children, that was six years ago. Weve been trying ever since to have just one child. I detest everything about the pill. If God answers our prayer I'll never touch the pill again. These may be mere cases of coincidence and the problems might have nothing to do with the use of contraception. It does not matter to the respondents what might be the other causes of their problems; their perception of the cause of the misfortune is what matters and this will continue to affect their attitudes and behaviour towards Family Planning until a better and more acceptable explanation is given. Family planning commodities such as the condom and the pills are said to be within the reach of the people and at affordable costs even in the rural areas. A respondent asserted: Condom is available everywhere, Health Centre, drug stores/chemists, market p/aces. It is easy to get the pills as well; just go to the clinic or any health centre. There is no family planning commodity that you cannot get in the hospital. An 18 year-old university male student reported:

Condom is distributed freely in the University (Halls of Residence). The health workers come to the Halls and beg us to have it. It is available to everybody. Several problems, majority of which have not been encountered by users but perceived, were mentioned. The respondents indicated that the modern methods have the following shortcomings: Some methods cause bleeding and irritation Some methods are not reliable Contraceptive use may cause barrenness Contraceptive use leads to promiscuity Contraceptive use causes irregular menstruation and other complications Condom can tear off The pills cause stomach problems and destroy the womb Contraceptive use may lead to death Chemists sell expired pills Almost all health problems were linked to the use of contraception. Some of these complaints may be genuine and need the attention of the providers of the services. An urban respondent narrated her experience thus:

99

I have given birth to five children and I was still in my early twenties. I did not want any more children. I went to the hospital for the IUD... the first month was okay. I started menstruating the second month. I went to the doctor to complain; she said that the food I took was the cause and that I should stop taking cold drinks. I followed advice but the menstruation continued. I menstruated for nine months, not knowing that I was already pregnant. I was on my bed one day when I started feeling funny movement in my tummy... What could that be, labour pain? I was embarrassed to call anybody, I had to pull out... Wa o! It was a baby.... actually a monster, so tiny, like a lizard and smellish. The highlighted reactions suggest issues that should be addressed by service providers and the IEC managers. While service providers should put more emphasis on quality service, IEC messages should attempt to minimize the misconceptions surrounding the use of family planning methods. 9.5 Knowledge of and Attitude Toward the National Population Policy

should not have more than four children; there is the need to reduce our population; the policy is about reduction in the number of children per family; every family should have four children; we should have 4-5 children; the policy is about the use of contraception; Women cannot decide on the number of children they want, they were told of Family Planning; the policy relates to the use of modern Family Planning. Some of the respondents, (mostly young men and women in the rural areas of llorin and Oyo) were ignorant of the policy. The radio was the most frequently mentioned source of information on the National Population policy. Other sources of information include: the TV, posters and public address system, health centre/clinic, interpersonal contact, and newspapers. Newspapers were mentioned mostly by the urban dwellers. The majority of the respondents indicated that they approve of the policy. Approval was, however, given with reservations. A major argument against the policy is the fact that one is not sure which of the children will live after him or will be a great person. Respondents often remarked that: Omo ko layole, eni omo sin lobimo (you cannot be sure that you have a child, a person who is survived by a child is the one who actually had a child). This sentiment was reflected in the various reactions of the people to the issue of having four children per woman. For instance, another respondent (a traditional ruler with several wives and children) said:

A considerable number of the respondents have heard of the National Population Policy and almost all the participants in the Focus Group Discussions (FGDs)) and the majority of the informants had some knowledge of what the policy is all about. The following are some of the responses to the question on what the policy is: The government says that we

100

My mother gave birth to 11 of us, I am number 1 (the first child) and only 2 of us are currently living, my brother, who was number 9 and myself: All others died before they reached adulthood. My mother is still living. If she gave birth to only 4 children (as recommended by NPP), I will be the only one surviving now. My brother is doing very well. He would never have stepped on this earth if such policy existed and my parents accepted it. When asked whether they would accept the policy if given an assurance that, in the absence of natural calamities, their children would survive, the responses were evasive. They insisted that no human being can be so sure. It is only God who knows who will survive. They continued telling stories of... a man who lost many of his children at a time... a man who has many children, more than 10, but only the last child becomes wealthy and famous and now takes care of all the others. The idea of the National Population Policy (NPP) is not popular or generally accepted yet. It is, however, perceived necessary in the face of the hard economic situation being experienced in the country at present. It should be noted, (at least for policy purposes), that respondents could not link the high infant/child mortality to having too many births or to having children too early in life. This is an important issue that must be properly addressed in future IEC programmes.

As a sign of total humility, a Yoruba groom prostrates before the brides parents.

101

Chapter Ten
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
One major objective of this study is to highlight the fertility-related cultural values, beliefs, norms and practices of the six major Nigerian ethnic groups another is to determine their effect on the fertility and family planning-related behaviour of the people. In anticipation of some ethnic variations in the traditional modes of disseminating information was anticipated so were variations in fertility-related cultural values, beliefs and practices. The study was also undertaken to evaluate the culturespecific adequacy of the current population and family life information, education and communication certain activities (in terms of the content of message and the channels of communication to ascertain its potential to bring about the desired change in the attitude of people towards the small family norms. The major findings of this study on fertility and family planning-related behaviours are summarized below: 10.1 The desire for large family size The desire to have a large family cuts across the six ethnic groups. In all of them, procreation is the raison detre for marriage. All of them abhor barreness and emphasize large numbers of children. Barren or infertile women have little or no honour in their communities. They are objects of ridicule and are sometimes exposed to molestations. It is not uncommon among the Yoruba for the extended family members to make arrangements to raise children for couples with no offspring. This arrangement was usually kept secret within the family. Among the Efik, a barren woman was culturally allowed to marry a wife who would have children for her husband. The inclination towards many children derives from several factors which include: fulfillment of religious injuction; the fear of domination by larger groups (the Efik and Ibiobio); the peoples perception of children as insurance against old age; the perception of children as a source of prestige or the positive correlation between ones social status in the society and the number of children one has; and, the need to have enough children that will provide the needed labour on the farm. The issue of family size has become not only a cultural debate but also a religious and political one. Married women are perpetually haunted by the fear of being driven away from their husbands homes, rejected or hated by their husbands extended family members in particular, and the community in general, if they should fail to have many children. The desire for a large numbers of children, brought about by the interplay of cultural factors, is at variance with the goals of family planning programmes. It is thus important that the cultural factors that sustain the desire for large numbers of children be addressed with the population and family life IEC programmes in order to achieve meaningful change in fertility behaviour. The fact that most of the people still express the desire for large fam-

