The power of a King lies in his mighty arms Security of the citizens at peace time is very important because

e State is the only saviour of the men and women who get affected only because of the negligence of the State.

Chanakya

editor-in-chief

DSA is as much yours, as it is ours!

he Arms Trade Treaty has been approved by the United Nations and received its predictable response in India. And a host of other arms importing nations, including Pakistan. India abstained from the voting process and hence conveyed a mixed signal as to what it thinks of the treaty. It isn't always that India and Pakistan nd themselves in the same corner of a divide in the United Nations. Not that it portents positive things for the future between the two squabbling neighbours, but just the bizarre nature of international negotiations and agreements. While each country has its own reasons for the position taken on the vote, India's arguments follow a familiar pattern established in the past. The principal position taken by India centres on the issue of sovereignty and the country's right to use the weapons it has bought, where it wants, when it wants and how it wants, as long as they are used within the parameters of law. Indiscriminate and disproportionate use of weapons is not the position enunciated by India, rather a desire to deny anybody the right to tell it what they think India should be doing with the arms bought by New Delhi. Sovereignty is a touchy and sensitive issue in post-colonial societies like India and China. They bristle at the barest possible hint of anyone intruding into what is considered the sovereign domain. The end-use certication system adopted as a principle in the Arms Trade Treaty is something India nds unacceptable. It requires an importing, purchasing, country to provide periodical certicates which will suggest that the weapons are only going to be used within the parameters laid down by domestic concerns and policies of the supplier country. Domestic political lobbies of supplier countries have the power to override the interests of purchasing nations like India by laying down parameters and yardsticks for use. Granted that in the modern day world of inter-related economies and policies there is a blurring of sovereign rights, at least as it has been known to be over the centuries. But the levels of intrusive policies envisioned in the Treaty are unacceptable to India and those like it. And so the decision to abstain is a correct one, albeit lost on the public in the din of domestic politics in India. After all India has never reneged on treaties or agreements. Has never been found guilty of transferring technology to other nations not authorised by agreements and also not violating intellectual property rights of manufacturers. Unlike China, which has mastered the art of reverse engineering and then supplying countries like Pakistan, Indian research and development of whatever quality, sufces for the moment. Despite that for India to be put under the same conditions of end-user certication et al is unacceptable. There is, however, considerable time before the Treaty comes into force since a certain number of countries have to rst ratify it in their domestic domain. Procedures vary from country to country depending on their structure of executive or parliamentary decision-making. This pushes the coming into force of the Arms Trade Treaty further down the road. Not that it matters to India. Either way the Treaty is a reality that it has to deal with and extract an opportunity from it that doesn't seem obvious. It is as clear as daylight that the only way out of this morass is to have a robust domestic defence sector, that can cater for Indian needs as well as compete in the international markets. This sector has been dominated for far too long by state run companies or organisations. It is time they faced competition, in the form of Indian owned companies or joint ventures. There is no better example than the Indo-Russian BrahMos cruise missile joint venture. Work has begun on Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft together. Underlying both the durability of the Indo-Russian friendship as well as the opportunities that it offers in the future. The relationship has been tested over decades and has largely been found to be resilient, even in the non-defence sector like cooperation over Afghanistan. It is in the defence sector that the relationship has to be brought on an even keel which will benet both nations. Both of whom have common interests, be it regionally or in opposition to the Arms Trade Treaty.