102

ily sizes points to the need to be cautious about our expectations of what would be the achievements of the family planning programmes, on the short run. 10.2 The culture of polygyny The incidence of polygyny is still very high across the six ethnic groups. In spite of the prevailing economic difficulties, polygyny is still socially approved in the various communities. Among the Kanuri, a monogamist is looked upon as a bachelor. The marrying of many wives is an indication of affluence. Among the Yoruba, Fulani, Hausa and Kanuri, men can marry as many wives as they desire (but not more than four among the muslims). Among the Efik, the relay system and the system of concubinage provide a different dimension to the culture of polygyny. Polygyny is perceived by the people to have some merits. First, it provides a larger work force for the family, and, secondly, women do not necessarily have to bear children too frequently since there are other wives to satisfy the sexual desires of the husband when one of them is nursing a baby. It is difficult to determine whether the merits outweigh the demerits of the constant competition and conflicts among co-wives. The co-wives try to outdo one another in child bearing in order to attract more benefits from the marriage. The competition for child bearing in polygynous unions is not only one of the causes of the large family size, it is also a major reason for non-acceptance of family planning. 10.3 Sex Preference Although children are highly valued

irrespective of their sex among the six ethnic groups, the preference for the male child is also indisputable. In the traditional lgbo society, for instance, the arrival of a male child was usually heralded with gun shots and shouts of all men with guns, assemble. On the other hand, the arrival of a female child was usually heralded by mere shouts of all men with money should assemble to welcome a potential bride. A typical woman in each of the six ethnic groups will be forced to continue to bear children until there is a male child regardless of the number of female children she already has. A male child represents the root and, therefore, the anchorage for the continuation of the family lineage. The female child, on the other hand, is less valued because she contributes to the continuation of her father-in-laws lineage. The search for the male child is one of the causes of high fertility level in these societies. Many couples will not use family planning methods until they have male children, irrespective of the number of female children they already have. 10.4 Incidence of Early Marriage and Single-Parent Families In the traditional societies, early marriages were common in almost all the ethnic groups, particularly among the females. It was a common practice to give out girls in marriage at very young ages to avoid, among others, premarital pregnancy. Except for the death of a partner, it was rare to find single-parent families in the society. However, since age at marriage is usually positively associated with fertility, it can be deduced that one of the causes of high fertility in the traditional societies is early age at marriage.

103

The general belief across the different ethnic groups is that there has been an increase in the age at first marriage over time. The increase is probably attributable to increased exposure to western (and Quaranic) education as well as the prevailing harsh economic conditions in Nigeria. In the absence of survey data from this study, it is difficult to determine precisely the amount of increase. However, findings from the different study sites indicate that, except among the Fulani, Hausa and Kanuri, only a few females still marry before they reach the age of 15 years and only a few males still marry before they are 20 years old. Among the Kanuri, Hausa and Fulani, considerable proportions of the girls are still given out in marriage by age 13 or 14 years. For men, the situation is a bit different. Most of the cultures emphasize the need for males to have economic maturity before marriage. The Igbo, for instance, place much emphasis on the attainment of economic success as a requirement for marriage probably because of the huge financial expenses involved in the lgbo marriage. The increase in age at marriage is, unfortunately associated with an increase in the incidence of premarital sexuality and single-parenthood. Among the southern ethnic groups, the incidence of premarital pregnancies and single-parent families has assumed alarming proportions. Many parents today are forced to accept or live with unmarried teenage daughters who are pregnant or have children. Respondents attribute teenage pregnancy and female single-parent families to a breakdown of the moral codes of the societies. The traditional control of girls by their mothers has broken down. This study also reveals that children

born out of wedlock do not have the same rights as those born within marriage. They suffer from status inconsistency and are not well protected by inheritance rights. 10.5 The Issue of Fatalism The people believe that all events are determined by fate or divine providence. God (Allah) is the controller of destinies. For example, it is believed that each woman is destined to have a specific number of children. The eggs housing these children must be completely discharged through live births otherwise she would be acting contrary to divine injunctions. Small family norm is considered an antithesis of nature. Family planning itself is seen as a stumbling block between the reincarnation of ancestors and dead relatives. Religion is easily quoted to support the desire for large family size. Fatalism helps to sustain large family sizes while it discourages the use of family planning methods. It is also important to note that all religions emphasize the proper care and socialization of children by the parents. 10.6 Family Planning Programmes and Culture Any innovation, cannot operate independent of a peoples social system. To achieve the objective of a new programme, its implementation must be done with a full appreciation of the peoples existing cultural norms and sensitivities. The low level acceptance of contraception has been attributed partly to the failure of the family planning promotional strategies to take into cognisance the cultural values and beliefs and the traditional channels of communication of the people.

104

This study reveals that the cultural determinants of the large family size have not been addressed by the various family planning promotional activities. For instance, none of the posters nor radio jingles has addressed the issue of the preference for the male child. The fear of the people that the death of children may render them childless if they have low parity has also not been addressed. Furthermore, the promotional activities have also not allayed the fear of the minority groups that population control is a means to keep their numbers perpetually low compared to that of the big groups. There are a lot of misconceptions about people who use contraception across the ethnic groups. In some cultures, the use of contraception is associated with prostitution. It is no wonder that men fear that their wives would become promiscuous once they start using family planning methods. People are known to form personal attitudes and behaviour on the small family norm and family planning on the basis of the content and intensity of information or misinformation they receive from existing channels of communication. There is the need to evaluate the content of the messages in view of the misconceptions identified in this study. In addition, the dissemination of population and family life information should be done through the channels of communication that are most used in each community. The respondents identify these channels. The mode of delivering the family planning commodities, particularly the condom, was said to ignore the sensitivities of the people and is considered embarrassing, The act of delivering condom to potential users in the bus was said to be indecent. Respondents, in some cases,

could not understand what the providers are promoting. Many of them said that the providers are promoting how to have sex without getting pregnant, and this is repugnant in cultures that place a lot of emphasis on procreation. It should be noted also that family planning methods were not evenly distributed between the urban and rural areas. The urban communities have more access to health and family planning facilities than the rural communities. This unevenness in the distribution was very glaring particularly among the Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri and the Efik/lbibio communities. 10.7 Gender Bias in Family Planning Delivery: Although child-spacing is encouraged and family planning methods are widely known in almost all the societies, there is still the general belief that family planning is for women alone. Because of the husbands attitudes to family planning, many women use family planning methods without informing their husbands. Most of the messages on family planning are unfortunately targeted at the women. The time has come to involve men in family planning issues. The men must be targeted and adequately educated on their roles in family planning. 10.8 The Quality of Information and the Credibility of the Providers The quality of information provided about family planning methods appears to be quite low in most of the communities. Respondents complained that the family planning messages were so unclear that they could not comprehend them. In ad-

105

dition, the user-respondents indicated that they were not adequately educated on the side effects of the methods and how to deal with them. The inability of some providers to provide adequate counselling when some respondents suffered some post-contraceptive disorders was also condemned. The inability to provide the much needed counselling might have discouraged many potential users from adopting contraception; in addition, the providers might have also lost some credibility. It is not clear from this study whether the providers deliberately held back information on side effects in order not to frighten the potential users or they lacked the knowledge about the side effects. The provider organizations and their agencies have been accused of being interested only in the number of people they reach and not in the quality of services they provide. Unless the quality of services improve, it may be difficult to have a high level of contraceptive use in Nigeria. 10.9 Availability of social facilities/ Infrastructures Family planning delivery was not perceived by the people as a part of a comprehensive package to improve their welfare. There were serious concerns about the huge investments on family planning delivery when most of their communities lack potable water, health facilities, good schools, electricity and motorable roads. Family planning programmes would have been more accepted if the communities have attained certain minimum levels of health, education, sanitation and social well-being. In situations where infant mortality is high, it will be difficult to convince people to adopt contraception in

order to achieve reduction in fertility. And with low level of education, it is hard to push through the argument that a reduction in fertility can lead to a reduction in infant mortality. Similarly the over-dependence of aged parents on their children does not augur well for the adoption of contraception. It is possible that the various communities are yet to reach the threshold level of development that enhances the adoption of family planning. 10.10 Emerging Trends in the Socio-Cultural Factors No culture is static. Change is bound to occur. Among the various ethnic groups studied, some changes were obvious and their impact on the culture-bearers could be significant. The notable changes include: the increase in age at first marriage, the increasing demand for contraception, the reduction in the influence of the extended family members on decision making processes, increased awareness of female rights and improvements in the status of women, the increased appreciation of the small family norms and improved spousal communications in some places. This study reveals that the changes are more pronounced among the younger generation of people across the different ethic groups. Increases in levels of education have affected not only adherence to certain traditional values and practices but also the attitude to contraceptive use. It is worth noting, once more, that the present state of the economy appears to be playing an important role in the change of attitudes towards small family norms. Under the present economic conditions, men have to work for more years in order to be economically prepared for

106

marriage. This situation implies an increase in the age at which people are ready to enter into marital unions. With the rising cost of living, the desire for small family sizes is also increasing and expensive traditional practices that are associated with marriage and child birth are being sidetracked. More couples are coming to realize the importance of taking joint decisions on procreation independent of the influence of the extended family members. 10.11 RECOMMENDATIONS The findings of this study are expected to lead to some recommendations on how to make the population and family life information, education and communication (IEC) strategies more effective among the various ethnic groups. Since the study reveals some peculiarities among the ethnic groups in the traditional practices that are related to the family life issues and information dissemination, our recommendations will, therefore, be ethnic-specific. The recommendations for each ethnic group are, therefore, made, where feasible, under the following headings: Target Populations Approaches or message designs to be adopted in POP/FL campaigns. Groups of people to lead the campaigns. Penalties, laws, disincentives, etc. Training. Incentives. Publicity of the NPP Logo.

107

10.11.1 1.

THE EFIK AND IBIBIO

c)

Target Populations a) Youths should be specifically targeted. The success of the population and family life IEC programmes depends on how much the attitudes of the youth can be influenced towards accepting the small family norms and the associated family planning practices. Mothers-in-law should be targeted among the Ibibio. Males should be encouraged to have an interest in family planning. 3.

b) c)

Multi-media information, dissemination approach, should be adopted. The use of town criers (through the village councils), folk songs, drama and the village associations should be given high priority. Investigations should be carried out on how these channels can be effectively used. The informal channels should be supplemented with some or radio, television, newspapers, bill boards, posters, face caps, car stickers, viewing centres and resident POP/FL staff (for house to house campaign) as appropriate.

2.

Approaches or message designs to be adopted in POP/FL campaign a) The former Extended Programme on lmmunization (EPI - UNICEF Task Force) approach should be adopted in the POP/FL campaigns. Autonomy of the Task Force is recommended. Messages should be presented in idioms, proverbs and adages and should address the cultural values, attitudes and beliefs which have been identified to influence the adoption of the small family norms and the associated family planning practices. The fears of being dominated by the big ethnic groups should be addressed by the POP/FL messages.

Groups of people to lead the campaigns a) The campaigns must be led by individuals in the communities who are role models with a few well fed and adequately trained children. Church leaders and leaders of women organizations with small family sizes should be targeted as viable campaign leaders. Individuals working in the family planning clinics must also be role models with small family sizes

b)

b)

c)

4.

Penalties, laws, disincentives There should be legislation against teenage pregnancy that involves much older men who are not engaged to the girl; such men should

108

be penalized. 5. Training a) Traditional Birth Attendants (TBAs) and Local Volunteers should be trained on family planning methods and delivery approaches. TBAs and volunteers recruited for family planning delivery services must not have large families.

109

10.11.2 1.

THE FULANl

Target Populations a) The target population should be individuals between the ages of 17 and 40 years who are more prone to change. c)

used since western form of literacy level is low especially in the rural areas. Messages should take into account the peculiarities of the communities involved. This implies that local examples should be used. Messages on POP/FL should address issues of traditional methods, but emphasize the advantages of the modern methods over the traditional methods. Interpersonal communication should be encouraged through the various village associations. Effort should be made to disseminate POP/FL information on market days by well trained individuals.

2.

Approaches or message designs to be adopted in POP/FL campaign a) Information dissemination on family life related issues should be pursued more vigorously through the traditional means and the mass media to create awareness. Since the people believe that Allah will always provide to take care of all children irrespective of the number one has, the POP/FL messages should put more emphasis on the health implications of giving birth at close intervals rather than on the economic implications of large family sizes. This could be achieved through drama and songs relevant to child spacing. Popular musicians and dramatists with small family sizes should be utilized. The messages should also address the misconceptions about the users of contraceptives. Posters and bill boards should be utilized using simple languages, idioms and proverbs; Ajami Arabic letters should be

d)

e)

3.

Groups of people to lead the campaign a) Since the campaigns will focus on child spacing, Traditional Birth Attendants (TBAs) who are role models should be involved. The TBAs should be good in persuasive communication. Realizing the significant role of the influentials in the Hausa society, influential people (community leaders, leaders of village associations), who are role models should be involved in the dissemination of

b)

b)

110

information. Interpersonal communication has been found important in the process of acquiring knowledge and changing attitudes among the Fulani. c) Youth Advocacy Groups can be organized among age grades, institutions of higher learning and peer groups to counsel other youths, not only on pre-marital sex and family planning but also on drugs, alcohol, sexually transmitted diseases and AIDS.

6.

Incentives a) Other drugs, not only contraceptives, should be made available in the hospitals and at moderate charges.

111

10.11.3

THE HAUSA

1.