Manvendra Singh
August 2013 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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hough the Indian economy is struggling to establish prosperity for its people it is also a fact that in spite of this struggle Indias economy is far more resilient than many countries even in Europe where hardships have forced governments to collapse. The Eurozone, for instance, has been in a state of crisis from 2009 rolling from a banking crisis to sovereign debt squeeze and bailouts of one kind or another. India on the other has, by and large weathered the international crises sparked by high uctuations in oil prices and, as during the Asian economic crisis earlier, it remained an island of relative economic stability. India has been dependant for its fuel and energy on the Middle East and some other countries and has been exploring new sites as far away as Sakhalin in the Russian Federation as well as off the coast of Vietnam and offshore wells in the Bay of Bengal. Given the UN embargo on Iranian oil, India like most other nations, will have to look for other, sustainable sources of energy and wind and solar power are being discussed with some earnestness. An overdependence on foreign oil is proving hazardous for all concerned. Apart from the large percentage of imports of petroleum and its by-products, India is one of the largest importers of weapons and equipment for self-defence. Unfortunately, even though many business houses have created impressive industries after Independence, we have for various reasons beyond our control not been able to create a viable military-industrial complex even though ambitious projects have been set aoat. We still, cyclically every decade or so, indulge in massive infusion of modern weapons. We are currently in the throes of one such splurge. It is quite unfortunate that although we have developed our own impressive industries in many sectors after Independence, but we are not able to create a defence industry that is able to deliver a 100 per cent indigenous weapons platform to the Indian armed forces. For all our requirements for our defence we are very largely dependant on Russia, US, France, UK, Israel and many former republics of the erstwhile Soviet Union who inherited its military-industrial spores. To add to Indias discomture is the recently adopted UN Arms Trade Treaty that contains clauses that undermine Indias sovereignty and the right to self-defence without diktat and dictation. This edition of DSA is dedicated to an analysis of this new geopolitical phenomenon with in-depth studies by eminent experts on arms procurement and its implications for the Indian defence scenario. Another sub-theme is the importance of the Russian connection in Indias security calculus. It is an introspection of the relationship of the two nation states that have stood by each other over the past few decades and our esteemed contributors have highlighted the importance, compulsions and need to continue this relationship. DSA was visualised and conceptualised in 2008 in close association with our Editor-in-chief Mr Manvendra Singh to establish a strong platform in India to discuss and debate the challenges, threats and solutions to the defence and security issues within India and internationally. Team DSA launched its rst edition in October 2009 by highlighting the Naxal menace; an effort which was very well noticed and appreciated by our readers. As we moved on and gave new dimensions to the magazine, DSA has evolved and become one of the most read and respected magazines in its genre with unstinting support and blessings of our long list of distinguished experts who have made stellar contribution in transforming our Passion into a Mission. During our eventful journey so far and the transformation of DSA many people have joined us and stayed on to share our vision and mission. Some have left us of their own accord and for their own reasons. But I value and respect the contribution of each one of them and wish them well. The zeal and effort of the current team is there for all to see. Jai Hind

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August 2013 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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Contents

Arms Trade Treaty: Its Impact On Defence Sector In India

India And Russia A Critical Strategic Relationship
6 A R T I C L E S Arms Trade Treaty: A Wake-up Call For India Maj Gen (Dr) Mrinal Suman AVSM, VSM (Retd) Arms Trade Treaty And India Dr Rajiv Nayan Arms Trade Treaty: Why India Abstained Brig Gurmeet Kanwal (Retd) Indo-Soviet Naval Trade And Transfers Arms Trade Treaty Analysis Cmde Ranjit Bhawnani Rai (Retd) Who Is Afraid Of The Arms Trade Treaty? Cecil Victor Indian Submarine Fleet: Transition To Nuclear Power And Declining Conventional Force Levels Vice Admiral Arun Kumar Singh (Retd) Promoting Russia-India Cooperation In Military And Energy Spheres VI Trubnikov Indo-Russian Aviation Hug: Fifty Years And Counting Air Marshal Anil Chopra PVSM, AVSM, VM, VSM (Retd) Battlespace Behaviour And The Cognitive Domain Dr Rupali Jeswal India-Russia Strategic Relations Lt Gen PC Katoch PVSM, UYSM, AVSM, SC (Retd) Limits Of India-Russia Partnership Dr Harsh V Pant India and Russia: The Partnership Redux Prof PL Dash Russia: A Difficult Global Player Dominika Cosic Galvanising India-Russia Relationship Dr Rajendra Prasad

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Air Commodore (Retd) Jasjit Singh AVSM, VrC, VM A tribute

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August 2013 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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