Target Populations

c)

The target population should include men and women in the rural and urban areas who are aged between 17 years and 40 years. 2. Approaches or message designs to be adopted in POP/FL campaign a) The POP/FL messages should take peoples values, beliefs and practices into consideration by using local languages for the campaign. Because of the belief that Allah has provision for every child irrespective of their number, the messages should be centred on child-spacing. Child spacing as a concept is more acceptable than family planning. The messages should emphasize, particularly at the initial stage: A revisit, on a large i) scale, of the traditional practice of having a minimum of 24 months interval between births. The education of the ii) target audience on the fears, misconceptions and misinformation regarding the use of modern family planning methods. The d)

education should emphasize the advantages of modern family planning. The traditional means of disinformation seminating should be given high priority. The use of posters in the dissemination of POP/FL information should also be intensified. Posters should be written in simple and clear Hausa and Ajami (Hausas Arabic lettering). The language of the poster should not be a direct translation of the English version. The vernacular translation should take into consideration the sensitivities of the people. The current practice of placing POP/FL posters in the health institutions and other public places should be encouraged. The use of drama to convey POP/FL messages should be given more attention. The drama should have local bearing. In that respect, youth organizations in all the study communities could be encouraged to stage drama that have local content. Population/Family Life messages on radio should be properly translated into local languages.

e) b)

f)

112

3.

Groups of people to lead the campaign a) Since the campaigns will focus on child spacing, Traditional Birth Attendants (TBAs) who are role models should be involved. Realizing the significant role of the influentials in the Hausa society, influential people (community leaders, leaders of village associations) who are role models should be involved in the dissemination of information. Youth organizations in all the communities should be used for the purpose of promoting small family norms.

b)

c)

113

10.11.4 1.

THE IGBO

Target Populations

ning over the traditional methods of child-spacing and preventing pregnancy should be emphasized. e) Community associations and interpersonal communication should be used for the dissemination of POP/FL information. intensity of POP/FL messages through posters and fliers should be increased.

The target population should include men and women, married and unmarried. in the rural and urban areas. Special attention should be given to those aged between 17 years and 40 years. 2. Approaches or message designs to be adopted in POP/FL campaign a) The POP/FL messages should address the fears of young couples concerning the use of modern family planning methods, the problems they encounter with the methods and the misinformation they get. Messages on POP/FL should be correctly translated into local languages/dialects. In the translation, words that are offensive to the people should be avoided. The use of local idioms, proverbs and adages should be encouraged. The POP/FL messages should address the cultural values and beliefs that sustain the large family norm (for instance, male preference). Where possible local drama that illustrate the value of female children should be organized. The advantages of the modern methods of family plan-

f)

3.

Groups of people to lead the campaign a) Community leaders with small family sizes and who are well respected by the people should be involved in POP/FL campaigns. The family planning clinics should be manned by individuals who understand the lgbo culture. The personnel should also be role models who can convince the people of the need to have small family sizes. Leaders of village, peer-group and youth associations who are role models.

b)

b)

c)

c)

4.

Penalties, laws, disincentives, etc a) There should be legislation against teenage pregnancy that involves much older men who are not engaged to the

d)

114

girls. Such men should be penalized. b) There should be advocacy for the law of inheritance that is favourable to women, and the recognition of female successors should be encouraged.

5.

Training Training of individuals involved in the IEC and the family planning delivery programmes should be encouraged.

7.

Publicity of logo a) More publicity should be given to the promotion of the National Population Logo.

115

10.11.5 1.

THE KANURI

e)

Target Populations

Public enlightenment through mobile cinema, viewing centres should be used for promoting POP/FL campaign. Messages should be well thought of to curtail criticism from Mallans who are not involved in the IEC programmes.

The target population should include men and women in the rural and urban areas who are aged between 17 years and 40 years. Special attention should be given to the students and the free women. 2. Approaches or message designs to be adopted in POP/FL campaign a) The POP/FL messages should take peoples values, beliefs and practices into consideration by using local languages for the campaign. Because of the belief that Allah has provision for every child irrespective of their number, the messages should be centred on child-spacing. Child spacing as a concept is more acceptable than family planning. Use of appropriate language, jingles and posters should be encouraged on Pop/FL messages. Words or phrases that could be offensive to the people should be avoided. The content of the POP/FL messages should be meaningful locally. The use of drama and interpersonal communication should be encouraged. Existing methods of child spacing should not be condemned in the POP/FL messages. 4.

f)

3.

Groups of people to lead the campaign a) In clinics and hospitals where FP services are rendered, the unit should be manned by individuals who understand the culture and the language of the people. Community leaders with small family sizes and who are well respected by the people should be involved in POP/FL campaigns.

b)

b)

Training a) The family planning personnel and any other person involved in the campaign should be well trained on the family planning methods and the need for small family size.

c)

5.

Incentives

d)

To encourage acceptance of family planning, serious consideration should be given to the provision of basic social facilities (such as potable water, electricity and motorable roads) especially in rural areas.

116

10.11.6 1.

THE YORUBA e) Certain POP/FL messages should be designed to discourage the practice of polygyny.

Target Populations

The target population should include men and women in the rural and urban areas who are still within the reproductive ages. Special attention should be given to the youth. 2. Approaches or message designs to be adopted in POP/FL campaign a) The POP/FL messages should address the cultural values and beliefs that sustain the large family norm (for instance, male preference and the competition for child bearing in polygynous homes). Where possible, local drama that illustrate the value of female children should be organized. The traditional practice of postpartum abstinence of two or more years should be emphasized through appropriate messages directed particularly at the youths. Appropriate messages aimed at enhancing the status of women should be directed to women. Messages are to emphasize child spacing rather than family size. The health consequences of child spacing must be emphasized.

3.

Groups of people to lead the campaign a) Community leaders with small family sizes and who are well respected by the people should be involved in POP/FL campaigns. The family planning clinics should be manned by individuals who understand the Yoruba culture. The personnel should also be role models who can convince the people of the need to have small family sizes. Leaders of village and youth organizations who are role models.

b)

c)

b)

4.

Training Training of individuals involved in the IEC and the family planning delivery programmes should be encouraged.

c)

5.

Incentives To encourage acceptance of family planning, serious consideration should be given to the provision of basic social facilities (such as potable water, electricity and motorable roads) especially in rural areas.

d)

117

REFERENCES
Abubakar, M. (1991), The contribution of the Kanem Women to the historical development of Kanem-Borno dynasty. A paper presented in a symposium by the Kanem Women Association, Maiduguri. Abubakar, S. (1973), A preliminary examination of the relation between Borno and Fombina before 1901. A paper presented at the seminar on Borno. Department of History, ABU, Zaria. Ajaegbu, H.I. (1995 a), Research Process: In Search of a Viable Research Proposal. A paper presented to the Five-days, Pre-Anthropological Survey Workshop. From 27th August to 2nd September, 1995. Lagos. Ajaegbu, H.I. (1995 b), Baseline Survey of Socio-Cultural Factors Affecting Attitudes and Behaviour on Population/Family Life (POP/FL) Communication Among The lgbo People of Southern-Eastern Nigeria. A Study Proposal, Submitted to PICB/ FMOIC&C, Lagos. Ajaegbu, H.I. (1995 c), The importance of Communication in Population and Family Life Education. Paper for PICB workshop, Lagos. Ajuwon, B. (1995), Cultural and Behavioural Change in Population/Family Planning Life Education. Paper presented at PICB/UNFPA Workshop on Pre-Anthropological Survey at Trade Fair Hotel, Badagry Expressway, Lagos. From 27th August to 2nd September, 1995. Akak, Eyo Okon (1983), Efiks of Old Calabar Vol. IV Earliest Settlers (from 14th century), And their claims over Calabar. Calabar: Akak and Sons. Alkali, M.N. (1978), Borno state under the Safewa: a study of origin, growth and collapse of a dynasty. Ph D. Thesis, ABU, Zaria. Akinfeleye, R. (1991), Health Communication and Development, Spectrum Books, Ibadan.
Akinfeleye, R. (1992), Contemporary Issues in Mass Communication for Development, UniMedia, Publication, 1992. Akinfeleye, R. (1992), Media Nigeria: Dialectic Issues in Nigerian journalism, 1992, Nelson Publication, Lagos. Amos, Ajato (1970), Focus on South Eastern state of Nigeria London: The 1960 Nigerian Organization. Vol 1, No. 1 Amritmahal, G. R. (1969) Communication and motivation for family planning to married couples. Paper read at Seminar on Population Education for younger generation by the Family Planning Association of India, Bombay 7-8 March, Paper No. 7. Arkutu, A. Ananie (1995), H e a l t h y Women, Healthy Mothers: An Information Guide. New York. Family Care International Inc.

118

Aso, C. A. (1980), Map Reading for West Africa Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited. Avong, H (1988), Breast-feeding Among Zongo Kataf Women: Patterns and Fertility Implications (Unpublished M.Sc Thesis, Department of Sociology, Bayero University, Kano - Nigeria). Axel, I.M. (1995), Mens Roles, Sexuality, and Reproductive Health. An International Lecture Series on Population Issues, by The John D. and Catherine T. Macarthur Foundation. Aso Paulo, Brazil. Balfour, M. C. et al (1963), Korea: The Kovang Study Studies in Family Planning, 1 (2), PP 7 - 9. Barnet, (1994), Family Planning and Development Family Health International Vol 15 No. 1 Barth, H. (1858), Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa, including accounts of Tripoli, the Sahara, the remarkable kingdom of Bornu, and the countries around Lake Chad. Ward-Lock, London. Bentley, M.; Telto, G.; & Straus, W.I. (1988), Rapid Assessment Procedures for Nutrition and Primary Health Care. Social Science and Medicine, No. 27 (1) 107116. Berelson, B. (1966), KAP Studies on Fertility in Family Planning and Population Programmes. Chicago, University of Chicago Press. Bovin, M.S. & Schierup, C (1975), Ethnic and pan-ethnic identities in Borno: A

study of ethnic symbols and relationships between Kanuri, Fulani, Hausa, etc. in Nigeria and Niger Republic. Paper for Social Sciences Staff Seminars, 1974-1975 session, C.E.S.E.R., Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, pp. 321-334. Cain, M (1985), Fertility As An Adjustment to Risk In Rossi, A. S. (Ed) Gender and The Life Course (NY: Aldine). Caldwell, C. J. et al, (1975), Population Growth And Socio-economic Change in West Africa (Pop. Council, NY) Caldwell, C. J. and Pat Caldwell, (1985), Cultural Forces Tending to Sustain High Fertility in Tripoli, Africa, PHN Technical Note 85-16. Caldwell, J. C. (1977), The Persistence of High Fertility in Sub-Saharan Africa, Australian National University, Canberra. Caldwell, J. C. (1982), Theory of Fertility Decline (Academic Press, London). Caldwell, J. C. (1994), The Course and Causes of Fertility Decline, Distinguish Lecture series on Population and Dev. (International Union for the Scientific Study of Population) Cantrella, P. and Leridon, H. (1971), Breast-feeding, Mortality in Childhood and Fertility In a Rural Zone In Senegal Population Studies, 25 (3) PP 505-533. Census News (1992), A House Magazine of the National Population Commission. September Vol. No. 1.

119

Charles, J. O. (1991). The Family as a source of Population Information, Education and Communication: The case of the Ibibio of Nigeria a Population Information, Education and Communication. Proceeding No. 8 Ibadan: Population Association of Nigeria. Pp. 16-28. Charles J. O. (1993). lbibio Immigrants in Akpabuyo: A study in culture change. A Ph.D Dissertation (unpublished) submitted to the Graduate School; University of Calabar, Calabar, Nigeria. Charles, J. O. (1995), Baseline Survey of Socio Cultural Factors Affecting Attitude And Behaviour Among the lbibio (Research proposal submitted to PICB/UNFPA Chow, L. P. et al (1966). Taiwan: Experimental Survey Studies in Family Planning. 1 (3): 1-5. Cleland, J. and Rodriquiz, G. (1988), The Effect of Parental Education on Marital Fertility in Developing Countries, Population Studies Vol. 43, No. 3. Clique, R. C. (1994), Population Growth and Structure Population and Development. Cochrane, S. H. (1979), Fertility and Education: What do we really know? (Baltimore and John Hopkins University Press). Cook, R. B. and D. Maine (1987), Spousal veto over family planning services American Journal of Public Health. 77 (3) 339-344.

Cordes, C. (1985), Official Overlook Roles Of Culture, Self Motivation in Family Planning APA Monitor (May) PP 14 16. Daniel P. & Michael Hopskinson (eds) (1979) 2nd Ed. The Geography of Settlement. Essex: Oliver & Boyd. Davies, K. (1971), The World Population Crisis in Merton, R. K. and Nisbet, R. A. (eds) Contemporary Social Problems (3rd Edition, NY: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich) Denham, Clapperton & Oudney (1928), Narratives of travels and discoveries in Northern and Central Africa, in the years of 1882, 1923 and 1824 extending across the great desert to the 10th degree of Northern latitude and from Kouka in Borno to Sokoto, the capital of the Fellatah Empire. vol. 2 London. Dubey, D. C. and H. N. Choldin (1967), Communication and Diffusion of the IUCD: A case of Urban India Demography 4 (4): 601-614. Ebigbola, J. A. (1988), Education and Contraceptive Evolution Among the Yoruba, forthcoming in ODU, Vol. 37. Ebigbola, J. A. and A. K. Omideyi, (1988), Fertility Behaviour in an Urban Center: A Case Study of Married Women in Ilesa, Oyo State, Nigeria, DSS Monograph 3, Department of Demography and Social Statistics, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-lfe, Nigeria.

120

Edwards, S. (1994), Husbands involvement boosts contraceptive use among Ethiopian couples. International Family Planning Perspectives, 20, 1, 39-40. Elder, J.; Geller, E; Hovell, M; and Mayer, J. (1993) Motivating Health Behaviour, Albany, N.Y. Delmar. Ellison, R.E. (1936), Marriage and childbirth among the Kanuri. In Africa, No. 9, pp. 524-525. Emereuwanonu, E. U. (1991), Couple Communication: A prelude to fertility control in Nigeria in Population Information, Education and Communication op. cit. pp. 86-96. Enebe, V. O. (1986), Fertility And Contraceptives: Attitude of Female Undergraduate Students in Bayero University, K a n o (Unpublished B.Sc. Dissertation Dept. of Sociology, Bayero University, Kano (BUK). Fadipe, N.A. (1970), The Sociology of the Yoruba. (Eds) Francis O. Odejiji and Oladejo O. Okediji. Ibadan. lbadan University Press, Ibadan, Nigeria. Federal Office of Statistics (FOS) (1992), The 1990 Nigerian Demographic and Health Survey. Lagos, Nigeria. Federal Ministry of Health and Human Services (1993), National Population IEC Strategy for Nigeria, Lagos. Feyisetan, B. J. (1989), Ethnic Variations in Fertility in Nigeria, (Forthcoming).

Feyisetan, Bamikale, and Anne R. Pebley, (1989), Premarital Sexuality in Urban Nigeria, Studies in Family Planning. Vol. 20, No. 6. Feyisetan, B. J. (1995), Anthropological Survey Methods in POP/FL Education Paper presented at PICB/UNFPA Workshop on Pre-Anthropological Survey at Lagos Trade Fair Hotel. From 27th August to 2nd September, 1995. Freedman, Ronald and Lolongene, C. Combs (1974), Cross-cultural comparisons/data on two factors in fertility behaviour (Preference about sex of children; and practice of contraception council, New York. Gerbner, B. (1976), The Scary World of T: Vs Heavy Viewer. Psychology Today, Vol. 89, April, pp. 41-45. Greenberg, B.S. (1964), Diffusion of News About the Kennedy Assassination. Public Opinion Quarterly, vol. 28, pp. 225232. Greenberg, J.H. (1960), Linguistic evidence for the influence of the Kanuri on the Hausa. J.A.H. vol 1. No. 2. Greenberg J. H. (1965) The Languages of Africa. Indiana: Morton & Co. Ltd. Grundstaff, C. F. (1981), Population And Society: A Sociological Perspective (The Christive Publishing House). Gyepi-Garbrah (1995), Adolescent Fertility in Nigeria Pathfinder Fund, Boston, Mass.

121

Hauser, M. (1960), Population Pressures (N.J.) Rutgers University Press). Hawley, A.H. & Prachuabmoh, V. (1966), Family Growth and Family Planning in Rural District of Thailand In Family Planning and Population Programmes (eds) Berelson, B. Chicago, University of Chicago Press. Heisel, D.F. (1968), Attitudes and Practice of Contraception in Kenya. Demography. vol. 5(2) pp. 632-641. Hill, R. et al (1959), The Family and Population Control. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina. Hollender, E. P. (1976), Principles and Methods of Social Psychology New York. Oxford University Press. Hopen, C. E. (1958), The Pastoral Fulbe of Gwandu. Oxford University Press. London. Hull, T. (1989), Cultural influence in fertility decision styles. In R. O. Bulatoa and R.E. Lee (eds) Determinants of Fertility in Developing Countries. New York, Academic Press, 2, 381-414. Ikime, O. (eds) (1980), Groundwork of Nigerian History. H.E.B. (Nigeria), Ibadan. Inglehart, R. (1990). Cultural Shift in Advanced Industrial Society. Princeton. N.J; Princeton University Press. Isiugo-Abanihe U. C. (1991), Promoting Small Family Norms: Reaching out to Nigerian men. In Population Information, Education and Communication op. cit.

Isiugo-Abanihe, Uche, C. (1994), Reproductive Motivation and Family Size Preferences among Nigeria Men. Studies in Family Planning, 25, 3; 149-161 Iwunor, Charles (1991), A Family Planning Communication Strategy for Nigeria a Population Information, Education and Communication op cit. pp. 274-286. Jager, Wander (1995), Modelling behavior in the context of global environmental change. Paper for HDP syposium, Geneva. Jain, A. K. and Bongaarts, J. (1981), Breast-feeding: Patterns, Correlates and Fertility Effects SFP 12 (30, pp 79 - 84. Symbolic Jamaison, K. (1977), lnteractionism as an Approach to the Study of Human Communication, Quarterly Journal of Speech, Vol. 63, No. 1, pp. Jiddum, G. A. (1965), Our History and Origin, Tarihi da Sallasalammu. Zaria, Gaskiya Press. Joeoef, M. R. et al (1988), Husbands approval of Contraceptive use in Metropolitan Indonesia: Programme Implications Studies in Family Planning, 19(3): 162-168. Kabir, Z. S. (1979), Women Perception of Change in Domestic Relation. A case Study of Nomadic Fulani Women, (Unpublished B. SC. Dissertation submitted to Department of Sociology, Bayero University Kano.

122

Kanagaratnam K. (1968), Experience in Motivation and Promotion of Family Planning in Singapore in Communication in Family Planning: Report of a Workshop Group, Bangkok: United Nation Economic Commission for Asia and the far East (ECAFE) 122-132. Katz, E. and P F. Lazarsfeld (1955), Personal Influence, The part played by people in the flow of Mass Communication. Glencoe III: The Free Press.

Leisbenstern, H. (1957), An Economic Backwardness and Economic Growth, (Wiley Press New York). Lionberger, Herbert F. (1968), Adoption of New Ideas and Practices. Iowa: The Iowa State University Press. Magnani, Robert J; Jane, T. Bakutuvwidi Makani, and Stacy W. McDonald, (1995), Men, marriage and fatherhood in Kinshasa, Zaire. International Family Planning Perspective, 21, 1, 19-25. Makinwa, P. K. (1981), The National Cost of Illegal Abortion: A Case for Family Planning Programs. Adam-Journal of Society, Culture and Environment, Vol. 1, No. 1, 36-50. Makinwa-Adebusoye, P. K. (1985), The Socio-Economic Contribution of Nigerian Women to National Development. Lead Paper Commissioned for the National Seminar on Nigerian Women and National Development, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan. Makinwa - Adebusoye, P. K. and Ebigbola, J. (1988), Socio-Cultural factors affecting fertility and contraceptive use in Federal Republic of Nigeria (1988) Implementing the National Policy on Population.

Kaufman, M. T. (1986). Polish Birth Rate: Its No. 1 In Europe New York Times, 16th October, P. 6 Khalifa, M. A. (1988), Attitudes of Urban Sudaneze men Toward Family Planning Studies in Family Planning 19 (4): 236-43. Labbok, M. H. (1989) Breast Feeding and Family Planning Programmes: A Vital Complementary Breast Feeding: The Passport to Life (UNICEF). Labbok, M. H. et al (1994), The Lactational Amenorrhea Method (LAM): A postpartum Introductory Family Planning Method With Policy And Programme Implications (Kluwer Academic Publishers, Netherlands. Lamptey, P.D.D. et al (1978), An evaluation of male contraceptive acceptance in rural Ghana, Studies in Family, 9(8): 222226. Lavers, J.E. (1973), The decline and fall of the Safewa. A paper presented at the seminar on Borno. Department of History, ABU Zaria.

Mani, U. M. (1995), Analysis Of posing Factors of Family Planning ance In Kano (Unpublished B. SC. Department of Sociology, Bayero sity, Kano)

PredisAcceptProject, Univer-

123

McCombs, M.E. & Shaw, D.L. The Agenda Setting Function of The Mass Media: Public Opinion Quarterly, vol. 36, Kuka/My Journey from Murzuk to Kukawa Pett. Mitt p. 450. Nair, Kannan K. (1972), Politics and Society in South Eastern Nigeria 1841 - 1906. London: Frank Cass Co. Ltd. Nigeria Fertility Survey (1984), The 1981/ 82 Nigeria Fertility Survey. Vol. 1. Preliminary Findings, Lagos, Nigeria. NPP (1988), National Policy on Population for Development, Unity, Progress and Self Reliance. Lagos, Nigeria. NPC (1995), National Population Commission. Lagos, Nigeria. Nwankwo, J. I. (1991), Information accuracy: reducing the fog index in communication. Paper presented at a national workshop/seminar on POP/FL IEC at Bagauda Lake Hotel, Kano, organized by DPA (now DCDPA), 8-22 September. Obermeyer, Carla Makhlouf (1993), Cultural, material health care, and womens status: A comparison of Morocco and Tunisia. Studies in Family Planning 24, 5, 295-309. Oke, Adewale (1995), Traditional Health Services: Investigation of the Providers and Level and Pattern of Utilization among the Yoruba. Ibadan. Sociological Series No. 1. Department of Sociology, University of Ibadan.

Oke, E. Adewale (in Press). Population Education in Education in Nigeria ed. J.T. Okedara, Ibadan. lbadan University Press. Okediji, F.O. (1978), The Limitations of Family Planning programmes in Developing Nations. In Changing African Family Project Monograph Series (part 4) - Marriage, Fertility and Parenthood in West Africa. (eds) by Oppong, Adaba, BekombPriso and Mogey. (1978:617-640). The Australian National University Caneerra. Okediji, F.O. (1978), The Status of the African Woman and Family Planning in Traditional African Society. In Changing African Family Planning Project; Monograph Series (part 4) -Marriage, Fertility and Parenthood in West Africa. (eds) by Oppong, Adaba, Bekonbo and Mogey. (1978:655673). The Australian National University Canerra. Okeefe, G. J. (Jr) (1973), Co-orientational Variables in Family Study American Behavioural Scientist, Vol. 16, No. 4, pp 513-534. Okojie, C., (1960), The Customs and Native Laws of Ishan, Benin City, Ethiope Publishing House. Okore, A. O., (1987), Fertility Determinants Among the lgbo in Eastern Nigeria. The Cultural Roots of African Fertility Regime. Department of Demography, and Social Statistics, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-lfe, Nigeria and Population Studies Center, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, USA.

124

Oku, Ekei Essien (1989), The Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar (1975-1925) Calabar. Glad Tidings Press Ltd. Olusanya, P. O. (1969), N i g e r i a : C u l tural bearer to family planning among the Yoruba. Studies in Family Planning, 37. Omideyi, Adekunbi Kehinde, (1987), Status, Cultural Beliefs and Fertility Behaviour Among Yoruba Women, The Cultural Roots of African Fertility Regime, op. cit. Omideyi, A. K. (1990), Womens Position, Conjugal Relationships and Fertility among the Yoruba Journal of African Population Studies, No. 4 Dakar, Senegal. Oppong, C. and Wery, P. (1994), Womens Role and Demographic Change in Sub-Saharan Africa (International Union for the Scientific Study Population). Opubor, Alfred E. (1985), Mass Communication and Modern Development in Nigeria in Nwuneli, O. E. (ed) Mass Communication in Nigeria: A book of Readings, Enugu: Fourth Dimension. Orubuloye, I. O. (1987), Some SocioCultural Factors Influencing the Determinants of Fertility Selected Case Studies in Nigeria, The Cultural Roots of African Fertility Regime. Otite, O., (1990), Ethnic Pluralism and Ethnicity in Nigeria. Ibadan: Shaneson C.I. Ltd. Panner, L. A. (1978) Social Psychology: A Contemporary Approach, (Oxford University Press, NY).

Park, H. J. (1968), Use and Relative Effectiveness of various Channels of Communication in the Development of Korean Family Planning Programme Report of Workshop Group. Paul, R. (1977), Freedom in Fulani Social Life: An Introspective Ethnography (The University of Chicago Press). Pawlik. Kurt (ed) (1993), HDP Working Croup, Perception and Assessment of Global Environmental Change PAGEC Work Plan. International Union of Psychological Science, Hamburg, Germany. Payne, J. W.; Bettman, J. R. and Johnson, E. J. (1992), Behavior decision research: A constructive processing perceptive. Annual review of psychology, 43, 87-131. Pelto, P.J. and Pelto, G.H. (1987), Anthropological Research: The Structure of Inquiry. London. Cambridge University Press. Poffenberger, T. (1969), Husband-Wife Communication in an Indian Village New Delhi. Central Family Planning 1(2) 9-12. Raimi, M. O. (1991), Population Education: A determinant of Family Planning awareness in an Urban environment: A case study of Iwo. in Population Information, Education and Communication. pp. 74-85. Renne, Elisha P. (1993), Gender ideology and fertility strategies in an Ekiti Yoruba village. Studies in Family Planning, 24, 6, 243-353.

125

Riesman, P. (1977), Freedom in Fulani Social Life. The University of Chicago Press. Ltd Rogers, E. (1983), Diffusion of Innovation (3rd Edition) N.Y. Free Press. Rogers, E. and F. Shoemaker (1971), Communication of Innovations, New York. NY: The Free Press. Rosenstock, I.M. (1966), Why People Use Health Services. Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly. vol. XLIV-3, 94-127. Sadik, N. (1984), Population, the UNFPA Experience New York. United Nations for Population Activities, New York University. Sai, F.T. (1995), Putting People First:- Implementing the International Conference on Population and Development Action Plan in Africa. An International Lectures Series on Population, by The John D. and Catherine T. Macarthur Foundation, Lagos, Nigeria. Saidu, A. G. (1987), The Fulbe in Nigeria, their Various Clans and Locations Salway, Sarah (1994), How attitudes towards family planning and decision between wives and husbands affect contraceptive use in Ghana. International Family Planning Perspectives, 20, 2, 44-47 & 74.

Sampson, E. G. (1976), Social Psychology and Contemporary Society 2nd New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc. Sati, S. A. (1991), Towards an Efficient Population Information in Nigeria in Population Information, Education and Communication. 1-15 Schramm, M. Wilbur (1971), Communication in Family Planning. Reports on Population and Family Planning (a publication of the Population Council, New York) No. 7. 1971. A special No. of the topic, but (see esp. 30-40). Scrimshaw, Susan C. M. (1992), Adaptation of Anthropological Methodologies to Rapid Assessment of Nutrition and Primary Health Care. In, RAP, Rapid Assessment Procedures: Qualitative Methodologies for Planning and Evaluation of Health Related Programmes. eds. Navin S. Scrimshaw and Gary R. Gleason. Boston. International Nutrition Foundation for Developing Countries (INFDC) Scrimshaw, Susan C. M. and Hurtado, Elena (1987), Rapid Assessment Procedures for Nutrition and Primary Health Care: An Anthropological Approaches to Improving Programme Effectiveness. Tokyo. The United Nations University.

126

Seidensticker, W. (1994), The strangers, however, are numerous- Observation on the people of Borno in the 19th century. A seminar paper presented at lnstitut fur Historische Ethnologie, Universitat, Frankfurt, Germany. Shaw, Thurstan (1978), Nigeria: Its Archeology and Early History. London. Sheelagh, S. (1996), Changing Attitude Toward Violence Against Women: The London Musasa Project Learning About Sexuality: A Practical Beginning. (Population Council Inc. NY). Silk, L. (1986), Modern Views On Population New York Times, 9th July, P. 26 S i l v e r m a n , R . E . ( 1 9 7 8 ) , Psychology (Prentice Hall Inc. New Jersey).

Stern, PC. (1993), Human Response to Global Environmental Change. Personal Communication; Also Reported in: Pawlin Kurt (eds) (1993) HDP Working Group, Perception and Assessment of Global Environmental Change (PAGEC), Working Plan. International Union of Psychological Science, Hamburg, Germany Stern, Paul C.; Dietz, T. and Kalof, L. (1995), Values, beliefs and pro-environmental action: attitude formation toward emergent attitude objects. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 25, 1611-1636. Stern, Paul C.; T. Dietz and G. Guagnano (1995 a), The new ecological paradigm in socio-psychological context. Environment and Behaviour, 27, 723-743. Stride, G.T. and lfeka C. (1977), People and Empires of West Africa in History, 100-1800. Lagos. Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd. Swaddesh, Morris (1959), Glotto chronology in Morton H. Fried (ed) Readings in Anthropology 1 New York: Thomas Y. Cromwell Coy. 199218. Swar, Eldahab; Amna, M. (1993), Constraints on effective family planning in urban Sudan. Studies in Family Planning, 24, 6, 366-374. The Holy Bible, Revised Standard Version, 1971, Genesis, Chapter One, Verse 28.

Sohramm, W. (1991), Communication In Family Planning (Population Council, No. 7, New York). S t e n n i n g , O . J . ( 1 9 5 8 ) , T h e Pastoral Fulani of Northern Nigeria in J. L. Gibbs (ed.) Peoples of Africa. New York. Stenning, O. J. (1959), Savannah Nomads. Oxford University Press. London Stern, Paul C. (1992), Psychological Dimension of Global Environment Change. Annual Review of Psychology. Vol. 43 269-302.

127

Tichenor, P.; Donahue, G. & Olien, C. (1970), Mass Media Flow and Differential Growth in Knowledge In Public Opinion Quarterly. vol. 34. 159-170. Tully, S. (1965), Report to the Steering Committee on Upper Cabooture Agricultural Development Croup. Uche, C. (1978), Opinion Leaders in an Information-rich Environment: Some Suggestions for Family Planning Research in Nigeria. In The Changing African Project Monograph Series (part 4) - Marriage, Fertility and Parenthood in West Africa. (eds) By Oppong, Adaba, BekombPriso and Mogey. (1978:674-677). The Australian National University Canerra. Uchendu, V. C. (1965), lgbo of Southern Nigeria. Holt Rhinehart and Winston, Inc., NY. Udjo, E.O. (1987), A Determinant of Fertility and its Cultural Context Among Nigerias Kanuri. In The Cultural Roots of African Fertility Regimes. Proceedings of the Ife Conference, 25th Feb. - 1st March, 1987. Department of Demography and Social Statistics, O.A.U. Ile-lfe, Nigeria and Population Studies Center University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA., USA. Udo, E. A. (1983), Who are the lbibio? Onitsha: Africana Feb. Publishers.

UNESCO, (1975), Communication media, family planning and development. Population Communication: Technical Document, 1, UNESCO, Paris. UNESCO, (1982), Folk media and mass media in population communication media, family planning and development. Population Communication: Technical Document, 1, UNESCO, Paris. United Nationals Organisation (1970), Consequences and Determinants of Population Trends: New Summary of Finding of Demographic, Economic and Social Factors. United Nations, (1981), Population Dynamics: Fertility and Mortality in Africa, Addis Ababa. United Nations Development Program, (1994), Human Development Report, New York. United Nations Development Program, (1996), Human Development Report, New York. United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), (1996), The State of World Population, New York. VerEeke, C. (1986), Pulaaku: Ethnic Identity Among the Adamawa Fulbe Annals of Borno 3 Wackman, D. B. (1973), Interpersonal Communication and Co-orientation American Behavioural Scientist, Vol. 16, No. 4, pp 537 - 549.

128

Westoff, Charles F and German Rodriguez, (1995), The mass media and family planning in Kenya, International Family Planning Perspective, 21, 1, 26-31. Wilson, Ruth; Shale, Mamochald; Parker Kethleen A. (1993), Rapid Assessment Procedures in the Early Planning for Control of Paediatric Acute Respiratory Infections, Lesotho, 1984 In: RAP, Rapid Assessment Procedures: Qualitative Methodologies. for Planning and Evaluation of Health Related Programmes. Wren, C. S. (1984), China Abortion In Birth Control Efforts, New York Times, 4th July, P. 4 Yoder, S. (1988), Quantitative Research in Zaire: Training of a UNICEF team in Lumbumbashi, working paper series. Health communication Research Group, Annenberg Schools of Communication, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania. Yoder, P. Stanley; Oke, E. Adewale; Yanka Bihini (1993), Ethnomedical Research for Development Purposes. Examples from Nigeria and Zaire In: Notes From the Field in Communication for Child Survival ed., Renata E. Seidel Washington D.C. United States Agency for International Development, Bureau for Research and Development, Office of Health. Zanden, J. W. V. (1988), The Social Experience (Random House, Inc).

Five rural communities were selected for the study among the Fulani. See Saidu (1986) for other theories of the origin of the Fulani. For a full description of the traditional methods, see Charles, 1996. For more names, see Charles, op. cit. This belief is reflected in the Hausa saying Tun Ranar Gini Ran Zane).

129